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This is a report based on the findings of an investigation carried out by a team of students from Carleton University, Canada, members of the Nevo team and Peruvian historian and academic, José Carlos Agüero on the perceptions of discrimination within the context of a local public high school. The investigation was carried out between May and June, 2013, and involved interviews with students, teachers and parents; classroom and playground observations and questionnaires.
Originaltitel
The Weapon of the Weak- A Case Study on Discrimination in a Public School in Cuzco
This is a report based on the findings of an investigation carried out by a team of students from Carleton University, Canada, members of the Nevo team and Peruvian historian and academic, José Carlos Agüero on the perceptions of discrimination within the context of a local public high school. The investigation was carried out between May and June, 2013, and involved interviews with students, teachers and parents; classroom and playground observations and questionnaires.
This is a report based on the findings of an investigation carried out by a team of students from Carleton University, Canada, members of the Nevo team and Peruvian historian and academic, José Carlos Agüero on the perceptions of discrimination within the context of a local public high school. The investigation was carried out between May and June, 2013, and involved interviews with students, teachers and parents; classroom and playground observations and questionnaires.
Study prepared by members of Nexos Voluntarios: Claudia Evans from Bristol University in the UK; Emily Mininger from Waterloo University in Canada; Anota Christus-Ranjan, Carly Hayes, Erika Malich, Imaan Sandhu, Marianne Poirier, and Victoria MacArthur from Carleton University, in Ottawa, Canada. With the support of Sean Cornelissen and under the direction and supervision of Jos Carlos Agero, historian and Human Rights consultant, responsible for this version.
This study would not have been made possible without the support of teachers, students, and parents of the Public Educational Institution of Urubamba who shared with us valuable testimonies and allowed us to approximate ourselves to their lives and experiences.
We also thank all the volunteers and team members of Nexos Voluntarios that contributed to this work, specially the group from Carleton University, Claudia Evans from Bristol University and Emily Mininger from Waterloo University, for their desire to contribute to field work and learn new realities in an open and sensitive manner.
INDEX INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................5 1. OUR RACISM........................................................................................8 2. STUDENTS AND TEACHERS TALK ABOUT DISCRIMINATION...............................................................................................17 2.1 Interviews with the students 2.2 Interviews with teachers 2.3 Some findings: discrimination in small things 3. A FEW NOTES ABOUT IDENTITY AND DISCRIMINATION: THE QUESTIONNAIRES...................................................................................42 4. OBSERVATIONS.................................................................................47 4.1 Classroom interactions 4.2 Playground interactions 4.3 Interactions between teachers and students 5. A FEW FINAL REFLEXIONS.........................................................50 5.1 Main problems ANNEX - Limitations.......................................................................................52
In the past few years, Nexos Voluntarios (NeVo) has worked against discrimination in Urubamba, in various areas: promotion, development, and most recently, research. There was an investigative study realized in 2012 with the purpose of determining which public institutions were perceived as discriminatory and, as such, acted as barriers to the population, particularly of rural origin, in their access to rights. As a continuation of this study, NeVo took on the task to investigate how discrimination could reproduce itself in a space of particular interest: a Public Educational Institution.
Since Nexos Voluntarios is a promotional institution of development actions and not an academic entity, its efforts in the field of research are not able to be on a large scale. Nevertheless, it maximized the potential of visits from young volunteers students or graduates of fields in the Social Sciences in Canadian and British universities to test a cooperative method, not centred in the transfer of resources, services or technology but instead in the application of their research skills.
We decided to realize a case study and chose a homogeneous school in terms of its ethnic and socio-economic composition. This institution, hosts the children of peasants from the poorest zone, giving us an interesting, yet limited, approach at the same time.
The research methodology included: interviews with a small fraction of students and teachers, a questionnaire about the interpretation of an iconic image, and non- participatory observation.
The qualitative data was analyzed with the objective of learning the themes, ideas, personal relations, micro-dynamics, and brief student dilemmas where diverse forms of discrimination are formed inside the school.
We part from a single, modest objective: to learn the perceptions of boys and girls in a rural school in Urubamba regarding the daily practices and diverse forms of discrimination.
The interviews were realized with students and teachers of the chosen educational institution. In brief, eight students of fifth grade (five male, three female) were chosen at random by their teachers to participate in the interviews. Furthermore, four teachers and a psychologist were also interviewed.
Previous to realizing the interviews, Nexos Voluntarios submitted a letter of consent to the parents, where they were informed about the nature of the study and which all signed in consent. If any of the chosen students was unable to participate, we asked them to recommend another person or we would choose another student.
Each interview with the students was realized at the school or at a public cafe nearby. There were always two research team members: the first formulated the questions and the second took notes.
In order to have access to a wider sample of participants, the team distributed a questionnaire to the three sections of twelfth grade. In total, there were 72 students, between 14 and 19 years of age; 37 male and 35 female that answered the questionnaire. These were distributed during class time and we asked the students to answer independently without asking their peers.
The questionnaire showed a very well-known image that represents the death of TpacAmaru II in the year 1781, pulled by four Spanish soldiers. This image also included the wife of TpacAmaru II, Micaela Bastidas, and the public in the background. The nine questions posed were designed to investigate about the identity, sympathy or identification with the personages and to learn about students opinions surrounding this event. The questions also sought to propose a reflection in terms of their present by asking: is this violence similar to the one you experience today? Why?
Additionally, the team realized observations during class time for the period of three weeks. There was always a minimum of two researchers present. The team observed the interactions among the students during class, recess, physical education and career training. The interactions between students and teachers were also observed.
All research techniques were developed in a respectful manner, actively coordinating with the authorities at the school, without intervening in daily dynamics between students and teachers, and with ethical criteria. In this report we will not reveal the name of the participating institution nor students or teachers names and other persons interviewed.
What we aim to show in this study is simple, albeit simultaneously against the prevalent common sense. Discrimination and racism work and are useful, which explains their resistance and permanence despite public reprobation as well as legal and moral condemnation.
The students with whom we have conversed recur to racism as a defense mechanism in an environment full of potential and real aggressions. Racism works for them as a weapon, a tool for the weak in preventing themselves from being a target and transferring the aggressions to the next person. This is why there is no end to the chain of racism, for there is always someone to whom the vulnerability can be translated to, regardless of whether or not they meet the phenotypic requirements. What matters is that in a specific relationship, temporally defined, someone has in a determined instance less resources to defend themselves than the other, and the presence of a tense context whereby both or all are wanting to fight or, at least overcome in the best conditions.
Racism between boys and girls is thus a useful resource that allows them to interact and solve permanent situations of competition and aggression. This racism fulfills concrete and effective social functions, which any kid can see and tell. It is no mystery. It is part of the arsenal available to them to attend school with relative and always unstable success. Todays aggressor can be tomorrows victim or both almost simultaneously.
It is not necessary to imagine great acts of racism or segregation. This racism is made up of little things, of details, of daily life. These daily interactions are not usually observed because it is the world of children and youth, where adults have limited access. And this racism changes because the relationships among children also change. No one is racist all the time. People recur to racism because it works for them and because the practice demonstrates that it is useful.
It is particularly useful when a boy or a girl have to defend themselves or think they have to protect themselves or prevent harassment. As such, it ends up being a useful and even positive resource. Unfortunately, it is not a creative solution but rather a defensive one. This is because although it liberates a child from a moment of attention and tension in a group, it translates the burden to another. In a specific moment there is always someone more Indian or cholo to serve as target whom in a given time will turn to the same weapon.
From what we have observed, almost any kid at this school can use racism and be victims of it, although some have more power, resources, and status than others. They may be more frequently the targets of racial harassments. The difference needed to be mocked or a target of ridicule can be as miniscule as having or not having a decent notebook or similar to that of other the popular peers; or wearing dirty and old clothing. These are the things that matter at school and that for us might be insignificant.
If racism is a weapon of the weak to defend themselves, then are we promoting racism? Nothing further from our intention. We would to invite to see and describe the interactions as a first step, in order to recognize its social function, its relative success and learn about its effects, observing that some are positive. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% /8
This racism dissipates some group tensions, finding a get away from the stress of competition and permanent conflictive relationships in scapegoats that change or rotate their role. It can momentarily save a subject from being an object of aggression, bringing them a basic, democratic, weapon at everyones reach. Many kids can defend themselves or better position themselves at this school because they speak better Spanish, others because they have urban experiences, use nice clothing or can buy snacks during recess but not all can recur to these tools. For those that have nothing at hand, racism offending one another is something that they can have and do. It is cheap, it comes to an almost invisible price because anyone can laugh or insult the kid that messes up in his reading in front of the class, but it is an almost invisible price because at mocking the other student, he/she might feel guilt at realizing that very deeply they are mocking themselves. It is this negative effect that appears to us as the most problematic for identity. This is a topic they will have to deal with for a long time. Feeling proud of their language, traits, and families is not something that will be automatic or simple, they will have to support this by recurring, in some cases, to very complex elaborations.
What happens at this school is hard to generalize, not just to what happens at other schools but what happens in the region of Cusco or the country. This is thus a concrete and modest study but it has the value of focusing for a brief timeframe in a single space and in small interactions that are often missed in major analyses.
Without a doubt, these results find commonalities with recent literature about discrimination in Cusco and Peru in general. First of all, it is often recognized that there are complex intersectionalities regarding racism: discrimination for social class, ethno-cultural and by gender (Pachecho, 2012). The Cusqueo appears conscious of these scenarios and is able to identify that racism is extended at educational facilities !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% //
to the point where it is considered one of its primary spaces (along with the family unit) where discrimination is learned.
Much has been written about racism in Peru and there are diverse questionnaires that show how the Peruvian is conscious of racism, albeit does not tend to confess to being a victim of such. 1 The same thing happens with our students at our first contact and first discussions. Furthermore, racism does not have to be named in such a way. Today boys and girls frame aggressions and tensions around bullying. There are many recent investigations that show with clarity the way that daily, common, and almost systematic forms of racism intervene in peoples daily life such as access to employment (Kogan, 2013). In the case of our students and teachers, this is nothing out of the ordinary.
Attention has been given, with much reason, to the link between ethnicity, race and equity in order to characterize discrimination in Peru and the entire region. Poverty and the marginalization of Afro-American and Indigenous peoples cannot be understood by any other means than the conjunction of socio-cultural and economic factors strongly tied to the history and forms that these people and individuals have been incorporated in the rest of the country (CIDH, 2001). Undoubtedly, this is a fundamental component for understanding the way in which children treat one another. Despite having chosen a socially and economically homogenous school - where almost all students come from peasant, Quechua-speaking families - the ethnic and cultural markers remain their primary motive for establishing racist relationships.
The school is a place of aggression ruled by an apparent authority but that in the background you can find one frequently imposed as something closer to anomie.
/ The national questionnaire about discrimination shows that at least half of the national population considers our society to be racist (Sulmont, 2005). !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% /0
Teachers and authority figures often inhibit themselves from their function as guarantors of rights. In some cases, they not only inhibit themselves but act as active elements for the reproduction of racism or violence. Teachers are mostly able to pick on the most vulnerable students due to their lateness caused by living far away, hygiene, inappropriate clothing, and their incompetent ability to read Spanish.
This leads us to think of the weakness of the school as a space for citizenship. It is an institution that is too precarious, where there is barely some instruction in class and where the concept of citizenship is misunderstood or treated as civic military. The nationalist is seen as a problem or a burden: students now know their rights and limit the teacher from controlling the institution, where frequent complaints are that they now have too many rights (See Agero and others, 2013).
At a macro-level, we must remember that this relationship with the State is essential and that the school is important because there is no other accessible representation of the State for Cusqueo students. It is worth noting that recent studies highlight the active role of the State in the construction of racialized relationships, not just for omission, but for the construction of a more or less conscious national model where progress implied leaving those who were not westerners, or at least in cultural terms, outside of the community (Drinot, 2012).
There is much academic discussion in terms of the racist character of Peruvians, as underhanded and simultaneously hurtful; as invisible and painful to those who suffer of the no oneness. 2 There are some who emphasize its permanence throughout centuries, and as such, its colonial heritage (Flores Galindo, 1988; Manrique, 1999). Others highlight the modern traits of racism, its bonding with the scientific and
0 Term coined by Carlos Ivn Degregori, - Understood as disdain from the top to the bottom. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% /1
biological imported from Europe, when the colonial state order gave in and that, as a result, is strongly republican (Portocarrero, 1993; Callirgos, 1993). For the purpose of our study, Cecilia Mndez (1996) study is very important because it shows the regional dynamics, changes in discourse among the elite of the time, and accentuates the objectification of the Inca past. She discusses a past that was stripped away from its heirs symbolically belittled and resumed in the phrase from her well-known essay: Incas, yes. Indians, no. So, why are we interested in these types of studies? Because they help us to frame our case study, by comparing life in the school in Urubamba in relation to what is being observed at a national level. It also allows us to examine the limits of our worries given that acting in a racist manner is not something that can be reduced to a mere rational or instrumental action such as I use racism because it is convenient or a good choice. Likewise, we cannot ignore this individual and relative relation, which is often lost in general approximations where history appears to explain for itself everything and saying that its a process suffices as a justification.
Cecilia Mndez essay is of particular importance to us since part of our interviews and questionnaires dealt with the dealt with the relationship that students established or not with the Inca past, and whether this brought consequences to how they identified themselves today or with their relationship with other peers. Overall we saw that things are very mixed. There is a pride for the Incan, cultural and patrimonial as students recognize themselves to some degree to be Incan heirs, albeit their linage appears to be fragmented. There are great leaps between decades or even centuries between the Incan to them and to Machu Picchu. At the same time, it is interesting to note that their attempt to rescue their Incan heritage does not allow them to easily resolve the topic of their identity in terms of pride and prestige. The paths are not as !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% /2
easy as they seem and their self-recognition as indigenous is problematic or denied. 3 It is much more common to identify as a mestizo, even though, as we will see, is also a complex path. 4
The Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (2003) demonstrated the devastating impact of racism and discrimination in our society, as seen with the effect it had during the period of internal armed conflict (1980s and 1990s). The CTR showed that, at least, 80 percent of the casualties were people who had Quechua as their mother tongue. 5 This, paired with the insanity in which many of these deaths were performed, show a social order that does not recognize citizen equity and a State that reproduces injustices.
Research in Cusco (Pacheco, 2012) shows the differences between discrimination in urban and rural areas. In Cusco, and in difference from Lima, there are some notable absences such as no discrimination for being serrano (highlander) as is common in the capital, where there is a disregard towards provinces identified as non-modern. In Cusco a province notoriously serrana this cannot obviously occur, yet some crossroads still arise. For example, the majority of its inhabitants are of Andean origin, yet derogatory treatment among them occur; more than half of the population knows Quechua, yet its use or the deficient use of Spanish generates rejection. The motives for regional pride are Incan or Pre-Colombian yet the population with these Andean
1 The difficulty for understanding the magnitude of the primary ethnic national group (of Andean origin) is currently recognized. In this sense, there is no consensus over the size of the indigenous population in Peru, for which if it is dependent on self-identification could be equivalent to one third of the countrys population. Much of these results depend on the methodology, questions and sources used. A good overview can be found in Lomn 2014.
4 A recent study shows what has already been highlighted by other means, which is that an immense majority of Peruvians considers themselves mestizos (Carrin y Zrate, 2010).
5 In this regard, Ludwig Huber, highlighted that even though the CTR showed that the majority of the victims were Quechua-speakers, we must not disregard that many of the perpetrators must have also been so themselves. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% /3
traits is the one despised; the majority of the last names are Quechuas, but familys past does not add prestige, etc.
In an initial investigation realized in 2012, Nexos Voluntarios detailed the obstacles that discrimination can generate in the access of public services in Urubamba, an important and nearby city to the regional capital.
As such, there is strong presence on the topic, not only of racism, but in the intersectionalities of discrimination, which can be oriented in various forms and which invades both private and public spheres (Bruce, 2011). As we have seen in these works and in others realized in the country, discrimination in Peru does not occur towards a minority but instead involves practically all social subjects. It always finds a form of expression based on hierarchical differences (appealing to race, culture, status, purchasing power, education, where you live, what job you have, and a very long etcetera).
We begin by asking ourselves about the need to resort to this weapon for discrimination. We suggest, as a form of reflection, that the need to defend oneself in unequal, aggressive social exchanges is what motivates the recourse to one or various forms of discrimination. In other words, it is a tool to reduce ones own vulnerability. In this regard, it has a positive aspect because it allows the subject to survive and defend themselves in an aggressive environment. However, this is done at the cost of reproducing or enhancing elements that in turn make the surroundings more conflictive, and of locating oneself inside a circle where they are devalued.
Schools are spaces where these relationships are reproduced despite efforts to develop a more inclusive education. Furthermore, schools are also institutions where there are !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% /4
still persisting vertical and authoritative teaching practices and relations (Ames, 2000). Discrimination occurs in urban and rural schools; in private and public; private with more or less money; and inside the schools themselves. It is not only a chain of discrimination but rather a recreation in each space where relationships are differentiated hierarchically.
We think that this is an experience that is prematurely lived by boys and girls. They learn to discriminate at the same time that they learn to compete and cohabitate. This type of informal learning is present in personal relationships, interactions with peers and teachers, and in school routines: jokes, insults, nicknames, hygiene and even the way they use the bathroom.
How do boys and girls experience these relationships, practices and teachings of differences in a rural school in Cusco? It is regarding this matter that we would like to expand in this case study.
2. STUDENTS AND TEACHERS TALK ABOUT DISCRIMINATION
Our goal was to inquire about the perceptions and values for teachers and students in terms of discrimination. We were interested in learning their experiences and opinions, as we approached their daily school routines, and learned more about themes such as: classes, hygiene, dress, classroom and playground interactions; and interactions between teachers and students. We realized eight interviews to students and five to teachers (including the schools psychologist). In the following section we well describe each of our conversations and we will conclude with some general comments.
2.1 Interviews with students
As was previously mentioned, the subjects of our interviews were from Urubamba and a few high Andean communities, with a balance between men and women. Students, teachers and parents were asked about discrimination in the school system, Quechua the indigenous language, and their experiences and opinions about discrimination.
For reasons of confidentiality, students interviewed were assigned a letter from A to H.
He interprets discriminations as the economic differences between people and identified with all Peruvians, not as part of a specific ethnicity.
Some of his opinions reflected stereotypes. For example, in terms of his preference of female appearance, he affirmed that women with lighter skin were most attractive. He also affirmed that he spoke Quechua and that he would teach the language to his children, despite the risk that they may be discriminated against.
Finally, when we asked him what words or terms bothered him the most, he affirmed that although cholo is acceptable in some cases, he would be offended if his parents or someone in a position of authority used it to describe him.
In general, the student appeared to recognize the presence of economic discrimination but not the social or structural causes that lead to discrimination. For example, he could not identify the relationship between economic status and ethnicity or place of origin.
Nevertheless, we noticed that he, like all the rest, had a recurrent conscience that there are objective elements at school that generate discrimination: the whiter, the more urban, and the ones that speak the language better or worse. At the same time there is a valorization for Quechua. This student is aware that he can be an object of discrimination but claims to be willing to confront it.
Female from Pachar, a community found approximately 30 minutes by car from downtown Urubamba.
She is conscious of economic discrimination, indicating that she would be offended if this occurred to any of her family members. She thinks that those who travel to other cities, like Lima, have to confront discrimination.
She expressed great discomfort with the idea of the interview being recorded or that notes were being taken, but eventually accepted.
Student B recognized the strong connection between discrimination caused by economic and social factors. When asked about the origins of abuse at school, she explained that the difference between economic status us one of the main causes and that those that discriminate come from a superior economic status. She expressed that the majority of students joke about colour of skin and that the way students joke related to a hierarchy of skin colour, where being called black is a form of insult.
Finally, when asked about what things she would change in herself and how she would reach against racism, it was evident that she would not defend herself because she would prefer to hide her family background than having to tell the rest of the school.
Again, this student recognizes the daily elements of school life that generate frequent discrimination and recognizes having suffered them. She was indignant against economic differences (which to our eyes appear insignificant considering that this is a !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 08
school with great poverty) but she is unable to position herself strongly and independently in relation to her ancestral identity and traits.
Student C
Female from Machu Picchu, a community that belongs to the Inca Trail.
Many of her answers contrasted those of previous interviews. For example, she focused discrimination mostly based on place of origin than on economic status.
This student highlighted that those that come from rural communities are those that receive abuses more frequently. In fact, she believes that if she were to travel to Lima she would be discriminated against since she comes from a rural community.
An interesting aspect of her interview was a comment she made about domestic violence without having even been asked about it. She mentioned the impact that domestic violence can have on some children.
Her emphasis on the importance of preserving Quechua was another thing that she stressed, recognizing that it is a fundamental part of her culture. She also acknowledged that there is stigma and embarrassment when spoken due to discriminatory practices, and that these are the reasons for its disappearance. Furthermore, she noted that its lack of utility in professions is another potential cause for the disappearance of the language.
She mentioned that the situation is improving with time and technology, even thou this is not an indicator of improvement in regards to discrimination, solely on economic status and the diffusion of technology and disappearance of culture.
Lastly, she described a conflicting situation she is having with a teacher at school who talks behind her back and does not give her needed academic support. Nevertheless, student C could not make any type of complaint due to lack of reporting mechanism and for fear of not passing school.
Student D
Male from the community of Chicn.
This student was more familiarized with other discriminatory structures. He highlighted that economic discrimination is a result of differences in origin, race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation or skin colour.
He values his culture greatly. He feels proud of the word cholo while other students find that this term is only acceptable in specific contexts.
In this interview, we observed that student D would not change anything about himself to be accepted in society. He feels very comfortable with his appearance and does not feel ashamed about certain aspects of his life. Nevertheless, he expressed sympathy when acknowledging that others do feel ashamed of themselves.
He showed great interest in disseminating Quechua and wants to take a more active role in preserving his culture. This could be as a result of his future goals of becoming a priest and taking more responsibilities in the community.
Student E
Female from Qhotohuincho.
She recognized that discrimination is based on race. She denied the idea that discrimination could originate from economic status. This leads us to believe that boys tend to focus more on economic conditions than girls. It was also interesting to see how she linked discrimination with intelligence or character.
She understood the importance of generational connections of culture as she mentioned the importance of how Quechua was passed on through generations.
Student E was the only one that mentioned how if someone insulted someone else with the word cholo that they would be insulting themselves, since all of them were cholos at some point in Peruvian society. Unlike student D, this student wanted to change herself to be accepted socially.
She recognized that she could use the term cholo even if she did not like it because in some scenarios it is necessary.
It was evident during the interview that she did not believe discrimination to be a major problem in society. In general, she showed certain degree of understanding and hopes that the environment at school improves so that students may feel safer. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 01
Student F
Male from the Chacway area, where he lives and works at a farm, mostly on weekends.
He thinks that there are people that feel ashamed of speaking Quechua because they come from the Andes and prefer to speak a modern language and pretend to be from the city. However, despite knowing that there is a degrading opinion towards Quechua, he states that he would teach his kids to speak it because it is nice and sweet like poetry and because it forms part of his culture, one of which he affirms to be proud of.
He asserts that kids pretend too much and that his friends fake not speaking Quechua even though 80 or 70 percent of them do. He thinks that those that motivate people to feel ashamed of speaking Quechua are those that come from other places and that speak Spanish well.
Even though he thinks that leaving the city where he lives to be difficult, he would like to attend a school in Lima (even if they insult him) because he thinks that he would learn new things and would have better trained teachers.
He thinks that a scenario in which aggression could be more prevalent among students would be when they mock each other, mostly towards students from high Andean communities. Some of the objects of mockery include: the use of ojotas (a type of sandal used by indigenous people in Peru and other countries), personal hygiene and soccer. Regarding this last item, kids make fun because they believe other kids to be clumsy because they play differently and fall when kicking the ball. In this regard, !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 02
he chooses not to pay attention but he points out that almost all kids do it, including those who in other occasions are also the subjects of mockery.
Student F thinks that teachers are unfair, that they make up grade and that they are outdated in their knowledge. He also thinks that they discriminate. When someone does not do their homework, they say: you shouldnt come anymore, stay [at home] walking sheep and pigs. He mentioned that teachers focus too much on physical appearance and that they discriminate kids for their cleanliness, in many cases telling them you probably come from puna (the mountains).
Student F pointed out that the psychologist checks their haircut and the way they are dressed but that either way they can enter through the back door, where other students wearing ojotas come in (this is something that our observation did not ratify).
Since there are so many mockeries in the environment, he recommends walking in groups. He has not observed teasing at the kiosk, just that the majority buy something or invite those that do not.
To him, the biggest embarrassment is not to attend inappropriately dressed, but rather to be nicknamed. Similarly, he stated that he prefers to work to buy his clothes and avoid that situation. He considers that having a good presence is having an educated language, good clothing and coming from the city.
This student helped us to have a very detailed catalogue of the various scenarios of discrimination among students, from teachers to students, as well as some defense strategies. He also highlighted that almost all of them can say Indian or cholo, or to nickname each other because it is a way to defend themselves. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 03
Student G
Male from Maras, a 25 minute drive to school on public transit. Like the majority of those interviewed, he works at the farm every day, but more frequently on the weekends.
He believes that the majority of his peers speak Quechua and even though he speaks it, he does not write it very well. He thinks that one of the causes for feeling ashamed of speaking Quechua is because they get told you are an Indian. Parents teach their children Quechua but prefer that their kids speak Spanish because they can find better employment.
Despite this, he states that he would teach his children to speak both languages (Quechua and Spanish). Spanish to defend themselves outside and Quechua to speak with their family.
He would also like to attend a school in Lima because he feels that education there is more advanced. He believes that if this were to happen, that at the beginning he would be made fun of or be put aside and told you dont know anything, for which he would feel self-conscious.
He thinks that there is discrimination among students and that this is because groups separate. Those that go to academia make their own little group and exclude the rest. Therefore, this specifically coincides with the relation to discrimination based on economic status.
Other motives for discrimination are based on the way they speak, express themselves and in presentations. If we make a mistake in some of the words then the teasing begins, because some dont speak Spanish properly.
He also recognizes mockery based on skin colour. Those that are of darker skin are told you are black. Another motive of ridicule is the use of the school uniform because either they do not have it on time or because they do not wear it properly.
He believes that there are more peasants than whites at the school. He does not like the use of the word cholo because it is a form of discrimination where they try to lower ones self-esteem. Conversely, Indian does not bother him because our ancestors were Indians. He understands that the use of the word depends on the context and that many times it is used in fights and that even though it does not bother him, he can also use it as an insult because he knows that it does offend others.
Nevertheless, he has a very interesting interpretation of identity. He says that perhaps his parents are cholos but that he can overcome that. My parents cant stop being cholos because they are always at the farm but I can stop being cholo by studying in university or in something technical, so you improve and you become mestizo from the city. He adds that his aspiration is to be like everyone from the city.
To him, we must be very attentive so that no one mocks him in the classroom. He feels ashamed because he is skinny and because he cannot express himself easily in Spanish. Another topic of ridicule is smell, given that many of them do not use deodorant when they practice sports and their classmates take advantage of this to make fun of them.
This student would not change anything about his appearance, he feels satisfied with who he is. He considers that companies should not ask for someone with good presence because this makes people feel bad.
When he leaves school he wants to study mechanics and maintenance at the SENATI institute in Cusco. He thinks that he will be able to find good employment because companies are always looking for good professionals. If he were to study in Cusco he would have the support of his brothers. He thinks that Cusqueos have an advantage over those from Lima in these types of careers because they have more practical knowledge while the Limeos know theory better. On the other hand, Limeos have the advantage of having more modern technology.
We want to highlight that this student reinforces two ideas that we have been describing: faced with an aggressive environment it is convenient to either become invisible (be like everyone else) or to transform (become mestizo) or defend themselves (treat others as cholos).
Student H
Male from Chicn, approximately 3 kilometers from school. He helps his parents by working daily at the farm. He gives himself time to help around and do his homework, although he acknowledges being tired after working in the field, such as when he peels corn.
He thinks that there are many kids that do not speak Quechua and that this is a result of a generation that went to Cusco and that when they came back they did not speak it properly. He speaks Quechua but not as fluently. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 06
This student believes that there is strong discrimination in Lima although he does not mention an experience where he was a victim from Limeos and considers that economic factors are the root to discrimination as well as the desire to impose themselves over highlanders. Student H indicated that everyone should be treated equally.
Despite being conscious that if he speaks Quechua he might be looked down upon, he says that either way he would teach his children the language in order to preserve the culture of his ancestors: the Incas.
He considers that there is no difference between Indian and Inca. Initially, he self- identifies as indigenous because he follows millennial traditions, such as the payment to the Pachamama, but then changes his mind and ensures that he is not an Indian. He says that to him it was a mistake that the Spaniards called the Incas that way given that they believed they had arrived somewhere else. He also does not like the word Indian and expresses that people should not be named in reference to differences in race.
Four high school teachers were interviewed in areas related to Civics, Citizenship, History and Geography. The school psychologist was also interviewed.
Teacher A
Teacher A does not consider that there is discrimination. She expresses that these types of cases are not notorious, that students nickname each other but nothing more severe than that. In her opinion, teachers refrain themselves from using derogatory terms in Quechua.
She thinks that students are docile because they come from the countryside. She also indicates that in comparison to other schools, the environment is calm: Kids are not rebels. Here I feel like they can be controlled, they are docile; you yell them and they remain silent.
She does not recall having heard racist insults but rather insults directed towards appearance such as fatty and that this happens everywhere.
This teacher knows that there is some social selection among the school due to socio- economic conditions of people. As such, only the poorest arrive at this school. She mentions that people try to lower the self-esteem of kids at this school because they are from the countryside. She also says that there is a vision at schools where those schools deemed outstanding are for those people that are better-off. She affirms that there is a previous selection of students and whats left arrives here. This is why !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 18
when we complain that they cant read or add, the UGEL tells us that we already knew the type of students we were receiving (proceeding from the countryside).
She indicates that regarding the economic, there are students that can go buy things at the kiosk while others stay behind in their classes because they cannot buy something and feel ashamed of bringing toast or mote.
Regarding hygiene, this teacher claims that personal cleanliness should be the first topic of discussion. She highlights that there are teachers in charge of checking shirts beside the psychologist and assistant who give haircuts to students.
She thinks that physical punishment worked before by applying the San Martin (a type of whip) and that students were more respectful and responsible. She notes that there were three complaints posed by students that had been abused by teachers but that the principal stopped the situation. The methods have changed since then in order to ensure that no complaints arrive at the UGEL.
She thinks that schools teach to discriminate and perceives that this situation is stronger in those schools that have more money.
She mentions that young girls aspire to marry with a white person or a foreigner, but that this tendency is not as prevalent at her school.
This teacher appears worried about the living situation for kids from far away areas that live together, close to the city by themselves. Their parents live far away, in Machu Picchu for example; they rent rooms and nobody helps them in their homework, which is why many of them fail. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 1/
In the case of those that are from Maras, they spend the whole day traveling and dont have time to study. Students worry about their education because their parents have more children and can no longer help them. Therefore, kids work Saturdays and Sundays in the kilns, agriculture or are farm labourers in order to pay for their rooms.
She recommends applying some rigor and punishment for maintaining order.
Teacher B
Like teacher A, this teacher does not give much importance to discrimination, for he believes that it is not produced at school. He also does not observe division among students as a result, but that they typically form groups based on gender. He has not perceived an abusive treatment but facetious instead. He claims that he cannot talk about what happens outside of school or at the end of the school day because he lives in Cusco and has to leave immediately after his class is finished.
He does not agree with the results from the Bartolom de las Casas Centre that talks about the tendency of schools to teach how to discriminate. He thinks that maybe this happens in private schools, but affirms that at his school there is not even bullying.
He recommends working on values. For example, students that do not finish their homework also arrive late. Likewise, they are more prone to disrespect each other through aggressions or by colouring on other students notebooks, not raising their hand to speak, shutting other students when they speak and sometimes even disrespecting teachers. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 10
Teacher B expresses a common worry among all teachers. Governments are recently giving rights to children, for example, there are school prosecutors and DEMUNA 6 , which have lead to the decreased authority of teachers since more is said about rights than duties. It is for these reasons that teachers cannot raise their voices towards students for fear that they may be denounced.
This teacher affirms that to discipline students, teachers must balance rigor with love. He recommends beginning with love and if the student does not listen, then that is when you raise your voice. Moreover, he warns that if the student persist their misconduct, then he calls them for a chat and reflection in order for them to change their behaviour.
Teacher C
In contrast to her colleagues, she thinks that discrimination does occur among students. Since most of them are Quechua-speakers, teachers say things like: the most they will be is mototaxi drivers.
In her opinion, discrimination occurs among students primarily due to speech. There is strong mockery in this regard. Peers do not value the opinions of those that do not speak Spanish well, and Quechua-speaking students do not participate much in class because they are in fear of being mocked. This happens with more frequency in the older grades, since in her opinion this is not something that concerns the younger kids because they are more innocent.
4 DEMUNA Municipal Ombudsman for Children and Adolescents. It is a service of the National System of Integral Attention to the Child and Adolescent that brings free care through conciliation of: visits, tenure and food contributions. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 11
She thinks that a difficult topic for students is having or not having money. There are daily episodes where they feel bad such as when: buying clothes, having money for presentations, which sometimes mean buying or renting costumes and all that about pretending to well-off.She highlights that when students cannot pretend then feel embarrassed.
The teacher mentions that despite the fact that they all come from the same background (countryside) differences are still present. Economically, in the things that some can buy while others cannot. She ensures that there is also racism because they are from the countryside but might be whiter, darker, or chaspa uyas (marked faces).
She states that allowance is another aspect of discrimination. There are some kids that bring five soles and others only 0.50 cents, while others stay in the classroom because they do not have any spending money.
Either way, she mentions that although there is discrimination, it is much more subtle than at other schools. For example, in X school discrimination is deeper because of financial differences.
She also warns about the gravity of youth living on their own and renting rooms. She highlights that for example, there are students from Ollantaytambo and among siblings- rent a room and make their meals because their parents are not there to help them. Parents do not attend meetings. She thinks that these students might have major problems such as alcohol, gangs, and teen pregnancy. She comments that there was a case of a girl in grade 6 that got pregnant.
This teacher recommends that teachers must be more tolerant toward the situation students are living in. She reflects saying: we should know if they have had breakfast because those that have only had tea will not do as well. We should put ourselves in their situation and ask ourselves whether they will have pulped or hauled water. Teachers should know their surroundings, but today no one is worried about that.
She notes that students feel self-conscious of speaking Quechua and only do it if they are in small groups but not in front of everyone. She thinks that this is a loss of cultural identity, that they know how to speak it fluently but that peer pressure inhibits them.
Teacher D
This teacher believes that there is discrimination among students but only a little. He manifest that there are some teachers that abuse their students and that there even was a complaint but that 99 percent do not practice discrimination. There is bullying among students, particularly among those that live alone. Their peers make fun of them pointing out that they drink alcohol and live by themselves.
He indicates that there is neglect of students that live in far away areas. Their parents live in Quillabamba or Machu Picchu and kids have to rent rooms, no one puts any order and they live a free life. The number of students that live like this continues to increase. In other cases, their parents are alcoholics and not many are dedicated to their childrens education.
He does not notice any difference between those that live in the countryside and those that live closer. Regarding the school uniform, he mentions that many parents !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 13
cannot buy them and kids are relegated, generating low self-esteem and are ashamed. He indicates that this is the school that gathers students from low-income rural areas. They are given an extension to buy their uniform but if they cannot buy it they feel bad either way.
Psychologist
This psychologist has been hired with school resources. He thinks that there is discrimination, primarily underhanded, but that it is not as much as in other schools. He indicates that discrimination at this school is difficult because 70 percent are from the countryside and speak Quechua.
He believes in discrimination primarily for economic reasons. Those that can buy things like: cell phones, supplies, clothes, etc. Another aspect that interests him is hygiene. He mentions that he just learned about the case of a girl in first grade that comes from the countryside and smells bad, as a consequence no one wants to sit beside her. This surprises him because to him they all smell bad. These insults rotate.
He also tells us of another case in grade 6, in which a kid was constantly made fun of for not speaking Spanish well.
He affirms that students have to pretend to be something they are not. For example, those that have been taught well at home even if they come from the countryside-, are not ashamed of how they are dressed or how they speak. Conversely, those that come from dysfunctional homes or those that live alone with very little money, seek to pretend and be like the other students, leading them to steal cell phones and other !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 14
objects. Similarly, they take on attitudes of the groups they want to resemble, and if those groups discriminate against others then they will also do it to fit in. He mentions that this is attributed to the fact that there is a group of students at the school that comes from the city, have been kicked out of other schools and have now found this school as last resort.
One aspect he believes convenient to stress is the division between schools. Some public schools are already known as school for those with more money, urban or professional parents. This is why if these types of schools allow a peasants child to enter it will be under heavy teasing.
He recognizes that even in this poor school, there is also discrimination and that even a teacher experienced discrimination. She was told: this teacher doesnt know how to teach because she comes from the mote. In other words, even students have internalized this disparagement towards anyone that speaks with a Quechua accent. Finally, he states that one of his goals is to push towards cleanliness and discipline at this school, so that albeit modest might be en par with other schools of the area. This is why he identifies and reprimands those that come poorly dressed or poorly groomed. He even cuts the hair of those who have it too long or neglected.
2.3 Some findings: discrimination in small things.
First of all, the difference between student and teacher perceptions is greatly distinguished. The latter does not recognize discrimination. This might be in relation to the feeling that Peruvian teachers have of always been watched, and as result, tend to be more defensive. Recognizing that there are discriminatory practices at their school implies a failure in their role. On their part, students are unanimous in !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 15
recognizing the existence of discrimination in society and in their own school even though they may not always agree on its roots.
The interviews with teachers show that, in general, they believe discrimination is something minor among their students and that it is also possible between students and teachers. In general, they begin by denying this and other forms of violence plainly, but as the interview proceeds they give details that indicate that there is more than what they are initially willing to accept.
These cases are not visible, they dont come forth. They may nickname each other but other than that something like bullying is stopped. Even teachers stop themselves from using derogatory terms in Quechua.
There is no discrimination, that doesnt happen, I dont see it. Neither do we see it when they do group work; they mostly make groups based on gender. I havent perceived mistreatment or abusive, its mostly just joking.
Teachers appear incapable of understanding the student as a subject with full rights. Some long for the time when they could recur to punishments and want this to be made possible again if not what should I do? They also recurrently complain about state initiatives that empower students with rights, something that teachers consider a threat to their authority. Many rights to them is something negative since it can end up with denunciations due to poor treatment or abuse.
An anecdote told by a teacher shows the schools difficulty in dealing with the changing realities. She highlights that there was a boy who was very conscious that the school authorities were not going to listen to him regarding abuse he had experienced and so he went directly to the UGEL. However, he was stopped by force, we imagine by the sub-director who gave him a serious reprimand. Deeply, the teacher was content with the sub-directors attitude. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 16
How to control these new kids with rights? Teachers have not found the means yet. One of them gave us his insight to this challenge. First with love and then with rigour. Love means talking to them before yelling at them, but who are the subjects that receive this mixture of love and rigour most frequently?
It is the students that are most vulnerable. The poorest or those that have difficulties meeting teachers expectations (arriving on time, clean, well-dressed, homework done). Teachers do not recognize that there could be a relation between this failure to comply and the students disadvantageous conditions. They do not realize that a great majority of these students work in farms are tired when they finish and have problems meeting chores at home. Teachers themselves worry about the ever increasing problem that as a result of living far away, many rent rooms near the school and live by themselves. These students do not have family support, work to help pay their rent and devote many hours to leisure. It is these students that receive the recipe of love and rigour most frequently.
The teachers whom we spoke with appear to be positively motivated but have practices and prejudices that result in contradictory messages to their students. For example, they teach them democratic values, talk about equality and no discrimination. However, at the same time make derogatory comments towards kids from the countryside, they make their hygiene problems more evident, do not protect them from mockery because of their poor use of Spanish, and pressure them to use their school uniform properly, etc.
Promoting personal hygiene and the careful use of clothing is not a problem on its own. The problem is that the teacher does not perceive, or if they do then do not !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 17
value the importance, that those who are objects of their chastisement are almost always the poorest, most peasant students and possibly those that live the farthest.
The school psychologist, someone with lots of personal motivation to support the development of the educational centre, himself being from the area, does not escape this framework either. He has an idea of what is needed to become a decent person and succeed in the future. This is why the psychologist contributes to the persecution in terms of cleanliness, controlling smells, unwashed hair, dirty or worn clothing.
Prejudices towards the peasant population also emerge among the teachers. They know that it is politically incorrect to be open about it but express their prejudices in diverse forms. They consider that kids from the countryside are docile, unclean, with poor social skills, and have little hope that they will get to become professionals. In general, teachers are not only unarmed to counter new social situations in their surroundings, with children more and more empowered and living alone, but also maintain prejudices about them and do not end up acting as warrantors of their rights.
On their part, students do not trust their teachers, which could be a result of the inconsistencies that we have mentioned. They know discrimination and all its details but most of all feel the disassociation in terms of economic status although some manage to recognize the links between this, place of origin, and culture.
Discrimination in this school, from the students point of view is not one with major racist incidents. It is given in little mechanisms of differentiation and segregation. They feel the value of the little things (those that teachers only see as disciplinary) such as the power to buy or not buy their school uniforms, the type of school supplies they use, old shoes, spending at the school kiosk, arriving clean, using deodorant, !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 28
finishing their homework. They know the power of mockery in assigning roles. In a school where everyone speaks Quechua, one could think that language would not be an issue but it is. This is because the problem is not the use of Quechua, which all know very well; the problem is demonstrating the proper use of Spanish. They know that the language has its own logic and that Quechua is only useful in the domestic sphere and not for important matters. This is why, for example, it is not useful to show off in class presentations since these are instances of natural tension. The use of language in this case is key and failure to use it properly becomes a reason of fear. Ridicules are made mostly towards students from the high Andean communities, they laugh at their ojotas. They notice that the play soccer differently, a bit clumsy, slipping when they kick. They also notice that they dont shower. This makes students feel bad. What do I do? I go unnoticed.
This is how mockery is seemingly another key element in the life of students. Even though the school may be homogeneous to a great degree, differences are built very subtly. Students know that there are some that have more money, more urban experience and speak better Spanish, those that bring different clothes, accessories and that can also be less dark and a little whiter. Resembling them, pretending to be like that is something that pushes students to enter in to little battles that although may be won momentarily, result burdensome because they imply pretending, doubting oneself, and being embarrassed of who they are. This also demands that they work to be able to afford buying the things that others have or to steal.
In a context like this, of mockery and subtle differences that may hurt, students find an escape from being targets by shedding the light onto someone else. There will always be a reason and someone at hand. This is when jokes, appearances and groups become useful. And as a last resort: indifference.
Students are also aware that discrimination plays a significant role outside of school, in the real word. They have very negative images of authorities, of Lima and Limeos, as racists and chauvinistic. They are certain that if they travel to the city that they will have a bad time. They know that Quechua generates disdain, that being cholos is wrong and used as an insult and know that it would be easily applied to them. Nevertheless, in the midst of all this, students have very interesting answers. They are ready to not be humiliated so easily. Faced with these challenges, their weapon is indifference.
Almost all of them indicate that although they know that the use of Quechua is disadvantageous, they will teach their kids either way because it is part of the culture. They appear to be in transition from a more defensive position, where the strategy to protect themselves is to become invisible, resembling the hegemonic image and transferring unto another where this combines into a stronger demand of their identity, families, and culture. However, their discourse in this regard is still developing and remains unclear. They acknowledge that they are cholos but do not like the use of the word because they know it is used as an insult. They can also identify themselves as Indians or indigenous because they know that there is an Incan heritage to honour but at the same time, this sounds to them as offensive, take it back and doubt. One comes up with a more formal claim: nor Indian, nor cholos, simply people, without different races, but others elaborate more complex theories about how to improve, which in brief despite the stereotyped explanation shows the background idea: identities are mobile and constructed.
3. A FEW NOTES ABOUT IDENITY AND DISCRIMINATION: THE QUESTIONNAIRES.
Besides interviews, very simple questionnaires were given to all the students of three sections of grade 11 at the school (refer to the annex). These were administered with the collaboration of teachers in the social sciences, who allowed us to use 20 minutes of their class time for students to answer them right then. They were asked to express their opinions freely, stressing that this was not a knowledge test that would be marked, and as such they did not need to copy their peers but that instead it was individual work. Everything carried on as planned; students were focused and paid attention, fixing their gaze on the image presented before answering the questions.
The questionnaire was simple. It had an iconic picture of an event of Peruvian history - the tragic death of the indigenous cacique Tpac Amaru II in Cusco. The purpose of this image was to first of all investigate if they recognized the historic moment shown, what value they gave to this account, and if they felt a relationship between the image, themselves, and their present.
The motivation behind these questions was to find out if students had lost the use of history as a point of reference as claimed in a recent study (Uccelli et al., 2013). It also intrigued us to know if they had forgotten about the image of Tpac Amaru due to over exposure during the Gral. Velasco Alvarado (1960-1970) government as claimed in comments by Cecilia Mndez during a 2012 course at the IEP. Tpac Amaru is a significant character because he was a mestizo hero from Cusco, maybe !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 21
even the only hero of the province recognized at a national level (or was). Would he still be remembered at this peasant Cusqueo school? Would it still generate empathy?
In first place, all students knew the image and history of Tpac Amaru; and although they did not remember the exact date, many approximated in a range of more or less 10 years. Their description of the event is - for the most part neutral at first (they overlook the question) and describe what they see: the elements and actions that make up the image. Many vocalize their values regarding the scene through their initial description, relating it to justice (9) or nationalism (4). All identified the cacique as the main character and the Spaniards as secondary characters. With the exception of one girl, they all identified with him.
The reasons for their identification had to do with the importance given to his act of resistance. They ensure that they mostly identify with him for his courage, for fighting and rebelling against injustice, for defending the nation and sacrificing himself. Only one of the students noted that he identified with him because he was Cusqueo, and !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 22
other two for seeing him vulnerable, which showed solidarity from their behalf. None of them indicated ethnic or cultural reasons for this identification.
In summary, there is a high degree of identification with Tpac Amaru, which parts from knowledge of his action, a collective meaning, and their own personal values, which lead students to feel empathy with him and to express feelings of sadness or anger against what the Spaniards did to him.
Nevertheless, when they were asked about the causes of this event and things they saw as recurrent, they mentioned themes such as discrimination. Many students highlighted inequality, racism, poverty and exploitation as causes of this event. A third part of the students believed that similar causes exist today but the majority of them pointed to discrimination.
When asking if things like the ones shown to them happen today, they affirmed that they do. Even though the context differed (public tortures, horses, anachronism), there were some analogous situations particularly abuse of authority towards natives, Andeans, and the poor.
Mayors believe that they can dominate everyone, take land away. It shouldnt be that way.
Yes, because this doesnt change: corruption, racism, delinquency, wars
The causes of mistreatment of men by men are not good. And it continues today because there is no social equality or good governors () Proper treatment of the few economic resources does not exist because rich come first.
Yes, discrimination of ethnic groups or Andeans that cannot read or write and live in poverty. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 23
Carried forth from the image of the XIX century regardless of their present and even with their children, students found a continuation. They indicated that similar situations occurred at the school, such as physical aggression among children, discrimination based on race or clothing. The end of Tpac Amaru makes them think about their situation of disempowerment in front of abuse.
yes, it makes me think because we cant rebel against our teachers and we can only just endure.
Nothing can happen similar to that. There will simply be discrimination and other things
Yes, this happens at the school because there are peers that discriminate because they have more money or others because they feel superior and discriminate, in such a way you feel with low self-esteem. Its almost as if a person tortured you on the inside.
Yes, this happens at schools because there are conflicts among students. There is discrimination based on race, religion, traditions and clothing.
We received a great variety of responses from the students, which were interesting to us in proving that, at least, in the province of Cusco in a very poor school of peasant origins the figure of Tpac Amaru II, the significance of his acts and the context in which they were given are still present. This is important because they show us the great social diversity in our country. If in Ayacucho and Lima we observe a history emptied of personages, events and points of reference, here we can find them, at least for this event. This is how, if the image of the massacred last Inca has lost its relevance in the country, in Cusco this is far from the truth, even for adolescents from a peasant school.
Another aspect that we rescued is that motivated by the image students found continuations that helped them to characterize their own reality, where they point to discrimination: its relation to ethnicity, poverty and abuse of power as relevant components.
As a complimentary tool to the interviews and the questionnaire, we realized observations at the school during three weeks with the intention of identifying some patters in the inter-relations of students, as well as between teachers and students. Our observation had limitations that we will later indicate in the annex of this report, but which were a useful element to complement the frame of our mini investigation.
4.1 Classroom Interactions
We were able to observe a division among the students according to the way they dressed. Students that dressed in a similar fashion appear to interact amongst each other. This was evident both in the students from grade 6 to 9. For example, in grade 6 students without uniform would tend to sit together.
Regarding this point, we observed an interesting incident during agriculture class: once the class started, girls without a uniform began to pull out grass and weeds to prepare the earth and begin to plant, while those with uniform remained inactive and appeared to talk about the girls that were working.
It was hard to determine why there were those divisions among students. A possible answer could be that girls with similar uniforms were friends because they had some affinity among them or that students with similar clothing have the same economic and ethnic level. Correspondingly, it could be possible that there could be a lack of !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 26
willingness on students part to interact with others of a lower socio-economic level, due to their preconceived ideas of discrimination.
4.2 Playground Interactions
About this topic, we could not find a strong relationship between the groups that formed to play. For example, there was a group of kids that frequently practiced sports. All the kids in the group had similar uniform and good shoes; appeared clean; and wore gel in their hair.
The difference between the interaction of students in the classroom and playground could be due to the flexibility given in the interactions outside of the class. Although more interaction among distinct groups of students is noted, subtle forms of separation can be found. As proof of this, we observed that during a volleyball match and a dance practice, the girls that played or danced were well dressed and had lighter skin. Conversely, the girls that looked at them without participating were of darker skin and look more disheveled.
4.3 Interactions among Teachers and Students In general, it was observed that teachers seemed more worried about students appearance. In numerous occasions, teachers argued with students about their cleanliness and hygiene. This sustains what the interviews indicated to us.
For example, an incident was highlighted where two students arrived at the school with a dirty face. When a teacher saw them, he asked them to go to the bathroom and clean their face. When students came back, the teacher mentioned that many parents do not know how to look after their children and send them dirty to school. Despite the fact that the teacher might have good reasons to worry about students hygiene, !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 27
we consider that these types of comments could contribute to the general perception of distrust towards teachers, as evidenced in the interviews.
Even though these attitudes could seem as common, there are circumstances in which teachers make efforts to encourage students to interact among them in class and share class material, despite their differences.
In this little case study, we have been able to appreciate the diverse and subtle forms of how discrimination can be reproduced, even in a space that we had considered economic and culturally homogeneous.
Correspondingly, we have observed that discrimination can be perceived by students as varied and complex, manifesting itself on various aspects of their lives: use of clothing or shoes, cleanliness, homework and classroom participation, which gives them key points for differentiation.
The group of young researchers from universities in Canada, England and the United States wanted to share their main conclusions with the purpose of setting a solution to this problematic in the near future.
5.1 Main Problems
a) Students were lacking a safe space in terms of teacher-student, where they could learn and develop. o We have witnessed situations where teachers speak negatively about students and their parents, in the presence of other teachers and students. o Students have expressed feelings of vulnerability in the classroom when they learn at a different speed than their classmates. o Students have expressed a negative attitude from teachers in terms of offering additional help. o The researches have been witnesses of good teaching practices, such as promoting cooperation and help among students.
b) Students lack access to complaint procedures where they can denounce problems they have at school, particularly with their teachers, and do not trust that their accusations will be considered legitimate. o Students have expressed worry about the repercussions particularly academic ones that they may suffer as a result of telling teachers about their problems.
c) There is abuse and discriminatory violence between students, primarily based on economic status, place of origin and ethnicity. o Students have identified problems of discrimination based on economic status and ethnic identity, where references are made to the distinct ways of dressing and mockery through verbal attacks. o Students believe that these abuses have to do with discrimination and that this is similar to the one experiences in previous historical periods. o We were witnesses of abuse that generated marginalization towards students during class time.
d) The existence of costs and uniform create a channel for discrimination inside various schools in the community. o Students recognized that distinctions between various schools were a source of abuse.
Despite the fact that the research team firmly believes in the validity of the results discussed in this report, there have been various factors that have limited the research and are worth being mentioned.
The first and foremost limitation was the language barrier faced by the majority of the team. Although each member had, at least, basic knowledge of Spanish, the inability to be able to speak fluently limited the necessary resources to realize the interviews and fully understand classroom interactions. Nevertheless, various team members had a high degree of Spanish and were able to facilitate the interviews. Furthermore, these team members were the ones responsible for realizing the verbal parts of the interviews (while the others observed and noted body language communication) and the transcriptions. As a result of the limited Spanish abilities of the team, it is possible that the researches might not have been able to identify meanings or more in-depth details during the interviews and observations. However, the team was able to gather important and legitimate data.
A second notable limitation was the cultural barrier. The research team was composed by students from Canadian and British universities. Some members had a limited experience working, living and travelling in other Spanish-speaking cultures, but the majority had not. Before beginning the investigation, only three members of the team had experienced living in Peru. Given this lack of experience, it was sometimes hard to determine which practices were discriminatory or simply cultural traditions. This barrier was particularly noticeable when the team realized their observations. With the !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 31
purpose of working with this limitation, the team was extremely cautious to analyze students behavior.
A third limitation during the realization of this report was the time given to gather all the data. The observations were realized during three weeks at the school. Nevertheless, these were not consistent. The research team was not present at the school at all hours. Likewise, the team was only able to observe specific hours of class. In total, the time available to gather data was limited, which reduced the quantity of data that could be registered. It is possible that this inconsistent method of gathering data could have lead to erroneous information.
For example, it was concluded that a student could wear uniform one day and not the other, which does not allow us to identify their socioeconomic status.
With the goal of addressing this limitation, the researchers trusted the data collected during the interviews and used the observations to complement the previous data.
A final limitation was the presence of researchers at school. The research team did not integrate into the school due to ethnicity, age and behavior -, which could have led to students feeling observed. It is possible that this could have had some impacts on students behavior. With the aim of reducing this limitation, the team decreased the number of people in charge of realizing the observations.
In general, despite the different challenges encountered by the team, necessary measures were taken to compensate and alleviate these barriers. In conclusion, as a result of the measures taken to counter the negative implications, the team trusts that the limitations described did not have an important effect on the projects results. !"# %#&'() (* +"# %#&,- . /&0# 0+123 () 240/5464)&+4() 4) & '1784/ 0/"((8 4) 910/(- !"#$% '$()*+,-.$% 32
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