Digest # 4 (1994)

THE BAN OF ALBANIA

by ASTRIT SALIHU/Prishtina

The visa, in its juridical definition as " a written clause which determines the right of the
owner of the passport to cross the border in the time foreseen by the visa..." might sound OK.
According to this civil right, Albanians would be allowed to get one of these clauses and visit
the Albanian state. Thus, at least, the "right to free movement..." would be fulfilled. This free
movement, from and towards Albania is of organic importance for the nation, not to speak of
familiar liaisons and others.

Going to Albania -continues being a dream for the majority of the Kosovans. Those who have
been there in times of, still, undefined border relationships with Macedonia are now being
taken away their passports and are determinedly fined. Prison is not excluded. They are not
allowed to travel. Whatever it may be, in both cases the result is the same. All are punished!
"Citizens of the SFRY can travel with the travel document (...) without a Yugoslav visa even
to states with which Yugoslavia has not signed an agreement on the suppression of visas, if
Yugoslavia has diplomatic or consular relations with those countries". According to this,
since Yugoslavia has always had diplomatic relations with the Republic of Albania, then,
there should not be any problems for the Kosova Albanians to travel to Albania, same as they
have travelled to other countries of the world. Nevertheless, the continuation of the above
mentioned decree on the "...travel of citizens of the SFRY to the countries with which the
SFRY has not signed an agreement on suppression of visas" ("Official Gazette of SFRY nr.
62/79 and 68/81), what has been said above, is complemented with the fact that this specific
right to travel "is not applicable in the case of citizens of the SFRY travelling to PSR of
Albania". With this decree of the Government of the Former Yugoslavia, which is still valid,
even after the approval of new laws, travelling to Albania is still prohibited. This speaks of
the legalized discriminatory precedent, against all those who wish to travel to Albania.
Searching for more details regarding this specific travelling valid only for the Kosova
Albanians, we approached the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia and the Ministry of
Internal Affairs of Serbia. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was approached with the purpose
to find out about if this were an eventual reciprocal measure or maybe find out another
reason, but in their reply, the MFA oriented us towards the "competent organ" for this issue,
that is the Federal Ministry of Internal Affairs. In regard to this, it is good to remind the
opinion of the interpellation of Sokolovic, requested by a MP from Presheva in one of the
sessions of the Serbian Parliament. The MP claimed that the passports were taken away from
Albanians, because they were lacking exit visas. The reply was laconic: "It is not true that an
exit visa from Yugoslavia is requested". On the other hand, the "competent organ" didn't
send a reply at all.

According to the data gathered by the Council for the Defence of Human Rights and
Freedoms (CDHRF), in the past three months, 47 people were deprived of their passports, but

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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it is supposed that hundreds of such have been confiscated, but yet not evidenced. The
phenomenon of the confiscation of passports has not spared even public names such as: Ejup
Statovci, Rector of the University of Prishtina - he was sentenced to 15 days of prison and the
passport was confiscated for two years; Rexhep Qosja, Academician - his passport was
confiscated for three years and he was fined with 3.000 NYD; Muslim Mulliqi, Academician-
his passport was confiscated for three months and was fined with 170 NYD, etc.

Bajram Kelmendi, attorney at law, explains: "The Misdemeanors Courts, based on the request
of the organs of internal affairs, initiate the misdemeanors proceedings pursuant to Art. 47 of
the Law on Travel Documents of the Yugoslav citizens which states: "...the citizen who
travels without a visa will be fined up to 3000 NYD, or 30 days of prison". This provision
foresees prison as an alternative punishment. The second paragraph of this article says that
the citizen who has travelled without a visa, in this concrete case to Albania, can be also
punished with the confiscation of the passport up to three years, apart from the above
mentioned fine and prison term." Based on the quoted law, the confiscation of the passport is
a measure of facultative and non obligative nature. This means that the Misdemeanors courts
are not "obliged" to confiscate the passport by all means. It is supposed that this measures are
undertaken only in special cases. In reality, the passports are always confiscated at the border
and without the due proceedings.

Why are the Albanians deprived of their passports?

Even in the context of the passports and their confiscation, it is impossible not to see that
there is a clear political tendency. The content of this tendency is the interruption of the
Albanian organization: to make the economic, familiar, studious, scientific, cultural and, of
course, political communication impossible. This results with the fact that Albanians can't go
to Albania and vice-versa. Thus Serbia proves once again its statehood and absolute
sovereignty even through tyrannizing and discriminating Albanians on this side of the border.
The attempt to provincialize and break the Albanian space into pieces, which causes the
weakening of the political factor of the territorial and ethnic compactness of Albanians, also
results form this. Forcing people to go through different administrative mistreatment waiting
for the visa or, eventually, suffering the forcible confiscation of the passport, create the
impression of "loyalty" which satisfies the Serbian governmental self-pride.

HISTORY

THE YUGOSLAV-TURKISH CONVENTION OF 1938 IN FUNCTION OF THE ETHNIC

CLEANSING OF THE ALBANIAN LANDS

by EMINE ARIFI-BAKALLI

The emigration of Albanians, i.e. the ethnic cleansing of their territories, was not taken off
Belgrade's agenda since the past century, when the first projects concerning this issue were
outlined, and then put into life. Nevertheless, the persecutions, seclusions, arrests, murders,
and emigration to Turkey, Albania and other places, as well as the persistent and organized
colonization, have not given the expected results. Just before WWII, the Serbian analysts of
different profiles, based on the secret statistics, concluded that Albanians were dominating
their own lands. Albanians even composed 70-75% of the population, with a tendency of
growth. The possibility of having a strong irredentist movement and the actualization of the

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issue of minorities before the international associations, where a serious treatment could have
been expected between 1929 and 1932, made Belgrade even more determined to find a
definitive solution to this "issue", which according to it, could be reached through an
agreement with Turkey which would enable a massive and systematic emigration of
Albanians.

The arrival to power of people of great political ambitions in 1935, had as a result the
intensification of actions in this respect. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia
created a special Inter-Ministerial Commission which would exclusively deal with this issue.
In the meantime, outstanding individuals of the Serbian society and the non-governmental
associations were given the task to actively deal with the most important Serbian national
issue, and that was the "Albanian issue". This was precisely the time when Vaso Cubrilovic's
elaborate "The Expulsion of Arnauts" was made. This was only an articulation of all of what
had been thought, had been spoken and written in Serbia since a long time ago, and as such
had become the spiritus rector of the Yugoslav internal and foreign policy.

The "new" steps of the Yugoslav foreign policy went along with the initiation of the ruin of
the Versailles system and the fading of the collective agreements made upon it, including the
Saint Germaine agreement. In one word, these steps were made easy by the new political
conjuncture in Europe. Thus, the German assault: the new militarization of the Rhein, the
declaration of regular recruitment, the accelerated arming and the totally indiscrete attempts
for the Anschluss of Austria, were secure signs of the possibility of Germany to get through
to the Adriatic Sea, in which case Yugoslavia and Italy would become its natural allies.
Belgrade, openhearted, awaited for signals coming from Rome. Even more, taking into
account that Yugoslavia's new rulers belonged to a new extremist political wing, which was
ready to accept to split Albania and share it with Italy, because according to them, Albania, as
the "center of irredentism", was one of the main reasons which influenced the failure of the
Slavization of Kosova and the other Albanian lands. According to the done calculations, the
ruin of the Albanian state, in close cooperation with Italy, would darken the perspective of the
Albanian people in Yugoslavia and in this way, the process of assimilation and emigration
would be accelerated.

The new friendship, at least, should assure the silence of Rome and its press, which was very
noisily speaking of the position of the Albanian people in Yugoslavia and the bargains being
made behind their back with Turkey. This is precisely where the sources of the concessions
of Belgrade towards Rome are to be found. This meant that Belgrade "guaranteed" the
independence of Albania, not touching the past at all, which understood the
acknowledgement of the rights of Italy over Albania.

The friendly relations with Germany were assured with the role Yugoslavia when the Balkans'
Treaty was signed, when the doors to the German capital were opened and with the outmost
supporting posture that Yugoslavia had on the occasion of the Anschluss of Austria.
In fact, one of the first steps undertaken by the new Yugoslav diplomacy was to deteriorate its
relations to Albania. Thus, Albania had its doors closed for complaints and requests regarding
the position of Albanians, which was made possible in times when better relations were
pretended between 1934 and 1935. The president of the Yugoslav Government M.
Stojadinovic, once stated that in Yugoslavia there were no "minority issues", since 90% of its
population were Slavs. At the same time he found the "formula" to silence Albania for he
claimed that "...the Albanians in Yugoslavia were not deprived of any rights, for they never
have had schools or other institutions which they could have been educated in the national

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sense. On the contrary, the Albanians gained all the political and civil rights here, with us".

The acts of the Yugoslav envoy to Tirana, Djonovic were in the function of the deterioration
of the relations with Albania, as well as were the articles published in Belgrade's press
regarding the trial of the participants of the Fier insurrection. Then, Djonovic had purposely
agitated in favor of the boycott of the marriage ceremonies of the Princess Sanije and the son
of Sultan Abdul-Hamid. Turkey was offended by the boycott. Nevertheless, a service to the
Turks was given. Turkey thought that prince Abid would inherit the Albanian throne, which
would mean the rehabilitation of the persecuted Osmanli dynasty. All attempts of the
Albanian party to change Ankara's mind were nil, therefore, the barely rehabilitated relations
between Albania and Turkey, received a hard blow. This moment, without any doubt, was
one of the factors that made Turkey agree to the Convention.

On the other hand, Kosova, that is the Albanians in Yugoslavia could be used as means of
efficacious pressure against Tirana, to fulfill the other plans which would draw Italy's
attention towards Turkey.

The most important motive that forced Turkey towards this compromising bargain has its
roots in the fear from the anti-Turkish aspects of the agreements between Yugoslavia and
Bulgaria and Yugoslavia and Italy in 1937. Thus, the agreement about the emigration of
Albanians would enable Turkey to cooperate with Yugoslavia and evade the anti-Turkish
activities. It is well known that insisting to get close to the potential opponent, is a constant of
the Turkish foreign policy which has always given positive results.

The Yugoslav sources claim that Turkey was interested to populate the deserted territories of
Anadolia, and to create a belt which would restrict the space to the Kurds and their
anti-Turkish actions. In other words, the Albanians in Anadolia would play the role of the
Montenegrins in Kosova. In principle, these were the motives of the Turks to sign the
Convention.

The Yugoslav-Turkish negotiations about the Convention were intensified when new political
circumstances appeared in the Balkans and Europe. The conversations between parties went
on and finalized under the umbrella of the Balkans' Treaty, which ensured the camouflage and
the direct support of its members. The minutes of the conversations held by the Special
Commission within the Economic Council of the Treaty speak of a disgusting commerce with
people, because the main problem arose when it came to the financing of this forcible
emigration.

After one month's talks, on July 11, 1938, the Yugoslav-Turkish Convention was paragraphed
under the name of : "The rules on the emigration of the Turkish population from the region of
Southern Serbia in Yugoslavia".

The preamble of this Convention foresaw the emigration of the Muslim Turkish population
and it emphasized that this was the wish of this population, which was not true. This
conclusion was not applicable even in respect of the real Turkish population which in small
numbers, lived mainly in towns. While the name proper and the preamble concealed partially
the real purpose of the Convention, its other parts were formulated in such way, as stated by
Yugoslav sources, that they spoke of enabling the emigration of others, that is Albanians, and
this was the "real purpose of this Convention".

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Article 1 of this Convention foresaw the emigration of "the Yugoslav citizens, Muslims of
Turkish origin and language and that belong to the Turkish culture". The last paragraph
explains even more indirectly its purpose, excluding the nomads and rhomas from the right of
emigration, for they were in collision with the Turkish laws.

Article 2 foresaw the regions where the emigration would be made from, which with small
exceptions, belonging to Eastern and South-Eastern Macedonia, covered all the Albanian
lands under Yugoslav rule. The Yugoslav Government was given the competence to decide
where the emigration would start from.

Article 3 dealt with the numbers and the dynamics of emigration. The Yugoslav party
insisted that the number should be stated, at that was 40 thousand families. It is well known
that five-member families in the Albanian rural areas were a real rarity. Article 5 stated that
the Convention was applicable only in rural areas, which meant the population in town was
completely excluded. Naturally, it was also stated that the citizens, as individuals, could
emigrate, but it had to be done according to the Immigration Law. This is how the path
towards the emigration of much more than 200 thousand people was being opened. The
emigration should have been finalized in a six years' term, with an eventual postponement of
only one year.

Articles 6, 11, 14, 15 have to do with the financial aspect of the triangular relation: family -
Yugoslav government - Turkish Government. These provisions allowed both sides to misuse
the authorizations and thus damaging the emigres. Of course, it is not to be forgotten that
those were two, very corrupt administrations which had no consideration whatsoever towards
the not informed "Arnauts".

Article 6 imposed the purchaser to the emigrating families. This meant that the Yugoslav
government gained the property over their real estate according to the "provisions of the Law
on Colonization of the regions of Southern Serbia". This Article excluded the possibility of
selling-buying real estate among Albanians and allowed the imposition of the price by the
only buyer possible.

According to Art. 12, all the emigrated should declare that they voluntarily gave up on the
Yugoslav citizenship, which automatically denied them the right to eventually come back.
The return of the emigres was a tendency that had appeared among those who had fled earlier.
At the same time, this statement served as a screen against all reactions that would come from
wherever.

Article 13 allowed the emigres to take with them the machines, equipment, cattle and even
poultry, but when it came to personal property, only one piece of jewellery could be taken, as
well as a restricted amount of hard and domestic currency.

According to the communique, the Convention, after being approved by both Governments,
would had to be signed, and later ratified.

Branko Horvat, in his book "Kosovsko Pitanje" (The Issue of Kosova), concludes that if this
Convention would have been activated, Belgrade would have reached its purpose to
ethnically cleanse Albanian lands. The reasons why it failed to be accomplished must be
analyzed.

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The news about the Yugoslav-Turkish Convention heavily upset the Albanian mass, and it
was natural for all its structures to be activated. The Government in Tirana was not calmed
even after receiving guarantees from both Belgrade and Ankara, that they were referring to
the Turks in Yugoslavia. The Albanian diplomacy intensified its activities. Tirana appointed
Sh. Gagjulli as its representative in Ankara. He had previously been consul to Shkupi, and he
was well acquainted with the situation of his co-nationals in Yugoslavia, and had many
influential friends in the Turkish political circles. The Official and un-official associations, as
well as respected individuals tried to animate the political circles and the public opinion in
Turkey to prevent the ratification and application of the Convention.

The other factor that stopped the Convention was Italy, Belgrade's ally. As seen by Italy,
Albanians were important factors in the first phase of the realization of its purposes in the
Balkans. Kosova could be successfully used for demagogical purposes, by promising them
unification, which was aiming at the amortization of the resistance in case of the occupation
of Albania.

According to the Italian analysts, a large number of Albanians from both sides of the border,
considered unification much more important than the sovereignty of Albania. On the other
hand, Kosova was an important card in the hands of Italy, in the conversations it was having
with Yugoslavia. Kosova was even offered to Belgrade as a compensation for Albania.
Turkey proper also had a very important role in the non realization of this Convention. When
the Convention was paragraphed, it announced that the Convention would be signed in 1939.
Of course this had to do with the political trends in Europe and the possibility of changes of
the political constellation in the Balkans, as a consequence. And really, by 1939, its contours
had become clear. In this situation, Turkey was not ready to participate in the anti-Albanian
plot, and especially having in mind that it was not in its favor. Therefore comes the
conclusion that the prolongation of the signature of the Convention by saying that there was
no financial means, was more of an excuse, especially in times when Yugoslavia offered its
services and showed preparedness to cover part of the expenses of the emigration.
The unilateral insistence of Belgrade asking Ankara to sign the Convention started fading in
1939. This, because Europe had de facto acknowledged the Italian occupation of Albania,
and the dangers that derived from it.

Even though this Convention was never enlivened, the activities of the Yugoslav authorities
in Albanian lands, that is the terror and violence were in function of this Convention and
caused severe consequences to The Albanian people.

The Convention was meant to accomplish ethnic cleansing of the Albanian lands, and as
such, it is classified as one of the most compromising genocidal acts of the Yugoslav
government.

ALBANIA: TWO YEARS AFTER

HOPE RELIES ON POINT ZERO

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI/Prishtina

April of 1992 was the month of changes in Albania. A big political victory was achieved, but
this was not visible in the economic plan. On the contrary. A very difficult situation was

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inherited, even more difficult than that of the 80's, because almost nothing functioned.
Agriculture expected big reformations, and thus everything stagnated. The industry, with a
primitive technology, couldn't guarantee any prospects, and not even the employment of the
army of workers which was created as a need for the application of the socialist concept of
the employment of all labor force, and not as productive employment. The work in the mines
and the oil fields was blocked, whilst the ruin of the industrial equipment, agricultural
cooperatives and the irrigation system was slowly getting catastrophic dimensions. It is not
important which political group influenced this situation most, because the electoral euphoria
was forgotten rapidly, and the people had to face the real life - survival. This situation is still
present even today, but a concept to overcome the crisis is clear and it is more or less known
what the investments should be made. Albania has small capacity of self-financing, therefore
the only existing orientations are funding coming from abroad and the privatization, which
can also attract the foreign investors. Based on some pre-calculations, to achieve the 6%
annual development scale, from 1994 to 1996, loans up to 300 million dollars must be taken
every year. This money can only cover the public investment, for the state will not take over
the development of all industrial branches, or tourism, commerce, etc.

According to the recent reports of the international economic institutions, Albania is on the
top of the list composed of the former socialist states when it comes to economic
development. Last year's economic development rate was 11%, whilst in the first months of
this year, it was 8%. When it is said that Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, the Czech Republic,
Slovakia, Rumania, etc. had their development rate up to 5%, then it could be understood
how fast was Albania marching. But, this development is always compared to the figures of
the last year. This is why Albania is leading the list. But when the real level of the economic
development is looked into, Albania is at the bottom of the list. In order to achieve a
satisfying level, that is, to have bigger employment, increased industrial and agricultural
production, full coverage of the budget and high standard of living, apart from emending of
the caused damages in agriculture, infrastructure and the oil fields, some investments should
be made in prospective branches which are attractive for the foreign capital. Even though
with a slow tendency of growth, which is evident after the privatization, agriculture is still on
the primitive level of production. Thus the creation of familiar farms, with an estate from 0,5
to 2,8 hectares, that is, the creation of labor conditions in 440 thousand familiar farms,
promises a better future for the ones directly linked to the farms and the other who are the
potential consumers. Comparing some figures, those of agricultural production, which
decreased 4,4% in 1990, and a year later even 20,9%, in 1992 it increased 17%, and last year
the increase was even bigger, nevertheless, it can be expected that the oscillations will still be
present. Or, taking the example of the decrease in the production of wheat from 613 thousand
tons, which was the average annual production to 270 thousand tons, a bigger dependency on
the assistance was created, especially for food items. Such a fall of production is an
expression of the problems that appeared during the partition of lands, but also the lack of
mechanisms and the destruction of the irrigation system. It is to be mentioned that in the 30's,
Albania had 29 thousand hectares of fertile land, in the eighties there were 450 thousand
hectares, but with the ruin of the irrigation system, the water can be used in only 80 thousand
hectares, or 18% of the agricultural land. In order to bring agriculture back to life, in the
following three years Albania will need at least 85 million dollars, and to put in operation the
irrigation system again, it should invest at least 3,5 billion Lekës.

In 1992, the export of minerals brought Albania 18,3 million dollars, and four years before
that, the amount was considerably larger: 141 million dollars. Last year's exports were a bit
higher than in 1992, but much to much lower than in 1989. Based on the research, it has been

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verified that Albania has copper and chrome reserves to be exploited in the next 30 years, and
after New Caledonia and the Dominican Republic, it holds the third place in the world in
nickel reserves. But since all this riches is unexploited, it remains for the future.

Right now the scale of production is low, and that of the processing of minerals has almost
been completely stopped, because the processing capacities, such is the Mill of Elbasan, are
not rentable any more, and it is very hard to completely put them in function. The production
of oil, from two megatons in 1974 has been partitioned into half 16 years later, and in the past
two years, it hasn't reached even the fourth of that production. The extraction of oil is difficult
and primitive, and one third of the wells of a total of 4.500, don't function at all. It is not sure
whether the refinishing of the oil will continue being done in Kuçovë, Fier, Cerrik and Ballsh,
because apart form the last one, none of the others would be rentable even after big
investments. In order to increase the production, the Albanian government has given the
license to five international companies to try to find oil in the Adriatic and Ionic seas. There
is also a decrease in the production of gas, for only the amount needed for the production of
energy and chemical fertilizers, is being produced. It is also a big question whether the
extraction of coal will be possible, even knowing that there are over 350 thousand megatons
of reserves. Right now, not even the tenth part of the amounts extracted 15 years ago can be
extracted, and out of 21 mines and two processing centers, only the complex in Memaliaj can
be rentable for a certain period of time.

For a long time, many bordering countries imported electricity from Albania. It has water
power plants with an installed force of 1.437 megawatts, concentrated mainly in Fierzë,
Komon and Vaun e Dejës, as well as eight other stations of 2 megawatts each. The natural
potential is three times as big. Taking into account that the request for energy had been
decreasing until last year, there was a possibility to export the surplus. But the main problem
is the distribution, for with the inclusion of many technical devices in the homes, the net was
overcharged, which means that to equip the net of high tension, 9 billion Lekës must be
invested and for the low tension net, 22 billion Lekës are required. In the near future, no
energy is expected to be produced anywhere, apart from the thermal stations in Fier and
Ballsh.

One of the most urgent tasks of Albania in order to create the preconditions for development,
are the investments in the infrastructure. Right now Albania has 18 thousand kilometers of
roads, out of which only 2.900 kilometers are paved. The fact that during winter time over
500 villages remain isolated, clearly speaks of the quality of the roads. A special problem is
the railroad, which as a main line is extended to 470 kilometers and as a secondary line to 230
kilometers, meaning that the northern line Durrës-Hani i Hotit, the southern line
Durrës-Vlorë-Ballsh and the eastern line Durrës-Pogradec, which are very old and hard to
rehabilitate. Right now, the allowed speed in passengers transports is 40 kms per hour, whilst
of goods it is 25 kms per hour. All that could be done is to activate the transporting means
and the railroad, to increase the speed.

In order to increase the international circulation, the expansion and the modernization of the
border checkpoints must be done, the Rinas airport should be renewed, so it can accept night
flights as well. Just to illustrate the increase of travels from and to Albania, we must mention
that two years ago, 87 thousand passengers travelled through the Rinas airport, whilst last
year, there were 100 thousand of them. Two years ago, there were 28 flights a week, and last
year, the number was quadrupled.

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It seems as if the lands were partitioned totally, even though there are still problems regrading
the property. The state will keep on with the privatization in other segments too, and it will
keep the energy, mines, communications and telecommunications as national patrimony. In
the past two years , the privatization was effected pretty fast, and now it will continue in
phases. The quick privatization of small units, of those which employed up to 10 workers,
took place, and they were usually bought by the workers themselves. Until now, 70% of
those units, including the small producing firms, and then those of tourism, commerce,
communication ended by June 1993. Last May, the procedure regarding the privatization of
enterprises with over 300 workers and that do not exceed the value of 500 thousand dollars
was determined. There are 406 of these enterprises and no problems nor difficult procedures
are expected for their transformation. The privatization of the food industry will also be
made, excepting the flour and sugar factory in Korçë. This means that 200 big factories and
550 small and medium factories will change the owner which means that together with some
hundreds of bakeries in rural areas, could employ 50 thousand workers. At the same time, 385
apartments will be privatized, out of which over one third are not connected to the sewage
system, and a very few of them have central heating. In the first year of the housing reforms,
good results were achieved, for 13 thousand owners paid or signed contracts for the purchase
the apartments. The construction of 13 thousand and 300 apartments is pending. Maybe the
non finished ones will find new owners.

This privatization is being assisted by the government in different ways: easing up the
procedures, decreasing the taxes, liberalizing the import through a low customs tax and
giving loans for development and activation of production. Last year, 150 of these loans were
used, and now with the activation of foreign financial institutions, such is the Italian-Albanian
Bank, the Islamic Bank and Dardania Bank, the path to engage the foreign capital was
created. This is the reason why the state helps the privatization as well as the young Albanian
businessmen, in order to become concurrent and strong in the cooperation with foreign
partners in all areas.

ALBANIAN-GREEK RELATIONS

BLACK CLOUDS

by ARBEN LESKAJ/Peshkëpi e Sipërme, Gjirokastër

Two killed, three wounded and many injured. All of them, Albanian militaries. The tragic
news was communicated on the evening of April 10 by the Ministry of Public Order. A
terrorist commando, composed of 6-7 people attacked, on the same day, at 2:30 a.m. the
recruits training center in Peshkëpi e Sipërme of the Gjirokastër region, some 4 kilometers
inside the Albanian territory. As testified, all attackers spoke Greek, but one, who spoke
Albanian with Greek accent.

"Around a 100 of us were asleep. The criminals were looking for weapons, but luckily
enough there were none in our room. There is no phone connection either. The first guard to
face the terrorists shot his rifle, but he had no bullets. We all are in quarantine, but we have
no bullets", says one of the soldiers. His mate, A. Demlushi, wounded in the leg, says: "The
Minister of Defense came to visit us in the Hospital, and we told him that without
ammunition there was nothing we could do. When he asked us what would have we done if
we had bullets, I replied that I would have showed them!".

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In a prelude - broadcast from Konica, titled "The Priests' radio leads the crusade for the Greek
minority in Albania", transmitted by AFP several hours before the attack, journalist Alain
Navarro described the feverish ritual of the Greek priests, young and old, who take the
microphone from one another, in order to preach to the "Northern Epirians" about uprising, in
the name of Orthodoxy and Hellenism. Even though a member of the EU, and in this
semester its presiding state, Greece is the only state in where the State and the Church are not
separated, and the only state where the citizens should declare their religion in their passports.
In a studio with five antennas over the Albanian border, Radio Drinpuli, established by priest
Sebastianos, doesn't ever conceal that its purpose is to unify the southern part of Albania to
"its fatherland, Greece". The radio has contacts with the "Omonia" movement of the Greek
minority, and even forty youngsters "have been trained by the bishops to go back and fight for
Hellenism", claims Navarro.

The Albanians complained to these threats, but the Greek officials responded that their
country is a free one, and no one can be prevented from expressing their own mind.
After the incident, Albania harshly protested before the Greek authorities, requesting the
discovery and punishment of the perpetrators. The Greek authorities responded that they will
not accept any kind of provocations nor responsibility for the committed crime.

On April 13, 1994, President Berisha had invited to a special meeting the German
Ambassador to Tirana Claus Voellers, as a representative of a member state of the EU troika,
to inform him about the posture Albania had towards Greece, especially after the incident of
April 10.

On this occasion, Berisha declared that the fact that the terrorist commando had come from
the Greek territory and after committing the crime had gone back to Greece, the fact that the
terrorists were wearing Greek uniforms, that they were professionals and that the things they
left behind were part of the equipment of the special units speak of the fact that either they
belonged to the Greek special units, or that they underwent a special training.

Berisha, further on, emphasized that Greece, in revenge for the expulsion of the Greek consul
from Gjirokastër, who dealt with other things rather than the ones he should do according to
his diplomatic status, and which was contrary to Art.12 of the Vienna Convention, expelled
the First Secretary of the Albanian Embassy in Athens. Albania will not take a reciprocal
measure, but pursuant to Art. 11 of the same convention, will request the Greek authorities to
reduce their diplomatic staff in Albania to 6, instead of 19 it has right now. (Albania has 6
diplomats in Athens, right now). Nevertheless, this number can be determined on a bilateral
agreement, concluded Berisha.

The diplomatic manoeuvres seems not to have influenced the militaries. The Albanians
enforced their border regime, the Greek press spoke of a 10 hours marathon meeting of the
Military Council of Greece about the situation in Bosnia and Albania. The Albanian Ministry
of Defense has reported provocative movements of Greeks troops and ships, and sent a note
of protest, which is so usual in these days of tension.

Nevertheless, Yorgos Papandreou, son of the Greek Premier and Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs declared that "it is true that in Greece there are extremist Greek elements in
favor of the Vorio Epiri case, and that nothing could be excluded, not even the participation
of the Greek militaries, but as an individual initiative." Even the governmental port-parole
Vanzelios, modified his way of expressing and declared that "without investigations, the

- 10 -
existence of fanatic elements can't be excluded", expressing condolences for the victims.

The painful event of Peshkëpi gave the opportunity to the Albanian political forces to prove
that they were able to unite when it came to the national interest. The numberless declarations
of parties, associations and forums were unison and the pronouncements of the Albanian
political groupings of Kosova, Macedonia and Montenegro were immediately added to them.
The only differences came from the opposition which stressed the responsibility of the
government which didn't undertake effective measures to defend the fatherland and the lives
of the people, suggesting even the resignation of a minister or a high rank official. It is worth
mentioning that the request to exchange anti-Albanianism with anti-Hellenism, which
appeared in very few newspapers in Albania remains episodic, against the declared postures
of the Albanian authorities.

EDITORIAL

BICYCLES AND WAR

by VETON SURROI

In Amsterdam, a series of postcards of this town, with photos of bicycles can be found. The
range of photographs is as large as the imagination. Those are the classics of the thirties
which symbolized the civilization before WWI, which symbolize Englishmen with cylinders,
Central Europe with special sidewalks for bikes and finally which inspired the Chinese
revolutionaries and their totalitarian culture on two tires (something similar was lived through
by Tiranians). There are other bikes, with explicit messages for the ones in love. And, those
are of the psychedelic colors, symbols of the famous Amsterdam mentality, inaugurated in the
sixties.

The bicycles in Holland, nevertheless, have a political meaning. During WWII, once it
conquered Holland, the Third Reich confiscated the Dutch bicycles. Their purpose might
have been to prevent the circulation of the Dutch, and maybe to enable the Germans to
circulate on bikes. After the war, one of the official requests of the Dutch, was the return of
the bicycles, and today, when a Dutchman quarrels with a german, he'll always remind him of
the not returned bike which belonged to his father or grandfather.

Naturally, the German also remembers. He is also expecting something back. For example,
the world's magnificence. But, there, as anywhere else in the world, things have changed.
The Ministry of Defence of Germany, for example, published its intentions for the
development of the army some time ago. On one hand, the intention foresees the further
diminishment of the budget for weaponry, and the increase of the number of professionals on
the other hand. They do not mention the fact, as the serious newspapers and magazines, such
is London's "The Economist", that during military training, the German recruits have to
pronounce the onomatopoeia "boom", instead of training ammunition.

And, here we have the Dutch complaining about some bicycles, when the Germans have to
yell out "boom" with their own lips!

Thus has been for years now in Western Europe, which was initiated by an American plan
(Marshall's plan for post-war development) and one treaty (that of coal and steel between

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France and Germany), and protected by a military umbrella, that of the NATO. And, of
course, satisfied with a high living standard, regardless the problem of unemployment. On
the other side of the border, which divides Western Europe from the other part of Europe,
stand we, especially the Balkanians. And now we are entering the phase when the Americans
and Western-Europeans should thing about the new grouping of the region. They have two
reasons for this: in the Balkans there is one member of the European Union which with its
acts and postures has more Balkanian premises (in the negative sense of the word) than
Western-European (in the positive sense of the word); in the Balkans, there is also a member
of the NATO (Turkey) who is not member of the EU, but which is also linked to this region.
There is a catalyzer missing to activate these two reasons: the Albanian issue.

The way the Albanian issue would be treated in the Greek agenda was clearly seen in the
terrorist act in Gjirokastër, last week. And how could it be treated in the Turkish agenda, it
could be imagined in the mental military training.

The fact that once the issue of Kosova is on the agenda means that the Albanian issue is
opened, and it trespasses the Yugoslav borders. And it could trespass them for the better or
worse.

This is well known by the planners and strategists. As far as I know, they also know that this
region will need a reconstruction plan, one political treaty for it and a protection umbrella.
And all of these three together, for none of them works without the other. And, if it is thus,
then they know that, historically, we are in times of the confiscation of bicycles.

Differing from Europe of 1945, nevertheless, we still don't know who will be the actors if the
future Balanic unification. And, yes. We have no bicycle tradition.

MACEDONIA

HAS THE ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN STARTED?

by Iso Rusi/Shkupi

The event of the elections in one of the 120 electoral units in Macedonia (Electoral Unit 103
in Shkupi), could be understood as a test before the general elections in November, but would
hardly be taken as an index of momentary nervousness of the "main" political parties.

Two days after the elections in this unit ended, the private TV station "A-1" organized a
direct confrontation of the representatives of the united coalition of the Social-Democratic
Party of Macedonia (SDPM) and the main one of the opposition, the Democratic Party of
Macedonia (DPM). Petar Gosev, leader of the second one, conditioned his participation with
the presence of three people (the President of the Parliament, as the leader of the Liberal
Party, the Premier as leader of the SDPM and the vice-president of the Parliament, and leader
of the Socialist Party)! When Nikola Popovski, vice-chairman of the SDPM was the only one
to show up, Gosev decided that his party would be represented by attorney Tortevski, his
close collaborator and one of the founders of his party. He personally followed the TV show
from the office of the Director of the TV station, awaiting for people "of his level" to attend
the confrontation. This TV show, which started as a confrontation of opposite political
standpoints, caused by five pre-electoral pamphlets of the opposition and one response from

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the position, lasted over three hours, and many "intimate details" were revealed, which they
included reciprocal accusations and offenses of who had gained what, and who was engaged
in criminal activities, etc. Both opponents, Gosev and Popovski, once belonged to the same
party, and they know many details about one another. Will the campaign continue in the
same path?

The roughness of the duel continued even after this. One week after the first confrontation,
"A-1" started to research on the claims of the second man of Gosev's party, Tortevski, who
had stated that high ranked officials of the Government were involved in nepotist deals, that
they had gained permits to open Duty Free Shops and that the money gained from 11 such
shops, had been paid in special bank accounts, evading the budget, allowing them to become
richer by smuggling goods and tax-evading. According to what was seen on "A-1", it came
out that Tortevski was not right at all. In his public appearance, Tortevski had declared that
he would present arguments to back up his statement, and he didn't, and neither did he quit
his party, as he had promised, if he would be proven wrong!

The quarrel before the TV cameras was understood as the initiation of the general
pre-election campaign. The Macedonian Parliament, on the day the package of electoral laws
was to be opened for approval, the arrows started to break apart once the electoral marketing
was put in function. The opposition MP's insisted (and achieved their goal) to discuss about
the status of the present office holders. They wanted to find out which one of them got his
hard currency from the bank (whenthe new era started, in the beginning of the '90s) and who
bought an apartment thanks to his position. It took the MP's one day to determine the agenda
of a session which will last much longer, and not only because of the 80 items on the agenda,
and this made it clear that they had taken advantage of the direct transmission of the session
on TV, to promote their parties and personal labors. And, as if the MP's had gone back to the
beginning - when the first days of the constitution of the Parliament were characterized by
inter-ethnic collisions. At the beginning, the motive were the electoral laws and the small
differences between the coalition partners, And now, when the "electoral package" is being
discussed, the motive is the correction of the electoral model.

The Government proposes that instead of 120, the Parliament should count 140 members, 20
of them to be elected according to the proportional system. The opposition insists that all of
them be elected based on the majority system. The Albanian part of the parliamentarian
coalition is, in the mean time, facing the "attack" of the Tetova part of the PPD, which is
outside the Parliament, requests new electoral rules, for the ones in power are against the
interests of the minorities, be that of parties or ethnic groups. It is a public secret that the last
Socialist Government of Macedonia had determined the electoral units in a certain way,
which would protect it from the "invasion" (the number of votes which gave an Albanian a
place in the parliament was much higher than that of a Macedonian). This is why the
Albanian MP's insist the combined method be corrected in favor of the increase of the
number of the MP's gained by the proportional system.

Taking advantage of the division within the PPD, the opposition, for the time being, is
masterly playing the card of the non-existence of an agreement inside the coalition about its
synchrony. The opposition is wisely elaborating the thesis about the "Albanian-Communist"
deals, the Macedonian part of the Government is in panic because of this, whilst the
Governmental and Parliamentarian PPD is nervous and calculating how to fight back the
"Tetovars", who are wisely, in silence, following what's going on. The bureaucratic
arbitration on the division of the PPD is helping the chaos grow bigger. The decision of the

- 13 -
Ministry of Internal Affairs of Macedonia has ruled that the "real" PPD is that represented by
the MP's and members of the Government, whilst Xhaferi and Thaçi, if they wish to still have
an active party, by all means should establish a new one. The support of the Macedonian
media regarding the prohibition of the celebration of the electoral meeting of the PPD in
Tetova, as well as the proper prohibition by the MIA of Macedonia, is simply giving a lot of
points to the opposers, even though it was meant to help the coalition partners.

The Macedonian media, which are really facing an embarrassing situation (they were brought
to this position by the actual government, but also by their own wish - we are speaking of
"enthusiasts" who are stronger than the state), in a way, without any control, have started
following the imposed rhythm. De facto, the electoral campaign has started. It is
understandable, the media are also calculating - and thus unfortunately are becoming part of
the "stats", simple executors of the wishes of the political factors. As the code of "bona-fide
rules" is missing, the media are playing all cards just to survive, for they are facing serious
financial problems. Thus they are losing even the last drop of the professional dignity and are
taking parts in the conflict, becoming "promoters" of this, or that point of view. Another issue
is that, with their political clumsiness, "they are working in favor of their own damage",
against all those they'd serve, as a compensation for the assistance in these bad times.

MACEDONIA

WILL ANYONE TAKE THE ROLE OF THE DONKEY?

by MERSEL BILALLI/Tetova

Even though only several months separate us from the regular elections in Macedonia, some
dilemmas still remain unsolved, including the one, whether the elections will take place on
the determined date or not.

Last summer will be remembered by the fact that during the summer holidays, the
Government of Macedonia (not by chance) offered a package of electoral laws for urgent
approval, and also by the fact that despite all formal attempts to gather the MP's, the quorum
was never achieved. It is supposed that such a "surprise" was offered by the left block only
for its own marketing, conscious that this initiative won't bring anything.

Now, regular elections are offered, and they should take place in November. And, the
Government offers a new package of acts comprised of: The Law on the Election of the
President of the Republic, the Law on the Election of the Members of the Parliament and the
Discharge of the Counsellors and the Law on Political Parties. The package doesn't contain
this time the law on Electoral Units, which brings up all sorts of rumours, including the one
that maybe the actual government is aiming at the postponement of the elections, and this
because of several reasons.

First of all, it is still not clear how will the contest with Greece be solved, even though it is
more than sure that if concessions regarding the name are made, then the position of the
opposition would clearly improve during the next elections. Second, according to some
forecasts, it is expected that the situation in economy and the social welfare in the Republic
will improve in the next year, which would mean further strengthening of the left block
positions. Thirdly, the evaluation of many analysts is that as time goes by, the national parties

- 14 -
will lose their strength. The fourth reason is that the existing establishment does not exclude
the possible acrobatics connected to the former Yugoslavia, and would have a better situation
in new circumstances, since there is much better coordination between the highest
governmental institutions.

It is for sure, that if the authorities would want the postponement of elections, the
Government of Macedonia wouldn't have it difficult to find excuses, even more, it would
have international support. It has been a long time since the left block has created a positive
image before the world, presenting itself as an important factor to safeguard the peace in the
region and the preservation of the inter-ethnic balance in Macedonia. This block presents
itself as a factor that respects the institutional and democratic action, differing from the
others, which it treats as "revolutionarists", and it seems that it has achieved to convince the
international community about these conclusions. The leftists are using the weapons' affairs
as "facts" to prove their claims.

All explanations regarding the eventual postponement would be done in the name of
safeguarding the peace and security in the country and the whole region. It seems as if this
were the main reason why the Law on Electoral Units is not to be changed, even though there
are great numeric disproportions between the electoral units, meaning that in some electoral
units, the votes of the citizens are four times less important that those of others, in other
electoral units. The division of the electoral units was contested by the group of experts of the
European Council several months ago, and nevertheless, the authorities paid no attention to
this. Unfortunately, even some Albanian subjects are convinced that there is no disposition to
change the actual law. The truth is that it is not a matter of disposition to make or not to
make changes in this law, which is contrary to all international acts of human rights, even to
the Constitution of Macedonia which in Art.22 foresees the equal right to vote. In this matter,
many compromises shouldn't be made, since we are speaking of fundamental human rights,
that is, the formal equality of the citizens before the law. In any normal procedure before the
Constitutional Courts, where there is no politics, without any doubt, the law would be
declared anti-constitutional.

The non alteration of the Law on Electoral Units should serve the Government as a
mechanism to blame someone else, in case it decides to postpone the elections. This means
that, if Albanians insist to change the above mentioned law, then the chances to postpone the
elections grow bigger, and then the Government would show "its good will" to work on the
harmonization of postures, which would take several months, or even a year.

All of this has no juridical coverage, but has an excellent political coverage. In the Balkans it
is not strange to have politics above the legal regulations. In this concrete case, it seems as if
the politics doesn't exclude the postponement of the elections, but the issue is whether
someone will take the role of the donkey in this political game.

ALBANIAN-GREEK RELATIONS

WHO COULD BE HIDING BEHIND THE MASSACRE?

by ROBERT GORO/Athens

On April 10, 1994, unidentified commandos "froze" 130 soldiers at the recruits training

- 15 -
center in Peshkëpi (Gjirokastër), killed two of them and ran away leaving the MAVI sign
behind.

MAVI (Northern Epirian Liberation Front), overtook the responsibility of the crime in a
statement sent to the central Greek newspaper "Eleftherotipia". In the statement, it was said
that this front was recreated "to succumb the criminal indifference of the Greek government"
towards the situation of the Greek minority in Albania; but also in Greece, where the
members of the Greek minority of Albania are living as immigrants, but not having the basic
status regulated.

This front is the successor of the organization of the same name, founded by the end of
WWII, whose only purpose was the annexation of a part of Southern Albania, inhabited not
only by the Greek minority. The founders thought that the "Protocol of Florence" signed on
Dec. 17, 1913, unjustly gave this territory to the Albanian state.

The Protocol had decided that the Greek troops must retreat from Albania between the 1rst
and the 31rst of March of 1914. Before the implementation of this decision started, on Feb.
17, 1914, the "Autonomous Republic of North Epirus" was proclaimed, having Gjirokastra as
capital, with a provisional government composed mainly of militaries and clergymen.

Two weeks later, after the intervention of the Big Powers, Albania and Greece signed the
"Corfu Protocol" (March 4, 1914), which recognized this zone some administrative,
educational and religious rights, meaning a reduced autonomy. Somewhere in this period is
when the, so called, "Movement for North Epirus" or "Vorio Epiri" appeared. Its platform
was based on the full autonomy, and then the unification of a considerable part of the
Albanian territory with Greece. At the beginning, and for several decades, the pretensions
reached the Shkumbin river (Middle Albania), then it went down to Vlora and now the
exposers of this movement pretend the territory up to Himarë (70 kms away from Vlora).

The last official pretension of Athens to create "North Epirus" was expressed in 1961, by the
then Prime-minister of Greece, Verizelos, in a meeting with Nikita Hrushchev. Hrushchev
had promised him the annexation.

Even before the uprising of the Colonels (April 21, 1967), Greece and Albania had achieved
the first contacts to install diplomatic relations, which was accomplished in 1971. In 1975,
Greece signed the Helsinki Final Act which confirmed the regime of the borders after WWII,
which automatically meant that Athens acknowledged the existing borders with Albania, and
even more, its officials repeated once and again, that Greece had no territorial pretensions
towards Albania.

On Aug. 28, 1987, the Government of Greece (headed by Andreas Papandreou), abrogated
the law on the state of war with Albania and one year later - in sign of good will towards
Tirana - abstained from voting a UN Resolution which condemned the violation of human
rights in Albania. These acts were evaluated as treason by the opposition, whilst the
"Northern Epirus Movement" declared the Government (and especially the Foreign Minister
Karolos Papulias, known as being sympathetic towards Albania) as traitor of the national
interests.

The flux of thousands of Albanians (and a large number of Albanian Greeks) in Greece
between 1990-1991, created a suitable terrain for nationalist extremist groupings, whose only

- 16 -
aim is to get hold of the "Northern Epirus". These groups started a feverish action in two
directions: on this side of the border they tried to manipulate the immigrants and on the other
side through two strong radio-stations - one in Konicë and the other in Corfu - to propagate
insistently the autonomy and secession of the "Northern Epirus". On the occasion of local
elections in Albania -July 1992-, the Mythropolit of Konica, Sebastianos - the most
noteworthy representative of the ultra-nationalist wing of the Greek Church, threatened the
Greek minority, but the Albanian immigrants too, that if they don't return to Albania and vote
for the Human Rights Party (which represents the Greek minority in Albania), they would
lose their jobs and would be repatriated. Afraid, many immigrants went to Albania to vote
and then came back, riding on Greek buses, free of charge. Nobody know who paid the
expenses.

On Nov. 22, 1993, one week after the Greek Foreign Minister's visit to Tirana, and seeing that
the Socialist Government was trying to get closer to the Albanian side, Sebastianos, in a letter
directed to the members of the Greek minority who live and work in Greece, requested them
to go back from where they came from, for that is the "only way in which the autonomy of
Northern Epirus will be achieved". Several months after this letter was written, the Greek
newspaper "Stohos", an effective of the "army" commanded by Sebastianos, informed that the
first 8 groups of self-defense were created in "Northern Epirus"- and they enjoyed the support
of this newspaper. One month after this information was published, one Albanian military
sector was attacked, and not only two Albanian soldiers were killed, but the incident deeply
hurt the relations between Albania and Greece.

The Greek Government and its intelligence service might really not know who were the
perpetrators of the April 10 massacre. But the inspirator and the terrain where the authors are
to be found, are known.

The Albanian government with its just reactions, would do much better if - instead of
blaming it all on Greece, and requesting it to discover and punish the criminals (which is also
a just request) - it would incite its organs to cooperate with the Greek ones (which is also
foreseen with a bilateral agreement signed in March of this year). Because, we are not
speaking of a solitary act that was aimed at the ruin of the Albania-Greek relations. The attack
in Gjirokastër represents maybe the beginning of destabilizing activities in Southern Albania.
And the wisest thing to be done by both Governments, is to prevent the actions, and not
confirm them.

INTERVIEW

IVAN ZVONIMIR CICAK

Chairman of the Croatian Helsinki Committee

THE BALKANS PEOPLES AS WHITE MICE IN TESTING LABS

KOHA: How are the human rights in Croatia realized?

CICAK: The situation of human rights in Croatia is preoccupying: not only is war for the
liberation of occupied Croatian territories being misused, but it is also used to confront, what
I often call statistical-mathematical minorities.

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Usually, the attacks are directed against the Serbian national minority, which, because of the
frustrations caused by the aggression and war, is accused as the only part to blame in this war,
and all of this based on collective hatred. This is why I think that the guilt should always be
individualized on the ideological level, such is the ideological level of guilt in Serbia, which,
first of all, belongs to the circles of the Academy of Sciences and Arts which produced the
Memorandum, a document which is the "Mein Kampf" of the second half of this century.

The situation of human rights in Croatia is more than dramatic, because as an expression of
frustration towards what the Chetniks did to the Croats in the occupied territories, many Croat
misuse their position to "deal" with the Serbian national minority. Thus we have had massive
mining of houses, at the level of individual terrorism. There are many expulsions of Serbs and
Muslims, as well as other nationalities from their flats, but also from Croatia.

KOHA: Is there any idea what their number is?

CICAK: Of course there is. Last year, 10 thousand houses were mined in Croatia, and about 5
thousand families have been evicted from their flats. These figures are confirmed in the State
Department report. The number of 5 thousand families has been confirmed by the
International Helsinki Federation. There are also 25 thousand families, among which there
are many Albanians, who have been denied citizenship certificates. There were even cases of
Albanians, who were born in Croatia and who were persecuted by the old regime because
they were Catholics or because of their political beliefs, who were not granted citizenship.
This is why we have made a lot of pressure, and some of them have gotten the citizenship,
whilst the others are still awaiting for judicial verdicts. We think that all of those who were
in Croatia, in the times when the Croatian state was proclaimed, and had been residing in
Croatia for over five years, should absolutely be granted the citizenship. We are especially
against the discretional right of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to decide who will and who
will not get the citizenship. Besides this, there were also many massive dismissals from work.

KOHA: What is the new democracy under Tudjman's rule?

CICAK: I have modest intellectual abilities. During Communism, we lived in a country

which had declared itself to be the most democratic country in the world. Now Tudjman has
declared Croatia to be the same thing. I wouldn't like to live in the most democratic place in
the world. I would just like to live in a normal democracy. Nothing less, and nothing more
than that. It is very hard to find a mass of democracy in a place where the Communist thought
dominates. We have restrictions of the freedom of the media, then the destruction of political
parties, stigmatization and satanization of media which are not under the governmental
control.

KOHA: Tell us something about the Muslim-Croat alliance. Was there a possibility for
another solution?

CICAK: We are once again placed in the position of white mice in the testing labs of the
American policy, which is catastrophic starting from Somalia and up to Iran. I don't believe in
such things, and I don't think that the ones who started war, can create peace. The causes of
war have not been eliminated. I had the chance to read the Constitution of Bosnia while in
Sweden. I will just mention that one of the first things to be established is the Human Rights
Court. How can we ever request the establishment of such a court in another country, if our
own country doesn't fulfill international obligations in this respect?

- 18 -
KOHA: Which is the influence of the Albanian forces in the solution of the Former Yugoslav
crisis, including Kosova?

CICAK: I think that the political personalities of Kosova, express the present situation. I
think that new times will bring new people and new events. The same thing happened in
Croatia. After 1971, many people were formally crossed out from the political events. The
same will happen in Kosova. New events will bring new people, and in my opinion they will
be more radical. The Albanians, unfortunately, can't escape radicalization, and it will come
from abroad. The moment the Serbs will need something to preserve the criminal rhythm of
their regime, they'll start something in Kosova.

Simply, because this is the only way it could function. They need war to strengthen their
system, and not only to create Greater Serbia. This is why I evaluate that Kosova will suffer
the most tragic events, for the doses of hatred between Albanians and Serbs is ten times as big
than it is in Croatia and Bosnia. This is why the dimensions of the conflict in Kosova will be
ten times as big. I don't intend to be a prophet, but I have felt and predicted what happened in
Kosova. I think that the conflict in Kosova will cause the conflict in Macedonia too.

If the explosion in Kosova occurs, the population will massively flee towards Tetova. The
alteration of the population composition will be changed, and it will cause a chain reaction.
Albania will not stand aside, and neither will Bulgaria and Greece. But what is more
upsetting, is the cynicism of the West which is not worried much about the conflict in the
Former Yugoslavia, as much as it fears from the dismantlement of the NATO. It would
happen if an eventual conflict between Turkey and Greece starts. This is why they act
preventively. But prevention won't help much. I think that this process should be stopped
only through the demystification of those who started their Nazi projects and which are an
expression of one minded thoughts resumed in one sentence: "One blood, one land, one
leader, one people".

KOHA: Which is your vision of having Kosova within the present Yugoslavia?

CICAK: It will be a catastrophic issue. The Albanians will fall in the tramp thinking that by
gaining a federal status in Serbia or Macedonia they could later unite with Albania. On long
terms, this is a mistake.

After planning the confederacy of Bosnia, first with Croatia and then with Serbia, the
Americans will try to apply the same idea in the case of Kosova. This would be only a new
cause of new conflicts, which would occur years later, I don't know when.

We should by all means think of the fact that even though unsatisfied with the present
borders, we should respect some relative ones, taking care that the Helsinki European
structure is not threatened, for then all the blame would be thrown on our backs.

KOHA: How much will the International Community engage itself in Kosova's issue?

CICAK: The first step it should be engaged in is to bring back Kosova the level of
independence it had according to the '74 Constitution. Afterwards, the Albanians would face
the problem of how to safeguard the rights of the Serbian minority in Kosova. There is no
chance to evade revenge. In this aspect, I see no rational possibility to be found, if big efforts
are not made. Until now Albanians have shown excellent Ghandist posture. But the question

- 19 -
is, how long will they stand. How to solve the Balkans' knot, this is the issue. According to
my informations, Albania is not very enthusiastic with the fast development of Kosova, a
level higher, in all areas, for Enver Hoxha's Albania was a real human catastrophe. I was
surprised to know that the Albanians in Albania are not very enthusiastic about the idea,
afraid of the general domination of the Kosovans in a future national state. This fear exists in
Albania. And I think that the Kosova Albanians are aware of this too. Thus, the Albanians in
Albania and the ones in Kosova have been developed as two separate bodies. Much wisdom
and patience is needed to melt two parts into one, before all, the spiritual and intellectual
beings into a unique unit.

- 20 -