Participant Observation

Participant observation is a key social science research approach. It involves observing and interacting with the
subject of interest while actively participating in the setting as well as getting very close to research participants
and gaining an intimate knowledge of their practices through intensive immersion in the field of study.
Conceptual Overview and Discussion
Participant observation's roots as a methodological approach lie in social anthropology, where researchers study
cultures by closely observing actors, behaviors, and norms. Also used widely in the field of sociology,
participant observation was developed further by the Chicago School in the 1920s and 1930s. These
researchers became identified with the practice of ethnographic methods, including participant observation.
Participant observation is a key tool in ethnographic investigation, which seeks to describe human interaction
and behavior through firsthand accounts and field work. Participant observation is in effect a combination of a
wide variety of methods, including observation; informal interviews and/or conversations; analysis of other
materials and evidence encountered while in the field; biographies, life histories, and personal accounts and
stories of participants; and researcher documentation and diaries. It is associated primarily with the qualitative
research approach because it is (a) often exploratory in nature and (b) used when there is a lack of existing
empirical evidence about a group of individuals. It can also incorporate quantitative features either in terms of
the data collected or analyzed. Because the approach involves the observation of people on a firsthand basis
and coming to understand their collective and individual behaviors, norms, and customs, it is necessary for the
researcher to carry out extended periods of field work to permit in-depth immersion. Longitudinal and repeated
periods of study allow for the collection of greater and more varied data, provide increased opportunities for
comparative observations, and enhance the accuracy of data and resultant findings.
There are two main forms of participant observation: (1) covert participant observation and (2) overt
participant observation. The former involves posing incognito as a genuine member of the social group or
making observations about a group in which the researcher is already a member. The latter involves clearly
indicating the true identity of the researcher, and usually the purpose of the research, to those who are being
observed. Covert participant observation is increasingly rare because of the ethical questions surrounding covert
methods and the inherent deception involved. However, proponents of the method argue that under certain
circumstances it may be justified, for example, when there is no other way to secure access; when there are
concerns about the effect of the researcher's presence; when researchers are interested in contexts where there
may be illegal activity, taboo behavior, and suspicion of those in authority; and when investigating
misdemeanors as they occur (e.g., bribery, drug taking, sexual harassment in the workplace).
Application
Participant observation has been applied to a variety of contexts and settings. By actually being with the people
of interest, novel and firsthand insights are often obtained. This closeness allows the researcher to live and
breathe the everyday realities of the social worlds in which they are interested. Early social anthropologists and
explorers used participant observation to study remote communities in Africa and Asia. Although originally
deployed by social anthropologists interested in non-Western indigenous cultures and communities, participant
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observation has come to be used in Western society also.
Differences between the researcher and participants are not always so marked, however; some researchers
choose to partake in participant observation of settings within which they are already partially members. Such
bicultural observers provide access, trust, absorption, and interpretation that, some scholars argue, may
more closely mirror those within the social setting than data collected by someone who is more of an outsider.
For instance, a shared religious heritage may help a participant observer become part of a religious group or
sect.
Participant observation studies have looked at a whole host of cultural structures and interactions, such as
those involving sexual behavior, gang violence, and drug taking. For instance, Howard S. Becker, a famous
sociologist, carried out participant observation of professional jazz musicians. Himself a professional jazz pianist,
Becker presented his research in his seminal text Outsiders, published in 1963.
A very controversial study that employed covert participant observation was Tearoom Trade, written by
American sociologist Laud Humphreys and published in 1970. This was based upon an ethnographic study of
anonymous homosexual encounters in public toilets (known as tea rooming). Humphreys employed covert
participant observation to observe those involved. He later traced participants through records of their vehicle
license plates to their home addresses. He then interviewed them using an alias in order to secure additional
information about them, such as their domestic circumstances and sexual profiles. He found that a significant
proportion of participants presented themselves as heterosexual men in their day-to-day lives. His study,
although much criticized from an ethical standpoint, did a great deal to enhance our understanding of the
sociology of sexuality.
There have also been significant applications of the method of participant observation outside of academia. In
the arena of investigative journalism it has evolved into a key technique for acquiring information, infiltrating
groups, and reporting on sensitive or politically charged situations. The method has also been used by writers
and novelists to recount autobiographical experiences of living with certain groups or enduring specific social
conditions. A well-known example is George Orwell's Down and Out in Paris and London (1933), which
documented his experiences of poverty when he worked at the bottom rung of workplaces, such as hotel
kitchens, and of those he encountered in two cities. More recent examples by investigative undercover
journalists who wanted to expose the issues of low pay and poverty include Barbara Ehrenreich's Nickel and
Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America and Polly Toynbee's Hard Work: Life in Low-Pay Britain.
Critical Summary
Participant observation is not a straightforward approach, because it combines multiple methods and because
researchers are placed outside their own natural environment and within essentially foreign ones. There are
also various ethical challenges that need to be addressed and reflected upon prior to entering the field. These
include consent and the honesty of the research endeavor whereby those under observation are aware of that
fact and are willing participants. In addition, the issues of researcher effects, lens (or standpoint), perception,
and access necessitate some discussion.
In terms of researcher effects, researchers are, in essence, invited participants, but their presence in the field
may change the group they are observing. This may cause a certain degree of distortion. They may introduce
foreign norms, material goods, values, language, or other elements that can disrupt those that existed before
they joined the group. This is important not least from a methodological perspective because their presence in
and hence influence on the setting disrupts the very thing they wanted to observe, especially when participants
become aware they are being observed. Indeed, it is for this very reason that some people have continued to
argue in support of more covert methods that do not alter the research setting to the same degree.
In terms of lens, one needs to acknowledge that it is the researcher who in the end chooses whom, what, and
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when to observe, document, and analyze and the aspects on which to focus. This engenders specific power-
knowledge discourses and renders the participants as more passive inasmuch as they have limited control over
how they are eventually represented by the researcher. Attempts to rectify this issue have included researchers
observing settings in which they are already a part and with which they are already familiar, thus giving them
prior authority and access in terms of the interpretations made (in other words, more autoethnographic
research). Some researchers have attempted to give participants greater say in the findings and
representations by sharing these with them and inviting them to take part in their interpretation. However, this
latter approach may cause disruptive effects, as discussed earlier.
In terms of perception, researchers also carry with them to the ethnographic setting certain preconceptions and
emotional baggage. These may influence or cloud their observations and interpretations. It is for this reason
that extended immersion in the field is preferable because this allows the researcher more time to acclimate to
the environment and learn behaviors and customs. The settling-in period is thus very important. Some
ethnographers also employ the method of grounded theory to help tackle this issue. In simple terms, grounded
theory is both an epistemological standpoint and a set of practical tools that seek to avoid exposing the
researcher to excessive information about subjects prior to data collection. These include secondary sources
and other readings that may cause certain expectations and preconceptions and may influence the direction
and nature of analysis.
In terms of access, researchers not only need to secure access to the subculture, group, site, or organization
that they are interested in observing and effectively become part of, but they also have to build up trust
relationships with actors and make attempts to negotiate access to genuine interactions and behind-the-scenes
events. Differences between the researcher and the researched may make this challenging or may require
extended periods of immersion in order to build the necessary rapport and relationships. These may be, for
example, cultural, racial, religious, or ethnic differences. There may even be some differences and demographic
features that make it impossible for the researcher to access certain settings or elements within those settings.
Also, power or status structures might make access difficult. Some subgroups may reserve certain rituals or
activities for particular people, such as elders or men, and an attempted intrusion could be disrespectful or even
dangerous. Consider, for instance, the difficulties facing a female researcher interested in carrying out
participant observation of the interactions of members of an all-male Masonic lodge. It is unlikely that she would
be permitted research access because of her gender and the high level of secrecy of this type of society.
Overall, therefore, participant observation especially that derived from an ethnographic frame of reference
involves the researcher trying to observe and acquire the perspectives of the people involved in certain groups
or social processes. This poses epistemological issues of representation, however, because these perspectives
are always partial understandings of what is going on and are subsequently sifted through the lens of the
researcher. This may not be a problem, depending on the stance of the researcher. It becomes a problem if one
claims that a partial account is the whole truth. A more multidimensional picture of and feel for the context can
be developed by combining accounts, observations, material culture, data sources, and reflections from the
self. As discussed earlier, researchers must have strategies to deal with the following issues: (a) multiple
sources of evidence that they are likely to encounter while in the field, (b) the partial or limited perspectives
of actors located at certain points in a social structure, (c) the reluctance of participants to divulge secrets or
communicate openly, (d) participants' distrust or suspicion, (e) the possibility of people being told
misinformation, and (f) attempts to please the researcher with stories/performances of what it is thought he or
she wants to hear/observe. The toolkit of the participant observer should include the desire and ability to
devote sufficient time to field inquiry, collating multiple sources of data and evidence, accessing people at
different points in the social structure, and comparing/ corroborating evidence wherever possible. Covert
methods or disguising the true purpose of the investigation are both ethically questionable practices, but they
have been employed to overcome some of these challenges and have yielded often fascinating results.
It is also important not to view social groups as static. Human behavior, cultures, and interactions are fluid and
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changing. They are naturally subject to processes of flux regardless of whether the researcher is present. It is
therefore important to recognize that participant-observation studies, while yielding often vast amounts of vivid
descriptive information, are usually fixed in time and place, although they record valuable historical events. It is
important to avoid deterministic interpretations and to recognize the dynamic nature of different environments,
institutions, and cultural groups.
MariaLaura Di Domenico
Nelson Phillips

Further Readings
Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance .New York: Free Press.
Ehrenreich, B. (2001). Nickel and dimed: On (not) getting by in America .London: Granta.
Humphreys, L. (1970). Tearoom trade: Impersonal sex in public places .London: Duckworth.
Orwell, G. (1933). Down and out in Paris and London .London: Victor Gollancz.
Toynbee, P. (2003). Hard work: Life in low-pay Britain .London: Bloomsbury.
Entry Citation:
Di Domenico, MariaLaura, and Nelson Phillips. "Participant Observation." Encyclopedia of Case Study Research. Ed. Albert J. Mills,
Gabrielle Durepos, and Elden Wiebe. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2009. 653-56. SAGE Reference Online. Web. 5 Mar. 2012.
SAGE Publications, Inc.
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