Sustainable Farming Practices: Ghanaian Farmers

Perception of Erosion and Their Use

of Conservation Measures
ANITAVEIHE
Department of Geography and International Development
Studies
Roskilde University
PO Box 260
4000 Roskilde, Denmark
ABSTRACT / Soil erosion in Africa has been in the limelight
over the last two decades with researchers and policy-mak-
ers calling for sustainable farming practices. This is often
based on the assumption that farmers have a poor percep-
tion and little knowledge about soil erosion and conservation
measures and completely ignores the realities of the African
environment and the socioeconomic constraints farmers are
faced with. This paper investigates the way farmers in north-
ern Ghana perceive soil erosion and their rationality when it
comes to their choice of conservation measures, and the
question is asked whether the existing farming practices can
be considered sustainable. Based on this study it appears
that farmers have a clear perception of the problem and
adopt a wide range of conservation measures, depending
on the availability of stones and grasses, possible side ef-
fects associated with using these measures, as well as the
time spent on establishing and maintaining them. This study
shows that when trying to find solutions to soil erosion prob-
lems, both the physical and socioeconomic realities of the
environment have to be considered.
Over the last two decades, soil degradation, particu-
larly in sub-Saharan Africa, has attracted much atten-
tion internationally, with soil erosion being considered
one of the main factors leading to soil degradation
(Folly 1997). Mismanagement and incompatible land
use are often quoted as the main reasons for soil
degradation, with the use and adoption of sustainable
farming systems seen as the key to solving the problem
(Lal 1988, Reardon and others 1991). What is consid-
ered to be a sustainable farming system varies and the
word sustainable is often used without any consider-
ations given to its actual meaning. As pointed out by
Izac and Swift (1994), the concept appears to have
remained largely inoperative in applied research and its
denition is often too vague to enable clear-cut measure-
ments of the sustainability of specic agroecosystems
whose production systems and concepts of sustainability
vary considerably. Izac and Swift (1994) use the follow-
ing denition of a sustainable cropping system: A
cropping system is sustainable if it has an acceptable
level of production of harvestable yield which shows a
non-declining trend from cropping cycle to cropping
cycle over the long term. This denition suits the
individual farm eld scale, although the importance of
different spatial scales operating simultaneously should
be taken into consideration (Izac and Swift 1994).
Whereas most soil erosion studies focus on the
physical aspects, the causes of erosion are often found
in the socioeconomic sphere with the major factors
being (1) lack of awareness of the problem, (2) commu-
nal land rights, (3) insufficient resources to install
conservation practices, (4) inefficient and inadequate
extension agencies, (5) subsistence farming (Lal 1993),
and (6) benets of conservation not tangible or imme-
diately obvious. Subsistence farming in itself is believed
to be an impediment to conservation because resource-
poor farmers often nd it difficult to invest in conserva-
tion-effective practices, especially since these types of
investments are long-term (Lal 1993). Another com-
mon notion is that rapid rural population growth leads
to an increase in the cultivated area and soil degrada-
tion (Cleaver and Schreiber 1994). This is not always
the case and more recent studies have shown that
scarcity of land can result in an agricultural intensica-
tion combined with yield-enhancing technological
changes (Tiffen and others 1994, Mortimore 1995).
In Ghana, soil erosion is considered to be a major
problem and is often cited as a threat to sustained
agricultural production (Department of Geography
and Resource Development 1992). Studies have indi-
cated that 29.5% of the country is subject to slight to
moderate sheet erosion, 43.3% to severe sheet and gully
erosion, and 23% to very severe sheet and gully erosion
(Quansah and others 1989). The Upper East Region is
one of the poorest regions in the country with 97.5% of
KEY WORDS: Soil erosion; Perception; Ghana; Conservation mea-
sures; Sustainability; Farming practices
DOI: 10.1007/s002679910031
Environmental Management Vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 393402

2000 Springer-Verlag New York Inc.
the smallholders living below the Basic Needs Income
in 1986 (IFAD 1990) and with a low physical quality of
life index (13.9%) as compared to the national average
of 37.3% (Awumbila 1994). It is also one of the most
seriously affected regions when it comes to soil erosion.
Senayah (1994) found that the thickness of sandy top
horizons of selected proles had a reduced soil depth of
1355 cm, depending on soil type, as compared with
earlier studies (Adu 1972). Although the reported
reductions in topsoil indicate severe soil erosion, there
is no clear evidence that soil erosion has accelerated
due to poor farming practices. Senayah (1994) did not,
for instance, nd any signicant difference in soil
fertility status as compared to 1962. Through studies of
soil erosion plots in the Upper East Region, it has been
proven that mulching, ridging across the slope, and
compound farming with farmyard manure are the best
cultivation practices to reduce land degradation (Bonsu
and Obeng 1979), of which the two last mentioned are
widely used by farmers in the study area.
Limited research has so far been carried out on the
use of soil and water conservation measures in Africa,
particularly with regard to indigenous measures (Reij
1991). This is in spite of the fact that African cultivators
apply a wide range of techniques under widely varying
climatic conditions. Studies of the perception and use
of soil conservation measures carried out in Burkina
Faso and Mali have shown big differences with respect
to the type of measures being used and the participa-
tion of women in these activities (Hijkoop and others
1991; Batterbury 1994, Lindskog 1994, Hahn 1997).
The aim of this paper is to investigate farmers
perception of soil erosion in the Upper East Region,
Ghana, and their rationality when it comes to their
choice of conservation measures. The various con-
straints farmers are faced with when making decisions
concerning their farming practices are identied, and
the extent to which they are able to adapt to environmen-
tal pressure is discussed as well as whether the existing
farming practices are sustainable.
Study Area
The study area covers the larger part of the Bongo
and Bolgatanga districts in the Upper East Region in
Ghana, an area of approximately 900 km
2
(Figure 1).
The region receives an average annual rainfall of about
1100 mm, which falls in a distinct wet season from
March to mid-October followed by a distinct dry season
from mid-October to March. Considerable variations
exist between successive rainy seasons with respect to
time of onset, duration, and amount of rainfall re-
ceived. The soils are coarse textured with extreme
moisture relationships, having a low accumulation of
organic matter (the majority less than 2%), a low cation
exchange capacity, and low fertility (Quansah 1990,
Asiamah 1992).
The overall land-use pattern has changed very little
since the 1960s (Department of Geography and Re-
source Development 1992, Meyer 1992). Three major
types of farming systems have been identied, consist-
ing of pure arable, pure livestock, and mixed systems.
Most farmers keep livestock, especially poultry, sheep,
and goats. Livestock are an integral part of the cropping
system, with the animals providing manure and trac-
tion. This often makes it difficult to make a sharp
distinction between the various farming systems (Depart-
ment of Geography and Resource Development 1992).
The compound farming system, however, is the most
widespread in the study area. It is comprised of a
combination of bush fallow with permanent cultivation
of small plots of land immediately around the com-
pound houses (Benneh 1972). Closest to the com-
pound house, a rarely manured area of land rotation or
bush fallow is found in a zone surrounding the com-
pound farm and constituting 64% of the study area.
Most farmers also have bush farms further away from
Figure 1. Administrative regions in Ghana (Dickson and
Benneh 1990).
A. Veihe
394
the compound house where bush fallow or land rota-
tion are practiced (Owusu-Bennoah 1991, Department
of Geography and Resource Development 1992). This
area constitutes 36% of the study area. Intercropping is
widespread, with the most common crops being sor-
ghum, millet, and groundnuts as well as various types of
beans and rice.
The six main ethnic groups in the study area are
Gurunie, Talensi, Kassena, Frafra, Bosi, and Nabdam,
with internal migration and intermarriage having caused
dispersion and overlapping of the groups (Department
of Geography and Resource Development 1992). Land
is, in principle, owned communally by clans or lineages,
although there is a trend towards nuclear or individual
ownership. Access to land is by kinship or birthright,
although women are disfavored in that they cannot
inherit or control land directly. The control, allocation,
or administration of land is exercised by the Tindana
(priest of the earth-god), his subordinates, the secular
chief, or the clan and family heads (Department of
Geography and Resource Development 1992). Formali-
ties for acquiring land are minimal; the person will
either approach the family head, a local landlord, or the
local chief and no official payment is made for the land
(Kasanga 1992).
Historical Background
It is believed that during the early stages of colonial-
ism in Ghana, a number of measures were used to
reduce soil erosion in the study area. These measures
included the widespread use of household refuse as
farm manure and stone terracing in hilly areas. In the
1930s, the colonial administration held the view that the
problem of soil erosion was caused by improper, nonin-
tensive farming methods. Consequently, the problem
was addressed through resettlement schemes in less
populated areas such as Damongo; these projects even-
tually failed when they were no longer supported by the
government (Department of Geography and Resource
Development 1992) and when programs appeared not
to improve the incomes and welfare of small farmers
(Ardayo-Schandorf 1982).
The period from 1945 up to 1960 was initially
characterized by ad hoc planning, but in 1953 the Land
Planning and Soil Conservation Ordinance was passed,
and this led to the declaration of Land Planning Areas
in the Upper East Region for the purpose of preserving
and reclaiming land and protecting water resources
(Department of Geography and Resource Development
1992). It was the rst multidisciplinary approach by the
government to reverse soil degradation and to stop soil
erosion (Sipkens and Nabila 1989). From 1960 empha-
sis shifted to the development of large state farms and
irrigation projects, such as in Zuarungu, aimed at
increasing food supply to the urban areas. These
schemes generally favored the urban privileged minor-
ity and the wealthy local leaders in the rural areas
(Ardayo-Schandorf 1982). From1975 onwards, a num-
ber of efforts were made to address land degradation,
and these included the establishment of the Upper
Regional Agricultural Development Project (URADEP),
the associated Farmers Services Company (FASCOM),
and the North East Ghana Savanna Project, all aimed at
improving agricultural productivity without focusing on
soil erosion and conservation measures per se. With the
introduction of the Upper Region Land Conservation
and Small-holder Rehabilitation Project, the Interna-
tional Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) set
up an extensive project that aimed at introducing
inexpensive methods for soil conservation purposes.
The main emphasis was, however, on the prevention of
reservoir siltation and not so much on mitigating the
effects of general farming practices. The methods
proposed were contour ploughing, agroforestry, and
planting of vetiver hedges (Vetiveria zizanioides), of which
a local variety is widespread in the low-lying parts of the
region. A number of nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) such as OXFAM have also been running
projects that demonstrated the construction of contour
lines and mulching methods for reclaiming degraded
land. Other examples include the US Peace Corps,
whose workers trained villagers on tree nursing and
planting in collaboration with the forestry department
in Ghana (Wien 1990), and Sasakawa Global 2000,
which launched a program in 1986 encouraging the use
of fertilisers (IFAD 1990).
Research Methodology
Statistically quantiable information on household
and farm size, employment characteristics, and crops
grown on the elds was obtained through a brief
questionnaire used as a basis for selecting villages for
in-depth interviews. Because the household is an analyti-
cal construct whose boundaries can be difficult to draw,
it is important to dene the household according to the
social context and environment. In the Upper East
Region, where seasonal migration is a widespread phe-
nomenon and where the extended family structure
broadens the base for informal monetary exchange
with part of the income and livelihoods derived through
off-farm activities, we used the denition: a household
consists of a person or group of persons who live
together in the same compound for minimum4 months
yearly, eat from the same cooking-pot and constitutes
Sustainable Farming in Ghana
395
one economic entity (Folly 1997). The compound
farm (equivalent to a farm in European terms) may
therefore consist of several families that typically com-
bine bush fallow at the outer elds with permanent
cultivation of small plots of land immediately around
the compound houses (Benneh 1972).
Farmers in each household were asked whether they
had the possibility of expanding the cultivated area
and/or access to any credit facilities. The questionnaire
was administered by local agricultural extension officers
with a long working experience in the area, and they
had the possibility of cross-checking the information
given by the farmers. A total of 217 questionnaires were
administered.
The majority of the farmers in the study area are
subsistence farmers with relatively small farms produc-
ing mainly for local consumption, and for that reason
are considered homogeneous. Because maps with the
exact location of farms did not exist, farmers to be
presented with the questionnaire were chosen based on
the agricultural extension officers subdivision of dis-
tricts into major villages. Five households were chosen
in each major village. No preference was given to the
member of the household responding to the question-
naire, although in practice the respondents were usu-
ally male, as the women felt reluctant to answer even
when met alone. This is because of the sociocultural
context, where the man is the head of the household
and the overall decision maker, while the woman
normally has access to land for peanut and vegetable
production (but not ownership). Women are also very
important in the marketing/sale of food produce.
The questionnaire enabled an assessment of the
spatial variation of farm characteristics and provided
the basis for the selection of sites for in-depth interview-
ing. Fourteen villages were chosen for the interviews
based on differences with respect to accessibility and
farm density as determined from topographical maps
and satellite images. The villages were Adaboya, Bongo
Soe, Gowrie, Zuarungu, Tongo, Kpatia, Damulugu,
Kumbusgu, Dusi, Shiega, Sekoti, Kongo, Anafobisi, and
Datoko (Figure 2).
A semistructured group interview was conducted in
each village to obtain information on perceptions of
soil erosion, erosion problems, and the use and aware-
ness of conservation measures. For each interview, a
minimum number of questions had been prepared to
help the interview ow, but it was emphasized that
farmers could bring any topic related to agriculture
onto the agenda. This was done to encourage farmers to
bring out pertinent information that otherwise might
have been hidden to the interviewer.
Interviews were organized through prominent people
in the villages such as the chief, assembly man, or senior
farmers to ensure an optimum participation from the
community. During each interview, a group of women
was present. This was deemed necessary since women
have their own farming activities that differ from the
mens also when it comes to the use of conservation
measures. By organizing the interviews through promi-
nent people in the villages, the results may, however, be
biased toward representing the more resourceful farm-
ers. Whenever possible women farmers were inter-
viewed separately, since otherwise the interviews be-
came focused on the men and their activities. A local
journalist with a thorough knowledge of the area asked
the questions, except in a few villages where a senior
member of the community volunteered to ask ques-
tions. Interpretation was done simultaneously and an-
swers were noted down straight away. Immediately after
returning from eldwork, the eld notes were rewritten
to ensure that the data were of as high quality as possible.
Figure 2. Villages selected for the in-depth inter-
views.
A. Veihe
396
Farm Characteristics
The average farm size in the study area of 3.3 ha is
higher than the Upper East regional average of about 2
ha and consists of intensively cropped land with irregu-
larly sized elds. The average number of persons within
a household was 19.3 persons, with 31% between 0 and
10 years of age and only 9% older than 50. The
percentages in the age groups 1120 and 2150 were
23% and 37%, respectively, which is a high consumer/
producer ratio. Due to the lack of employment in the
region, 66% of questioned households had members
working outside the region, and 81% of the households
relied on other income-generating activities such as
shing, basket weaving, production of shea-nut oil,
shea-nut butter, and leather goods to supplement the
often meagre income from agricultural activities. Many
farmers (74%) expressed the interest in expanding
their farms, but were constrained rst and foremost by
lack of capital followed by lack of labor, transportation,
bullocks, and nally lack of seed. More than 90% of the
farmers did not have access to credit facilities (Folly
1997).
Village-Level Perceptions of Soil Erosion
Virtually all villages in the study area claimed to be
experiencing severe soil erosion affecting agricultural
production (Folly 1997). The farmers indicated several
ways in which they experience soil erosion, the most
common being loss of nutrients and declining soil
fertility causing reduced crop yields. Soil erosion is
often experienced when seedlings and plants are washed
away during heavy rains. Other ways farmers experience
soil erosion is through the creation of rills and gullies,
reduced grain headsize, increased occurrence of
drought, roots getting exposed, and in some cases land
being degraded to the point where it can no longer be
farmed.
When asked whether farmers had experienced declin-
ing yields over the past 10 years, all except one village
group said yes. This should be seen in the light of the
decreasing use of fertilizers described in all the inter-
viewed villages. Since the mid-1980s the government
has gradually withdrawn subsidies and, combined with
the continuous depreciation of the cedi (local cur-
rency), it has become increasingly difficult for farmers
to purchase fertilizers (IFAD 1990). The questionnaire
showed that 92% of the farmers did not have access to
credit facilities that could otherwise have provided a
source for buying fertilisers. Nevertheless, in Bongo Soe
farmers complained of fertilizers destroying the soil,
reecting a common problem that emerged during the
interviews where some farmers apply the wrong type of
fertilizers at a more or less accidental volume. Earlier
studies by Djokoto and Stephens (1961) in northern
Ghana have shown that the wrong application of fertil-
izer such as ammonium sulfate on groundnut elds
decreased yields. It became clear through the interview
that farmers believed an increase in the use of fertilizers
would enable themto increase yields provided sufficient
water is available. Due to the variable rainfall and the
varying use of fertilizers, farmers generally found it
difficult to assess yields and to compare them on a yearly
basis.
The Kumbusgu villagers claimed to have been expe-
riencing increased yields, which may be attributed to
the fact that a large number of activities have taken
place to improve farming in the village, including
tractors provided by the nearby Catholic mission. In
previous studies, tractor plowing has been found to
reduce soil loss by 86% as compared to hand tillage
(Quansah and Baffoe-Bonnie 1981). The improvement
of farming has had a tremendous effect on the village in
that young men who previously used to migrate to other
regions for work have returned to farm in the village.
Use of Conservation Measures
A number of conservation measures are being used
in the study area, ranging from contour plowing to
stone bunding, to various types of grass strips, mulch-
ing, and the use of trees (Table 1). This clearly illus-
trates the existence of a high degree of awareness of the
soil erosion problem among the farmers and their
ability to address the problem.
The use of contour plowing depends mainly on the
availability of bullocks during land preparation. Bul-
locks are normally used during the initial stages of land
preparation before the onset of the rain. Tillage carried
out later (reshaping) is primarily done using a hoe. The
poorest farmers are often forced to till the land using a
hoe because they do not own bullocks and cannot
afford to hire them either. Some farmers may have sold
their animals during the lean season in order to feed
themselves, to pay school fees, or to perform certain
sacrices or funerals during the dry season. On the
other hand, studies in the region have shown that elds
managed by a hoe have a higher surface roughness than
bullock-ploughed elds, but that roughness probably
has little effect in terms of erosion during high-intensity
rainstorms (Folly 1996).
Terracing/stone bunding is an old farm practice in
the area and has been widely adopted for checking soil
erosion. This applies especially to the Kongo/Dam-
ulugu area, which is hilly and has many stones. Not only
are the terraces absolutely essential for checking the ero-
Sustainable Farming in Ghana
397
sion on these relatively shallow soils [primarily leptosols
according to the Food and Agriculture Organisation
(FAO) (Asiamah 1992)], but by collecting the stones for
terracing, land is freed for farming purposes and can be
tilled more easily.
The planting of trees and the use of agroforestry to
reduce erosion and increase the production of rewood
is not widespread in the area and supports ndings by
the Department of Geography and Resource Develop-
ment (1992). On the other hand, economic trees such
as shea nut (Butyrospermum parkii), baobab (Adansonia
digitata), and mango (Mangifera indica) are common
around the compound houses and scattered individu-
ally over the farming land (Folly 1997).
In villages using trees, it was individuals or small
groups of people rather than the village as a whole, due
to the fact that many farmers consider trees to take up a
lot of valuable and scarce farmland. There have, how-
ever, been several attempts to introduce agroforestry
practices in the region, for instance, through US Peace
Corps activities. A few farmers did indicate that they
have been using trees as conservation measures on their
own initiative, simply because they had realized that the
tree roots hold the soil together and that nutrients are
added to the soil via the leaves when they decompose.
A large variety of local grasses are used for grass
strips. When cut, these grasses can be used for other
purposes, such as roong, making mats, weaving bas-
kets, making shing traps and brooms, or the stalks are
simply cut and sold. Finally, waterways (among the
locals called gullies) are made to ensure that excess
water can be diverted off the elds immediately during
heavy downpours, thereby preventing excessive runoff
and associated soil loss.
Constraints and Problems with Conservation
Measures
Farmers were asked to list the problems they encoun-
ter when using various conservation measures (Table
2). Apart from access to bullocks for tillage operations,
farmers did not encounter any problems with contour
plowing. The elds are simply bullock plowed after
heavy rainfall, the operation normally takes only one
day and consequently is not labor intensive as compared
to the hoe.
With respect to the use of stone terraces and bunds,
many farmers complain of the time spent on both
establishing and maintaining these structures. Except
for the farmers in the Nangodi area, most other farmers
have to travel long distances to nd bigger stones
suitable for the purpose. Stones are normally carried on
the head due to lack of transportation, making the job
very tedious. Work related to the establishment of stone
terraces and bunds starts in February and continues to
April, taking on average one to three months. A major
problem is the general maintenance of these structures
due to animals that roam around during the dry season
and by that destroying the terraces. The general mainte-
nance is mostly done alongside land preparation but
continuous inspection is also carried out throughout
the wet season. Other problems encountered when
using stone terraces are, in particular, the increased
presence of reptiles/scorpions, millipedes, and centi-
pedes as well as moles and termites that can destroy the
crop. In addition, terraces take up valuable land and
stones impede weeding activities.
The use of mulching, which has often been advo-
cated by many donor agencies as a useful conservation
measure, fosters an attractive environment for insects
Table 1. Use of conservation measures in interviewed villages
Name of
village
Terraces/
stone bunds
Contour
plowing
Grass
strips Mulching Trees Waterways
Adaboya X X X
Abafobisi X X X
Bongo Soe X X X
Datoko X X X X
Damulugu X X
Dusi X X
Gowrie X X X
Kongo X X
Kpatia X X
Kumbusgu X X X
Sekoti X X
Shiega X X X
Tongo X X X X
Zuarungu X X X
A. Veihe
398
such as ants that infest and destroy the crops. When
burning of crop residues is no longer taking place, the
weeds are not removed and numbers increase during
the wet season, affecting crop growth. The practice,
therefore, requires thorough and labor intensive weed-
ing of the elds, whereas the burning of elds, which is
normally practiced, requires a minimum work input.
Unless farming practices change, requiring less work
input during the wet season, it is unlikely that burning
of elds will cease.
When using trees, the major problems indicated by
farmers were lack of access to tree nurseries and the fact
that trees take up a lot of land needed for farming
activities. Once trees are established, little maintenance
is required. These ndings differ from studies carried
out in southern Mali, where farmers nd it too time-
consuming and costly to plant trees (Hijkoop and
others 1991). However, trees regenerated naturally in
and around elds are common and mostly consist of
dawa dawa (Parkia clappertoniana), shea nut (Butyrosper-
mum parkii), and mango (Mangifera indica).
With respect to the grass strips, lack of transportation
is a problem, as many grasses are located far from the
compounds (e.g., in valleys). This applies especially to
the vetiver grass, also characterized by being difficult to
uproot. Transplantation of the plants takes place at the
beginning of the wet season, often when crops such as
millet are sowed. A few farmers choose to wait to see
where erosion occurs before deciding where to install
the grass strips. The only requirement needed to grow
grass strips is sufficient rainfall during the initial stages,
otherwise the plants would die quickly.
Once grasses have been established, the major diffi-
culty for many farmers is ensuring that the grass does
not affect the crops by spreading too fast. This is a major
problem, especially for vetiver grass grown on upland
soils. Continuous pruning and burning, therefore, is
necessary. Depending on the location, vetiver grass
needs to be pruned every one to three years. Any gaps
that may have occurred during the previous growing
season need to be lled, otherwise the grass strips will
not have the intended effect and may even increase
erosion. Burning occurs occasionally when bushres
sweep the area and leave only the root structure.
Problems such as reptiles were again mentioned as a
major problem, together with lack of water for the
plants at the early stages, grass edges cutting hands, and
lack of capital to hire communal labor.
It was generally difficult for farmers to estimate the
amount of time spent on conservation measures since
these activities often take place alongside other farming
activities except for the stone terraces made during the
dry season. In 50% of the villages, the installation of
conservation measures takes place on an individual
basis, while it is done on a communal basis in the
remaining villages. Farmers generally deemed it neces-
sary to establish and maintain conservation measures in
spite of the time required for these activities, and for
instance, in the hilly area, all but a few farms were
observed to be using stone terraces.
Farmers were asked which of the two most common
types of conservation measures they preferred, stones
or grass strips. In the majority of the villages, the
farmers replied that the grass strips were the best mainly
because of their multiple use, providing a source of
income. The men of Kongo village also claimed that
Table 2. Commonly used conservation measures
and problems associated with them
a
Contour plowing
Availability of bullocks (2)
Terraces/stone bunding
Encounter reptiles/scorpions when collecting stones (7)
Have to walk long distances and often have to carry stones
on the head (6)
No equipment to break bigger stones (4)
Time-consuming to arrange and maintain (3)
Lack of nance to hire people (2)
Take up land (2)
Stones harbor millipedes and centipedes as well as moles
and termites which can destroy the crop (1)
Impedes weeding (1)
Animals roaming around during the dry season destroy
terraces (1)
Mulching
Soil easily gets infested with animals such as ants (1)
When crop residues are not burned down, weeds increase
drastically (1)
Trees
No access to tree nurseries (1)
Take up land (1)
Grass strips
Encounter reptiles in the grass (7)
Lack of transport for taking grass to the farm; have to travel
long distances (6)
Tedious to uproot (5)
No capital to hire communal labor (food for laborers) (3)
Tedious to transplant (2)
Pruning and burning has to be done continuously to
prevent grasses from encroaching on the crops (2)
Take up land (2)
Lack tools to uproot grasses (1)
Die off when does not rain (1)
No water to water plants (is needed for animals and
domestic use) (1)
Grass cuts your hands (1)
No planting material available (1)
Cannot afford to grow grass strips (1)
Waterways
No problems were mentioned
a
Number of villages listing problems associated with the use of
conservation measures shown in parentheses.
Sustainable Farming in Ghana
399
vetiver grass is an exceptionally good conservation
measure because of the root structure. The women of
Kongo, however, preferred to use the stones because
they had to walk further in order to get the grass and
claimed the men were not willing to help them trans-
port it. This means that although there is a trend
towards the vetiver grass as a conservation measure,
choice depends on the existing environmental condi-
tions and to some extent gender roles.
Discussion and Conclusion
The present study shows that farmers are well aware
of soil erosion and its effect on agricultural production,
although farmers experience erosion in different ways.
In spite of farmers awareness of the problem, they still
claim to be faced with declining yields over the past 10
years mainly attributed to the reduction in the use of
fertilizers. The high awareness/perception of soil ero-
sion supports Lindskogs (1994) studies of the FulBe
tribe in northern Burkina Faso and Kiome and Stock-
ings (1995) observations in Kenya that farmers are
highly conscious of soil erosion problems. On the other
hand, it is worth noting that comparison of eld
measurements with farmers perception of soil erosion
in the United States and Australia showed that farmers
tend to underestimate soil erosion (Rickson and others
1987; Osterman and Hicks 1988). Since a comparison
between perceived and actual erosion was not made in
the Upper East Region, it is possible that soil erosion is
more serious than it appears to be.
Nevertheless, this study showed that a wide range of
conservation measures is being used, ranging from
contour plowing to stone bunding, to various types of
grass strips, mulching, and the use of trees. Farmers
preferred conservation measures depend upon the
availability of stones and grasses as well as the time
needed to establish and maintain these measures. While
mulching and contour plowing, recommended by many
scientists, may be perfectly adequate in temperate
climates, they may, in fact, cause problems with ants or
simply be inadequate during high-intensity tropical
rainstorms. When compared with other studies carried
out in the region, it seems clear that the use of
conservation measures is related to the affiliation to a
particular ethnic group. Hahn (1997), for instance,
discovered precolonial methods of soil conservation
among the Kassena in southern Burkina Faso, including
the extensive use of stone terraces and manuring
similar to the Kabye tribe in Togo with close historical
links to the Kassena. The use of stone bunds is wide-
spread among the Mossi people of Burkina Faso (Batter-
bury 1994) and the FulBe in northern Burkina Faso and
Mali (Hijkoop and others 1991, Lindskog 1994) but is
less important in the Upper East Region. This is most
likely linked to the lack of communal labor when
installing conservation measures in the Upper East
Region, something that is a matter of the community
organizations in northern Burkina Faso and Mali.
Finally, the effect of ethnic origin is reected in the
activities carried out by women. While women are
strongly involved with soil conservation activities among
the Kassenas in Burkina Faso and the Mossi people in
the Upper East Region, the women in the FulBe tribe
do not participate in these activities (Hijkoop and
others 1991, Batterbury 1994).
When considering the problems associated with the
use of the various conservation measures, there is
hardly any doubt that farmers in northern Ghana do
make rational decisions when it comes to their farming
practices and that these decisions reect both the
physical and socioeconomic reality of their environ-
ment. This is an observation that corresponds with
studies carried out in Kenya, showing that farmers
choose conservation measures giving them the highest
return (Kiome and Stocking 1995). There is conse-
quently every reason to believe that farmers will adapt
to environmental pressure by rening their farming
practices.
The question remains whether farming practices in
northern Ghana are sustainable. Using the denition of
Izac and Swift cited above, there is no clear evidence or
proof that yields are declining over the long term. The
perceived decline in yield may instead reect the
increase in population combined with a higher fre-
quency of droughts experienced over the last decade.
On the other hand, it is obvious that soil erosion is
prevalent and that the land is being intensively used for
farming to produce sufficient food for the continuously
growing population. This calls for carefully planned
farming strategies aimed at preventing a decline of soil
fertility. However, farmers generally tend to make ratio-
nal decisions when it comes to using conservation
measures, some of which date back to precolonial times,
and they have good reasons for not choosing alternative
measures such as mulching. Effort should therefore be
placed on improving/rening existing conventional
conservation measures, which are relatively cheap for
the farmers, combined with continued and sufficient
application of manure in order to increase agricultural
production. This should be associated with programs
outside the agricultural sector to create further employ-
ment for the rural population.
A. Veihe
400
Acknowledgments
The Council for Development Research, Denmark,
is thanked for the generous grant that enabled this
research work to be carried out. The work was done as
part of a PhD project at the Institute of Geography,
University of Copenhagen, Denmark. I am highly in-
debted to Mr. Sumaila Saaka, Council for National
Culture in Bolgatanga, Ghana, for carrying out many of
the interviews.
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