The impact of leaderfollower interactions on the radicalization

of terrorists: A case study of the Bali bombers

Mirra Noor Milla,
1
Faturochman
2
and Djamaludin Ancok
2
1
Faculty of Psychology, State Islamic University of Sultan Syarif Kasim Riau, Riau-Indonesia, and
2
Faculty of
Psychology, Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta-Indonesia.
Leaders gure signicantly in radicalization processes that can ultimately lead to terrorism. This article attempts
to explain radicalization as a process of interaction between leaders and their followers. We argue that the process
of radicalization includes ve stages: pre-radicalization, self-identication, indoctrination, commitment, and
jihad ideologization. In the case of the Bali bombers, the process was strengthened by external environmental
conditions that enabled leaders to gain broad support from the community. In our analysis we rely on a
combination of interviews with convicted terrorists and previously unexamined documentary evidence.
Key words: leader-follower, radicalization, terrorist.
Introduction
It is widely accepted that terrorism is one of the results of a
radicalization process in which leaders play an essential
role (Jenkins, 2010; Musa & Bendett, 2010; Pantucci,
2008; Sageman, 2004; 2008; Silber & Bhatt, 2007). This
process leads to a critical life transition in which otherwise
normal individuals turn towards violence (Silber & Bhatt,
2007). Radicalization is an important point in paths leading
to terrorism but it is essential to note that it does not always
lead to terrorism. Many people become radicals but few
radicals become involved in terrorism. Some distance
themselves from groups involved in acts of terrorism, but
still maintain radical views within their own communities
(Bjorgo & Horgan, 2009).
Radical ideas become dangerous when they are used to
justify violence as a political strategy. Leaders play criti-
cal roles in the radical to terrorist transition. Bjorgo and
Horgan (2009) explain that young radicals are often moti-
vated to leave their countries of origin for Afghanistan
or Chechnya or Palestine by recruiters in their local
mosques, and that complex discursive strategies are
employed to motivate them to do so. The credibility of
individuals taking on leadership roles is one of the main
factors that leads individuals to join terrorist groups. Con-
versely, one of the key factors in the transformation to the
path of peace is good personal relationships with mentors
and friends who support peaceful behaviour (Garnkel,
2007).
This paper will discuss one set of social contexts in
which leaderfollower relationships played a critical role in
violent radicalization. We focus on the ways in which these
processes operated in the case of the Indonesian Bali
bombers.
Theoretical orientation
There is a substantial body of literature concerning the
radicalization process that describes it as a series of discrete
stages through which people pass in the transition from
normal lives to active engagement in terrorism and other
forms of political violence. (Atran, 2003; Bloom, 2005;
Post, 2005; Sageman, 2004; Stern, 2005). Stepanova
(2008), Kruglanski (2002) and others have emphasized the
importance of ideology and leadership in this process. We
build on these models, and especially on the four-stage
model: pre-radicalization, self-identication, indoctrina-
tion, and jihadization developed by Silber and Bhatt (2007),
and Crenshaws (2011) observations concerning psycho-
logical dimensions of radicalization in the analysis of
leaderfollower relationships among the terrorist group
now known as the Bali bombers.
Methods
Data were obtained through interviews, observation and
close readings of documents including previously unavail-
able primary sources such as personal letters, in addition to
published materials written by or about the Bali bombers.
Previously unanalyzed writings by Ali Ghufron including
letters to his wife, brother and brother-in-law, three hand-
written wills, the unpublished manuscript of a biography,
two manuscripts of public statements, and the manuscript
Correspondence: Mirra Noor Milla, Faculty of Psychology, State
Islamic University of Sultan Syarif Kasim Riau-Indonesia,
Kampus Raja Ali Haji Jl. H.R. Soebrantas no. 155 km. 15
Simpang Baru Panam Pekanbaru 28293 Riau-Indonesia. PO Box.
1004. Email: mnmilla@gmail.com
Received 14 October 2010; accepted 19 July 2012.
bs_bs_banner Asian Journal of Social Psychology
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
Asian Journal of Social Psychology (2013), 16, 92100 DOI: 10.1111/ajsp.12007
of a book entitled Wisdom from Dreams are especially
signicant. We also rely on video and audio recordings of
interviews with authorities and of sermons Imron and
others delivered while in custody.
The research reported on in this paper involves the study
of empirical data obtained from the perpetrators of the
bombings. The theme of jihad sabilillah (ghting in the
Allah way) is pervasive in these materials. The materials
analyzed in this paper were obtained from informants who
had received prison sentences of at least ten years for
involvement in terrorist activities. We initially approached
18 potential informants and subsequently worked with four
of them. Imam Samudra a.k.a. Abdul Aziz, Ali Ghufron and
Amrozi were convicted of the Bali bombing of 12 October
2002 and were executed by ring device in Nirbaya Valley,
Nusakambangan, Cilacap, Indonesia. Ali Imron and
Mubarok were sentenced to life in prison for involvement
in the bombings. Ali Ghufron, Amrozi and Ali Imron were
brothers from the village of Tenggulun, Lamongan in East
Java province. Imam Samudra came from the village of
Serang, Banten, in West Java province, and did not have
blood relations with the three brothers from Tenggulun.
Mubarok, from Kulon Progo, Yogyakarta, also had no
blood relations with them.
There are many factors that explain the importance of
kinship in contributing to involvement in terrorism. Fur-
thermore, this is not the only case in which kinship has
gured signicantly in the formation of terrorist cells. It
was also a factor in the bombing of the Marriot and Ritz
Carlton Hotels in Jakarta on July 2009, and many other
similar incidents. Interviews for our study took place in
the prisons where the terrorists served their sentences.
Investigations were conducted to determine the origins of
the informants in order to obtain a description of their
physical and social backgrounds as well as to support
data from relatives, and other closely related people who
were considered to have knowledge of the backgrounds
and histories of the informants. All data collection proc-
esses were consented to by the informants. Visits to their
families were also made only with the informants
consent.
The data were analyzed using narrative analysis in the
early stage and then combined with thematic analysis
(Braun & Clarke, 2006). Following arguments by Braun
and Clarke (2006) researchers do not need to subscribe to
implicit theoretical commitments of grounded theory in the
early stage of data analysis. Our analytic strategy included
the following procedures. First, all data obtained were rst
transcribed, and then combined into one set for each
informant. The data were classied by using open coding to
produce the main ideas. The main ideas were then grouped
into themes for each main informant. The main group of
informants were then classied based on their roles within
the group, the basic distinction being that between leaders
and followers. Table 1 illustrates the personal categoriza-
tion trajectory leading to jihad ideologization and mobili-
zation between leader and follower.
Having distinguished between leaders and followers, we
next classied characteristics associated with each of these
roles in the process of radicalization and leader/follower
interaction. Patterns emerging from this analysis are sum-
marized in Table 2.
Pre-radicalization
All of the Bali bombers underwent a process of radicaliza-
tion prior to engaging in violence. How radicalization
happens to terrorists, in the process of interaction of leader
follower, is comprehensively illustrated in Figure 1. The
radicalization process began with environmental conditions
that allowed for exposure to radical ideology. The environ-
mental conditions are life situations that support socializa-
tion and internalization of a particular set of Islamic values,
including exclusivism and the centrality of struggle. Pre-
radicalization occurred in family and educational settings
and as a result of the prevalence of facilitating particular
understandings of Islam in social circles, homes, and com-
munities. Pre-radicalization had been a feature of the Bali
bombers environments since childhood.
Environments that provide socialization processes in
which Islamic values are established as guidelines for daily
life include the family environment, as experienced by the
three brothers from Tenggulun. Ali Ghufron, the eldest,
became a role model for his younger brothers, Amrozi and
Ali Imron. Ghufron and his siblings grew up in a family that
thought of themselves as descendants of scholars (ulama).
Ali Ghufron remembers his father as person who taught
about the importance of jihad sabilillah (ghting in the
ways of Allah) as a bedtime story. His father often repeated
stories of the struggle of the Indonesian Mujahideen against
the indel Dutch colonialists:
My father used to tell the story of the heroic martyrdom of a
group of Muslim soldiers and uncle Abdul Muthi. I do not
know what he meant by repeating the story to his children.
Maybe because its a very impressive event . . . or is there a
message and hope that one day the children can follow him
. . . wallahualam. (Manuscript biography of Ali Ghufron)
The ideal of the establishment of Islamic law has been
ingrained in my father. (Manuscript biography of Ali
Ghufron)
In addition to the inuence of family members, formal
education also contributed to the internalization of these
values. Ghufron completed his formal education at Pesant-
ren (Islamic boarding school) Payaman Solokuro Lamon-
gan, Muhammadiyah Pesantren, Karangasem Lamongan
and PesantrenAl Mukmin in Ngruki, Solo. Imron explained
The impact of leader follower interactions on the radicalization of terrorists 93
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
T
a
b
l
e
1
P
e
r
s
o
n
a
l
t
r
a
j
e
c
t
o
r
y
l
e
a
d
i
n
g
t
o
j
i
h
a
d
i
d
e
o
l
o
g
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
a
n
d
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
l
e
a
d
e
r
I
n
f
o
r
m
a
n
t
P
o
s
i
t
i
o
n
b
e
f
o
r
e
B
a
l
i
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
E
x
p
e
r
i
e
n
c
e
i
n
j
i
h
a
d
i
s
t
o
r
g
a
n
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
/
h
a
r
a
k
a
h
I
s
l
a
m
i
y
a
h
,
j
i
h
a
d
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
a
n
d
t
e
r
r
o
r
i
s
m
.
K
e
y
p
e
r
s
o
n
,
r
e
l
a
t
e
d
e
x
p
e
r
i
e
n
c
e
i
n
j
i
h
a
d
i
d
e
o
l
o
g
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
a
n
d
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
A
l
i
G
h
u
f
r
o
n
J
I
l
e
a
d
e
r
(
o
l
d
e
r
b
r
o
t
h
e
r
o
f
A
m
r
o
z
i
&
A
l
i
I
m
r
o
n
)
I
s
l
a
m
i
c
t
e
a
c
h
e
r
(
u
s
t
a
d
z
)
i
n
m
a

h
a
d
S
o
l
o
;
i
n
s
t
r
u
c
t
o
r
a
n
d
I
s
l
a
m
i
c
t
e
a
c
h
e
r
i
n
A
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
,
P
a
k
i
s
t
a
n
a
n
d
M
o
r
o
C
a
m
p
M
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
T
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
o
f
J
I
;
h
e
a
d
o
f
L
u
k
m
a
n
u
l
H
a
k
i
m
B
o
a
r
d
i
n
g
S
c
h
o
o
l
K
u
a
l
a
P
i
l
a
h
J
o
h
o
r
B
a
h
r
u
,
M
a
l
a
y
s
i
a
;
J
I
l
e
a
d
e
r
o
f
M
a
n
t
i
q
i
1
,
a
n
d
c
o
o
r
d
i
n
a
t
o
r
o
f
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
s
p
e
c
i
a
l
f
o
r
c
e
o
f
J
I
.
S
t
u
d
e
n
t
o
f
A
b
d
u
l
l
a
h
S
u
n
g
k
a
r
,
J
I
f
o
u
n
d
e
r
;
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
A
b
d
u
l
l
a
h
A
z
z
a
m
,
w
h
o
g
a
v
e
h
i
m
t
h
e
i
d
e
o
l
o
g
i
c
a
l
f
r
a
m
e
w
o
r
k
f
o
r
t
h
e
b
a
s
i
c
t
h
e
o
l
o
g
y
t
h
a
t
h
e
a
l
r
e
a
d
y
h
a
d
f
r
o
m
N
g
r
u
k
i
,
a
b
o
u
t
t
h
e
p
o
s
i
t
i
o
n
i
n
g
o
f
U
l
a
m
a
a
n
d
j
i
h
a
d
;
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
O
s
a
m
a
b
i
n
L
a
d
e
n
,
w
h
o
c
o
n
v
i
n
c
e
d
h
i
m
a
b
o
u
t
g
l
o
b
a
l
j
i
h
a
d
a
n
d
f
a
t
w
a
j
i
h
a
d
i
n
o
u
t
s
i
d
e
c
o
n

i
c
t
a
r
e
a
.
I
m
a
m
S
a
m
u
d
r
a
D
I
a
c
t
i
v
i
s
t
R
i
n
g
B
a
n
t
e
n
L
e
a
d
e
r
o
f
I
s
l
a
m
i
c
s
t
u
d
e
n
t
c
o
m
m
u
n
i
t
y
i
n
B
a
n
t
e
n
;
s
t
u
d
e
n
t
o
f
M
u
j
a
h
i
d
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
a
c
a
d
e
m
i
c
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
t
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
;
c
o
m
b
a
t
a
n
t
i
n
M
o
r
o
P
h
i
l
i
p
p
i
n
e
s
;
p
r
e
a
c
h
e
r
a
n
d
d
a
k
w
a
h
a
c
t
i
v
i
s
t
i
n
S
e
l
a
n
g
o
r
M
a
l
a
y
s
i
a
;
c
o
o
r
d
i
n
a
t
o
r
i
n
j
i
h
a
d
i
s
t
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
i
n
A
m
b
o
n
;

e
l
d
c
o
o
r
d
i
n
a
t
o
r
D
I
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
t
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
i
n
P
a
n
d
e
g
l
a
n
g
,
B
a
n
t
e
n
;

e
l
d
c
o
o
r
d
i
n
a
t
o
r
i
n
C
h
r
i
s
t
m
a
s
E
v
e
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
i
n
s
e
v
e
r
a
l
b
i
g
c
i
t
i
e
s
i
n
I
n
d
o
n
e
s
i
a
.
I
n
h
i
g
h
s
c
h
o
o
l
t
h
e
s
t
u
d
e
n
t
o
f
K
y
a
i
A
s

a
d
(
D
I
l
e
a
d
e
r
i
n
B
a
n
t
e
n
)
;
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
A
b
d
u
l
R
o
s
u
l
S
a
y
y
a
f
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
a
s
h
i
s
r
o
l
e
m
o
d
e
l
o
f
M
u
j
a
h
i
d
i
n
;
i
n
M
a
l
a
y
s
i
a
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
H
a
n
b
a
l
i
(
o
n
e
o
f
t
h
e
J
I
l
e
a
d
e
r
s
k
n
o
w
n
t
o
h
a
v
e
a
n
a
f

l
i
a
t
i
o
n
w
i
t
h
A
l
Q
a
e
d
a
)
t
o
w
h
o
m
h
e
b
e
c
a
m
e
c
l
o
s
e
d
u
e
t
o
s
i
m
i
l
i
a
r
i
t
y
o
f
j
i
h
a
d
i
d
e
o
l
o
g
y
;
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
A
l
i
G
h
u
f
r
o
n
a
f
t
e
r
h
i
s
r
e
t
u
r
n
t
o
I
n
d
o
n
e
s
i
a
.
T
a
b
l
e
2
P
e
r
s
o
n
a
l
t
r
a
j
e
c
t
o
r
y
l
e
a
d
i
n
g
t
o
j
i
h
a
d
i
d
e
o
l
o
g
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
a
n
d
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
f
o
l
l
o
w
e
r
s
I
n
f
o
r
m
a
n
t
P
o
s
i
t
i
o
n
b
e
f
o
r
e
B
a
l
i
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
E
x
p
e
r
i
e
n
c
e
i
n
j
i
h
a
d
i
s
t
o
r
g
a
n
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
/
h
a
r
a
k
a
h
I
s
l
a
m
i
y
a
h
,
j
i
h
a
d
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
a
n
d
t
e
r
r
o
r
i
s
m
K
e
y
p
e
r
s
o
n
r
e
l
a
t
e
d
e
x
p
e
r
i
e
n
c
e
i
n
j
i
h
a
d
i
d
e
o
l
o
g
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
a
n
d
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
A
m
r
o
z
i
E
n
t
r
e
p
r
e
n
e
u
r
w
h
o
h
a
d
h
i
s
o
w
n
a
u
t
o
m
o
t
i
v
e
r
e
p
a
i
r
s
h
o
p
M
e
m
b
e
r
o
f
t
a

l
i
m
i
n
L
u
k
m
a
n
u
l
H
a
k
i
m
b
o
a
r
d
i
n
g
s
c
h
o
o
l
(
h
i
s
b
r
o
t
h
e
r
A
l
i
G
h
u
f
r
o
n
w
a
s
h
e
a
d
o
f
t
h
e
s
c
h
o
o
l
)
;
a
m
m
u
n
i
t
i
o
n
s
u
p
p
l
i
e
r
f
o
r
j
i
h
a
d
i
s
t
s
i
n
A
m
b
o
n
a
n
d
P
o
s
o
;
e
n
g
a
g
e
d
i
n
P
h
i
l
i
p
p
i
n
e
s
e
m
b
a
s
s
y
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
,
M
o
j
o
k
e
r
t
o
c
h
u
r
c
h
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
a
n
d
C
h
r
i
s
t
m
a
s
E
v
e
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
.
M
e
t
w
i
t
h
h
i
s
b
r
o
t
h
e
r
,
A
l
i
G
h
u
f
r
o
n
,
i
n
M
a
l
a
y
s
i
a
a
f
t
e
r
h
i
s
s
e
c
o
n
d
d
i
v
o
r
c
e
;
G
h
u
f
r
o
n
b
e
c
a
m
e
h
i
s
t
e
a
c
h
e
r
(
u
s
t
a
d
z
)
a
n
d
h
i
s
l
e
a
d
e
r
,
e
s
p
e
c
i
a
l
l
y
i
n
d
a
k
w
a
h
a
n
d
j
i
h
a
d
a
c
t
i
v
i
t
y
;
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
H
a
n
b
a
l
i
i
n
I
n
d
o
n
e
s
i
a
a
n
d
w
a
s
i
n
v
i
t
e
d
t
o
h
e
l
p
p
r
o
v
i
d
e
a
m
m
u
n
i
t
i
o
n
f
o
r
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
s
i
n
s
e
v
e
r
a
l
c
i
t
i
e
s
i
n
I
n
d
o
n
e
s
i
a
.
A
l
i
I
m
r
o
n
A
l
I
s
l
a
m
b
o
a
r
d
i
n
g
s
c
h
o
o
l
t
e
a
c
h
e
r
(
u
s
t
a
d
z
)
i
n
L
a
m
o
n
g
a
n
J
a
w
a
T
i
m
u
r
S
t
u
d
e
n
t
a
n
d
i
n
s
t
r
u
c
t
o
r
o
f
M
u
j
a
h
i
d
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
a
c
a
d
e
m
i
c
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
t
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
a
n
d
P
a
k
i
s
t
a
n
;
i
n
s
t
r
u
c
t
o
r
i
n
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
t
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
i
n
A
m
b
o
n
a
n
d
P
o
s
o
;
e
n
g
a
g
e
d
i
n
M
o
j
o
k
e
r
t
o
c
h
u
r
c
h
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
a
n
d
C
h
r
i
s
t
m
a
s
E
v
e
b
o
m
b
i
n
g
.
A
l
i
G
h
u
f
r
o
n
,
h
i
s
b
r
o
t
h
e
r
,
d
e
l
i
v
e
r
e
d
h
i
m
f
o
r
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
t
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
;
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
A
b
d
u
l
R
o
s
u
l
S
a
y
y
a
f
a
s
t
h
e
r
o
l
e
m
o
d
e
l
o
f
M
u
j
a
h
i
d
i
n
;
t
e
a
m
e
d
u
p
w
i
t
h
F
a
t
u
r
r
a
h
m
a
n
A
l
G
h
o
z
i
(
j
i
h
a
d
i
s
t
c
o
m
b
a
t
a
n
t
i
n
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
c
a
m
p
i
n
M
o
r
o
i
n
P
h
i
l
i
p
p
i
n
e
s
)
i
n
P
o
n
t
i
a
n
a
k
,
d
o
i
n
g
d
a
k
w
a
h
a
c
t
i
v
i
t
y
f
r
o
m
J
I
L
e
a
d
e
r
,
Z
u
l
k
a
r
n
a
e
n
,
b
u
t
o
b
t
a
i
n
e
d
a
s
p
e
c
i
a
l
m
e
s
s
a
g
e
f
r
o
m
A
l
i
G
h
u
f
r
o
n
a
s
J
I
l
e
a
d
e
r
t
o
d
o
i

d
a
a
d
(
p
r
e
p
a
r
i
n
g
j
i
h
a
d
)
i
n
I
n
d
o
n
e
s
i
a
.
M
u
b
a
r
o
k
I
s
l
a
m
i
c
t
e
a
c
h
e
r
(
u
s
t
a
d
z
)
A
l
M
u
k
m
i
n
,
N
g
r
u
k
i
,
S
o
l
o
S
t
u
d
e
n
t
a
n
d
i
n
s
t
r
u
c
t
o
r
o
f
M
u
j
a
h
i
d
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
a
c
a
d
e
m
i
c
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
t
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
a
n
d
P
h
i
l
i
p
p
i
n
e
s
;
i
n
s
t
r
u
c
t
o
r
i
n
m
i
l
i
t
a
r
y
t
r
a
i
n
i
n
g
i
n
A
m
b
o
n
a
n
d
P
o
s
o
;
e
n
g
a
g
e
d
i
n
C
h
r
i
s
t
m
a
s
E
v
e
B
o
m
b
i
n
g
2
0
0
2
,
M
o
j
o
k
e
r
t
o
a
n
d
B
o
m
B
a
l
i
2
0
0
2
.
I
n
v
i
t
e
d
b
y
F
a
t
u
r
r
a
h
m
a
n
A
l
G
a
z
i
t
o
M
a
l
a
y
s
i
a
;
m
e
t
w
i
t
h
Z
u
l
k
a
r
n
a
e
n
,
a
n
d
A
b
d
u
l
l
a
h
S
u
n
g
k
a
r
(
J
I
L
e
a
d
e
r
)
i
n
M
a
l
a
y
s
i
a
,
a
n
d
A
b
d
u
l
R
o
s
u
l
S
a
y
y
a
f
i
n
A
f
g
h
a
n
i
s
t
a
n
.
94 Mirra Noor Milla et al.
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
that his brother Ali Ghufron was his role model and shaped
his understanding of Islam:
When there were school holidays, he came home and often
explained the importance of establishing an Islamic state in
Indonesia. Yes . . . at that time I wanted to be like him . . . to
be known as militant . . . (Interview with Ali Imron)
Like the three brothers of Tenggulun, Imam Samudra and
Mubarok also had a childhood environment that facilitated
internalization of Islamic values. Islamic values internal-
ized from childhood were then used to guide their entire
lives. Imam was born into a religious family in Banten.
His mother is an activist in Aisyiyah, the Muhammadiyah
womans organization. Imam received his formal school
education in public schools, but since childhood he had
been actively studying Islam with his uncles, both in the
mosque and madrasah (non-formal Islamic school) (Aziz,
2004). Mubaroks father was a teacher at a Muhammadi-
yah school. His father took him to the mosque every day.
His religious training included harsh discipline. Since
childhood Mubarok had been very interested in studying
Islam.
However, unlike Ghufron and his siblings who had been
schooled in the enforcement of Islamic syaria and jihad
since childhood, Mubaroks religious education in the
family environment centred around how to become a good
Muslim by practising the values of religion in everyday life,
and through deepening religious knowledge. This focus on
the study of religion led him to study at Al Mukmin Board-
ing School, Ngruki, Solo. There Mubarok developed a
belief in the importance of the younger generation becom-
ing clerics and running the mission in the way of Allah and
jihad. This belief was conveyed to his young students in
Pondok Ngruki, one of whom said: there is no Islam
without power. Mastery of knowledge alone is not enough.
We must be strong physically . . . we are, the students of
Ngruki will not be afraid to face of thugs and the enemies
of Islam (Ismail, 2010).
Both Imam and Mubarok developed an understanding of
the importance of carrying out jihad sabilillah soon after
adolescence. Imam was diligent in learning Islam and
reading religious books, including the Quran. One of his
favourite books was is Signs of Gods Power in the Jihad in
Afghanistan by Abdullah Azzam. As he said in his book,
But then, I was just a boy sixteen years old . . . More than
once I read the book and nished reading it I always pray to
God to lead me to the land of Afghanistan, the land of the
martyrs, the country the inhabitants of Paradise (Aziz,
2004).
Self-identication
Once a person has internalized Islamic values such as these,
he/she may gradually adjust his/her identity. This process
can be described as religious seeking and can be inu-
enced by both internal and external factors. This phase is
self-identication, in which individuals make corrections
and adopt a particular understanding of Islamic values as a
source of reference for their identity. In the case of terrorist
groups in Indonesia, an understanding of Islam gradually
gravitates away from a previously established identity
towards a new one based on radical religious principles.
There is also a shift from understanding Islam as a ritual
religion to Islam integralistic (muslim kaffah), a form that
denes Islam as a total way of life. Some move through this
process of discovery and identity transformation without
conict. Others, has experienced internal conict through
Figure 1 Conceptualization of radi-
calization process.
The impact of leader follower interactions on the radicalization of terrorists 95
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
crisis. Ghufron is one of who through this process without
conict, he understood himself to be the successor of gen-
erations of scholars in his family. He grew up in an envi-
ronment that believed strongly in the principles of a
potentially violent variant of Islam. He received his formal
education in Muslim schools in which this ideology drives
the curriculum:
My father was raised by a highly respected Kyai in his
village, he is the founder of Al-Islam Boarding School . . .
which is the rst boarding school in the village of Tenggu-
lun. He had gone for Hajj seven times that have had consid-
erable interaction with Islamic centers that inuence his
personality in holding the Sunnah. This is reected in their
daily life, clothing worn every day is like a white robe worn
y ikhwah Sala (Sala Brothers), always carry a stick or a
sword, riding to and fro, similar to the state of the Prophet
Muhammad and his companions. (manuscript biography of
Ali Ghufron)
Ghufron grew into a young man devoted to the study of
religion. He is noted for his special achievements in school:
He is known as one of the students whose knowledge is
close to cleric Abdullah Sungkar (interview with BS,
friends and childhood friends of relatives of Ali Ghufron).
After completing his formal education, Ghufron served as a
teacher of religion in Pesantrens where he had studied.
When his teacher offered him the opportunity to go to
Afghanistan for jihad, he was initially hesitant to leave, but
following a dream he came to believe it was his calling:
and the Prophet said in my dream, you went down . . . then
I decided to go (manuscript wisdom dream by Ali
Ghufron) (Ghufron, 2009).
Ali Ghufron differed from his brothers, Amrozi and Ali
Imron, who both experienced inner conict. Conict they
experience has stimulated cognitive opening to make them
realize that he had committed a sin. Then they tried to
improve themselves by getting a new reference standard for
their behavior. Efforts to improve these leads them on the
process of identity transformation and discover a new iden-
tity in accordance with the new reference standard applied.
Amrozi explained that after he suffered a crisis, while he
got the second divorce, he decided traveled to Malaysia to
repent. He made this decision bacause he wanted to gain
religious guidance from his brother, Ali Ghufron. Ali
Ghufron had become the leader of a boarding school in
Johor Bahru, Malaysia. From his brother he gained a new
understanding of Islam:
The understanding of Islam that I got, is this religion is not
just about taking care of the ritual acts of worship alone . . .
also how to realize the establishment of the Daulah Islami-
yah (Islamic state) could be reached by mission, bring on the
good and leave the sin and also jihad sabilillah (ghting in
Allah way) (Amrozi, 2009).
From him, I know more and deeper about the religion of
Islam, especially in matters of Aqidah (believe in God),
especially in the discussion of tauhid (monotheism) and
polytheism. And he also stressed that I had to try to carry out
the commands of religion, amar maruf nahi mungkar.
(Amrozi, 2009)
Amrozis newly dened self is clearly present: I should
be ready for everything . . . when I asked to jihad, then I
go to jihad . . . before I go, I have to tell my family, I was
at stake, if not jail the other possibility is death . . .
(preaching Amrozi in Nusakambangan Prison). This self-
denition was originally motivated by internal factors such
as the desire to improve himself and to become a better
person or to repent. Correction of the new self was lled
by Islamic values that had been instilled since childhood.
These values were reinforced and rened by a mentor.
Amrozis brother Ali Imron also went through this
process. From the time he was a teenager, at the Islamic
Boarding School, Imron participated in religious training.
During this time, Imron watched a video about the strug-
gle of Muslims in Bosnia, Aghanistan, and Palestine. He
was intrigued:
Then I want to improve myself, want to become a better
Muslim. Until this days, I feel that I have not done anything,
I want to help Muslims in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Palestine
. . . then I sent a letter to my brother Ali Ghufron. I knew he
had been to Afghanistan, then I said that I would like study-
ing like him. (interview with Ali Amron)
Imam Samudra also redened himself according to the
teachings of Islam after attending an intensive training
course during the fasting month of Ramadhan:
Thats the starting point that made me understand how beau-
tiful Islam is, how great Islam, how perfect Islam is. There I
understood that only Islam is the only way to glory in the
world and the next life. Whereas before I just understood
that Islam is just a ritual. Since that time I began to under-
stand what life is, what is the meaning of worship. I began to
understand and feel a devoutness. I understood that in my
past life is wrong. Astaqrullah (May Allah forgive my
sins)! (Aziz, 2004)
When they joined the jihadist group, they thought no longer
of themselves but became part of the larger Muslim com-
munity. As described by Mubarok: In that place, I was part
of a secret movement . . . I do not want to be a Muslim who
just sits around watching while our brothers were
oppressed (Ismail, 2010).
Commitment and indoctrination
The informants who were involved in the Bali bombing that
took place on 12 October 2012 had links with jihadi groups
that organized the mobilization of jihad in the eld of
conict in Indonesia and abroad. At the beginning, their
group meetings could only take place with the assistance of
96 Mirra Noor Milla et al.
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
a mentor. Mentors are usually the leaders who bring their
followers to the jihadist groups. The jihadist groups in
question here are Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and the Darul
Islam (DI), the two organizations that organized the depar-
ture of jihadists from Indonesia to Afghanistan, Moro and
other elds of conict. Their involvement in the group can
be identied from a pledge of commitment to the move-
ment called baiat.
Those who joined the JI group were rst inducted by the
leader and founder of JI, Abdullah Sungkar, in Malaysia.
This process is described by Ali Imron. Imrons involve-
ment in the mobilization of jihad in Indonesia can be traced
back to his meeting with his brother, Ali Ghufron, in
Malaysia: . . . he told me that by the will of Allah my wish
will be granted. Therefore, I was asked to prepare, be ready
physically, mentally, leaving the pleasures of the world,
leaving the family, to hear and obey, and be ready to follow
all the rules. Everything should be ready (Imron, 2007).
Before leaving, Imron had instruction from the cleric
Abdullah Sungkar: From his orders I know about the obli-
gation of the congregation, to hear and obey, hijra (moving
to another condition, from an environment full with sin to a
better environment that implemented syariah law), idad
(activities to preparation for jihad) and jihad should be
implemented (Imron, 2007).
Other followers declared their commitment in a variety
of ways. Imron swore a baiat (oath) directly to Abdullah
Sungkar, Amrozi declared his commitment to the group,
and jihad sabilillah to Ali Ghufron (Amrozi, 2009).
Mubarok made a commitment to Zulkarnain, one of JIs
leaders, before he left for Afghanistan, as well as baiat to
Abdullah Sungkar (Ismail, 2010).
Jihad ideologization
Jihad is dened as a struggle in the way of God. It is
translated specically in accordance with the conditions
and objectives of the struggle of Islam as articulated by the
leader. Ideologization of jihad occurs because the leader of
the group embraces the concept of offensive jihad. There is
intensive mentoring and transference of information to fol-
lowers. The disciples follow the fatwa and willingly par-
ticipate in jihad without question. Ali Ghufron, one of the
Bali bombing death-row inmates to have been executed,
often discussed the idea of jihad, both in spoken and written
communications. According to him, jihad in the present
situation is obligatory ( fardlu ayn) for Muslims. This is
because Muslims are oppressed, experience injustice, and
are being robbed by their enemies.
If in the current conditions, there is no one who carried out
the orders of jihad, all Muslims are guilty, and must be
accountable to God to face His punishment . . . (Ali Ghufron
preaching in jail, Kerobokan, Denpasar Bali)
Ghufron maintained that other acts of worship were very
dependent on the jihad:
For a Muslim, after pledging tauhid (declared monotheism)
there is no amalan (practice) of the greatest great like trying
to uphold the deen (religion) belongs solely until God that
can only be carried out with al jihad qital (ghting with
weapon and war) . . . that this world is really only arbitrate
with the law of God, following God manhaj (method), then
the only way with jihad . . . (MK.03.30).
Imam Samudra explained that the reason he fought with
terror was that he believed he was doing a duty. If this
obligation had not been carried out he would be a sinner.
Conversely, if he carried out his obligations despite their
limitations, there will be a great reward:
When dozens, hundreds of Muslim children and women are
murdered and raped, in Ambon (one of city of Sulawesi
province, Indonesia) in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and we did not
do anything . . . in the Koran letter An Nisa verse 75 Allah
has explained, and why do you not ght in the way of Allah,
whereas the weak, women and children pray for the
defence, then the law of this is sin (interview with Imam
Samudra).
Imam Samudra also believed in the necessity of jihad:
How agonizing is it to see the land of Muslims taken by the
Monsters of Zion and the Crusades? How many Muslim
states have been attacked and occupied by those envious
parties? Look at the jihadist front of Palestine, Chechnya,
Afghanistan, Kashmir, Philippines, Dagestan and Indonesia
itself. Cant you see that lots of armed conict is occurring
between Muslims and those indel occupiers? And look at
the liters of blood being poured out by those Dracula mon-
sters. Those facts are more than enough to explain the
fardhu ain (foremost obligation) nature of jihad (Aziz,
2004).
He believed that the establishment of Islam could only be
achieved with jihad. He also explained about the obligation
to ght the indels, the establishment of Islam by the sword
and to ght the polytheists until Islam overcomes other
religions, so there is no longer syirik (associating gods with
beings): It is clear that the war is done to achieve two
circumstances: (i) there are no more violations of the law of
God on earth (ii) Islamic law is perfectly done (Aziz,
2004).
Jihad is the main theme in speeches given not only by
leaders, but also by followers. Ali Imron, for example,
always longed for jihad: I hope with the explosion of the
bomb in Bali, the land of jihad will be opened in Indonesia
(interview with Ali Imron). Mubarok felt the same: . . .
Jihad is the way my struggle, martyrdom is my goal. I am
bound in baiat to hear and obey in good times and difcult
circumstances, and obey the leader (Ismail, 2010).
The impact of leader follower interactions on the radicalization of terrorists 97
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
Discussion
There were four stages in the Bali bombers path to
terrorism: pre-radicalization, self-identication, com-
mitment and indoctrination, and jihad ideologization.
Pre-radicalization occurs in both family and school envi-
ronments and involves education and socialization accord-
ing to Islamic values that emphasize struggle in the way of
Allah. These guidelines can be corrected depending on the
situation of the next life. Pre-radicalization can also be
motivated by a specic cognitive need, such as the need for
closure.
After a phase of pre-radicalization, a subsequent meeting
with an external supportive environment reinforces the
Islamic values that have been adopted. Transformation into
muslim integralistic encourages acquisition of further
knowledge, and the identication of a community and a
trusted mentor that share the same values. Specic condi-
tions relating to Islamic identity are described by Stepanova
(2008), who points out that this kind of Islam is holistic
and all-embracing in nature, and legal and normative
aspects of life are developed in far greater detail than they
are in other religions. In this sense, Islam, especially in its
fundamentalist forms, is more of a comprehensive concept
of social order and organization, at both the national and
supranational levels, than other religions. However, Ortho-
dox Judaism and Hinduism are also concerned with rules
regulating behaviour, but compared with the other religion,
the strengthening of the social identity of the Islamic group
that is now happening, is a strong context that making the
process of identity transformation and the subordination of
the personal identity gained support from their community.
This religious seeking often begins with the adoption of
a mentor from the immediate environment (often family),
as happened in the case of three brothers from Tenggulun,
Ali Ghufron, Amrozi and Ali Imron, and others convicted
of terrorism in Indonesia. There are often ties of kinship, so
the case of three brothers convicted in the Bali bombings is
typical rather than exceptional. Crenshaw (2011) pointed
out that people are recruited into terrorism through personal
associations that precede or accompany political commit-
ment. The recruits are not suddenly converted to terrorism
but acquire their commitment gradually, often belonging to
a group, set of friends, or family unit that collectively turns
to terrorism.
It has been found that persecution and attacks against
Muslims in different parts of the world have fostered a
discursive social environment that threatens their Islamic
identity and promotes ambiguity. Mentors or leaders
support the identity and self-esteem of the oppressed. The
leader plays a role in mobilizing love for the in-group and
hate for the out-group. Video footage of suicide bombers
and video recordings of group leaders who preached about
the threat from the enemy clearly demonstrate that leaders
use communication media to gain inuence. Reicher,
Hopkins, Levine and Rath (2005) pointed out that only
those who identify with a social category will be inuenced
by information about the group identity. As described
by Moghaddam (2005), the Islamic community is a very
powerful context for the expression of communication vari-
ables that affect the behaviour of individuals in the group.
The strong context was showed also by the fenomenon of
solidarity among fellow Muslims around the world that
strengthens Islamic identity. The emergence of solidarity is
related to the need for cognitive closure. As described by
Kruglanski (2004), the concept of perspective taking facili-
tates a process of empathy towards fellow Muslims who are
oppressed. Perspective taking and empathy at the same
target group is easy to do well in individuals with high need
for cognitive closure. This could explain how the pictures
of victims of assault and humiliation in mass media are
clearly dened to be able to touch the emotions, and evoke
a sense of solidarity to help.
These conditions lead to an acceleration in the establish-
ment of beliefs and identity correction. We have shown that
those convicted in the Bali bombing case have been through
the correction phase of Islamic identity. They strengthen
Islamic identity by transformed their identity became
Muslims integralistic, that apply Islamic values fully in all
aspects of life (Milla, 2010; Abas, 2005). The presence of a
mentor provides a catalyst for the establishment of beliefs
and identity. Completion of this process appears to require
guidance from the trusted mentor. When the mentor has
been selected, he will serve as a model and his example will
be adhered to. The followers will try to live up to demands
and became one with the group.This can occur due to
conditions of isolation within the group and this dangers of
external environmental conditions that are continuously
supplied by leaders . The stance of dependence and obedi-
ence is described by Crenshaw (2011) as being driven by
both external danger and internal dissent that may stimulate
a need for reassurance, leading the faithful and loyal
members to become more dependent on the group, its
leader, and their collective beliefs.
Trust to leader and integralistic Muslim identity also
need to be guided by the authority and inclination towards
ambiguity intolerance that is triggered by the environment.
Both tendency will be lead the meeting with the network or
sala jihadi groups. This meeting is made possible because
of the facilitating role of the mentor who has already
embraced the same ideology. The similarities of ideology
and process of meeting can be explained through motiva-
tion social cognition. The motivation to adopt an ideology
driven by the needs of specic social cognitive (Jost,
Glaser, Kruglanski & Sulloway, 2003). As explained by
Kruglanski (2002) motivation may prompt the embrace-
ment of an ideology is related to a style favoring cognitive
closure. As a concern style, ideology in Islamic movement
98 Mirra Noor Milla et al.
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
(harakah islamiyah) are formulated in clear-cut denitive
terms of considerable appeal to persons in whom an intol-
erance of ambiguity or the need for cognitive closure is
strong (Kruglanski, 2004).
In that process leaders are needed. Their interaction with
the sala jihady groups are inuenced by their leaders. The
sala jihady was the group that tried to restore the under-
standing of Islam according to the salafus shalih genera-
tion, the generation that are still pure and havent distorted
(Solahudin, 2011). Having served by mentors in improving
their religiousity, the interaction between the followers of
the sala jihadi with their leaders in the group then engage
with the achievement of organizational goals. The loyal
followers become increasingly dependent on its leader,
especially when there are external circumstances which
threaten (Crenshaw, 2011; Willer, 2004). As described by
Crenshaw (2011), a key role of leadership is to develop or
maintan a collective belief system that links overall ideo-
logical orientation to the environment in which the group
operates.
Crenshaw (2011) asserted that the authority of leaders
within extremist underground groups may be based on their
command of ideology (intellectual authority), operational
expertise (military authority), or charisma (personal author-
ity). Leaders who are charismatic will strengthen this
process. The charismatic leader provides a sense-making
device for the group, identifying an external cause for the
members frustration and alienation. They help promote a
potent us versus them psychology, setting in motion pow-
erful group dynamics centred on ideology. Aggression
towards and persecution of Muslims provide arguments for
leaders of the undeniable truth of the ideology, that estab-
lishes a support base and strength for an ideology that is
transferred.
Sala jihadi group leaders who embrace the ideology of
offensive jihad transfer it to their followers. This ideology
often includes the use of terrorism as a strategy (irhabiyah).
Terrorism is chosen by leaders as the method required to
achieve group goals (Crenshaw, 1992; Milla, 2007). The
followers obey their leaders. This can be driven by the
motivation to merge personal and collective identities and
to conform with norms established by leaders. Whether the
attractiveness of the group can be sustained or not depends
on the leader of such as their capability of leaders to main-
tain the dependence of his followers and manage the cohe-
siveness of the group. In addition, the leaders ability to
sustain engagement with the group members is also
required to mobilize hatred and fear within their followers
from external dangers.
The terrorist attacks in Bali are examples of what
Reicher et al. (2005) terms a genuine process of con-
version. As a result of this conversion process, people
act on the basis of the group ideology not because they
succumb to the power of others but because it denes who
they are.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank James H. Liu (Victoria
University of Wellington, New Zealand) for his very valu-
able comments in the preparation of this paper.
References
Abas, N. (2005). Membongkar Jamaah Islami-
yah: Pengakuan Mantan Anggota JI.
Jakarta: Grando Khazanah Ilmu.
Amrozi. (2009). Senyum Terakhir Sang
Mujahid: Catatan Kehidupan Seorang
Amrozi. Jakarta: Ar Rahmah Media.
Atran, S. (2003). Genesis of suicide terrorism.
Review Social Science, 1299, 15341539.
Aziz, A. (2004). Aku Melawan Teroris. Solo:
Jazera.
Bjorgo, T. & Horgan, J. (2009). Leaving Ter-
rorism Behind: Individual and Collective
Disengagement. Abingdon, UK: Routledge.
Bloom, M. (2005). Dying to Kill: The Allure of
Suicide Terror. New York: Columbia Uni-
versity Press.
Braun, V. & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic
analysis in psychology. Qualitative
Research in Psychology, 3, 77101.
Crenshaw, M. (1992). Decisions to use terror-
ism: Psychological constrains on instrumen-
tal reasoning. In: D. dela Porta, ed. Social
Movements and Violence: Participation in
Underground Organization. International
Social Movement Research, pp. 2942.
Greenwich, CT: JAI Press Inc.
Crenshaw, M. (2011). Explaining Terrorism:
Causes, Process, and Consequences.
London and New York: Routledge.
Garnkel, R. (2007). Personal Transforma-
tions: Moving from Violence to Peace.
United States Institute of Peace Special
Report 186. April.
Ghufron, A. (2009). Mimpi Suci di Balik Jeruji
Besi. Jakarta: Ar Rahmah Media.
Imron, A. (2007). Ali Imron Sang Pengebom.
Jakarta: Penerbit Republika.
Ismail, N. H. (2010). Temanku, Teroris? Saat
Dua Santri Ngruki Menempuh Jalan
Berbeda. Jakarta: Penerbit Hikmah.
Jenkins, B. M. (2010). Would-be warriors:
Incidents of jihadist terrorist radicalization
(in the United States) since September 11,
2001. RAND Corporation.
Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W. &
Sulloway, F. J. (2003). Political conservatism
as motivated social cognition. Psychological
Bulletin, 129, 339375.
Kruglanski, A. W. (2002). Inside the terrorist
mind. Paper presented to the National
Academy of Science. April, 29. Washington.
D.C.
Kruglanski, A. W. (2004). The Psychology of
Closed Mindedness. New York: Psychology
Press.
Milla, N. M. (2007). Bias heuristic dalam pen-
gambilan keputusan strategi terrorisme.
Journal of Psikologi Indonesia, 1, 921.
Milla, N. M. (2010). Mengapa Memilih Jalan
Teror: Analisis Psikologis Pelaku Teror.
Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press.
The impact of leader follower interactions on the radicalization of terrorists 99
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
Moghaddam, F. M. (2005). The staircase to
terrorism: A psychological exploration.
American Psychologist, 60, 161169.
Musa, S. & Bendett, S. (2010). Islamic Radi-
calization in the United States: New Trends
and a Proposed Methodology for Disrup-
tion.Washington DC: Center for Technology
and National Security Policy National
Defense University.
Pantucci, R. (2008). Britains prison dilemma:
Issues and concerns in Islamic radicaliza-
tion. Terrorism Monitor, 6 (6), 68.
Post, J. M. (2005). When hatred is bred in the
bone: Psycho-cultural foundations of con-
temporary terrorism. Political Psychology,
26, 615636.
Reicher, S., Hopkins, N., Levine, M. & Rath,
R. (2005). Enterpreneurs of hate and
enterprenuers of solidarity: Social identity
as a basis for mass communication. Interna-
tional Review of The Red Cross, 87 (860),
621637.
Sageman, M. (2004). Understanding Terror
Networks. Philadelphia: University of Penn-
sylvania Press.
Sageman, M. (2008). Leaderless Jihad: Terror
Networks in the Twenty-First Century.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press.
Silber, M. D. & Bhatt, A. (2007). Radicaliza-
tion in the West: The Homegrown Threat.
NYPD Intelligence Division.
Solahudin (2011). NII Sampai JI: Salafy Jihad-
isme di Indonesia. Jakarta: Komunitas
Bambu.
Stepanova, E. (2008). Terrorism in a Symmetri-
cal Conict Ideological and Structural
Aspect. SIPRI Research Report No. 23.
Stockholm International Peace Research
Institute.
Stern, J. (2005). Culture. In: Peter R.
Neumann, Henrik A. Lund and Milburn
Line, eds. Addressing the Causes of Terror-
ism. Vol. 1, pp. 3554. Madrid: The Interna-
tional Summit on Democracy, Terrorism and
Security.
Willer, R. (2004). The effects of government
issued terror warnings of presidential
approval ratings. Current Research in Social
Psychology, 10. 112. [Cited 17 Mar 2007.]
Available from URL: http://www.uiowa.
edu/~grpproc/crisp/crisp10_1.pdf.
100 Mirra Noor Milla et al.
2012 The Authors
Asian Journal of Social Psychology 2012 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd with the Asian Association of Social Psychology and
the Japanese Group Dynamics Association
Copyright of Asian Journal of Social Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be
copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written
permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.