A Visceral Politics of Sound

Gordon Waitt, Ella Ryan and Carol Farbotko

School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, New South
Wales, Australia;
gwaitt@uow.edu.au
Abstract: Questions of bodies and embodiment are a critical focus for geographers.
In this paper we advance discussion of the mobilisation of bodies that investigates the
interconnections between the visceral and discursive, through paying attention to the
affordances of sound. We draw on our ethnographic research of the Climate Camp
parade held during October 2009 in Helensburgh, New South Wales, Australia. Using
feminist theory and visceral understandings of socio-political life, we explore sounds
to illustrate how peoples beliefs about climate change are mobilised at this parade.
We argue that visceral experiences of the rhythmic affordances of soundsow, pulse
and beatprovide us insights as to how people are mobilised into action. Our results
explore bodily judgements of sounds to illustrate how a visceral approach can help to
mobilise bodies in ways that can both upset, and reproduce, particular beliefs, subjects
and places.
Keywords: affect, rhythm, emotion, climate change, Climate Camp, Australia
Introduction
Rhythms have already been acknowledged as political. For Lefebvre (2004), tracing
the transition fromlinear tick-tock time to the digital clock recognises the centrality
of rhythm. He concluded that each new pattern of capitalist organisation requires a
commanding rhythm to achieve dominance. Lefebvre (2004:14) argues that:
Objectively, for there to be change, a social group, a class or a caste must intervene
by imprinting a rhythm on an era, be it through force or an insinuating manner.
Away from this general politicisation of rhythms, Lefebvre (2004) also recognised
the politics operating as the social world imposes its culturally sanctioned rhythms
as structures, laws, norms and bodily experiences. Lefebvres (2004) concept of
dressage draws on Foucauldian notions of discipline and control, recognising
rhythms as offering one explanation as to how the social world imposes its
structures, truths and norms in and on the bodythrough respiration, the
heart, hunger, thirst (2004:8). Lefebvre (2004) concurred that a disembodied
grasp of rhythms is impossible. Yet, as Simpson (2008) argued in Lefebvres
Rythmanalytical Project we are mostly just looking at the body and how it is being
acted upon by societal forces, rather than considering the visceral, elusory nature
of the body itself (2008:824; emphasis in original). Similarly, Edensor (2010) noted
there is a need to conceptualise the bodys capacity to affect and be affected by
rhythms. Edensor goes on to argue that the entangling rhythms that circulate in
and outside the body also draw attention to the corporeal capacities to sense
rhythm, sensations that organise the subjective and cultural experience of place
(2010:5). Edensor appreciates the inter-relatedness of power, rhythm, subjectivity
Antipode Vol. 46 No. 1 2014 ISSN 0066-4812, pp 283300 doi: 10.1111/anti.12032
2013 The Authors. Antipode 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd.
and place. Through our focus on sound, this paper takes up the call to conceptualise
rhythmic sounds as offering a strategic starting point to understand power, subjectivity
and place.
In this paper we pay specic attention to howpeople can be moved or mobilised
by the rhythmic affordances of soundow, pulse and beatto explore the vis-
ceral politics of a parade. Following Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2008:462)
visceral politics involves a move towards a radically relational view of the world,
in which structural modes of critique are brought together with an appreciation
of chaotic, unstructured ways in which bodily intensities unfold in the production
of everyday life. We argue that the ways in which the body registers the
affordances of sound provides clues as to how the politics of climate change
unfolds in situ, by helping (co)constitute subject and place. We explore ways in
which dominant discourses of climate change, coal and activists are interwoven
with the affective affordances of sound that pulse and surge in between and
through bodies and spacesmediating the types of communication that take place
between people. In doing so, we further an argument that recognises the centrality
of bodily sensations in mobilising peopleas either individuals or collectives
within activism (Brown and Pickerill 2009; Hayes-Conroy and Martin 2010).
Tothis end, the article is dividedintofour sections. We beginby reviewingexisting
scholarship to establish a background on the ways in which bodies are examined in
relation to activism. Next, we provide an alternative perspective through our focus
on the visceral affects of sounds. We draw on Probyns (2000) Deleuzian reading
of bodies and space to help us think about howfeminist theory might conceptualise
a visceral politics of sound. We then introduce the Climate Camp, held during
October 2009 in Helensburgh, New South Wales. Next we detail our methods to
trace the bodily judgements of sounds. We then focus on three moments within
the parade toillustrate howbodily judgements of the rhythmic affordances of sound
have the potential to increase our understanding of how people are mobilised
through the inter-relatedness of subjectivity, sound and place. The article concludes
by considering the importance of a visceral politics of sound in radical geography.
Progress in Emotional and Affective Geographies
of Activism
Foucaults writings offer an account of how mobilisation and political action may
operate in everyday lifeby emphasising howknowledge about the world is constantly
produced within discourse. Rather than individuals being robbed of agency within
discursive frames, Sharp et al. (2000) pointed to the creative potential that exists within
the ongoing process of creating and maintaining truths, norms and social relation-
ships. As Sharp et al. (2000:19) explain, this process contains a sense of agency and
political will, given that power is conceptualised as a:
thoroughly entangled bundle of exchanges dispersed everywhere through society, as
comprising a micro-physical or capillary geography of linkages, intensities and
frictions, and as thereby not being straightforwardly in the service of any one set of
peoples, institutions or movements.
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However, geographers from a number of sub-disciplines have responded to the
work of Foucault, reacting especially to his inclination to reproduce mind/body
dualisms. Queer, feminists and non-representational theorists have begun to
rethink the importance of the materiality of bodies in mobilising individuals, social
movements and trans-local networksincluding molecules, cells, chemicals,
neurotransmitters, touch, taste, aroma and sight. For instance, Hynes and Sharpe
(2009) employ non-representational theory (NRT) to draw our attention to the
signicance of affective ties at the Seattle anti-globalisation protests in November
1999. This attention to affective ties in and through moments of proximity or
contact between human and non-human bodies challenges geographers to
conceive a realm of political subjectivity and mobilisation outside discursive
modes of interaction. As Massumi (2002:9) states, affective forces enable a
sociality without determinate borders. Affective relations have the capacity
momentarily to mobilise people together to forge a collective, as demonstrated
by the euphoria of an election winor alternatively, constrain the mobility of
peopleas demonstrated by the restrictive mobility of fearful bodies. Affective
intensities have forced a rethinking of political subjectivity as not being reducible
to, or the product of, particular individuals or groups consciously representing or
contesting place. The way in which political agendas comes to be viscerally
experienced, and thus activate or deactivate participants, is not conceptualised as
a simple mapping of conscious action on to subjects. Instead, attention is given
to bodily registers, the assemblages involved, and the capacity of co-present
bodies to affect and be affected.
Feminist geographers are critical of NRT, particularly the trends to depersonalise
dimensions of affect and emotion; as it overlooks the physical attributes of a body;
omits the situated qualities of affect; and disregards the interplay between emotions
and affect and the interrelationships between the discursive and the affective realms
(Colls 2012). Indeed, much work on emotions and activism in geography has
illustrated the importance of the personal. For example, building on the work of
the sociologist Jasper (1998) and anthropologist Juris (2008), Pulido (2003) and
Routledge (2012) provide personal accounts to investigate emotions as an activating
force in social movements. Similarly, Bosco (2007) and Brown and Pickerill (2009)
explore narratives of emotional labour to illustrate how personal (dis)connections
are forged within social movementsincluding loss, anger, rage and resentment.
Following the lead of feminist geographers Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy
(2008), who build on Probyns (2000) work, we adopt a visceral approach to
investigate further the materiality of the body to better understand how people
are mobilised into action. We use the word visceral to denote the bodily experi-
ences or judgementsthat may be narrated as moods, emotions or sensationsof
our sensory interactions with contexts which are fashioned by the interplay of the
discursive and material. Activism involves not only developing an understanding
of different discursive regimes, but equally that of the visceral realm. Hayes-Conroy
and Hayes-Conroy (2008:469; emphasis in original) argue that: addressing the
visceral realmand hence the catalytic potential of bodily sensationshas the
potential to increase political understandings of how people can be moved or
mobilised either as individuals or as groups of social actor. Thinking about sound
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as a mechanismfor visceral arousal means thinking about howthe sensuous body is
embedded in social, cultural and spatial relationships. In this paper we focus on the
rhythmic qualities of sounds as a mechanism for addressing the visceral realm. Such
a focus is helpful because it facilitates rethinking sounds through its registration as
cognitive modes and/or bodily sensations.
Drawing on scientists and social scientists, we argue that the rhythmic affordances of
sound illustrate the viscerality of everyday life. The work of neurobiologists (see Malloch
2005), psychologists (see Trevarthen 1999), and cognitive scientists (see Benzon 2001)
explains howthe body has a biologically innate sense of pulse within which communi-
cation occursmore usually described in the medical literature in terms of hormones
and electric signals. Whereas, the works of many music therapists (Ansdell 2004),
musicologists (Keil and Feld 1994) and professional musicians (Monson 1996) discuss
the capacity of the body to absorb the rhythmic qualities of music as a way of placing
oneself in relation to others. As Keil and Feld (1994:167) suggest, habitualised rhythm
operates to sustain a psychological understanding of being in the groove together.
While the sociologist DeNora (2000) posits that playing, or listening to, particular
genres of music disciplines bodies in particular ways. Similarly, Mels (2004:6) discusses
sonic rhythms to trace the discursive through the body, arguing that bodily judgements
of particular pulses are connected to particular discourses, geographical imaginations
andmodes of representation. Avisceral approachis about bodily sensations. However,
it is also about relational thinking and the process of assembling and dissembling
relationships and connections into a socio-spatial formation that makes sense as a
coherent whole.
It is for these reasons we turned to the work of Probyn (2000), and her thinking
about assemblages, because it offers possibilities to use a visceral approach to think
across the physiological, psychological and sociological experience of the rhythmic
affordances of sound. Working within a cultural studies paradigm, as a post-
phenomenological scholar, Probyns visceral approach is one way to conceptualise
the body as actively participating in the unfolding of discursive regimes that fashion
choices, subjectivities and social difference. Citing the work of French sociologist Marcel
Mauss, she argues that: [A]ll of our bodily actions are connecting cogs within this
enormous psycho-sociological assemblages of series of actions (Mauss 1973
[1934]:74, cited in Probyn 2000:30). Following in the footsteps of Mauss discussion
of the techniques of the body, Probyn (2000:3132) argues that:
The connections and interconnections of learned techniques, of imitation, and of the
interplay of biological, psychological and social allows for the past to re-enter the
present, but without unilaterally determining us. The biological, psychological and the
social, are constantly reworked in terms of howat any moment we live our bodies. These
modes of living are temporal and spatial, highlight the adaption of learned behaviour
and context There is then an order to the assemblage, but one that, instead of
predicating a ground, questions it.
Probyn puts forward assemblage thinking to help scholars think anew about the
agency of the body and to appreciate ambiguity. To disrupt the mindbody dualism,
she stresses the diversity of elements that comprise a body, and the various human
and non-human agencies involved in making and remaking the (dis)connections
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between diverse things within the assemblage. She highlights bodily judgements to
trouble what is knowable. While remaining cognisant of power/knowledge embedded
in discourse that create social relationships, truths and social normssay, in regards
to the disciplinary institutional procedures of musicians or dance clubsneed not be
xed. As Probyn (2000) suggests, the possibility of unpredictable shifts in socio-spatial
formations within the weight of historical trajectories of everyday life involves exploring
the ambiguity of bodily judgements. Importantly, she constitutes a politics that is not of
radical critique, but of sketching the possibilities for social transformation within bodily
judgements to little changes and eeting encounters that permeate the everyday.
First, following Probyns lead, assemblage thinkingopens uppossibilities to consider
how sound mediates the affective and emotional energies within, across and between
human andnon-human bodies. Here we remain mindful of the very different ideas that
circulate about what is emotion, and what is affect (Massumi 2002). Again, drawing on
the work of Probyn, she argues it would be convenient to say that emotion refers to
the social expression of affect, and affect in turn is the biological and physiological
experience of it (2004:28). However, as Probyn (2004) notes, such arguments are
circular. Following her lead, while remaining alive to debates about the origins of
emotions, we propose that bodily judgements of sounds are irreducible to either
biology or culture, mind or body, inside or outside. Considering the affective qualities
of sound, Saldanha argues that music is the cultural form best suited to extract the
energies already oscillating in and inbetween human bodies (2002:58). Extending
this argument from music to sound more generally, our interest lies in the way that
sound may intensely connect or disconnect bodies within a constellation of trajectories
or assemblages that make sense of a Climate Camp parade. Hence, bodily judgements
of sounds are not simply biologically innate, nor are they only performative. Rather, the
corporeal capacities to sense the affordances of soundrhythm, melody, pitch, colour
and vibrationsmay help connect, or disconnect, bodies with other bodies and
entities within sonorous assemblages, that necessitate tracing connections between
bodies. Sound connects us to uneven networks of power.
Second, a visceral approach to sound does not have as its starting point a mode
of identity formation founded on an essentialist understanding of an inner
emotional and psychological life. Rather, a visceral approach allows us to grasp
identify formation as an embodied practice; by remaining alert as to how emotions
are learnt, spatial, and may stick, diversify or change over the course of a lifetime.
The bodys capacity to sense sounds opens up the in-between-ness of sensing
and making sense. In this way, bodily judgements of sounds may give rise to
moments of heightened intensities that allow people to distinguish between inner
and outer selves, individual and group, us and them, here and elsewhere. Sounds
may cohere subjectivities, places and a sense of togetherness. At the same time,
the same sounds may provoke a sense of alienation because they are felt and
understood as disruptive or harmful and so categorised as undesirable or noise.
Finally, sounds are not lived in isolation, but experienced through the lived
context of social representations that govern howwe listen and hear. As Hayes-Conroy
andHayes-Conroy (2008:467) remindus: [I]n the visceral realm, representations affect
materially. Following this lead, the historical weight and orientation of social norms
aligned to sounds become part of new intensities, memories and emotionssounds
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mobilise visceral mechanisms that help particular political subjectivities to temporally
uoresce. The connection between sound and the visceral realm, we argue, is one
mechanism that mobilises people for or against climate change action.
Camps for Climate Action
The context of our study is Camps for Climate Action (Climate Camps). Climate
Camps may be considered a convergence space (Routledge 2003:345)a non-
capitalist, collective site united by a shared ambition to resist carbon-dependent
economies through a program of education and resistance politics. The rst Camp
for Climate Action was held in Yorkshire, UK in 2006 and challenged the discourses
and social relations surrounding carbon use. The 2006 Camp had political and
emotional resonance elsewhere. Since 2006, a trans-local network has facilitated
new alliances, and the organisation of Climate Camps in multiple times and places.
Central to the politics of Climate Camps is the activist narrative of resistance,
creativity and solidarity (see Saunders and Price 2009; Scaife 2007). Climate Camps
may be conceptualised as expressions of trans-local politics built through a narra-
tive of solidarity with globally-distributed groups via virtual networks, awareness
raising, and skill- and information-sharing (see Pickerill and Chatterton 2006).
Howthis sense of togetherness might actually be achieved amongst diverse social
groups, once bodies are assembled, however, involves understanding much more
than shared rhetoric. As we argue, bodily judgements that emerge from our
sensory engagements are also signicant.
The Helensburgh Camp for Climate Action 2009 was the fourth held in Australia
a per capita emissions-intensive nation. Each camp was at the site of signicant
carbon emissions. Helensburgh is the site of one of Australias oldest coal mines
the Metropolitan Collierywhich produces coking coal used for steel manufacture.
In Australia, the collective actions of these Climate Camps were spurred by a widening
gulf between government acknowledgement of a greenhouse gas emissions crisis
and the lack of serious commitment to climate actionas illustrated by the (then)
Rudd Governments failure to legislate a Carbon Pollution Reduction Schemealong
with its failure to deliver a binding agreement at the Copenhagen Conference of
Parties in late 2009. Further, Climate Camps are an attempt to disrupt discourses
and practices contributing to Australias coal dependency, both as a source of export
tax revenue and in the provision of electricity (Dorsey 2007; Tarrow 1998). As
Chatterton (2005) argued, Climate Camps converge on locations where carbon-
intensive facilities are planned or enlarged to illustrate the contradictions between
carbon-reduction policy rhetoric and ongoing emissions practice.
Climate Camps do not seek to build a permanent organisation, formulate a
manifesto or have conventional representative structures and organisational
coherence. Instead, each autonomous camp loosely acknowledges common
ground within a trans-local climate justice solidarity network. Organisational effort
for each camp draws from shared information and activity within the network.
Second, each autonomous camp seeks to operate outside of capitalist ways of
organising society. Therefore, Climate Camps operate on shoestring budgets and
refuse any corporate or state sponsorship. On a practical level, compromises are
imposed by the constant multiple negotiations between Climate Camp organisers
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seeking autonomy and their interactions with municipal authorities and the state.
Third, the organisation of Climate Camps is guided by general principles of non-
hierarchical decision-making, mutual aid and belief in the collective process.
Consensus decision-making is employed to accommodate the voices of minorities
and as a deliberate means of collective action. Finally, the eeting qualities of the
camps work against territorialisation of a space out there, external to capital
relationships from which to build autonomous politics. Instead, the interstitial
convergence spaces of Climate Camps are a constant interplay between autonomy
and non-autonomy.
The Helensburgh Climate Camp was organised as a three-day event held during
October 2009 by a loose network of Sydney and Illawarra based activists, including
members of the Australian Student Environment Network (ASEN), Friends of the
Earth, The Socialist Alliance, Resistance, NSW Greens, Greenpeace and, Newcastle
Riding Tide. The planning phase deployed consensus-based decision-making
techniques. The network of activists secured permission from authorities to pitch
tents on the football elds of Helensburgh Park, some 2 km from the entrance to
the Metropolitan Colliery. Helensburgh was selected as the site of convergence to
highlight the workings of market-based economies of coal. In 2007, environmental
scientists from the Total Environment Centre (2007) provided evidence of water
catchment destruction in the region that was attributed to long-wall mining
practices of Peabody, a US-based transnational corporation and owner of the
Metropolitan Colliery at Helensburgh. Yet, despite raising these concerns, the New
South Wales Labor Government approved extending long-wall coal mining, which
increased the protable working life of the Metropolitan Colliery by some 20 years.
For these reasons, coal mining in Helensburgh was regarded by Helensburgh Climate
Camp organisers as iconic of both corporate and government abuses of power.
The parade was scheduled on Sunday morning as the key climate action in the
three-day program. How the parade combined art, performance, activism and
politics in multiple ways to promote climate action at one of Australias oldest coal
mines is illustrative of what Routledge (2012:2) named cultural activism. The tac-
tic of the parade was to challenge what Pearse (2009) termed quarry visionthe
mythology that Australias mineral resources are its greatest asset. That is, to
challenge how coal has become part of the Australian psyche through the
perceived economic prosperity generated by the heritage of coal mining.
Methods for Tracing the Visceral Politics of Sound
Growing concern with a visceral approach in feminist geography has helped shape
a qualitative turn towards the researchers and participants bodies, alongside the
use of semi-structured interviews, audio and video recording (Hayes-Conroy and
Martin 2010; Longhurst et al., 2008). We devised a research program that in the
rst instance sought guidance from the organisers of Climate Camp. Next, we
attended Climate Camp, in order to talk with participants and join in the parade.
The empirical data on which this paper draws builds on the substantial contributions
of embodied geographies that have highlighted the importance of considering
emotional and affective processes of doing research and of being researchers
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(Bain and Nash 2006; Longhurst et al., 2008). We employed research diaries to
document what we wore, where we positioned ourselves and our own bodily
reactions as researchers to the program of events, camp site and participants. We
were forced to recognise our own subject positions as white Europeans with no
familial connections with either coal-mining or Helensburgh. We arrived at this
project seeking government action on climate change, including reductions on
coal-fuelled electricity generation. Furthermore, following the advice of Longhurst
et al. (2008), we used our bodies as an instrument of research (2008:214). Recording
our visceral responses we remained mindful of the tension of always being positioned
both inside and outside the rhythms being studied. Attending Climate Camp we
recorded our bodily judgements of sounds, and how they triggered unease and
pleasure, like and dislike, pride and shame, acceptance and oppression. The reections
were a means of keeping a record of how our bodily capacities to sense sonic rhythms
triggered moments of emotional intensity through which the personal and the public,
the individual and the social, indeed shape each other.
Alongside reexive diaries, we employed our own video recordingsas well as
those videos posted on websites in the public domainas an aid to explore the visceral
experiences of sound. There is growing acknowledgment of the potential of video
methodologies in recording the qualitative unfolding of movements, ows, rhythms,
and gestures as they happen. As Lorimer (2010) noted, video has the capability of pro-
viding a powerful supplement to existing repertoire of more-than-representational
methodologies (Lorimer 2010:251). Heath and Hindmarsh (2002), Hansen (2008)
and Simpson (2012) discuss the use of video to interpret how changing rhythmic
processes shape the hourly, daily, monthly and annual dynamics of place. However,
our use resonates more with Pinks (2009) discussion of walking with video as a
multi-sensorial depiction. Pink applied video recording to access the multi-sensory,
material and meaningful worlds of research participants by asking them to guide her
around a particular locality. In our case, we circulatedthrough the parade, walking with
and amongst those people seeking climate action. Likewise, our application draws on
Laurier et als (2008), Simpsons (2011) and Garretts (2011) discussion of video in
geography, and its ability to trace subtle, ephemeral, non-verbal aspects of experience
that may provide insights to a persons bodily judgements, such as facial expressions,
eye movements, gestures and the like. Such bodily judgements may be missed by even
the most attentive observer. Furthermore, video can be highly affective, inciting bodily
judgements in the viewer (Lorimer 2010:239). As Lorimer (2010:239) suggests, images
are not just representational [but are] also blocks of sensation with an affective
intensity. In this project, video aided the documentation of the unfolding of bodily
judgments triggered by the rhythmic affordances of sound that played out during
the parade.
In terms of the analysis of the video texts, this entailed an iterative process of
watching and re-watching the video footage, and comparing all this with diary
notes written at the time. When viewing the video, we paid particular attention
to things such as the proximity of people to others as well as recognising signs
of non-verbal communicationwhich can include, for example, how people hold
their head, their gestures, intonation and walk, and if they blush, slouch or
breathe deeply. This was based on how we conceived bodies as secreting small
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clues about how affective relations move, connect and disconnect bodies to each
other and space (Laurier et al. 2008). Our methods therefore combine bodily
reexivity and video texts to uncover senses, sensations, affect, mobility, empathy
and knowing.
Neither the diary entries nor the videos should be regarded as texts from which
we sought to reveal the cultural meanings that may reside in the bodies attending
the parade. Rather, they were methods to explore material and sensory environ-
ments with those attending the parade. The affective relations triggered by sound
that circulated, coagulated, and dissipated at the parade are difcult to elicit in
academic prose. Affective relations are eeting, emergent, contingent, and sensual
apprehensions that erupt and decay. We acknowledge the limitations of our
methods: written reections and videos are xed partial traces of an ephemeral
phenomenon. We appreciate the limits in attempting to consciously document
traces of the pre-cognitive (see Crang 2005; Latham 2003; Thrift 2000; Thrift and
Dewsbury 2000). Following the advice of Hindmarsh et al. (2010) we have made
the videos on which the analysis is based available online, to enable fellow scholars
to form an independent judgement.
To investigate the visceral politics of sound our analysis examines three moments
from the parade. The rst moment from the start of the parade foregrounds how the
rhythmic affordances of percussive drumming and singing help mobilise bodies for
climate action by enlivening discourses of climate science, renewable energies and coal
as pollution. The second moment is an account of howthe rhythmic affordances of the
parade mobilised bodies against climate action by making felt the discourses that
constitute coal in terms of community, heritage and employment futures in
Helensburgh. Viscerally primed to the sounds of a coal town, we investigate how a
counter-demonstration mobilised pride to promote and stabilise the virtues of coal
mining. The third moment investigates an instance at the end of the parade, when
shame became mobilised amongst bodies viscerally primed for identication with
coal, raising questions over social responsibilities for climate action.
Capacities to Embody Climate Action
First Moment: Mobilising Bodies for Climate Action
My heart is racing, and my hands are sweaty. I cannot distinguish if it is because of having
just listened to the account of increasing levels of carbon emissions, the police presence, or
my anticipations of the start of the parade. Gathered in Charles Harper Park [Helensburgh],
I see representatives froma diversity of political and environmental organisations including
Rivers S.O.S., The Greens and The Socialist Alliance. I see school-aged children and adults
being grouped by those organising to lead the parade carrying a banner emblazoned with
the sloganClosed for Climate Justice. The parade has started. People fall in line behind
with an array of mostly hand-written banners that announce: Climate Justice Now,
Catchment Protection Not Coal, Solar or Wind, Yes we can! H
2
O not CO
2

Its time to phase out coal power, Water is more precious than coal, and props
including blue wigs, colourful hats, lanterns, blow-up penguins, home-made wind
turbines and ags. Marchers ow past the legacies of the coal industry scattered
through Charles Harper Parkplaques, statues and heritage items. Leaving the park,
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marchers nd themselves confronted by a barrage of photographers and camera
crews. A police ofcer on a motorbike rides ahead of the marchers(Research diary
entry, rst author, 11 am, 11 October 2009).
This account reveals howthe mobilisation of people for climate change is not merely
ideological, but is also visceral. The volume, tempo and rhythmof the speeches operate
as a mechanismof creating some sense of temporal and spatial order and orientation at
the start of the parade; separating those walking for climate action fromthe police, on-
lookers and the media. The sensory stimulation of the speeches organised by Climate
Camp in Charles Harper Park work to help unite and mobilise those bodies gathered
for climate action. Ways in which the subjects gathered to walk for climate action
listened to and heard the spokespersons were linked to the ideas of sustainability and
environmental justice displayed on their banners. The listening pleasures or
displeasures provided by rhythmic affordances of the speeches, along with applause
and cheers, were a vital part of mobilising or alienating bodies to join the parade. The
sounds of cheers and applause rippling through the crowd penetrated bodies,
viscerally connecting or disconnecting people with the parade.
The rhythmic affordances of music heightened the affective relations at the start of the
parade. Some bodies made do (de Certeau 1984) with pots and pans as cobbled-
together drums. Moreover, it was the experiential practices and performativities of
sensing the rhythms of clashing pots and pans that were an integral part of ordering
and mobilising bodies for climate action (Figure 1). At the start of the parade, the
percussive rhythms of pots and panswhat E.P. Thompson (1992) calls rough
music, disturbs the affective relations that emanate from the sounds of police sirens,
onlookers and even wind moving through the trees. The streets of Helensburgh were
temporarily transformed by the rough music generating links, stoppages, bolts and
rivets to the existing architecture of time and space (LaBelle 2008:190). Instead, it
was the percussive rhythms of pots and pans that became an impressionable force.
Like Brown and Pickerills (2009) discussion of the samba band at the anti-war dem-
onstrations in London, latching onto a particular beat played on cooking pots aligned
the body with a self-dened choreography. Mindful of the multiple restrictions of
where those walking in the parade could go, what caught our attention was how
musical rhythms forged an ordering as spoken by the rough drummers. The impro-
vised marching band of camping pots provided a regular tempo that provided spatial
direction and bodily rhythmthat were simultaneously inside and outside the walking
bodies. A similar point is made by Mowitt (2002) who also argues that drumming
techniques and drums bring an ordering to bodies. Yet, as Mowitt (2002)
argues, it is important to remain mindful that the affordances of rhythms do
not compel individuals to march to that beat. Rather, the rhythmic affordances
of sound can be conceived as one of a variety of modalities through which the
mind, body and place become either aligned or disruptedthat may in turn be
narrated a sense of placement or displacement.
Furthermore, the capacity of the body to absorb and be affected by the percussive
rhythm helped to mobilise and connect at a visceral level the diverse social groups
gathered to walk for climate action. The capacity of the body to be affected by
the beat and to affect others compelled the gathered mass to move as one
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united-parade-body. Sensing the beat of the rough music provided clues to ways
in which bodies within sonorous assemblages became viscerally connected through
the eruption and circulation of joy.
Listening, I hear police receiving instructions fromanother ofcial about the direction the
parade will take exiting the park. Marchers walk out of the park to the familiar rhythm
and melody of Toni Basils song Mickey. The beat helps mobilise the crowd. Many carry
pom-poms. Giggles can be heard, and smiles appear on the faces of the marchers. The
beat that provides the pulse is hammered out on a range of improvised percussion
instruments including camping-pots and pans. The melody is carried in the revised
words that explicitly convey the displeasure about the recent New South Wales state
government-endorsed expansion of the Metropolitan Coal Mine, owned by Peabody.
Oh Peabody shut the mine, you dont understand. You take out all the coal and you
undermine the dam. Peabody shut the mine, you dont understand. Its mines like
Peabodys. Oh, what you do buddy, do buddy. Dont break the dam buddy. Oh
Peabody, youre so bad. Youre so bad, you make us mad, hey Peabody, hey Peabody.
Marchers cheer at the end of the song. A trumpet sounds. A chant then begins for about
two minutes. A question is posed: What do we want? The reply is a resounding: Shut
down the mine! The parade ows on. Bystanders look on, silent. There is no clapping or
cheering out to those in the procession as it passes along the street toward the mine
entrance. Nobody tags onto the end of the parade. Equally, nobody in the parade peels
off(Research diary entry, rst author, 11.15 am, 11 October 2009).
How participants were immersed by the familiar beat and melody of Toni Basils
Micky, which celebrates American-style cheerleading, is an important factor mediating
the ux of experiences used to mobilise bodies for climate action. Bodies in the parade
were energised by how the rhythmic pulse dovetailed with the clever re-wording of
the song. The video recordings showhowthe bodily pleasures of walking for climate
Figure 1: Helensburgh Climate Camp parade
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action were intensied by ways in which the rhythmic affordances of music, and lyrics
of a song, facilitated connections between bodies in the parade. How the visceral
experiences of this song triggered affective ties is illustrated in the video by prompting
involuntary smiles and giggles among participants (see People v Coal Company:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jdfo7k3fh3Q). Enveloped in the entangling
musical rhythms cohered a sense of becoming a climate activist, and enabled politically
diverse participants a sense of togetherness by enabling connections between those
walking in the parade. Each participants distinct take and thoughts on activism and
environmentalism were allowed to momentarily co-exist, while becoming part of an
experiential ow. As Edensor (2010:74) argued: [I]f the connection ows, you
move together. The parade moved as one body towards the coal mine entrance.
The video recordings reveal the abstract sense in which affect involves a sense of
push in the world (Thrift 2004:64). How the body senses the rhythmic push of
music may increase or decrease the capacity of bodies to be uplifted, motivated
and united, through sound making and remaking possible connections between
ideas, landforms, things and people that make sense of climate action.
Second Moment: Mobilising Bodies Against Climate Action
Anxiety can be sensed from some onlookers as we walk towards the coal mine entrance
along suburban streets. For many of those who remain on the footpath, the parade is
understood as a direct strike on future jobs in the Metropolitan Colliery. The Climate
Camp parade is associated with uncertainty and disorder. I overhear one woman ask:
Are you one of them or one of us? Another woman shouts angrily at the top of her
voice: Go the coal mine! And yet another women exclaimed angrily: Yuse [sic] are
enemies! There are so many peoples jobs here! And, yuse [sic] are coming in here!
The moment is tense. In reply, a voice from a loudspeaker mounted on top of a van asks
in calming tones the question: What are you defending today? A coal mine that
pollutes the planet. Where will change come from? Where will it come from? From
people standing up and speaking up for the issues of the time. That is what we are doing
here today(Research diary entry, rst author, 11.34 am, 11 October 2009).
Bodily judgements of many bystanders suggest that the rhythmic pulse gener-
ated by those walking for climate action were experienced as out-of-sync with the
sounds that are an integral part of sustaining their sense of connection with
Helensburgh. The sounds of the parade disrupted the everyday sounds that
cohered subjectivities, place and sense of togetherness in Helensburgh. For
some residents, the visceral response to the musical rhythms of the parade
intensely connected themwith a constellation of ideas, people and coal that make
sense of Helensburgh as a coal mining town. Sounds of the parade generated a sense
of alienation because the bodily affective responses were felt and understood as
disruptive. Bodily ways of judging the parade as unacceptable were evident in some
onlookers tone of voice, the words used, bodily gestures, silence, stares, and anxious
facial expressions. The sounds generated by the parade were understood as violating
the sonic rhythms that help make sense of Helensburgh as a coal town. Sensing a
disconnection between onlookers and those walking for climate action, a spokesperson
talked in calming tones.
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Bodies viscerally primed for identication with the sounds of Helensburgh as a coal
mining town felt the sounds created by the parade as regrettable and undesirableas
noise. For some onlookers, the sounds of the Climate Camp were crucial to enlivening
the discourses of climate change science that constitute greenhouse gas emissions
from burning coal in terms of pollution. Unexpectedly, a group of people negatively
affected by the sound of the parade attempted to stop it (Figure 2).
On the footpath across from the Metropolitan Colliery entrance, a group of young men
stand next to a banner declaring: Fuck the Greenys, burn more coal. They start
chanting repeatedly: Fight back, when the place is under attack. Spontaneously, the
young man carrying the banner clambers onto the temporary stage set up by those
seeking climate change action. I overhear one woman shout: Go Patrick! (research diary
entry, rst author, 11.36 am, 11 October 2009).
What is crucial here is that the sound of the parade becomes a mixture of agitation
and activity that enliven a particular politics. Dovetailing of a local with a coal-miner
subject, disruption of the parade took life as a partisan declarations of a love for
coal, allowing pride in Helensburghs heritage to be mobilised as a retort to climate
change action. It is the infectious affects of corporeal pride for Helensburgh
understood as a coal town that tied some onlookers together. These onlookers
unequivocally posit that there is nothing to be ashamed of in burning coal. As Probyn
(2000:132) suggest, pride sties the power of our bodies to react: to be, as Deleuze
puts it, a judge of ourselves. Helensburgh, when imagined as a coal town, must be
guarded through threats and violence against those seeking climate change action.
The visceral pleasures to the rhythm, pulse and the wording of the chant, Fight back,
when the place is under attack, heightened the affective intensities of visceral pride
between those people who shared common histories with those labouring in coal
mining. Visceral pride was apparent in bystanders calling out in support or clapping
Figure 2: Counter-protest at the Helensburgh Climate Camp parade
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along to the rhythm of the chant. The visceral pride to the sounds of chanting voices
became a mode of political action through mobilising a sense of togetherness for
those who understood Helensburgh as a coal town and were concerned about future
employment in coal mining. Feelings of pride legitimise individual claims of opposition
to climate action fashioned by discourses of coal as a resource. The counter-demonstra-
tion at the Helensburgh Climate Camp parade is performative of visceral pride.
Third Moment: Questioning Social Responsibilities
The third moment occurred at the end of the parade during a non-violent direct
action, when the chanting of bystanders suddenly stopped as a 61-year-old man
and his father, who were well known Helensburgh residents, walked onto the
property of the coal company.
Outside the mine entrance there is a platformfor those people participating in the walk-on. I
can feel a sense of expectation. There is a sense of ritual sacrice. We understand that those
attempting to walk-on to the coalmine are willing to be arrested for civil disobedience. A ban-
ner demanding STOP coal expansion has the qualities of a sacred objectit was held at the
front of the parade and now operates as a backdrop for the walk-on. From this temporary
stage, the set rhythms of the walk-onare a ritualisedperformance of non-violent direct action.
The rst is a woman, together with her mother and her son -representing three generations
acting on climate change. Next are a 61-year-old man and his father who represented
Helensburgh. Last is a man from Fiji who explained he represented the climate injustices im-
posed upon the Global South. After stating their reasons and pledging they would not re-
sist arrest, each walks up to the property boundary of the colliery, which is nowreinforced by
a line of riot police. In turn these men, women and children then sit down at the feet of the
police and are arrested(Research diary entry, rst author, 11.49 am, 11 October 2009).
Until this moment, both bystanders and those walking for climate action were
generating sounds that helped each social group make sense of the walk-on at
the mine entrance.
Listening, I continue to hear the words: Fight back, when the place is under attack. In
response, accompanied by the sounds of horns and beat from the improvised percussion
band, those walking for climate action chant: What do we want? Green jobs! Where do
we want them? Helensburgh! While those walking for climate change applause and
cheer people who participate in the non-violent direct action, some bystanders hurl verbal
insults and eggs. The Fight back chant and verbal insults stopped as bystanders
recognised the two Helensburgh residents. Instead, watching the bodies of bystanders
the most vocal onlookers nowlower their heads. Listening, I hear questions are nowbeing
asked about the purpose of the parade.
Bystander 1: Yuse are enemies.
Walker 1: No, it is not a matter of someone being an enemy.
Bystander 1: No, no, there are so many peoples jobs here, and yuse are coming in here.
Walker 1: No it is not about that at all.
Walker 2: This is about the world man. It is not about Helensburgh town. It is about the
whole world.
Bystander 2: Should the protest not be against the politicians who approve it,
Helensburgh mine?
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Bystander 1: Not against Helensburgh mine.
Bystander 2: Not against the people who work here.
Walker 1: No but we are not against the people who work here. That is what we have been
saying. We want a transition to green jobs. And we want to help do that. Weve spent three
days in camp trying to give people a sense of empowerment do stuff that really needs to be
done (research diary entry, rst author, 12.03 pm, 11 October 2009).
During the walk-on, some Helensburgh residents struggled when their classication
of those participating in the climate change movement as enemies was challenged
as they recognised a friend, acquaintance, or resident. There was now an incongruity
to the bodies participating in the walk-on. Viscerally primed for identication with coal
and coal mining, those onlookers may have feel a battle between the visceral pride they
experienced for Helensburgh fashioned by discourses of a coal town, contrasted with
the visceral shame of havingcategorised a local as an enemy. Visceral shame is highly
self-reexive. As Probyn (2005:78) argued, visceral shame sets off a nearly involuntary
re-evaluation of ones self and ones actions. Our observations suggest the
possibilities of feeling shame through shouting insults and eggs at older locals.
Furthermore, as Probyn (2000:132) argued, one of the effects of experiencing shame
is a sense that categories of right and wrong, agreeable and distasteful, desirous and
abominable, are rendered pressing and tangible. In our case, visceral shame rendered
abstract questions about social responsibilities for climate change more pressing and
felt. This became evident in the eruption of questions during the walk-on. Visceral
shame in Deleuzes sense has the capacity to open lines of ight through
unsettling existing structures of power by revealing our own subjectivity and materiality.
Conclusion
Our preceding discussion contains one of the few empirically grounded studies of
sound at a parade (cf Duffy et al. 2011). Drawing on Probyns (2000) reading of
Deleuze we understand the political importance of sound by meshing the materiality
of the body with peoples beliefs about places, things and themselves as subjects. We
provided a concrete example of the visceral politics of sound by drawing on participant
observation, research diaries and videos of Climate Camp 2009 in Helensburgh, Austra-
lia. The Climate Camp was organised to increase consciousness of carbon emissions.
We investigated three moments to illustrate how, when and why the rhythmic
affordances of sound helped mobilise bodies, which are embedded in discursive webs,
heightening the affective intensities of the parade. Each moment underscored the
importance of understanding how bodily judgements interweave with dominant
discourse on coal, coal towns, climate change science, activism and sustainability. In
this case study, the unfolding bodily judgements of the parade sounds were
emphasised as triggers for a collective identity and placement in Helensburgh by those
walking for climate action, and conversely, as displacement for those bystanders
viscerally primed for identication with coal as a resource. Likewise, the sounds of a
counter-demonstration organised by bystanders viscerally attuned for identication
with coal as a resource, were integral to initially triggering visceral pride that mobilised
a politics of re-placement in coal. Primed for identication with coal, visceral shame
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wrought through the politics of identity and difference; prompting questions about the
social responsibilities for greenhouse emissions reduction.
Where do sounds leave us in thinking about radical geography and creating space
for emotion in the spaces of activism (Brown and Pickerill 2009:24)? The broader
implication of this study is that sounds play a crucialbut often under-recognised
role in mobilising bodies as individuals or collectively. Through presenting an analysis
of this empirical material we sought to advance knowledge of how sound works in
what Hayes-Conroy and Hayes-Conroy (2008) called visceral politics. Sound is an
exceptional tool for this project because the affordances of sound have the capacity
to intensify the energies already circulatinginand inbetween humanand non-human
bodies. Sound triggers strong affective and emotive responses. Places are not only
shaped by sound, but also sound is crucial to the ways in which bodies shape space.
Furthermore, different bodies bring different qualities and hence an array of affective
and emotional responses. Therefore, a focus on the bodily judgements of sound
enabled us to trace the ambiguity of embodied political agency in situ. Adopting a
visceral approach, a focus on bodily judgements of sounds is helpful in providing
clues to how bodies are mobilised, or not, into action, within particular contexts.
We encourage others to consider the visceral politics of sound.
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