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1
The Transmission of Sufi Tariqa in Thailand

Dr Christopher M. Joll
1

Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development (CESD)
Chiang Mai University

Paper presented at the 12
th
International Thai Studies Conference
University of Sydney
April 22-4, 2014
Abstract
This paper is part of a historical ethnography of sufi orders (turuq) between the
Thailands Central plains and Malay far-south. In contrast to the modernist, reformist,
and revivalist Islamic movements firmly embedded in Thailands religious landscape,
next to nothing is known about these movements, for a variety of reasons. In Thailand
sufi practitioners lack the numbers found in other parts of Muslim Southeast Asia, and
most sufi tariqa are now marginal to the Muslim mainstream. Although in some parts of
the country some still resemble secret societies, in others they engage through websites,
social media, and TV channels. I begin with a prolegomena pointing out that despite its
long history in South Thailand, sufism has almost been entirely neglected by scholars. In
four substantive sections, I consider the personalities and processes that between the late
1800s and 1920s contributed to the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah established a presence in the
Thai/Malay Peninsula. Although my interests are predominantly in connections with
Patani/Pattani, I also reveal that Ahmadiyyah influence reached Bangkok through
another curiously and circuitous route which highlights the importance its influence
in the Hijaz as late as the 1940s.
Introduction
This paper presents elements of a historical ethnography of sufi networks, rituals, and litanies
present in Muslim communities between Thailands central plains and Malay-dominated
southern provinces. I begin with a prolegomena in which I suggest reasons for the almost
complete neglect of sufism by scholars of Islam in Thailand, despite its long history. The
limits of space and wealth of material require concentrating on two branches of the
Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah order in Thailand, and the contribution of personalities with direct
links with Patani.
2
Whilst important connections exist between them, I consider the careers of
Tuan Tabal, Wan Musa, Muhammad Said al-Linggi, and Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani in
separate sections. These shed new light on the processes through which this tariqa
established a presence in the Thai/Malay Peninsula between the late 1800s and 1920s.
Notwithstanding my interests in connections with Patani/Pattani, I also reveal Ahmadiyyah
influence having reached Bangkok through another curiously and circuitous route that
highlights its influence in the Hijaz in the 1920s.
Studying Sufism in Thailand
Whilst modernist, reformist, revivalist, and radical Islamic movements in Thailand have
been extensively studies, why has next-to-nothing has been written on sufism in Thailand?
3

As I reveal below, the reasons are many.

1
The author can be contacted on cmjoll@gmail.com and +66894659082.
2
In this paper, Patani specifically denotes the Malay Kerajaaan which covered the present-day Thai provinces.
of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, while Pattani specifically refers to the Thai amphur (province).
3
Uman Madaman wrote a doctoral dissertation on Thai tariqa (Madaman 1999) and Rajeswary Brown has
includes fascinating material on a range of turuq in her Islam in Modern Thailand: Faith, Philanthropy and
Politics (2013, 54-56, 69-74, 91-52,123-128, 185-128).
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2
In Thailand sufi practitioners lack the numbers found in other parts of Muslim
Southeast Asia. Their numbers have dwindled since the Japanese occupation during WWII
for a number of reasons. Some of the modernist and reformist movements that have impacted
Islamic thought and practice in the Malay World over the last century have targeted certain
sufi practices. In many parts of Thailand where tariqa where active, Muslims wishing to
grow in knowledge and piety, are now more likely to join the Tablighi Jamaat. Most tariqa
are led by tok guru (PM. religious teachers) or babo (PM. pondok school owners) possessing
permission to function as sufi masters (PM. murshid) who induct students (PM. anok murid)
in to an order. The conversion of pondok schools that provided a religious education, into
private schools teaching Islam (PSTIs) which also taught the Thai national curriculum,
reduced the level of contact and influence of teachers who taught and practiced tasawwuf (Ar.
mysticism). Notwithstanding some sufi Imams, tok guru, and babos remaining positions in
some local Islamic councils, most tariqa are now marginal to the mainstream Islam.
Particularly in the far-south between Chana (in Songkhla Province) and the Golok
River some turuq resemble secret societies. This complicates achieving contact, rapport, and
the permission required to ethnically undertake a study based on extensive ethnographic
fieldwork.
4
Given the ease with which a number of turuq can be located north of Chana and
south of the Kelantanese border, this is in large part related to elements of insurgents
performing practices associated with sufi orders. Although in the Malay far-south some
tariqa resemble secret societies, those further north engage with the public sphere through
websites, social media, and TV channels.
Other more concerning reasons have led to the dearth of studies on Sufism in
Thailand. Thailands traditionalist majority has generally been neglected in favour of their
reformist interlocutors. The study of sufism requires a rigorous reading of the range of
secondary literature produced by historians of Southeast Asian Islam, a working knowledge
of Islamic texts and traditions, and above all fieldwork. Scholarly silence on sufism is
largely related to the lack of fieldwork presently being conducted among rural traditionalist
in Narathiwat and Yala where sufism is the strongest. Two ethnographies based largely in
Sungai Golok are the any doctoral dissertation of Narathiwat that I am aware of (Pas-Ong
1990; Tsuneda 2006). Portraits of rural Malay communities (Cornish 1997; Patya 1974) are
equally rare and increasingly dated. Although I have personally contributed to this trend
(Joll 2011), most studies of southern Malayness are based on fieldwork conducted in Pattani.
The significance of this is that Pattanis Malay population has been most impacted by Thai
modernity and Islamic reformism led by Dr Ishmael Lutfi Japakia (Braam 2013; Muhammad
Ilyas Yahprung 2014).
Another trend is that the involvement of some scholars from Patani in sufism has been
downplayed - even ignored by recent biographers.
5
Once more, my treatments of Sheikh
Daud bin Abdullah bin Idris al-Fatani (Sheikh Daud al-Fatani) and Sheikh Wan Ahmad b.
Muhammad Zain Mustafa al-Fatani (Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani) (1856-1908) (Joll 2011, esp.
35-40, 42-50; 2012) have unintentionally contributed to this trend, emphasizing the latters
involvement in reformism with no reference to sufism. At the time I had neither heard of the
Ahmadiyyah and that some sufi orders active during the careers of both these influential
personalities.
My recent re-reading of Perayot Rahimmulas study of Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani
(Rahimmula 1990) contains some valuable glimpses into the importance of the Shattariyyah
and Ahmadiyyah.
6
For example, he relates that while still a child in Patani, Sheikh Daud bin

4
Most of the fieldwork on which this study is based began in October 2012.
5
The following are some recent exceptions (Lukmanul Hakim Darusman 2010; Narongraksakhet 2010).
6
I wish to thank Ibrahim Wongtanee for providing me with a searchable PDF version of Rahimmulas
enormous work which contains translations of some of Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani most important fatwa.
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Abdullah bin Idris al-Fatani (Sheikh Daud) had an encounter in with a great Sufi from
Yemen. The Shiekh rubbed the young Dauds head and prayed a dua. The Sheikh revealed
that he had asked Allah to bless this child, and to make him a glittering star, a full moon, a
shining sun and the greatest ulama of the Malay soil" (Rahimmula 1990, 200). Sheikh Daud
al-Fatani was far from first alim from Patani to have arrived in Mecca. His first tok gurus
there were Patani scholars who led hallaqah (Ar. study circles) in Meccas al-Haram
Mosque. Among them was a certain Sheikh Muhammad Saleh bin Abdur-Rahman al-Fatani,
who Perayot Rahimmula describes as a learned man in both Shariah and Tasawwuf (of the
Shattariyah tariqa). In addition to functioning as a Shattariyah murshid, Sheikh Daud had
also been inducted into the Samaniyyah.
7
Another was Sheikh Ali bin Ishak al-Fatani who
was a Samaniyyah (Rahimmula 1990, 193, 203). He may even have firsthand contact with
Sheihk Muhammad bin Abdul Karim Samman al-Madani, after whom the order is named
(1990, 204).
Tariqa sufism was extremely active during the nineteenth century which Michael
Laffan as suggested could be referred to as a sufi century (Laffan 2014). On the subject of
the Ahmadiyyah presence in Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, Rahimmula comments this to
have had a large following in the past. That this was almost certainly the case, is partly
related to Patanis traditionalist leadership both been related to each other, and drawing from
similar sources of knowledge (Rahimmula 1990, 402). It is well known, for example, that
Sheikh Daud al-Fatani was an important leader of the Shattariyyah during the nineteenth
century. Ibrahim Narongraksakhet draws attention to Sheikh Daud al-Fatanis habit of
combining more than one field of knowledge in one title complicating clear distinctions about
whether its contents were fiqh, usul aldin, or tasawwuf. He claims that nine of his works
specifically dealt with tasawwuf (2010, 8 these are listed on p. 268).
8
Francis Bradley argues
that sufism was the primary focus of works penned by Sheikh Daud al-Fatani between 1817
and 1834.
9
These were a mixture of original works and translations by luminaries like Abu
Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazali (10581111). One of the best known is his translation of
Imam al-Ghazalis Minhai al Abidin which is still widely studied in the Patanis
traditionalist pondok. Bradley summarises Al-Manhal al- f f Bayn Ramz Ahl al- f
(Pure Spring in the Explanation of Sufi Symbolism) to have served as a primer to many
basic Sufi doctrines. Its short glossary suggests its use by students new to the Shattariyya. It
also dealt with details of the martabat tujuh, or seven stages of Sufi consciousness (Bradley
2013, 5).
10
The intensification of Patanis political woes after 1832 led him to return once
more to writing on fiqh and addressing social problems.
Rahimmula described that throughout the east coast tok gurus and babos were
individually initiated into Tarikat Ahmadiyyah or Shattariyyah. Their ultimate aim was
spiritual perfection, and the pursuit and propagation of esoteric knowledge. Although all
tok guru are expected to possess or access efficacious formulas, some are believed to
possess mystical power, referred to as berkat (blessing) that may manifest itself in the
ability to cure, repel sorcery, locate lost objects [], provide protection, and anticipate future
or distant events even cause injury or sickness (Rahimmula 1990, 403). This referred to

7
The Shattiriyyah trail started when I heard about a movement in Nongjook (East Bangkok) called the Sotok.
A research assistant in Kota Baru suggested that this might be the Shattiriyyah. Many Pattani Malays would
pronounce Shattiriyyah as Sotoriyyah, but this had obviously been further contracted. I confirmed that this
was the case after being taken to meet the local 70-year old murshid . He had been inducted by his grandfather,
who had been received an ijazah to spread the Shattiriyyah from Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani, who had been
inducted by the even more famous Sheikh Daud al-Fatani (Fieldnotes Dec 12, 2014).
8
For Narongraksakhets list see (2010, 268).
9
Bradley specifically mentions the following works by Sheikh Daud al-Fatani (1818, 1824a, 1824b, 1825, 1828,
1829, 1834a, 1834b, 1913, nd).
10
For more on Al-Manhal al- f see MHD Zain bin Abdul Rahman (2000).
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locally as orae karamat.
When I first mentioned my interest in studying sufism in South Thailand, my Malay friends
who had been born and raised in Pattani informed me that this would be impossible. Sufi
tariqa had all but disappeared, and their remnants would be tremendously difficult for
someone like me to track down. I had lived in South Thailand for ten years before meeting
my first bona fide sufi. He was a disciple (Ar. murid) of a Malaysian sheikh (Ar. sufi master)
who was known as Sheikh Mahmud al-Majzub.
11
He led what could best be referred to as
branch of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Dandarawiyyah originating from Lundang Paku on the
outskirts of Kota Baru in Kelantan, with the Qadriyyah that he had encountered while
studying India.
I remember thinking if they were wrong about this, what else had they been wrong
about?! Changing the questions I asked and where I asked them opened the door into a
parallel universe. The following section is the first of four which consider the contributions of
well known Malay scholar involved in the establishment of Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah on the
east coast of the Thai/Malay Peninsula.
Tuan Tabal and Ibrahim al-Rashid
Mark Sedgwicks Saints and Sons (2005) is without doubt the most comprehensive treatment
of turuq influenced by the famous Morrocan Sheikh Sidi Ahmad ibn Idris al-Fasi (1760-
1837).
12
The terms Idrisi and Ahmadi for Sedgwick denote devotional practices, sufi
orders, and individuals which can be traced back to Ahmad ibn Idris and perpetuated by his
followers. In light of the confusing variety of names which are often loosely applied, he
suggests the following as the three most important Idrisi/Ahmadi traditions:

(1) Ahmad ibn Idris' direct descendants that provided 'Idrisi' or 'Ahmadi' sheikh in the Sudan
and Egypt. This includes the short-lived 'Idrisi State' of 'Asir in the Yemen at the start of the
twentieth century.
(2) Ahmad ibn Idris Sudanese student Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghani (1793/4-1852/3)
who established the Mirghaniyya/Khatmiyya.
(3) Two other students, Muhammad ibn al-Sanusi (1787-1859) and Ibrhm ibn Salih ibn
'Abd al-Rahmadal-Duwayhi (1813-1874), known as Ibrahim al-Rashid who established the
Sanusiyya and Rashidiyya orders. The latter is sometimes referred to as the Ahmadiyya
(1997, 350).

One of the directions in which the Ahmadiyyah spread from the mid-late 1800s, was to the
Malay World where sizable followings in Singapore and the Malaysian state of Seremban
still exist. As I have already commented above, this is also well known throughout the east
coast of Thai/Malay Peninsula.
13
Other important orders on the peninsula are the
Naqshabandiyya and Qadriyyah . However, these are stronger along the Melaka Straits and in
upcountry (hulu) Perak (Farrer 2009; Laffan 2014, 34; Syed Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas

11
For a hagiography of this Sheikh published by his disciples see (Madrasah Nurul Iman Hulu 2009).
12
Readers interested in the accounts of the career of Sheikh Ahmad ibn Idris should consult the following (Bang
1997; O'Fahey, Rex Sen 1990; O'Fahey, Rex Sen and Ali Salih Karrar 1987; Thomassen and Radtke 1993;
Vikr 2004; Voll 1973)
13
Tariqa Ahmadiyyah may sometimes refer to Tariqa Muhammadiyya, or orders emphasizing union with the
Prophet. In Kelantan, the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah might be confused with the Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah, an
order whose devotional practices are linked to the Egyptian Sheikh Ahmad Badawi (1200-1279). This was the
tariqa that Haji Abdullah Tahir (1897-1961) dispensed ijazah to pious students from his Madrasah Ahmadiyyah
located on the outskirts of Kota Baru in Bunut Payong. Since the 1960s, through the charismatic teaching and
teaching careers of Tok Khruu Ae, Koh Yao Noi (an island east of Phuket) and Tok Khruu Loh (Huay Un,
Songkhla), this is now one of the three largest tariqa in Thailand, and the largest in Thailands Southern Thai-
speaking upper south.
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5
1963).
14
Branches of the Alawiyyah are most numerous in former Straits Settlements where
Hardrami creole communities are most numerous. Remnants of an Alawiyyah branch
referred to locally as the al-Haddad may still be found among South Thailands Syaid
communities.
15

The importance of both Ibrahim al-Rashid and his student Muhammad ibn `Ali al-
Dandarawi (18391911) cannot understated. The Rashiddiyah branch of the Ahmadiyyah-
Idrisiyyah (sometimes referred to as the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Rahidyyah) is named the
latter. It was Ibrahim al-Rashid who inducted Haji Wan Abdul Samad bin Wan Muhammad
Salih bin Wan Abdul Latif al-Fatani (184091). Tuan Tabal, as he was most commonly
known was the first Malay to have received permission (Ar. ijazah) to both practice and
propagate the way of Sheikh Ahmad ibn Idris in Kelantan.
More than any of his other murid, Ibrahim al-Rashid preserved Sheikh Ahmad ibn
Idris avoidance of conventional organizational forms, something that greatly undermined the
success of the al-Rashds Ahmadiyyah (2005, 80). Sheikh Ahmad ibn Idris biographer, Rex
S. OFahey (2004, 281-282) comments that although some students established orders such
as the Sanusiyyah and Mirghaniyyah, this enigmatic saint was a Shadhiliyyah with no
intentions of establishing yet another tariqa. Similar to his rejection of mazhabs (in favour of
the Quran and hadith), his advocacy for Tariqa Muhammadiyya meant that he inducted
murid into the Shadhiliyyah of his native Morroco.
16
In addition to the Shadhiliyyah, Sheikh
Ahmad ibn Idris also taught his murid the tahlil al-kabir (see fig. 1), istighfar al-kabir, and
salawat azeemiyya that he had received in a dream from the Prophet and Nadi Kadr. Along
with the Ahmadiyyah manual Kunz al-jawhir, the presence of these prayers represent the
most reliable indications of Ahmadiyyah influence both past and present. As I reveal
below, this is included in the devotional repertoire of Thailands Shadhiliyyah presence in
Nongjook, East Bangkok.
17



Figure 1: Sheikh Ahmad ibn Idris tahlil al-kabir

Tuan Tabals hometown was the village of Tabal, located in the northern side of the Golok
River. Following the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909, this became one of the border towns
that the Siamese renamed Tak Bai (Ahmad Zaki Berahim Ibrahim, Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor
et al. 2012, 1250-1251). Tuan Tabals mother (Tok Cu Mah) was a Malay from Pattani and

14
For more on sufism in Malaysia, see Bousfield (1993) and Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid (Ahmad Fauzi Abdul
Hamid 2013; 1999, 2001a, 2001b).
15
Fieldnotes Oct 11, 2011.
16
For Sheikh Ahmad ibn Idris position on the mazhabs see Bernd Radtke (2000, 95-132). On Tariqa
Muhammadiyya, see Sedgwick (2005, 27-49) and Valerie Hoffman-Ladd (1992, 1999).
17
Follow the standard confession of faith (La ilaha illAllh; Muammadun rasl Allh), the tahll al-kabir states
kuli lamhatin wa nafasin 'adada m wasi'ahu 'ilm Allh, or with every glance and breath, the number of
which is known only to God.
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his father ( Haji Wan Leh) was an influential local imam whose extended family produced
many of Patanis ulama besar.
18
Haji Wan Leh is buried in Pangkalan Kubor on the
Kelantan si de of t he Gol ok Ri ver .
19

Tuan Tabals popularity and influence following his return to Kelantan in the late
1860s, has been described and explained by a number of commentators (See Ahmad Zaki
Berahim Ibrahim, Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor et al. 2012; Muhammad Ali 2006, 2007; Pauzi
Haji Awang 2001; Wan Muhammad Azam Muhammad Amin 2013). He brought back to the
east coast the latest scholarship from the Hijaz, including a new form of susm at a time
when the Shattariyyah was the most wide-spread tariqa.
20
According to Werner Kraus (1999,
154), by the end of the nineteenth century, this had become contaminated by a range of
unorthodox beliefs and practices.
21
Muhammad Ali also argues that the influence of
reformists in late nineteenth century Malaya can only be grasped in the context of local
perceptions of the ulama as successors of the prophets (al-ulama warisatul anbiya).
22

Graduates from Mecca were viewed as blessed human beings' (manusia yang diberkati)
from whom the general populace sought blessings in this world and the hereafter. The
return of someone from Mecca was eagerly anticipated.
When Tuan Tabal arrived to Kelantan, he was welcomed by Kelantanese elites and
orang kampong alike. He was offered one leader's daughter in marriage, and was granted a
waqf in the form of land on which a pondok could be constructed (2006, 49). Muhammad Ali
may have referred Tok Semian on whose wagf, a small zwiyya (known as Surau Tuan
Tabal) and Pondok Tok Semian were constructed. Tuan Tabal married his daughter with
whom he had six children. Three of the best known are Haji Wan Muhammad, Haji Wan
Abdullah, and (arguably the most important) Haji Wan Musa that I will deal with below.
Notwithstanding his involvement in the Ahmadiyyah, Sedgwick described Tuan
Tabal as primarily a scholar who was also an Ahmadi. In addition to authoring a number of
books, he conducted the Ahmadi aurad (Ar. wirid (pl.)) and inducted students into the
Ahmadiyyah.
23
Murid were expressly forbidden to visit his grave to seek baraka (2005, 77)
(fig. 1 & 2). Tuan Tabal lived modestly and often went to a lonely place to meditate. He
might have been a sufi, but was also an expert in traditional Islamic sciences such as Arabic
and Islamic law (fiqh), and was a great admirer of Imam Al-Gazhali and his Ihya' ulum al-din
(Revival of Religious Sciences) (2006, 43).
24
His reputation as the Sufi ulama attracted a
huge following at his pondok in Kubang Pasu.


18
Those interested in the detailed genealogies of these families should consult (Rahimmula 1990). For my
analysis of these creole or peranakan Arab dynasties see (Joll 2012).
19
Ahmad Zaki Berahim Ibrahim etal specifically mention Sheikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani, Sheikh Zainal
Abidin bin Muhammad al-Fatani, Sheikh Muhammad bin Ismail al-Fatani, Sheikh Ahmad bin Muhammad
Zain al-Fatani (2012, 1251).
20
The Naqshabandiyya and Qadriyyah had larger followings along the Melaka Straits and Perak (Farrer 2009;
Syed Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas 1963). For more on Sufism in Malaysia, see treatments by Bousfield (1993)
and Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid (Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid 2013; 1999, 2001a, 2001b).
21
Cited in Sedgwick (2005, 80).
22
For more on this important issues see Muhammad Qasim Zaman (2002). With respect to present-day
Kelantan and role of Nik Abdul Aziz bin Haji Nik Mat, see Farish Noor (2003).
23
A list of his best known works are include in the bibliography (1868, 1870, 1878, 1882, nd-a, nd-b, nd-c)
24
According to Michael Feener, the enduring importance of Ihya' ulum al-din is not only that it is widely
recognized in its original form, but also that numerous commentaries, adaptations (mukhtasar), and
translations into local languages also exist (1998, 580).
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7

Figure 2: Tuan Tabals Grave in Kota Baru, Kelantan (photo by author, Feb 21, 2014)


Figure 3: Sign to Tuan Tabals Grave in Kota Baru, Kelantan (photo by author, Feb 21, 2014)
Wan Musa and Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani
The Ahmadiyyah presence established in the east coast by Tuan Tabal continued in Kelantan
under his sons 'Abd Allh, Ahmad, and Wan Ms (18741939), and students such as
Muhammad Yusuf b. Ahmad (1868-1933), or Tok Kenali. Along with Hakim Nik Abdullah,
Tok Kenali became a prominent leaders in Kelantan (See Abdullah al-Qari bin Haji Salleh
1974). Tuan Tabals son Ahmad might have inherited his fathers surau (zwiyya), but Wan
Ms carried on the Ahmadiyya the rst signicant occurrence of hereditary succession in
the Rashdi Ahmadiyya since the establishment of the Salihiyya (Sedgwick 2005, 123).
It was not from his father that Wan Ms took the Ahmadiyya, but from the famous
Sheikh Ahmad ibn Muhammad Zayn ibn Mustaf al-Fatni (18561906/8) with whom he
studied in Mecca (See Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani 2009; Joll 2012; Rahimmula 1990). Like his
father, Wan Musa was better known as a scholar than a Su. In 1916, the minutes of the
Majlis Ugama of Kelantan stated the Ahmadiyya Shdhiliyya as his tariqa (Sedgwick 2005,
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8
123). Muhammad Salleh bin Wan Musa comments that Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani inducted
Wan Musa into the practices of the sufi tariqa of Abu Hasan Ash-Shadhili (1974, 155).
Decades later while in Trengganu under the patronage of the chief minister, Haji Ngah, Dato
Amar di-Raja, he spread teachings of the Ahmadiyyah-Shazuliyyah tariqa (1974, 158).
Wan Ms established his own surau after his return from Mecca. This was located
nearby his fathers house in Merbau Road, Kota Bharu. He translated al-Rashds 'Iqd al-
durar al-nafs into Jawi, taught in his surau, and led the Ahmad hadra. He neither described
himself nor acted as a shaykh [] nor did he run a tariqa in the standard sense. He was
scholar rst, Su incidentally (Sedgwick 2005, 124). In 1909, at the relatively young age of
34, Wan Ms was appointed the rst State Mufti of Kelantan (2005, 133).
25

Commentators convinced about the impossibly of reformist or modernist sufism may
well be surprised by Wan Mss enthusiasm for Muhammad 'Abduh, and condemnation of
un-Islamic practices perpetuated by the Malay populace. He even wrote letters to Rashd
Rids al-Manr (Sedgwick 2005, 125). Muhammad Ali describes his opposition to the
religious establishment at the time. This is hardly surprising given Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatanis
influence. He disagreed with traditionalists on a number of issues. These included

Questions of niat (outward intention in prayer), utterance of the 'talking over the dead'
after burial, recitation of tahlil in the house of the deceased, and the rituals to
celebrate the Prophet's Birthday (Maulud Nabi). Haji Wan Musa regarded these
practices as innovation (bidah) (Muhammad Ali 2006, 44).

Wan Musas 'reformist' stance was at a time when the term kaum muda was little unknown
(Roff 1967). Nevertheless, he placed equal importance to sufi mysticism (tasawwuf) as law
(fiqh), alleging that no practice could be wholesome without being performed with heart-felt
purity. His tasawwuf rejected the blind acquiescence (taqlid) of most Malay ulama at the
time that he viewed as leading to stagnation (MHD Salleh bin Wan Musa and (with S.
Othman Kelantan) 1974, 160). The arrival of student from another branch of the Ahmadiyyah
led this tariqa in a very different direction than that established by Tuan Tabal and Wan
Musa.
Muhammad Sa'd ibn Jaml al-Dn al-Linggi and Muhammad al-Dandarawi
The significance of Wan Ms in the history of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah in Tanah Melayu
is also related to the assistance offered by him to two murid of Dandarwi Ahmadi shaykhs.
These were Sheikh Ahmad bin Muammad Sa'd Al-Linggi (18741926) and Ab Hasan al-
Azhari (d. 1939) who arrived in Kelantan from the Hijaz.
26
Muhammad Sa'd ibn Jaml al-
Dn al-Linggi was born in Mecca in 1874. His father was an established Meccan scholar from
Negeri Sembilan and his mother hailed from Patani where he lived until 17. Sedgwick states
his only personal knowledge of the Malay world was from Patani. Although I personally
unaware of him being widely claimed by anyone in Pattani as one of the ulama besar
(Ahmad Fathy and Kelantan. Majlis Ugama Islam dan Adat Istiadat Melayu. 2009), he had
links there (through his mother), as well as with Kelantan (through his wife), Mecca (his
birthplace), and Ngerei Sembilan (where his fathers family was from). In 1892, the young al-
Linggi returned to Kelantan. Apart from a stint at al-Azhar that he cut short due to his distaste
for its modernist environment climate, he studied in Mecca until 1900. Laffan claims that he
studied under the restrained Zayn al-Din Sumbawa, Nawawi Banten, Ahmad Khatib al-

25
Sedgwick comments this having been an important position created by the British wishing to transform a
position of influence to formal control and which placed the areas of religion and custom under the control of
the Raja.
26
Space does not permit a treatment of al-Ahzari.
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9
Minankabawi. He was also a student of Shaykh Ahmad al-Fatani.
Not only was Muhammad Said al-Linggi less enthusiastic about Muhammad Abduh
and Al-Manr, but after his return to Mecca in 1899 he was inducted into the Ahmadiyya
not by Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani but the unlettered Egyptian murid of Sheikh Ibrahim al-
Rashid, Muhammad ibn `Ali al-Dandarawi (18391911). Al-Dandarwi, who was revered as
a wali, had encountered the Ahmadiyya through disciples of al-Rashd.
27
He was conscripted
into the Egyptian army that took him to Mecca where he met al-Rashd. Shortly afterwards he
deserted. Following al-Rashds passing when al-Dandarwi was in his mid-thirties
(Sedgwick 2005, 92), he was eventually acknowledged as al-Rashids successor. Sedgwick
relates the following incident that occurred while al-Dandarwi was traveling with his
followers who informed him that they had run out of food.

Shortly afterwards, they entered a mosque where there was much lamenting because
the mother of the [local] commander had died. One of al-Dandarwis followers
remarked that al-Rashd had dealt with such problems []. He then went into the
house and [] looked hard at the corpse, and those who had been preparing it [for
burial] left in fear. Al-Dandarwi then said to the commander, Dont worry about
your mother, and dont hurry, and to those in the mosque: I am the son of Ibrhm
and the successor of Ibrhm, at which they smiled. But when they went to get the
corpse from the house, the commander found his mother also smiling, and sitting up.
The commander gave half his money to al-Dandarwis followers [thus enabling them
to eat] (Sedgwick 2005, 102).

Sedgwick refers to al-Dandarawis ecstatic and populist interpretations contrasting Sheikh
Ahmad ibn Idris scholarly and sober preferences evident in the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-
Rashiyyah which Tuan Tabal and Wan Musa spread to Kelantan and South Thailand. In
1900, Muhammad Said al-Linggi returned to Kelantan where he opened a surau on Jalan
atas Banggul, just outside Kota Bharu. This was the base from which he spread the
Dandarwi branch of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah. The Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-
Dadarawiyyah soon became the most important Ahmadiyyah chapters under al-Linggis
leadership. Although others exist, this now represents the numerically most significant form
in Singapore, Seremban, Kelantan and South Thailand (Sedgwick 2005, 122). Sedgwick
describes the Ikhwan that congregated at Jalan atas Banggul.

Came from all walks of life, to the extent that an unsympathetic observer (presumably
a reformer) complained that it was joined by people irrespective of sex or age
including those with sound religious knowledge or ignorants who . . . have never
performed their regular prayers. Even the princely class and sons of a minister joined
him, as well as some previously associated with Tuan Tabal (2005, 127)

Between 1903 and 1906, allegations were made that his followers experienced majdhb and
that during his hadra, people behaved strangely.

During Friday prayers, people were observed to shout Allh, after which other
followers would respond in kind. There were claims of inkishf al-ghayb (knowledge
of the unseen), such as seen God Himself sitting in a tree. Some were in a state of
majdhb for three days, during which period he recited dhikr without stopping. In
Negeri Sembilan, a devotee was so affected by the dhikr that he had been

27
For stories about al-Dandarawis karama, see Hans Winkler (2009, 58-60).
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10
participating in, that he jumped into a well beside the mosque. Muhammad Sa'd was
also alleged to have propelled himself into the Kelantan River to chase away a white
crocodile reputed to possess magical powers (2005, 128).

Notwithstanding this being the first controversy concerning majdhb in the (then young)
history of the Ahmadiyya-Idrisiyyah, criticism of both the wide range of followers vis--vis
age and religious education, and the mixing of genders resembles criticisms of the
Sansiyyah, another tariqa initiated by students of Sheikh Ahmad ibn Idris. This is,
furthermore, the only evidence of majdhb among al-Dandarwis followers which leads
Sedgwick to speculate about its origins. If not from the Hijaz, was it from the backgrounds
and expectations of Muhammad Sa'ds followers? Should this be the case, this represents
the rst clear case in Ahmadiyyah history of the followers of a shaykh inuencing the
remaking of a tariqa. Like al-Dandarwi, Muhammad Sa'd was widely regarded as a wali.
Over and above his Patani pedigree and Meccan education, this reputation was enhanced by
the black jellaba which he was fond of dressing in (2005, 129).
Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani Majzub Fatwa
Initially Wan Ms protected the controversial Muhammad Sa'd and refused to write a fatwa
condemning him. In 1905, this led Raja Muhammad IV to request a fatwa from Shaykh
Ahmad al-Fatani.
28
Sedgewick comments that there was no indication that the sultan was
aware of either Wan Ahmads connection with the Ahmadiyya, or that he had taught both
Wan Musa and Muhammad Sa'd. If he had been, this may suggest an attempt by him to calm
a public controversy by obtaining a fatwas from a respected source. I have reproduced the
letter below.

In this year (1323 A.H./1904 A.D) there came a tarika Shaykh by name of Haji Encik
'Id bin Haji Encik Din Linggi, a disciple of Shaykh Muhammad Dandarawi. Due to
the large number or students, young, old, men and women, becoming madjzub, and
there are those who believe in tarika approving the tarika or Encik 'Id while some
others disapprove of it. Would you please explain clearly to me about madjzub that
has happened. Is it really possible to become madjzub within two or three days? Also,
they are able to get children who has not reached puberty to achieve madjzub very
quickly what acre to those who are intelligent and matured. It is not that I do not
believe it but I have never heard and never known of any such acts of devotion before
in the state of Kelantan. Hopefully, you can provide evidences with text from Kur'an
and Hadith and elaboration concerning this matter (Rahimmula 1990, 878-879).
29


Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatanis fatwa to one of the longest contained in his Al-Fatwa al-
Fattaniyya (1957) was generally supportive of the Ahmadiyya and Su practices. He
begins by stating that questions concerning people who are majzub, should best be directed to
the ulama al-Sufiya. These are located between the Shariah and hakika (Rahimmula
1990, 879). Before mentioning that majzub was beyond the realms of his personal
experience, he states that he had been initiated into Tarika Ahmadiyyah which is the tariqa
in the question. He confesses the difficulty he has had in achieving clarity on this question,
as he was unable to consult an alim who was expert in both Shariaah and hakika
(Rahimmula 1990, 880-881).
Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani comments that he had received many questions including
some from Siam regarding similar controversies. These included claims about sheikh being

28
This exchange is commented upon by Laffan (2010, 20-23).
29
This letter has also be reproduced by Pauzi Haji Awang (2001, 260-264).
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11
a wali, and that rather than the religion of the Prophet Muhammad, those of previous
Prophets had been advocated. News of other misguided innovations by tarikat in Perak had
also reached him. One was the performance of Gabiyyah" which originated from the
people of tarikat who had gone astray due to a lack of proficiency in the shari'ah and
spiritual knowledge. This prevented him from giving proper supervision to his followers.
These resembled performances known as ''Hadara" which originated from the practice of
Hadrami Sheikh reciting Arabic poems praising the Prophet. People would gather around
them. Some Sheikh exclaim the prayer for peace, salvation, and prosperity upon the Prophet
[]. They would then perform a dua by lifting up and stretching out both hands. These
are taught to the ignorant. Over time, these degrade into gatherings of youth dressed in
beautiful clothes with singing, dancing and clapping hands. Another example cited was the
transformation of the recitation known as Maulid zikr sharaf ul-anam: into competitions
between people who shout and scream wile beating a big drum at the expense of prayer.
(Rahimmula 1990, 893-894). Nonetheless, Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani states

The ulama including the ulama of tasawwul said, "Fiqh can stand on its own
without tasawwuf, but tasawwuf cannot stand without fiqh. The Jurists can reject the
people of tasawwuf, but the people or tasawwuf cannot reject the jurists. It is
necessary for tasawwuf to refer to fiqh. [] You should be a jurist first before a
person of tasawwuf, and a person of tasawwuf before a jurist. The person or tasawwuf
who starts with fiqh first is safer than the Jurist who starts with tasawwuf.
(Rahimmula 1990, 902).

He continues by reiterating that Sidi Ahmad ibn Idris credentials as a scholar of the Shariah
was firmly established before being inducted into the Shadhaliyya. Both scholars of
shariah and hakiqat scholars attended his lectures. Some were also Shadhaliyya sheikhs.
There was also strong evidence that some or his successor were saints. This makes it
possible to recognize the authority of the pious whose words, deeds, and circumstances
showed their decree and do not contradict with shariah. He cautions against degrading
followers of tariqa either murshid or murid especially those known to have studied the
shari'ah prior to joining turuq. He adds that even if some [] happened to act in
contradictory to shariah, we still cannot discredit them (Rahimmula 1990, 911).
Laffan comments this fatwa revealing Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani having been immersed
in a world of learning in which the tariqas and their practices could intersect and be accepted
as conforming to orthodoxy (2010, 22). More tariqa-related controversies some including
majzub followed. These dominated the pages of the Singaporean reformist newspaper Al-
Imm (See Abu Bakar Hamzah 1991) shortly before closing down in during the 1908 , the
excesses of his Ahmadiyya were cited. (See treatments by Laffan 2010; 2011, 182-186).
Perhaps as a result of hostility in Kelantan, Muhammad Said al-Linggi relocated his
operational base to Negeri Sembilan, where his Ahmadiyya ourished. There were a number
of reasons for its success. The importance of his reputation as a wali should not be
underestimated. Stories circulated about banana trees swaying in time to the rhythm of his
dhikr. Whilst his charisma permitted him to perform all the roles of a popular tariqa shaykh
in model of the Dandariyyah Ahmadiyyah way, he also possessed the scholarly credentials.
This meant that he was personally able to translate al-Rashds 'Iqd al-durar al-nafs, print a
Malay version of the Ahmadi award that contained translated sections of Sheikh Ahmad ibn
Idris Kunz al-jawhir the tariqas basic text. Al-Linggi also enjoyed something in
Seremban that was withheld from him in Kelantan the favor of the Sultan. For a number of
decades, most of the Negeri Sembilans State Muftis have been Ahmadiyyah including the
Mufti given the privilege of praying the dua at Malaysian merdeka.
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12
Sedgwick points out that the Ahmadiyyas position in both Damascus and Kelantan
had been impacted by conflicts between conservatives and reformers. Whereas the
Ahmadiyya beneted from support by conservatives and avoided opposition from reformers
in Damascus, this was not the case in Kelantan. In Seremban, the Ahmadiyyah enjoyed links
with a range of religious and political institutions in the state (2005, 137, 161). Finally, and
most importantly, under Tuan Tabal and Wan Musa, the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-
Rashidiyyah represented a Meccan tariqa with a presence in the Malay world. In
Seremban, the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Dandarawiyyah developed into an authentically
Malay tariqa with increasingly loose connections with its origins. Following the death of
Muhammad al-Dandarawis most influential Malay murid in 1926, this tariqa was
transmitted from Malay to Malay without reference to the Arab center. The strength of the
Ahmadiyya was one aspect of wider developments in the Malay World. When Tuan Tabal
first returned to the Thai/Malay Peninsula in the 1960s, Malays under increasing pressure by
British and Siamese influences looked to external centers of scholarship, prestige and even
foreign walis (Sedgwick 2005, 161).
The Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah of Central Thailand



Figure 4: Anatomy of a Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah Sticker
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13
Figure 4 is a sticker is one an example of material used by followers of one of the three most
visible and viable turuq in Thailand, the Shadhiliyyah.
30
Many murid attach them to the
screens of their cars and doors of their houses.
31
The principal operational centre for the
Shazuliyyah in Thailand is a zawiyya called Baan Yai (Th. the big house) in Miniburi that
other chapters in Phuket and Satun retain close links with. There are others in the community
of Baan Khra some 30 kilometres along the Saen Saab Canal which have broken of contacts
following the appointment of Sheikh Zerot al-Bakri, a young man in his early 30s.
32
Sheikh
Zerot is the grandson of Hadrami Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri who travelled from the Hijaz to
Siam in late 1929 (see Fig 5). Sheikh Khalid al-Bakris father (Sheikh Hussein al-Bakri) had
lived in Baan Khrua during the reign of King Chulalongkorn (1853-1910).


Figure 5: Pages from photocopied version of Sheikh Khalid al-Bakris passport (obtained by the author Jan 26,
2013,

Riyad Mustafas fascinating study of place-making in Baan Khrua relates local histories of
the arrival of Shazuliyyah Sheikhs (2011, 106-110). The first arrived in the early twentieth
Century, and became associated with Darulfalah Mosque through the construction of a shrine
(Ar. maqam) where the son of Sheikh Hussein, Ahmad al-Bakri, is interned. Sheikh
Hussein al-Bakri and his brother had both settled in Baan Khrua where Sheikh Hussein
married a local woman, with whom he had two sons. He transmitted his sacred knowledge to
senior members of his wifes clan. Sheikh Hussain eventually returned to the Middle East.
Before doing so, he informed his Thai wife that she should expect their youngest son to die.
A few days later, he died and was buried, although without following instructions to bury a
green cloth with their child. Mustafa relates that Sheikh Husseins wife urgently called for
the grave to be opened, but the childs body had disappeared. This led to the grave being
converted into a maqam whose popularity increased as the story of the Arab and the green
cloth spread.
33
This is one of the reasons for this order being most commonly known as the

30
The other two are the Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah of Koh Yao Noi and Huay Un, and the Qadriyyah of
Ayutthaya.
31
Fieldnotes, Dec 13, 2013.
32
Fieldnotes, Jan 20, 2014.
33
When its authority was threatened, it claimed the grave of this Shazuliyyah sheikh. The grave was even
placing on top of its roof where it stayed until the 1950s when the mosque was renovated. I have heard stories
that during WWII Muslims, Thais, Chinese, as well as Japanese occupiers sought refuge as near to the maqam
as they could during American bombing campaigns, believing that its karamat would prevent bombs from
exploding. The shrine was shifted to just outside the mosques wall although intriguingly in the direction of
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14
Phaa Khiaw (Th. green cloths). The other is that green cloths are given to murid at their
induction by the Shadhiliyyah Sheikhs. Nevertheless, at the bottom of the sticker (figure ??)
are following words written in Jawi: alaman dalam tariqa Ahmadiyyah wa Shadhiliyyah
(rituals of the Ahmadiyyah-Shudhiliyyah tareqa). That this is the Ahmadiyyah of Sheikh
Ahmad ibn Idris Al-Fasi is beyond dispute, as his famous Tahlil Al-Kabir is prominently
placed at the top of the green sticker. How could this be? As with so many other aspects of
Ahmadiyyah-Rashidiyyah history, the best explanation is provided by Sedgwick. He relates
that in the 1920s (before Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri came to Siam), the strength of the Idrsi
presence in the Hijaz was such that even the Sharf Husayn (who became the rst king of the
Hijaz) may have been an Idrsi, although primarily for political reasons. A British intelligence
report by one Captain M. Fazluddin records his desire that all descendants of the Hasa b. 'Ali
follow the same tariqa so as to live in peace and amity (2005, 73).
Conclusion

Figure 6: Ahmadiyyah-Rashidiyya lineage

Figure 6 summarizes the personalities with connections to Patani who from the late 1800s
contributed to the establishment of the Ahmadiyyah-Rashidiyyah to the Thai/Malay
Peninsula. The presence of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Rashidiyyah and Ahmadiyyah-
Idrisiyyah-Dandarawiyyah confirms both the importance of this order, and the close
connections between Pattani and Hijaz. These stories presented above remind students of
religious change on Southeast Asia that strange things are best said by familiar people. Just as
it was not Arabs straight from Aden who preached Islam in Aceh, the first Ahmadiyyah were
mobile mediators comfortable on both sides of the Indian Ocean. I have shown that central to
the success of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Dandarawiyyah is Muhammad Said al-Linggis

the pulpit in the direction of prayer (qiblah). Mustafa comments how charismatic religious leaders were resisted
by locals resorting to rival religious leaders claiming greater power, and that different factions borrowed Sufi
concepts but translated them locally to create new rituals and practices. Many were practiced secretly, such as
elaborate initiation rites to pledge allegiance to a religious leader (Mustafa 2011, 111)

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15
willingness to adapt what he had adopted. This is one of numerous examples of tariqas not
only changing whenever leadership and location do, but that any one order possess numerous
lineages (Ar. silsilah) which. It is not enough to know the tariqa, one must enquire about
which branch is followed. Notwithstanding the Ahmadiyyah having been brought to Tanah
Melayu by Malays, under Muhammad Said al-Linggis leadership the Seremban
Ahmadiyyah developed from an Arab order with a presence in the Malay world, to a Malay
tariqa. Finally, many of the Ahmadiyyah ulama described above challenge what might be
referred to as binary balony: Sufis come in all shapes and sizes and include scholars
concerned with reform and modernization. Reformist orders such as the Ahmadiyyah
remained influential in the Wahabi heartland decades after other more esoteric and
extravagant order were forced out. Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani recognized the need to reform
and modernize, but he advocated these, along with the continuation of traditions through
which Malays in Pattani and the wider Malay World could benefit from the centuries of
devotional practices preserved and refined by a range of tariqa. As the famous Sheikh
Ahmad ibn Idris once said, A scholar without taqwa (Ar. God fearing) is merely a donkey
carrying books.
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