Early European Longswords

Early European Longswords : Evidence of Form and Function
1
Early European Longswords
Evidence of Form and Function

Jeffrey Hull

Axiom
When a new kind of sword originates and becomes prevalent, then it logically follows that
both the sword and its new kind of fencing evolve and become perfected.

That is what must have started happening in Chivalric Europe circa 1100, when a new kind of
swordcalled variously longsword, langschwert, war sword, espe de guerre, great sword,
grans espe, two-hand-sword, etceteracame into being. Its history is well-epitomised by the
Liechtenauer Lineage of the German Tradition of the Art of Fencing, its Kunst des Fechtens.
The longsword probably first arose somewhere in Germany (i.e. Holy Roman Empire) and
eventually spread via migratory innovation and/or native industry to England, Austria, Denmark,
Sweden, France, Switzerland, Italy, Benelux, Iberia, Poland, Bohemia, Prussia and Baltica.

The longsword may be generally defined as a straight two-edged sword for both one-handed and
two-handed wielding; accordingly having a longer blade and longer tang & grip; most suitable
2
for combat afoot, somewhat suitable for combat ahorse; suitable whether bare or armoured;
having blade-length (BL) of about 32 to 40 inches (81 to 101 cm) and tang/grip-length of about 6
to 10 inches (15 to 25.5 cm) and weight/mass of about 3 to 4 pounds (1.36 to 1.82 kg). Such
design was the longswords form. Accordingly that led to its own kind of fencing, which
developed along with the weapon itselfuntil it became the prestige weapon of war and the
preferred weapon of dueling amongst the warrior nobility of European Chivalry. Such
destruction was the longswords function.

Literary Evidence
The so-called Dbringer Hausbuch (1389) is generally regarded as containing the earliest known
longsword Fechtbuch (fencing/fight-book) of the Liechtenauer Lineage of the German Tradition
of Ritterlich Kunst (Chivalric Arts). Therein the Priest Dbringer (or whoever) related much
regarding the art of the sword (i.e. contextually longsword) of Master Johann Liechtenauer.
The fight-book of the Priest is so densely and intensely rich in fencing lore, some of it truly
nonesuch, that it deserves our special attention here. Although pundits may dismiss it as pell-
mell, repetitive & propagandistic, it presents lore for bare/unarmoured fencing (bloszfechten)
with the longsword which must not be ignored by serious scholars of Chivalric Arts. In his
stream-of-consciousness remarks (13v-17v) introducing its Common Lore (gemeyne lere), the
Priest outlines and/or explains the following items for proper understanding and wielding of the
longsword: Liechtenauers mastership; antiquity & internationality of the weapon; simplicity &
rapidity of striking; scholastic versus earnest fencing; efficient kinetics & targeting; frivolous
masters & their gimmicks; seizing the initiative; importance of both hew & thrust; conservation
of energy; lesson meditation & experiential training; handling & driving the weapon; stepping,
balance, motion; courage & justification; adaptation & deceptive action; sportive fencing
supportive of earnest fencing; mass & reach; preference for high targets & flank attacks; first
strike & counter strike; and tactical timings. All that and more follows, to wit:

Hie hebt sich an meister lichtenawers kunst
de fechten mit deme swerte czu fusse und
czu rosse blo und yn harnsche Und vor allen
dingen und sachen saltu merken und wissen
da nr eyne kunst ist de swerte und d mag
vor manchen hundert Jaren seyn funden und
irdocht Und d ist en grunt und kern aller
knsten de fechten Und d hat meister
lichtnawer gancz vertik und gerecht gehabt und
gekunst Nicht da her sy selber habe funden
und irdocht al vor ist geschreben Sonder her
hat manche lant durchfaren und gesucht durch
der selben rechtvertigen und warhaftigen knst
wille da her d jo irvaren und wissen wolde
Und d selbe kunst ist ernst gancz und
rechtvertik Und get of das aller neheste und
krczste slecht und gerade czu Recht zam wen
ener enen hawen ader stechen wolde Und
das man im denne eynen vadenn ader snure an
Here starts Master Liechtenauers Art of
Fencing with the (Long)Swordboth afoot
and ahorse, bare and in harness. And above all
things and tactics, you shall mark and wit that
there is only one art of the (long)sword; and it
may have been founded and devised many
hundreds of years before; and it is one ground
and core for all fencing arts; and that Master
Liechtenauer has wholly finished it, and has
corrected, possessed and artified it. Not that he
himself has founded and devised it, as
aforesaid. Rather, he has traveled and searched
many lands because he wants that same
vindicated and verified art; so that yes, he
would experience and wit (that art). And that
same art is earnest, whole and vindicated. And
it goes for all nearest and shortest, simply and
straightly, correctly together when one would
hew or thrust another; and as if then he bound
3
seinen ort ader snede des swertes bnde Und
letet aber czge den selben ort ader sneide off
jenes blssen den her hawen ader stechen selde
noch dem aller nehesten korczsten und
endlichsten (!) als man das nr dar brengen
mochte Wen das selbe rechtfertige vechten Wil
nicht hobisch und weidlich parren
1
haben
Und weiterumefechten mit deme sich lewte
mochten lassen und vorzmen Als man noch
manche lechmeistere
2
vindet d do sprechen
das s selber newe kunst vinden und irdenken
und meynen das sich d kunst des fechtens von
tage zu tage besser und mere
<>
Aber ich wlde gerne eynen sehn der do
mchte nr eyn gefechte ader eynen haw
irdenken und tuen der do nicht aus lichtnawers
kunst gynge Nr das sy ofte eyn gefechte
vorwandeln und vorkeren wllen mit deme das
s im newe namen geben itzlicher noch seyme
hawpte und das s weiterumefechten und
parrn irdenken und oft vr eynen haw czwene
ader dreye tuen nr durchwolstehens wille do
von s von den unvorstendigen gelobt wollen
werden mit dem hbschen parrn und
weiterumefechten als s sich ventlich stellen
und weite und lange hewe dar brengen lanksam
und trege mit deme s sich gar sere vorhawen
und zemen und sich auch do mite vaste blos
geben Wen s kene mosse n iren fechten
nicht haben Und das gehrt doch nicht zu
ernstem fechten zonder czu schulfechten durch
ubunge und gebrawchunge wille mochte is wol
etzwas gut seyn Aber ernste vechten wil risch
slecht und gar gerade dar gehen an alles lassen
und zmenss zam noch eyner snuren ader
zam itzlichs besunder gemessen und gewegen
were
<>
Wen sal eyner eynen slaen ader stechen Der do
vor im stet Zo hilft in jo keyn slag ader stich
hindersich ader neben sich noch kenerle
weitfechten Ader vil hewe das mit eyme
mchte enden mit deme her sich zmet und last
Das her d schantcze vorslest Sonder her mus
jo slecht und gleich czuhawen czum manne czu
a wire or cord to point or edge of his sword and
led or tugged the same point or edge to those
targets which he should hew or thrust; toward
all those nearest, shortest and deadliest, just as
(foe) might evince. Then that same vindicated
fencing will have neither pretty and wide
parrying nor roundabout fencing, whereby
people might lose and hinder themselves. Like
what one finds with many lyric-masters, who
speak as if they themselves find and devise and
imagine new art, such that the Art of Fencing
(becomes) better and more from day to day.

<>
Yet I would like to see but one of them who
may devise and do just one move or one hew
which comes not from Liechtenauers Art. Yet
often they will transform or twist a move, to
which they give it new names, each from his
own head; such that they devise roundabout
fencing and parrying; and often for one hew
(they) do two or three, (when) only
straightforward thrusting is wanted there; for
which they would be praised by the
unknowing. While they fiendishly display
with pretty parrying and roundabout fencing,
they evince wide & long hewing, slowly &
lazily. Thereby they very much thrash and
hinder themselves, and also thereby lay
themselves quite bare, since they have not any
mass in their fencing. And such indeed
belongs not to earnest fencing, rather to
scholastic fencing. Through training and usage
will it might well be something good. Indeed
earnest fencing will advance rapidly, simply
and really straight; without any loss and
hindrance; as if along a cord or as if everything
were specially measured and weighed.
<>
When someone shall strike or thrust another
who stands before him, then yes neither strike
nor thrust helps him such that (he) might end
(it), when (done) behind or beside him or by
any wide fencing or by multiple hews, (for)
therewith he hinders and loses himself, so that
he blocks his chances. Instead yes he must
4
kop ader czu leibe noch dem aller nehesten und
schiresten als her in nr gehaben mag und
irreichen risch und snelle Und liber mit eyme
slage wen mit viern ader sechen mit deme her
sich mchte lassen Und das jener leichte e
queme denne her Wen der vorslag en gros
vorteil ist of deme vechten als du es als
hernoch wirst horen yn dem texte Do nennet
lichtnawer nr fnff hewe
3
mit andern stcken
dy do ntcze seyn czu erstem vechten und leret
dy noch rechter kunst slecht und gerade dar
blegen noch dem aller nehesten und schiresten
als is nr dar komen mag
<>
Und lest alles trummel werk und new funden
hewe underwegen von den leychmeistere D
doch gruntlich aus sner kunst dar komen
Auch merke das und wisse das man nicht gar
eygentlich und bedewtlich von dem fechten
mag sagen und schreiben ader aus legen als
man is wol mag czeigen und weisen mit der
hant Dorumbe tu of dne synnen und betrachte
is deste vas Und ube dich dorynne deste mer
n schimpfe Zo gedenkstu ir deste vas in ernste
wen ubunge ist besser wenne kunst denne
bunge tawg wol ane kunst aber kunst tawg
nicht wol ane bunge
<>
Auch wisse das en guter fechter sal vr allen
sachen sn swert gewisse und sicher fren und
fassen
4
mit beiden henden czwischen gehilcze
und klos Wen alzo helt her das swert vil sicher
den das hers be dem klosse vasset mit eyner
hant Und slet auch vil harter und srer alzo
wen der klos ber wirft sich und swenkt sich
noch dem slage das der slag vil harter dar
kumpt den das her das swert mit dem klosse
vasset Wen alzo czge her den slag mit dem
klosse weder das her nicht zo vlkmlich und
zo stark mchte dar komen Wen das swert ist
recht zam en woge den ist eyn swert gros und
swer zo mus der klos auch dornoch swer syn
recht zam noch ener wogen

<>
strike and instantly hew forth to the man, to
head or to body, toward all nearest and merest,
since he may only have and reach (foe) rapidly
& quickly & favourably with one strike;
whereas with four or six therewith he might
lose himself, such that any easily gains ere he.
(Thus) the first strike is of great vantage to
fencing, as you get to hear it hereafter in the
text. There Liechtenauer names only Five
Hews, with other actions, which be needful to
earnest fencing, and teach to the correct art,
simply and straightly billowing forth, toward
all nearest and merest, as it may only progress.
<>
And so forsake all drum-work and newly
founded hews contrived by the lyric-masters
who (have) yet to progress groundedly from
(Ls) art. Also mark this and wit that indeed
one may not actually and meaningfully tell and
write or lay out fencing so well as one may
show or witness it with the hands. Therefor,
open your senses and meditate it all the better,
and train yourself therein. All the more in
sport (that) you recall (art), then all the better
in earnest. When training is better, then (also)
art. Your training achieves well without art,
yet art achieves not well without training.
<>
Also wit that a good fencer shall, above all
tactics, know his (long)sword; and surely wield
and grasp (it) with both hands, betwixt cross
and pommel. When thusly held, he (wields)
the (long)sword more surely than when he
grasps it with one hand at the pommel; and
also (he) strikes much harder and keener. Thus
when the pommel overthrows itself and swings
itself after the strike; then the strike arrives
much harder than when he grasps the
(long)sword via the pommel. Thus when he
tugs the strike via the pommel, (then) because
of that, he might arrive not so completely and
so strongly. When the sword is correctly
together, then (it) is a scale. A sword (is) great
and heavy; so accordingly the pommel must be
heavy. Correctly together, like a scale.
<>
5
Auch wisse wen ener mit eyme ficht Zo sal
her syner schrete wol war nemen und sicher in
den sen Wen her recht zam of ener wogen
stehen sol hindersich ader vorsich czu treten
noch deme als sichs geprt gefge und
gerinklich risch und snelle Und gar mit gutem
mute und guter gewissen ader vornunft sal
den fechten dar gehen Und an alle vorchte als
man das hernoch wirt hren
<>
Auch saltu mosse haben n deme gefechte
dornoch als sichs geprt und salt nicht czu weit
schreiten das du dich desto vas eyns-andern
schretes irholen magest hinderdich ader
vordich czutuen noch deme als sich wrde
gepuren Auch gepuren sich oft czwene korcze
schrete vor eynem langen Und oft geprt sich
das eyner eyn lewftcheyn mus tuen mit
korczen schreten Und oft das eyner eynen
guten schret ader sprunk mus tuen.
<>
Und was eyner redlichs wil treiben czu
schimpfe ader czu ernste Das sal her eme vor
den ogen fremde und vorworren machen Das
jener nicht merkt was deser keyn im meynt
czutreiben.
<>
Und als bald wen her denne czu im kumpt und
dy moe also czu im hat das in dnkt her welle
in im wol haben und irreichen Zo sal her
kunlich czu im hurten und varen snelle und
risch czu koppe ader czu leibe her treffe ader
vele Und sal jo den vorslag gewynnen und
ienen mit nichte lassen czum dingen komen als
du vas hernoch wirst hren n der gemeynen
lere etc.
<>
Auch sal eyner allemal liber den obern blen
remen denne den undern Unde eyme ober
deme gehilcze yn varen mit hewen ader mit
stichen knlich und risch Wen ener irreicht
eynen vil bas und verrer ber dem gehilcze den
dorunder Und eyner ist auch alzo vil sicher
alles fechtens Und der obern rure
5
ene ist vil
besser denne der under eyne Is wen denne Das
ist alzo queme das eyner neher hette czu der
And wit when one fences with another, then
shall he be well-aware of his steps and be sure
of those. When he correctly stands in balance,
(he) shall tread back or forth, according to
what happens, methodically and lightly,
rapidly and quickly, and verily with good
courage and good conscience or reason.
Thusly shall your fencing advance, and without
any fear, as one gets to hear that hereafter.
<>
Also you shall have mass in your fencing,
according to what happens. And you shall not
step too widely, so that you may the better
regain one step (then) another step, behind you
or before you, availing (yourself) according to
what happens. Also often twain short steps
happen before one long step. And often it
happens that a (fencer) must do a sprint with
short steps; and often that he must do one good
step or spring.
<>
And what someone will drive properly for
sport or for earnest, that shall he make strange
and confusing before (foes) eyes; such that
those mark not any of what he means to drive
(against) him.
<>
And then as soon as (the fencer) goes to (his
foe), and has the mass thusly toward foe, such
that he thinks he will have him and reach him
wellso shall he bravely charge to foe and
move quickly and rapidly (with his sword) to
head or to body. (Whether) hit or miss, he
shall yes win the first strike, and let (foe) get to
nothing; as indeed you get to hear better in the
common lore hereafter etc.
<>
Also one shall prefer always to aim for the
high targets than for the low; and bravely &
rapidly to impact those over (foes) hilting with
hewing or with thrusting. Thus one reaches the
other much better and further, over the hilting
than thereunder; and thus one is also very sure
in all fencing. And any high beat is much
better than any low. (Yet) it is such that when
one thusly gains a low target that is nearer,
6
undern das her der remen mste Als das ofte
kumpt
<>
Auch wisse das ener sal jo eme of dy rechte
seiten komen n seyme gefechte Wen her
enen do n allen sachen des fechtens ader
ringens Vas gehaben mag Denne gleich vorne
czu Und wer dis stcke wol weis Und wol dar
brengt der ist nicht eyn bzer fechter etc
<>
Auch wisse wen ener ernstlich wil fechten der
vasse im eyn vertik stcke vr
6
wels her wil
das do gancz und gerecht se Und neme im das
ernstlich und stete in senem sn und gemte
Wen her of eynem wil Recht zam her slde
sprechen das meyne ich jo czutreiben Und das
sal und mus vorgank haben in der hlfe gotes
Zo mag is im mit nichte velen her tut was her
sal Wen her kunlich dar hort und rawscht mit
dem vorslage als man das hernach oft wirt
horen

<>
O zu allem fechten gehrt dy hlfe gotes von
rechte Gerader leip und gesunder en gancz
vertik swert pesunder Vor noch schwach sterke
yndes das wort mete czu merken Hewe stiche
snete drcken leger schtczen ste flen
czcken Winden und hengen rcken striche
sprnge greiffen rangen Vissheit und kunheit
Vorsichtikeit list und klugheit Masse
Vorborgenheit vornunft vorbetrachtunge
fetikeit Ubunge und guter mut motus
gelenkheit schrete gut Jn den seben (!) versen
da sint dir fundament principia Und pertinencia
benumet und d gancze materia Aller kunst des
fechten das saltu betrachten rechte Als du auch
eigentlich hernocher und snderlich Wirst
heren ader lisen itzlichs noch senem wezen
Fechter des nm war zo wirt dir bekant d
kunst gar Of dem ganczen swerte und manch
gut weidelich geverte

<>
MOtus das worte schone ist des fechtens en
then he had must aim there, as that often
happens.
<>
Also wit that in fencing, yes, one shall go upon
the right side to the other. Then he may have
him better there, in all tactics of fencing or
wrestling, than centrally. And whoever well-
wits and well-evinces these actions, he is not a
bad fencer, etc.
<>
Also wit when someone will fence/fight
earnestly, he composes himself & flows into a
final action proactively; so that he will be
whole and right, and take to that earnestly and
steadily in his mind and mood. When he will,
he should, speak to another correctlyI mean
that yesto drive (against) him. And (he)
shall and must have operated by the help of
Godthus may it not fail him. One does what
one shall when he bravely charges and rushes
with the first strike, as a man often get to hear
that hereafter.
<>
Unto all Fencing belongs: The help of the God
of Justice; a straight & sound Body; and
especially one fully finished Sword. (Plus):
Before, After, Weak, Strong; Inthereofthat
word deserves marking; Hews, Thrusts,
Slashes, Pressing; Stances, Protecting,
Shoves/Punches, Feeling, Tugging; Winding
and Hanging; Yanking, Strikes, Springs, Grips,
Wrestling; Wisdom and Bravery; Foresight,
Cunning and Cleverness; Mass, Secrecy;
Reason, Premeditation, Tenacity; Training and
good Courage; Motion, Dexterity, good Steps.
In the same verses for you there are declared
Fundaments, Principles and Pertinence, and the
entire Matter of all the Art of Fencing. That
shall you meditate correctly, as you also
actually get to hear or to read, hereafter and
especially, each by its nature. Fencer, sense
that so the Art of the whole Sword and its
many good vigorous ventures become well-
known unto you.
<>
Motionthat gorgeous wordis one heart and
7
hort und krone Der gancze matiraz des
fechtens mit aller pertinencian Und der artikeln
gar des fundamentes d var Mit namen sint
genant und werden dir hernoch bas bekant
7
Wy
denne eyner nur ficht zo sey her mit den wol
bericht
8
Und sey stetz in motu und nicht veyer
wen her nit An hebt czu fechten zo treibe her
mit rechte Ummer in und endlich eyns noch
dem andern knlich Jn eyme rawsche stete an
underlos imediate Das jener nicht kome czu
slage des nympt deser fromen Und jener
schaden Wen her nicht ungeslagen Von desem
komen mag tut nur deser noch dem rat Und
noch der leren dy itczunt ist geschreben So sag
ich vorwar sich schtzt jener nicht ane var
Hastu vornomen czu slage mag her mit nichte
komen

<>
Hie merke das frequens motus beslewst in im
begynnes mittel und ende alles fechtens noch
deser kunst und lere alzo das eyner n eme
rawsche anhebunge mittel unde endunge an
underlos und an hindernis synes
wedervechters
9
volbrenge
10
Und jenen mit
nichte lasse zu slage komen Wen of das geet
dy czwey wrter vor noch das ist vorslag und
nochslag
11
in mete r in una hon qnsi um pq
inliqm sine anqo meo (?)
crown of Fencing. The whole matter of
fencing, with all pertinence and the articles of
the entire fundaments, they are colourfully
named with names and become better-known
unto you hereafter. When someone simply
fences/fights, then he be well-arranged with
those and be steady in motion, and not furious,
when he arises to fencing, thus he drives with
justice around himself, and eventually (he)
rushes bravely into every (foe), one after the
other steadily, without delay immediately, such
that none of them gets to any strikes, and
which denies them profit and punishes them.
When he may not get from these (foes)
unstricken, (he) merely goes by (Ls) advice
and by (Ls) lore which is written just now: So
I say further, not any protects himself without
fear. Have you executed striking? Then foe
may get to nothing.
<>
Mark here that Frequent Motion resolves it in
the beginning, middle and end of all Fencing,
according to this Art and Lore; such that
(fencer) rushes into foestart, midway,
finishwithout delay and without hindrance,
executes his challenger, and lets him get to
nothing with striking. When the two words
Before and After go via that, such that it is
First Strike and Counter Strike, (etcetera).

Confirming the prevalence of that long-existent art & lore of longsword fencing throughout
Europe, indeed its transnational nature, was the following pedagogical declaration by Mertin
Siber in the Von Speyer Fechtbuch (1491) (1r):

Wer ere will erwerbenn vor furstenn und vor
herenn Im vechtenn mit dem Swertt dz ist gutt
und gerecht der volge mner lere der gesiget
ymermere dy sech genng halt in huott die
sintt gar prilich gutt in den woll begriffen ist
vil mange gutte meinster list au Ungern
Behem talia au Franckrich Engellant und
almania au rewen prewen Gretia Hollant
Profant Und swevia
Whosoever will earn honour before princes and
before lords by fencing with the (long)sword,
he is good and righteous who follows my lore,
he vanquishes evermore. These six actions
contain guards that are quite preciously good;
wherein is wealful comprehension of the
cunning of quite many goodly masters: from
Hungary, Bohemia, Italy; from France,
England and Alemania; from Russia, Prussia,
Greece, Holland, Provence and Swabia.

8
So far modern scholarship has discovered longsword fencing books produced by four national
12

fencing traditions of Medieval Europethose of Germany, England, Italy, Portugal. The
techniques and tactics of said traditions evince both similarity and individuality. It is possible
that fencing traditions and/or books, however now lost or forgotten, existed in all European
nations where longswords were favoured by fighting nobility.

There was of course a venerable sword & buckler/shield art (schirmen) which must have
provided some framework for eventual longsword art (fechten). Relevant is the early German
literary reference to a martial arts master (meister), specifically a shieldmaster (schirmmeister),
found amid the metaphoric quatrains of the MHD epic Kudrun (1230) (359-361):

D sprach der knic zem gaste Den besten
meister mn
Wil ich dich lren heizen durch die liebe dn
Daz du doch dr swanke knnest sw man
strte
In herten veltstrmen ez vrumet dir ze
etelcher zte

D kom ein schirmmeister lren er began

Waten den vil kenen d von er gewan
Des snes lbes sorge Wate stuont in huote
Sam er ein kemphe wre des erlachte d von
Tenen Fruote

Daz half den schermmeister daz er wte
spranc
Alsam ein lbart wilde an Waten hende
erklanc
Vil dicke daz schne wfen daz die
viurvanken
Drten z den schilden des mohte er snem
schermknaben gedanken
There spoke King (Hagen of Ireland) to the
guest: My best Master,
Will I call to teach you, for your favour;
That indeed you can do three strikes when foe
battles
In hard field-storms; which may avail you
oftentimes.

There came a Shieldmaster, and teaching he
began:
So Ford the Very-Brave, he then overcame
Any worry for his being. Ford stood on guard,
Like he were a champion; at which there
laughed Frodo the Dane.

That helped the Shieldmaster: Thus widely he
sprang,
Just like a wild leopard. At Fords hands
clanged
Very densely the pretty weaponry, such that
fire-sparks
Fled from the shields; thus might (master)
appraise his shieldknave.

That passage indicates teachers and students were involved in a tradition of Medieval European
martial arts; which had discernable techniques & tactics; and which started some time well-
before Liechtenauer existed (1389), and even before Walpurgis (1280-1320). Accordingly, it is
reasonable to speculate that Germanic cultures had masters of basic martial arts (e.g. wrestling,
sword & shield, riding, staff/spear, knife/dagger etc.) as early as the start of the Holy Roman
Empire (circa 800); since they doubtlessly had a tradition of kempfen (dueling) which must have
predated that by centuries further, probably back to time of Christ. It is logical to maintain that
the art of schirmen (shielding) for sword & shield/buckler and its requisite schirmmeister
(shieldmasters) eventually led to the evolution of the art of fechten (fencing) for longsword and
its requisite fechtmeister (fencing masters), perhaps as early as circa 1200.

9
However when Priest Dbringer (or whoever) provided specific instruction for wielding (fren)
the longsword, it could be unclear or even contradictory. Yet by careful contextual reading and
athletic training, we may gain valuable interpretation. For example, he eventually instructed the
proper way to position oneself for the ward of vom tage (from the roof) (32r):

D vierde hute vom tage ist der lange ort Wer
den wol furet mit gestragten armen Den mag
man nicht mit hewen noch mit stichen wol
treffen Is mag auch wol heissen das hengen
ober dem hawpte
The fourth ward, From the Roof, is the Long
Point: Whoever well-wields that with stretched
arms, that may foe well-meet neither with hews
nor with thrusts. It may well also be called
the-hanging-over-the-head.

This seemingly unhelpful equation of two unlike wardsi.e. vom tage ist der lange ort (from-
the-roof is the long point)is reasonably explained if we realise that the Priest meant they are
one and the same because the fencer may quickly wield (furet) his longsword from one to the
other according to the aforesaid principle of motion (motus) (17v). This definitely and especially
happens when the fencer strikes down upon his foe from that first ward into that second ward via
the unstated yet likely schaedelhau (skull-hew), since his weapon must encompass both those
wards in its arc, when and where swung with stretched arms (gestragten armen). So if we
appreciate the time-space continuum that the Priest laconically indicated, then his clever
definition really was not in contradiction of later works of the Liechtenauer Lineage which
tended to differentiate the two wards. Indeed, he confirmed those wards correctly by equation of
their kinetic unity. Because of motion, the one ward is/becomes the other ward.

Proceeding from there is yet another example of initially confusing advice, having to do with the
crucial moves of winding (winden) (39v-40r):

VOn beiden seiten ler acht winden mit
schreiten Und jo ir eyne der winden mit drey
stcken meyne So snt ir czwenczik und vier
czele s enczik Fechter das achte und d
winden rechte betrachte Und lere s wol furen
zo magst du d vier blssen rren Wen itzliche
blsse hat sechs ruren gewisse.

Glossa : Hie merke das d winden sint d
rechte kunst und gruntfeste alles fechtery des
swertes Aus den alle ander gefechte und stcke
komen Und is mag mlich en guter fechter
sn ane dy winden W wol etzliche
leychmeistere d vornichten Und sprechen is
s gar swach was aus den winden kumpt Und
nennen is aus dem korczen swerte dorumbe das
s slecht und eynveldik dar gen Und menen
das s aus dem langen swerte gefochten Was
dar get mit gestracken armen und mit
gestraktem swerte Und was gar ventlich und
13
From both sides learn Eight Windings, with
stepping. And yes, that means any winding
with three actions. So are there twenty & four,
count those singly. Fencer, regard that, and the
windings correctly meditate. And learn to well-
wield those, so may you beat (foes) Four
Targets. Thus every target has six beats indeed.

Glossa: Mark here that the Windings are the
Correct Art, and the grounding for all
swordfighting. Therefrom all other fencing
and actions come; and (one) may hardly be a
good fencer without the Windings. As well,
every lyric-master negates those and states
whatever comes out the windings be very
weak; and names such from-the-shortened-
sword, because those advance simply and
plainly; and meaning that they (instead) fence
from-the-lengthened-sword; and what
advances with stretched arms and with
10
starck von allen kreften
13
des leybes dar get nur
durch wol stehens wille und das is grawsam an
czu sehen ist Wen sich eyner alzo strekt recht
zam her eynen hazen wolle irlawfen Und daz
ist alles nicht weder d winden und weder
lichtnawers kunst Wen do ist kene sterke
weder denne worumbe wer anders kunst solde
allemal dy sterke vrczihen
stretched (long)sword and what advances very
fiendishly and strongly from all bodily forces
will only well-survive; and such that it is
gruesome to behold when someone thusly
stretches himself correctly, (like) he will
pierce a bunny. And that is all neither the
Windings nor Liechtenauers Artfor when
there is not any strength, then neither because
of other (wrong) art should whosoever always
prefer the strength.

Again, what seems self-contradictory and later-countermanded is actually sensible and
consistent. Reminded to do so with stepping (schreiten), the Eight Windings (acht winden)
multiply into twenty-four moves by virtue of each having three unnamed striking actions (drey
stcken) at their disposal, which means the Three Wonders/Wounders (dre wunder) of schnitt,
hauw, stich (slash, hew, thrust). The terms korczen swerte and langen swerte seemed to relate
confusingly to the basic method of armoured fencing and redundantly to the weapon itself. Yet
in this context those terms meant the contemporary and faulty naysaying of the lyric-masters
(leychmeistere) who mocked the superior winding-art of fencing because it so simply and
plainly advanced (slecht und eynveldik dar gen) to attack i.e. to beat the Four Targets (d vier
blssen rren). The lyric-masters and their frivolity defined fencing only by strength (sterke)
while Master Liechtenauer and his college defined fencing mainly by art (kunst). So while the
Priest previously & correctly recommended reaching out with stretched arms (gestragten armen)
(32r) while wielding the longsword, only seemingly to discommend such later (gestracken
armen und mit gestraktem swerte) (40r); he was really recommending the correct exertion of
ones bodily forces (kreften des leybes) rather than their overexertion or overreliance; and thus he
was remarking ironically that overextended actions sans footwork were correct (recht zam)
when actually such were incorrect; thus admonishing the fencer that by doing so he advanced
quite fiendishly (gar ventlich..dar get) as if to pierce a bunny (eynen hazenirlawfen)
14
. Thus
he was saying that skill trumps force; and thus Liechtenauers Art is Correct Art (rechte kunst).

So just how long did this kind of advice last for wielding the longsword? Comparable moves are
found in the basic longsword
15
rules (regel) for young fencing scholars by Andre Paurenfeindt in
his Ergrundung Ritterlicher Kunst der Fechterey (1516). Although he designed those for
audience and goals that differed from those of the Priesti.e. burghal youth & sportive fencing
versus noble youth or adults & earnest fencingsimilar kinetics were indicated amongst his
simple and succinct instructions (A2r):

Czwelff regel las dich nit verdriessen
Aus den mag dir gros kunst endspriessen.

Die erst
Welcher fusz foren stet sei pogen
Der hinder gstrakt czirt den leib oben

Die Ander
Hoch gfochten mit gstracktem leib
Gwaltig possen ausz der leng treib
Twelve Rules: Let (these) not dismay you;
Thereby may you display great (Fencing) Art.

The First:
Whichever (leg) set forth be bowed/bent,
(Other) stretched back, (longsword) adorns body above.

The Second:
Fencing high with body stretched,
Drive grand tricks across (your) range.
11

Die Drit
Straich und trit mit einander
Und secz dein fusz widerainander

Die Virt
Wer trit nach hewen
Der darff sich kunst nit frewen

Die Funft
Merck was die flech ist
Ficht nit linck so du recht pist

Die Sechst
Such schwech und sterk
Indesz das wort eben merk

Die Sibendt
Prieff waich oder herdt
Nach raysen sey dein gfert

Die Acht
Streich for und nach
Eynlauffen sey dir nit gach

Die Neundt
Ficht nahendt beym leyb
Die czeckrur nit vermeidt

Die X
Trit nahendt in pundt
Anderst du wirst verwundt

Die XI
Vor der handt haist die lang schneidt
Selten ein versaczung auf der kurczen leid

Die XII
Erschrickstu geren
Kain fechten leren

The Third:
Strike and tread unitedly
And set your feet opposingly

The Fourth:
Whoever treads after hewing,
He durst not enjoy (Fencing) Art.

The Fifth:
Mark what the (blades) flat is,
Fence not left, so are you right.

The Sixth:
Seek weak and strong;
Inthereofwell-mark that word.

The Seventh:
Sense soft or hard;
Pursuing be your peer.

The Eighth:
Strike before and after (foe);
Interloping be not hasty to you.

The Ninth:
Fence nearing to (foes) body;
Tugging avoids not.

The Tenth:
Tread nearing when bound/crossed;
Otherwise you become wounded.

The Eleventh:
In front of the hand is called the long edge;
Seldomly suffer interception upon the short.

The Twelfth:
If you tend to frightening,
Then learn not fencing.

Although neither all fencing books nor all fencing actions (stcke) were covered, I hope some
good picture of the correct historical wieldingi.e. the manipulation, footwork, corporeal
empowermentof early European longswords was provided you.

Artifactal Evidence
There are a number of early European longswords dating circa 1100-1290. That is well-before
the circa 1389 estimated date of the so-called Dbringer Hausbuch. Thus such artifacts were
preexistent thereto by 100 years to 200 years, if not almost 300 years, congruent more or less
with DHs assertion of vor manchen hundert Jaren (many hundreds of years before).
12
The late Ewart Oakeshott, in his fine scholarly work Records of the Medieval Sword (2002),
presented the following early artifactal longswords, circa 1100-1275. Although there must be
others, either known or unknown and often misdated in whatever public museums and private
collections, most all the following 18 examples find their verification and illustration via the
expertly EO in his aforesaid readily-available reference-book. Indeed, that book is almost
required reading for understanding the evolution of Medieval European swords (and this essay).
However, to help those who may find it impossible to gain copy thereof, the following
illustration by EO from Records, courtesy the Oakeshott Institute in Minneapolis Minnesota,
does provide a very basic idea of the morphology of those weapons:

Oakeshott Typology for Medieval European Swords

That said, please fathom the following array of artifactal longswords; arranged (more or less) in
EOs typological order with information paraphrased from his text in Records; and mixed with
my added commentary. Please realise that although my essay may sometimes question or
disagree with EOs ideas, I gratefully & unreservedly acknowledge that over the years I have
learned a lot from EOs groundbreaking & unifying work. Hopefully my essay honours his
legacy and helps evolve it via new research & findings that prove of value to readers like you:
13

XII(a).8 ~ circa 1150-1250 ~ England ~ BL 36 in / 91.4 cm
Found in the Great Ouse River, it features the combination of an almost Type Xa blade, a rather
long grip, and an unusual diamond pommelall contributory to its broad dating. This handsome
weapon is practically a longsword, it is so close to being such, what with its long blade and long
grip, that it seems odd EO did not instead classify it as a XIIa longsword. I think it qualifies as
such, if only as a rare transitional form.

XIIa.4 ~ circa 1250-1350 ~ Germany (speculatively) ~ BL 43.25 in / 110 cm
Features nicely inlaid blade and unusually decorated octagonal pommel. There are five (5) total
blade-marks just below cross: (one side) little heart, encircled S, encircled cross-pate; (other
side) encircled cross-pate, encircled S. Its pommel-marks are rosettes circling encircled cross-
pate on same side as blade-mark of little heart. EO focused upon all those markings without
comment on the more martially-relevant feature of this weaponits recorded blade-length of
43.25 inches (110 cm). That likely made this specific longsword an infantry weapon, not a
cavalry weaponthus a dedicated two-hander. That said, my estimate of this weapons
provenance of Germany is based not only on its magnitude of mass, but also upon its marks of
little hearts and crosses-pate. Those may indicate a war sword of the Teutonic Order: the heart
symbolic of the orders virtual war goddess, Mary Queen of Heaven; and the crosses-pate
typically symbolic of the order itself. That is speculative; but since marks on swords always
mean something; then in turn I dare say what those may mean; which in turn indicates
provenance. Cf. XIIa.5 (just below).

XIIa.5 (arguably a XVIa) ~ before 1240 ~ Germany ~ BL 37 in / 94 cm
Featuring highly decorated octagonal pommel and simple cross, it likely belonged to Konrad II,
Landgrave of Thuringia & Hessen, Grandmaster of the German Order (d.1240). Yes, the
weapon of a real crusading grandmaster of the Teutonic Knights. According to the custodial
Deutsches Historisches Museum Berlin, this much-studied weapon was found in River Pregel at
Knigsberg during the 19
th
Century, whereto it might have been brought and offered sometime
after his death by illness whilst in Rome on mission of mediation betwixt Pope and Emperor.
Here is a full-view photograph of that very longsword as displayed at the DHM, courtesy of
historical fencer & scholar Dierk Hagedorn of Hammaborg:

This Konradschwert is an historically important weapon as well as a thematically important one.
It serves as the gateway for elaboration on a variety of subjects relevant to longswords and to
Medieval arms and armour generally, as extensively explored hereafter.
14

The central heraldic marks of the bronze pommel are lion rampant (one side) and eagle displayed
(other side), surrounded by florals withal. Strangely, EO mentioned neither the (Marian) heart
nor the (Passau) wolf marks
16
inset down the blade-strong which he nonetheless well-illustrated
via his drawing in Records. However, those marks of hilting and blade were shown and explored
in the book Die Passauer Wolfsklingen (2007) by scholar Heinz Huther, as per this cover-
photograph courtesy of Dietmar Klingen Verlag:

(Notice how both heart and wolf are aligned pointing/heading toward swords point; which
provides correct view of heart while praying with hilting superior like Holy Cross.)

Of interest is the modern exacting replication of that weapon in Germany in 2003 by swordsmith
Arno Eckhardt for medievalist Jochen Grasser, as per this full-view photograph courtesy of JG:
15

Of further interest is how the combined recorded comparative measures indicate that the replica
turned out quite similar to the original (Grasser, 2010 & Eckhardt, 2012):

Measure Original Replica
Total Length 116.5 cm 117.6 cm
Blade Length 94.7 cm 95.0 cm
Blade Width 5.3 cm 5.3 cm
Crossguard Length 22.2 cm 22.2 cm
Weight / Mass 1350 g 1390 g
17

Point of Balance unrecorded 8.0 cm
18

Also still existent is Konrads own coeval triangle-shield (before 1240). Said shield is adorned
with his mix of personal and ordinal heraldry, its rampant lion & colours similar to the modern
state-arms of Thringen & Hesse, and now resides separately at Marburger Universittsmuseum.
It is shown and surveyed in the book Mittelalterliche Reiterschild (2002) by military scholar Jan
Kohlmorgen. Here is a full-view photograph (by Svenia Kohlmorgen) thereof:

16

This shield is relevant because of its plausible pairing with the longsword. Plausible, because
those were Konrads known armaments; and because there were coeval depictions of armoured
knights afoot wielding longswords two-handed while bedecked with guige-held triangle-shields.

Indeed, a mere generation later is one such English depiction from the Tenison Psalter (c.1280)
(Add. MS 24686; British Library London) (17r). (Its knightly figure was reproduced on page 95
of Recordswhich quite serendipitously faces page 94 featuring Konrads longsword.) Here in
that full scene from said manuscript is a knight slaying a literally disarmed giant with a good
Ledallian downryght stroke:

17

Going back further, there is an even earlier German depiction of Virtues versus Vices from
Speculum Virginum (1140) (Hs. 3984; Kestner-Museum Hanover) showing a triangle-shield-
covered knight (far-left) wielding a standard single-handed sword two-handedly by its short grip,
apparently forsaking any further thought of shielding and instead striking zornhau (wrath hew)
upon his wounded & dying foe who strikes him. Indeed, such evidence portrayed the urge and
the need to evolve weaponry like longswords. Here is that very scene, edifying in many ways:

Then going forward again, there is the anachronistic depiction of Aeneas two-handedly wielding
a longsword in duel to slay Lausus by an indeterminate oberhau (high hew), with triangle-shield
slung aback, from the MHD romance by Heinrich von Veldeke called Eneide (c.1215) (Pr. Kb.
Ms. Germ. Fol. 282; Staatsbibliothek Berlin) (54r:lower half). That sword definitely differs from
other Type XII swords in the scene; for although it is of equal blade-length, it definitely has a
longer grip for both hands, thus it is actually a Type XIIa longsword. Indeed, dating to circa
1215, it may be the earliest graphic portrayal of a true European longsword:

18

Such two-handed longsword wielding with triangle-shield slung around & held behind was
possible because the coeval harness & decoration of the knight covering the arc of his head,
arms, shoulders & back were relatively smooth, being steel topf/great helm, maille hauberk &
linen/silken surcoat; which along with the mutable & customisable suspension of guige &
enarme strapping; allowed the shield to travel over & across the body as needed, variously
gripped or hung at numerous areas & angles, any given strap perhaps held fast at an ailette.

All that contributed to the triangle-shields likely method of shielding: Although designed
especially for cavalry defence against lancing, it also adequately served for infantry defence
against various hewing & thrusting. Hence why the triangle-shield may be classified
alternately & accurately as a kind of cavalry-shield i.e. reiterschild. Functioning like a big
mobile part of the knights armour, thus rather than put forth it instead was kept near.
19

That method of defending with the triangle-shield contradicts modern notions that it functioned
primarily like a small pavise behind which to cover, and secondarily like a large katar with
which to attackthe result of inauthentic recreation, both mechanically & materially.

Kudos go to medievalist & martialist Donald Lepping for his brilliant insights that helped me
realise the dynamic nature of such chivalric shielding. The reason he could provide such insights
is because he owns, wears and trains in an authentic kit of a circa 1250-1300 Teutonic knight.
Besides the typical Type XI or XII arming/riding sword plus triangle-shield, his kit also includes
custom-made great helm; riveted flat-link maille hauberk, round-link mitts & coif; wool surcoat,
linen tunic & trewes, linen & flax arming hood; leather persian boots, etc. He offers some
practical insights regarding the armouring system of harness & shield (Lepping, 2012):

The shield works well in the harness. By itself in street clothes the guige and enarmes seem a bit
big, but in the harness it works out just rightThe shield is nice whilst enarmoured as the
corners do not threaten my face or bodybeing quite physical with it strapped to my arm or
slung across me freely, as I am immune to its hardness and pain while in harnessHaving the
shield just hanging on my neck does not hinder me too much when fully armoured.

Here is a photograph of DL (by Rebecca Chambers), at home armoured in his great helm, maille
harness and triangle-shield, showing typical arrangement of such an array as similarly seen in
chivalric illuminations:

20

Lastly, we should consider the distinct possibility that early wielding of the longsword was
informed or influenced by wielding of the longaxei.e. any of various two-handed axes, e.g.
Danish/Huscarl, battle, sparth et.al. This was something that I happened to fathom almost two
decades ago when first beginning my own wielding of the longsword. I had both kinds of
weaponry and soon realised that two-handed hewing with the longaxe, which required projection
of force and control of trajectory, brought about a better muscle-memory of extended arms and
thus correct arcing for consequent wielding of the longsword. Simply put, swinging the one
helped swinging the other. In any event, it is doubtless that there were considerable technical
similarities later shared by langschwert and mortaxt (pollaxe), e.g. Talhoffer (1467-Gothaer).
(Refer to My Personal Kinetic Evidence below for more about longsword wielding.)

XIII.1 ~ circa 1200-1300 ~ Unknown provenance ~ BL 31 in / 78.7 cm
This is a de facto longsword, for despite its rather short blade its grip is relatively long. Its blade
has unique (for its type) triple fullering. (EO noted some kind of mark on the blade; yet he lost
said note by publication-time.) EO stated it weighed just over 3 pounds and that it handles well.
EO would probably have characterised it as hand-and-half sword i.e. de facto bastard-sword.

XIIIa.9 ~ circa 1200-1250 ~ Danubian Europe ~ BL 36 in / 91.5 cm ~ Weight 3.75 lb / 1.7 kg
Featuring octagonal pommel, it probably was found in the Danube River (as per Mann). As if
weight and wielding were mutually exclusive, EO described it as: a heavy sword (about 3.75 lbs)
but, if handled correctly, handles well. I must very respectfully point out that EOs remarks
were that of neither a past fight-master (e.g. Hans Talhoffer, Paulus Kal, Peter Falkner), nor a
past warrior (e.g. William the Marshal, Jacques de Lalaing, Jrg von Ehingen), nor even that of a
modern athletic martialist. Thus I would say: Wieldy is in the arms of the holder.

XIIIa.10 ~ circa 1270-1330 ~ Unknown provenance ~ BL 36.5 in / 92.1 cm
River-found and in excellent condition. Admittedly a very late possibility for example of an
early longsword, if indeed it dates as early as 1270. All I may add is that this weapon has some
design & dimension similarity to another later (c.1300-1350) longsword in Records: XIIa.1.

XIIIa.11 ~ circa 1100-1150 or circa 1200-1250 ~
Unknown provenance ~ BL 35 in / 88.9cm
This is the earliest known European longsword. Excavated in rather ragged condition, it has an
almost Type XI blade, and its hilting exhibits late-Viking Age characteristics (as per Leppaaho),
i.e. spikey cross & (yet again) octagonal pommel. EO posited two possible time-frames, yet he
was decidedly in favour of the earlier one (i.e. circa 1100-1150).

The very existence of this earliest of the early longswords bears witness to the protean genius of
European weaponry. Longswords like this with definitive two-handed tangs/grips plus either
octagonal or wheel/disc pommels evince an ergonomic advance compared to coeval swords with
one-handed grips plus crown, boat, crescent or oval pommels.

Moreover, this weapon is the single most convincing item of artifactal evidence that the martial
evolution of the longsword and its fencing was an invention and innovation of the 12
th
Century.
Indeed, this artifactal evidence utterly supports the literary evidence of the previous statement by
21
Priest Dbringer (or whomever), that longsword fencing was created long before it was corrected
and finished by Master Liechtenauer during the late 14
th
Century.

Furthermore, it actually makes morphological sense that this XIIIa.11 has a blade like Type XI,
since those were the longest of the single-handed sword-types both preeval and coeval to the
early longswords. Thus I think that XIIIa.11 was a transitional weapon, its form based upon the
Type XI.

Indeed, consider these extra lengthy Type XI swords from Records which all date within 900 to
1150, with one example dating quite early, circa 900-950. They all have blade-lengths within the
previously defined range for longswords, most being 36 in / 91 cm or greater. These one-handed
swords were one step away from being longswords, lacking only the extra hand-width of tang-
length needed to actually make them wieldy by both hands. It is as if Type XI were the
transitional type betwixt sword and longsword:

XI.1 ~ circa 1050-1125 ~ Unknown provenance ~ BL 34 in / 86.4 cm
XI.3 ~ circa 1075-1150 ~ Denmark ~ BL 37 in / 94 cm
XI.4 ~ circa 1050-1120 ~ Probably Austria ~ BL 37.5 in / 95.3 cm
XI.8 ~ circa 900-950 ~ Probably England ~ BL 36.5 in / 92.7 cm
XI.9 ~ circa 1100 ~ England ~ BL 36 in / 91.4 cm

And what is more, there are also a couple lengthy Type Xa swords in Records which push the
limits of one-handed wieldiness; which with the XIs above (noting that the second one below is
almost a Type XI, as per EO), plausibly heralded the forthcoming longswords:

Xa.10 ~ circa 1100-1150 ~ Germany or Austria or Romania ~ BL 37 in / 94 cm
Xa.13 ~ circa 1100 ~ France or Flanders ~ BL 37.75 in / 96 cm

Here is a photograph of the only authentic modern replica of the aforesaid XIIIa.11, as made by
Arms & Armor, courtesy of swordmaker Craig Johnson:

Is it really surprising then, that somebody somewhere in Europe circa 1100, if not earlier, must
have taken the entirely logical step of producing a sword with a longer tang/grip, and thus made
the first longsword?

22
XIIIa.12 ~ circa 1250-1300 ~ Unknown provenance ~ BL 34 in / 86.4 cm
Features an uncommon double-fullered blade, and some deep nicks in its edges, which were
made in use, according to EO. Just how EO determined those nicks were made in use is
unexplained in Records, although his respectable expertise makes that a probable insight.
Indeed, both he and the late Hank Reinhardt liked to advocate that interception (i.e. versetzen)
with any sword was self-evidently-preferably via flat-to-edge or edge-to-flat or flat-to-flat; thus
in any event, edge-to-edge was dispreferred in practice. Hence this artifactal weapon illustrates
exactly why such damage to the edge is obviously bad. Need anyone say more?

XIIIa.13 ~ circa 1120-1150 ~ Sweden (?) ~ BL 33.5 in / 85.4 cm
In very good condition indeed, it features a complex silver-inlaid Latin inscription, the nature of
which dates it early & precisely. Museum curator Sven Lken helpfully confirmed this weapon
resides in Deutsches Historisches Museum (W897). It has an arguable inscription, of either
ownership or gifting (Wagner, Worley, Holst-Blennow, Beckholmen, 2009). According to EO,
its lettering reads: ENRICS DX NERICS. That Latin phrase may equal Henricus Dux Nericus
which in turn may arguably translate into English as Henry/Eric Duke of Nrke (Ibid, 2009).
The blade also features fanciful designs of crosses, flowers and dragon-heads, as detailed in the
gloriously confusing mess of Appendix B of EOs Records. This artifact is close in early date to
XIIIa.11 and is close in short blade-length to that of XIIIa.12 (cf. both above).

XIIIa.14 ~ circa 1250-1300 ~ Austria ~ BL 38 in / 96.5 cm
Found in an Austrian church, this whole weapon has a unique appearance, and used to be owned
by EO himself, apparently his first Medieval sword, which he got as a gift from his dear uncle.
EO stated that being young, he thoroughly cleaned and polished this weapon, which he regretted.
Personally, I think EO should not have regretted doing that at all. I would do exactly the same,
had I ownership of an original historical longsword which was in rusty yet recoverable condition.
Some call that artifactal blasphemy. I call it restoring the weapon to its former glory.

XIIIa.15 ~ circa 1210-1320 ~ Unknown provenance (?) ~ BL 33 in / 84 cm
In excellent condition, it features an unusual faceted-cube pommel. Its hilting is similar to
known examples in England and Sweden. (Thus suggesting provenance?) The interesting
pommel looks like a big six-sided dice. If it were threaded instead of peened, then one could
remove it and roll it for a gamehah! That is all irrelevant, of courseOr is it?

Consider how that odd pommel constitutes a transitional form, meant to allow it to seat and/or
even roll within the back-hand of a two-handed gripping method, and thus allowed ergonomic
handling with greater leverage of striking via hauen (hewing) and schneiden (slashing); better
agility at binden & winden (binding & winding); and especially more accuracy & comfort for
stichen (thrusting). All such moves eventually became illustrated in Liechtenauer Lineage fight-
books with Type XVa, XVIa & XVIIIa longswords.

Such weaponry had ergonomic faceted, bulb & globe pommels, plus laterally tapering blades.
Those later longswords are arguably more wieldy for both bloszfechten (bare/unarmoured
fencing) and harnischfechten (harness/armoured fencing) than the earlier Type XIIa & XIIIa
longswords featuring bulkier less/non-tapering blades and sometimes ungainly wheel pommels.

23
It is at this juncture that we should compare & contrast the betwixting (zwischenfassen) of
Dbringer Hausbuch (both hands on grip) and the unnamed yet quite apparent pommeling of
Talhoffer, etc. (one hand on grip and other on pommel). Indeed, the following materials, some
of it revisited, show there was not always total agreement amongst masters, even within the same
lineage, on even a basic subject like the proper gripping of the sword-hilt:

Betwixting
of Dbringer Hausbuch (1389)
(15r) Auch wisse das en guter fechter sal vr
allen sachen sn swert gewisse und sicher
fren und fassen mit beiden henden czwischen
gehilcze und klos Wen alzo helt her das swert
vil sicher den das hers be dem klosse vasset
mit eyner hant Und slet auch vil harter und
srer alzo wen der klos ber wirft sich und
swenkt sich noch dem slage das der slag vil
harter dar kumpt den das her das swert mit dem
klosse vasset Wen alzo czge her den slag mit
dem klosse weder das her nicht zo vlkmlich
und zo stark mchte dar komen Wen das swert
(15v) ist recht zam en woge den ist eyn swert
gros und swer zo mus der klos auch dornoch
swer syn recht zam noch ener wogen
Also wit that a good fencer shall, above all
tactics, know his (long)sword; and surely wield
and grasp (it) with both hands, betwixt cross
and pommel. When thusly held, he (wields)
the (long)sword more surely than when he
grasps it with one hand at the pommel; and
also (he) strikes much harder and keener. Thus
when the pommel overthrows itself and swings
itself after the strike; then the strike arrives
much harder than when he grasps the
(long)sword via the pommel. Thus when he
tugs the strike via the pommel, (then) because
of that, he might arrive not so completely and
so strongly. When the sword is correctly
together, then (it) is a scale. A sword (is) great
and heavy; so accordingly the pommel must be
heavy. Correctly together, like a scale.

Evidently that sage advice for betwixting did not deter the evolution to pommeling as often
clearly seen in fechtbcher of the German Tradition. The following prime example is an
illustrated confrontation
19
from Talhoffer (1467-Gothaer) (f.14r/pl.25), where Both stand on
(his) guard (Stand beid In der Ht) while pommeling during bloszfechten. Notice left-mans
XVIa held in nebenhut versus right-mans XVa held in kronhut; and that the longswords likely
have bulb pommels as per other pictured examples in the same manuscript:

24

Pommeling
Whether primary or not in bloszfechten of major fechtbcher (1389-1570)
YEA NAY
X Dbringer (1389)
X Talhoffer (1443-Gothaer)
Codex Wallerstein (Part-A:1450s) X
X Von Danzig (1452)
Talhoffer (1467-Gothaer) X
Kal (Cgm 1507) (1470) X
Falkner (1490) X
X Fecht und Ringerbuch (1508)
Drer (1512) X
Goliath (1510-20) X
X Hutter (Codex I.6.2.2) (1523)
Altenn Fechter (1531) X
Meyer (1570) X

Maybe all that proves nothing, but it is interesting esoterica of longsword fencing ergonomics.

XIIIb.5 (!) ~ between 1253 and 1278 ~ Bohemia ~ BL 38.5 in / 98 cm
This weapon, unmounted/never mounted, and in pristine condition, is a long blade with an
extremely long tang. The blades engraved letters and designs give positive attribution to
25
Ottokar II King of Bohemia & Archduke of Austria. Strangely, EO just did not simply designate
this weapon as of Type XIIIa, although its design and dimensions make it such by definition. In
any event, EO was insightful to present this unusual bare example amongst the others. If I were
so fortunate to own that weapon, I would hire a good craftsman-cutler to make hilting to finish
this longsword for my own wielding, thus adding to my artifactal blasphemy.

XVIa.4 ~ 1290-1320 ~ Denmark ~ BL 31 in / 78.8 cm
Like the aforesaid XIII.1, this sword is a de facto longsword, for it has a rather short blade but a
really long grip. Other than stating it is in very good condition, EO told us nothing more really,
at least of any martial worth. Admittedly a very late possibility for example of an early
longsword.

All the artifactal Type XVIa longswords that EO shows in Records are circa 1290-1350 and are
furnished with wheel pommels (types J & K). It is interesting that such weaponry appear a full
century-plus later in illustrations circa 1450-1500, with similar crosses (styles 1,6,7,11) yet
(re)furnished
20
with bulb pommels (type T.5 et.al.); speculatively to allow the pommeling of the
evolved fencing. Examples are the previous image from Talhoffer (1467-Gothaer) and the
Schongauer image (circa 1485) at the start of this very essay (its details provided at end).

From the middle of that period is a battle scene which features a Type XVIa longsword (plus a
lost cavalry-shield) from the Netherlandic mirror-of-history Spiegel Historiael by Jacob van
Maerlant (c.1325) (KA XX; Koninklijke Bibliotheek Den Haag) (214r detail):

That scene portrays the Frankish hero Roland slaying a Moor. Its action-style is similar to the
sword & buckler fencers of Walpurgis (1280-1320) (MS I.33; Royal Armouries) and its armatura
is similar to the knights of Codex Manesse (1304) (Cod. Pal. germ. 848; Universittsbibliothek
26
Heidelberg). Yet what is really interesting is how it compares to the later dueling scene below
from the Swabian fight-book Knste zu Ritterlicher Were by Peter Falkner (1490) (72v), which
portrays two German noblemen in trial by combat with later Type XVIIIa longswords:

Ist er ab getrungen oder geffallen so fall ach ab von
dem pfertt vnd arbeit schnel in dem ringen als du wol
weist felt er uff den rck so beschls in mit einen bein
mit dem andern uff einen arm und arbeit mit dem swert
oder degen so ergypt er sich ~
If foe is forced off or dismounts (his horse), then you
also dismount from your horse and work quickly with
wrestling, as you well-wit. If he falls upon his back,
then lock him with one leg while your other (steps) upon
one of his arms, and work with your sword or dagger,
thus he gives himself up.

Both scenes feature longswords as a wieldy infantry weapon for the noble cavalryman (i.e.
knight, ritter, chevalier). Each shows or refers to dismounted horses. Both evince wrestling
(ringen) eventually ended by pinning (unterhalten). Each portrays longswords wielded like giant
daggers for harnischfechten, whether Type XVIa for full-maille or Type XVIIIa for full-plate.
Thus their combined lesson is that longsword forms evolved yet functioned similarly over time.
27

XX.1 ~ circa 1320-1340or possibly circa 1275-1325 ~
Unknown provenance (?) ~ BL 50 in / 127cm
EO told us lots of useful information about this weapon with massive blade & massive pommel:
Its condition is very goodobviously well-cared for. It has very enigmatic marks which give a
very positive date to early 14
th
Century. Regarding said marks, EO then stated (with some sly
self-contradiction) that the style of the heraldic achievements, the letters, and other doodles on
both sides of the blade, are typical of the period c.1275-1325. (Cf. the aforesaid gloriously
confusing mess of Appendix B in Records for more about such inscriptions.) Thus EO, perhaps
wittingly, left the door open to possibly dating this weapon as a rather late early longsword, if it
does actually date as early as 1275.

That said, the fact that it is a super-big longsword should not discount it due to being some kind
of early zweihnder et.al. Indeed, this weapon goes to some lengths (all pun intended) to support
the plausibility of the modernly-controversial wielding of similarly huge longswords in the
famous Liechtenauer Lineage fight-book Goliath (1510-20). (Again, such bespeaks the validity
of maintaining that wieldy is in the arms of the holder.) So, with that fechtbuch in mind: Is this
longsword specifically from Germanyone of the proverbial grans espes dallemagne?

(Incidentally: EO points out that the original grip of XX.1 is intact; and that it is made of wood
bound with cord and covered with leather, thus in a three-layer construction. Although Records
describes multiple swords with existent grips which exhibit this evidently standard & trusted &
historical design; it is nonetheless a rarity when modern sword-makers actually bother to make
such grips for otherwise authentic replica swords. Why do they not just make that standard?)

Miscellaneous 4 ~ XIII(a) ~ circa 1200-1300 (speculatively) ~
Possibly Germany (according to RA) ~ BL 33.5 in / 85.2 cm (according to RA)
EO told us very little about this rather corroded yet splendid longsword, other than at the time of
Records initial publication (1991), it was on loan to Royal Armouries of Britain (RA) from the
executors of the late Sir James Mann.

So I made recent query to RA, which was answered by historical librarian Stuart Ivinson. He
graciously provided the following information and photography: Within the War Gallery resides
this item (AL.23.6). Apparently the pommel is of bronze. The blade-flats are inlaid with brass
(Passau) wolf marks:

28

EO provided no dating estimate for Miscellaneous 4 in his Records. And according to its
curatorial record at RA, this sword dates to late 14
th
Century (i.e. circa 1375-1400). However,
I must respectfully advocate the alternative dating of circa 1200-1300; for threefold reasons:

(1) This longsword features a minimal length tang/grip for two-handed wielding; a feature of
Types XIIa & XIIIa which tends to date those before 1300.

(2) Reinforcing that is its pairing of pommel-type J with cross-style 2; a hilting-pair which, when
mounting Types XIIa & XIIIa (thus of EOs Family C), tends to date within range of 1200-1350.

(3) Its (Passau) wolf marks are stylistically similar to those of XIIa.5 (above), the longsword of
Grandmaster Konrad, datable to no later than 1240.

Despite its corrosion, this is truly one handsome weapon. Maybe some modern swordmaker
would replicate it. And then thank me for the suggestion by giving me the first replica made.

Miscellaneous 6 ~ XIIIa (arguably) ~ 1280-1310 ~
Unknown provenance ~ BL 35.13 in / 89.2 cm
Admittedly a very late possibility for example of an early longsword, if indeed it dates as early as
1280. In any event, EO made some curious remarks about this Medieval weapon, stating it: Is
almost a two-hand sword, for its grip is extremely long in spite of its war-sword length of blade
(35 1/8 (89.2 cms). It is a heavy weapon too, just under 4 lbs. Its date, c.1280-1310.

The fact that Miscellaneous 6 has both an extremely long grip and war-sword blade-length
seemed surprising to EO, who considered it almost a two-hand sword. Considering the
weapon is just under 4 lbs, it seems its original wielder likely wanted a massive weapon of
typical total length, yet he and/or the maker realised that better leverage was required & gained
by this unusual ratio of grip to blade within that total. So the design was rather brilliant yet
unsurprising, if you think about it. Thus said, it seems obvious by definition that any longsword
or war sword, including this Miscellaneous 6, is indeed a two-handed sword.
29

Regarding Renaissance swords, Master George Silver of the English Tradition of fencing
referred to what he called two hand sword in his Paradoxes (1599) (19): The perfect length of
your two hand sword is, the blade to be the length of the blade of your single sword.
21
Thus he
defined it as a weapon of blade-length equal to a one-handed sword (i.e. what he called single
sword or short sword); yet obviously with enough tang/grip-length for wielding the weapon with
both handsthus what we could call two-handed sword or what we would call longsword.

In any event, wieldy is in the arms of the holder. One replica Type XIIa/XIIIa longsword that I
used to own, made by Tinker-Hanwei, was similar to this Miscellaneous 6 in dimension,
proportion and mass. I found it was a very wieldy weapon, and miss owning it. Here is a
photograph of that model courtesy of swordmaker Michael Tinker Pearce:

Miscellaneous 7 ~ XIa (arguably) ~ 1200-1250 ~
Unknown provenance ~ BL 38.63 in / 98.1 cm
EO stated that this weapons oval pommel is truly enormous (accepted); and its blade is long,
rather slender (obviously); plus much lighter than Miscellaneous 6 (above). This odd-ball sword
seems like an experimental custom work, and does point again to the plausibility of Type XI as
the transitional type (cf. argument to that effect for XIIIa.11 above).

AL116/186 ~ XIIIa ~ 1200-1300 ~ Germany (speculatively) ~
Overall length (currently) 23 in / 58.5 cm ~ BL (?originally?) 34 in / 86.4 cm ~
Weight (currently) 2.58 lb / 1.17 kg
This last weapon is a fascinating fragmentary longsword which is found in neither EOs Records
nor his Archaeology. This weapon currently resides in the British Museum, on long-term loan
from Royal Armouries. BM offers the following full-view photograph of the remaining artifact:

30

(BM also offered a close-up photograph of the severely corroded zoological blade-mark, not
reproduced here. Its present state of ugly corrosion almost, but not quite, obscured what was
likely the inlaid figure of an unicorn.)

If I were fortunate enough to work as a curator at either RA or BM, then I would offer the
following alternative commentary for that weapon. I base it upon EOs insightful survey of
many similar swords over many decades in both his Records and his Archaeology; upon my
analysis of the full- & close-up views of the whole artifact and of its zoological blade mark; and
upon my own insights as to context and connections as informed by the foregoing considerable
evidence of this very essay:

Longsword, fragmentarywhat remains is only about half of what originally must have been
quite a handsome knightly longsword. What remains is the forte of its broad, fullered, double-
edged Type XIIa or XIIIa blade, typical of its period, together with full tang, cross & pommel, all
highly corroded. Nonetheless, one side of this artifact has brass inlay of a (Marian) heart and
two crisp (Romanic) letters V V. Each side of the blade is marked by an abstract unicorn,
which seems a variant of the (Passau) wolf. Its hilting is the common pairing of pommel-type J
(like a fat wheel) and cross-style 2 (quillons like little facetted hammers). The tang is substantial
with a thick peen-button, as needed for securing the hilting of such a massive two-handed
weapon. Its markings and morphology indicate German provenance and date it somewhere
between 1200 and 1300.

Brief Interlude: Provenancial Providence
Provenancially speaking, if we consider every known and likely origination from amongst all the
foregoing artifactal swords and longswords, then we end up with the following host of nine (9)
nations: Germany, England, Austria, Sweden, Bohemia, Denmark, Romania, France, Flanders.
The epicenter of that group can be imagined as lying somewhere within heart of Alpine Europe.
Hence the conjecture that Germany was the birthplace of the longsword is supported yet again.
31

Personal Kinetic Evidence
Amid the athletic wielding of my own customised & sharpened replica of an early Type XIIIa
longsword; whose design and dimensions make it like a mix of aforesaid XIIIa.11 and XIIIa.13;
I have found it wieldy for the primary moves of Liechtenauers ausrichtungen / hauptstcke
(directives / main moves) for longsword bloszfechten.

Utilising the Liechtenauer Lineage as my metric for longsword fencing is respectable and
verifiable. Aside from Gladiatoria and Nrnberg, it was the greatest lineage of the German
Tradition of Chivalric Arts; which in turn was evidently the largest, but certainly not the only,
tradition in Europe that taught the Art of Fencing with the longsword.

Hence I think that moves like the fnf hauen (five hewings), vier leger (four stances), vier
versetzen (four interceptings), duplieren-mutieren (duplicating-mutating) and vier hengen (four
hangings) could have had their original devisement amongst the dynamics of the early
longswords, i.e. Types XIIa & XIIIa. (Of course allowing for further development thereafter.)

Moreover, the morphology of the longsword facilitated such moves, i.e. not only the longer
blades and longer grips/tangs but also the more ergonomic pommels and wider crosses, as
compared to earlier/contemporary and (sometimes) shorter-bladed swords, i.e. Types X, XI &
XII. I think that authentic fight-book-based longsword fencing, whether practiced via solo drills
with sharp replicas or practice matches with blunt replicas, confirms all that.

In other words, Types XIIa & XIIIa circa 1100-1350 can be wielded for all the same moves as
can later longsword Types XVa, XVIa & XVIIIa circa 1375-1475, i.e. later longswords from the
existential century of Liechtenauer and the descendant gesellschaft (college) of masters in his
lineage. Not as perfectly for every move, but nonetheless fairly well; especially if the fencer
trains enough to do so. And verifiably, Types XIIa & XIIIa are superior designs for hewing
(hauen) strikes, having relatively more forward mass and a more planar cross-sectional shaping.

However, when considering bloszfechten compared to harnischfechten and the longswords best
befitting each, the later Types XVa, XVIa (especially), XVII (especially) and XVIIIa have a
decidedly greater piercing advantage compared to earlier Types X, XIIa and XIIIa (although not
necessarily to Type XI); whereas those earlier types have a demonstrably greater hewing
advantage. In any event, the highly-leveraging and accurately-aiming method of gripping by
halb schwert / kurzes schwert (half-sword / shortened sword) and its interrelated mortschlag /
donnerschlag (murder-strike / thunder-strike) and schlagende ort (striking-point) may be done
technically well with any properly made longsword of any type; since the consequent staff-like
manipulation drives the weapon both manageably and forcefully.

Accordingly, here is that Type XIIIa longsword of mine. Windlass Steelcrafts made it, and I
customised, sharpened, improved & photographed it. Wielding it via athletic training and target-
cutting have proven the aforesaid generalities of bare fencing to me. Doing all that has provided
me personal kinetic evidence which have led me to make my own value-judgements about early
European longswords. Here is my photograph of that modern replica:

32

33
An Existential Question
Before concluding, I make an inquisitive detour, to dare ask and to try answer the following
significant question: What was/were the martial reason/s for the existence of the European
longsword? My answer: I do not know, nor do I think anybody shall ever know.

I may only offer further questions for answers: Was it the need for the prestige of such a special
kind of sword? Was it the need to defeat the evolving armour? Indeed, was the evolving
armour, from maille to plate, making the longsword needful and the shield needless? Was it the
need to hit ones foe with full-body force with a two-handed mega-blade? Was it the changing
needs of warfare? Was it the changing needs of dueling? Was it simply because they could?

Indeed, the pairing of sword & shield had served well for all kinds of combat for many centuries
preeval to the longswordwhether afoot or ahorse, whether bare or armouredand would serve
well for some centuries coeval. A fighter could do certain offence and defence better with sword
& shield (whether triangle or buckler), or with spear or axe, or with mace or falchion, or with
hammer or dagger, than he could with longsword. Moreover, early longswords could be paired
with shields for combat (as previously evinced).

Thus a further question: Why bother to devise any morphologically specific set of kinetics, any
specialised way of fencing, for this sword with it longer blade and longer grip/tang, for this
weapon called the longsword?

Regarding that, I would point out that the circa 1100 date for the origination of the longsword
must have been contextually requisite. Thus its origination might have something to do with the
major conflicts of its time and place(s), of it culture. I conjecture that meant warfare like the
First, Second & Third Crusades (1095-1192) and the early Northern Crusades (1147-1212).

Otherwise, I would only offer that because the longsword provided martial dynamics akin to
each weapon of that aforesaid array; and because it was the most difficult & expensive to make,
and arguably the most dignified & handsome to own, of personal armament; then accordingly it
behooved the warrior nobility of European Chivalry, and appealed to them as their ultimate
weapon. All told, there were probably multiple valid reasons for why the longsword came into
existence. Yet the primary reason must always be acknowledged: It was made for fighting.

Conclusion
The foregoing triad of literary, artifactal and kinetic evidence stands as positive proof that the
Art of Fencing with the European longsword was not the sudden and sole creation of any
single master but must have been the evolved and empirical perfection of multiple masters. Its
fencing was based upon lore built up over time and broadly known. That evidentiary triad is
grounded, material and basic. As this essay has shown via its admittedly complex wanderings,
manifold modern scholars, craftsmen and martialists strive, by their various endeavors, to
understand the form and function of that weapon. The evidence of form and function for early
European longswords, and indeed the evidence of their form following their function, all support
the axiom of this essay. ~
34
Bibliography

Der Altenn Fechter Anfengliche Kunst; Paurenfeindt & Leckchner & Lignitzer & Nameless (auth x4); Christian
Egenolph (edit & pub) & Hans Weyditz (illus); Frankfurt am Main; 1531

The Archaeology of Weapons; Ewart Oakeshott (auth & illus); Barnes & Noble; New York; 1994 (2
nd
edit)

Arte Gladiatoria Dimicandi 15
th
Century Swordsmanship of Master Filippo Vadi; Luca Porzio & Gregory Mele
(transl x2); Chivalry Bookshelf; Union City; 2002 (from 1482)

Dbringer Hausbuch; Anonymous; Cod. Hs. 3227a; Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nrnberg; 1389

Ergrundung Ritterlicher Kunst der Fechterey; Andre Paurenfeindt (auth); Hieronymus Vietor; Wien; 1516

Fecht und Ringerbuch; Anonymous; MS E.1939.65.341; Glasgow Museums Scotland; 1508

Fechtbuch; Peter von Danzig zu Ingelstat (edit & auth); 44 A 8 (Cod. 1449); Biblioteca dell'Academica Nazionale
dei Lincei e Corsiniana Rzym; 1452

Fechtbuch; Albrecht Drer (auth & illus); Handschrift 26-232; Albertina Graphische Sammlung Wien; 1512

Fechtbuch; Jrg Wilhalm der Hutter (auth); Codex I.6.2.2; Universittsbibliothek Augsburg; 1523

Fechtbuch; Paulus Kal (auth); Cgm 1507; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Mnchen; 1470

Fechtbuch; Sigmund Ringeck (auth); MscrDresd C 487; Schsische Landesbibliothek Dresden; 1440s

Fechtbuch; Hans von Speyer (edit); Hs. M I 29; Universittsbibliothek Salzburg; 1491

Fechtbuch; Hans Talhoffer (auth); Ms. Chart. A558; Forschungsbibliothek Schlo Friedenstein Gotha; 1443

Fechtbuch; Hans Talhoffer (auth); Thott 290 2; Det Kongelige Bibliotek Copenhagen; 1459

Fechtbuch; Hans Talhoffer (auth); Cod. icon 394a; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Mnchen; 1467

Goliath; Anonymous; MS Germ. Quart. 2020 (5879); Biblioteka Jagiellonska Krakw; 1510-1520

Grndtliche Beschreibung der freyen Ritterlichen unnd Adelichen Kunst des Fechtens; Joachim Meyer (auth);
Straburg; 1570

INNOMINEDOMINIMedieval Christian Invocation Inscriptions on Sword Blades; Thomas Wagner, John Worley,
Anna Holst-Blennow, Gunilla Beckholmen (auth x4); from Waffen- und Kostmkunde Vol.1.51; 2009

KnightPix; Donald Lepping (auth); personal e-mail; December 2012

Kudrun; Anonymous; Barend Symons (transcr); Max Niemeyer; Halle; 1883 (from 1230)

Knste zu Ritterlicher Were; Peter Falkner (auth); MS KK 5012; Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien; 1490

Lessons on the English Longsword; Brandon Heslop & Benjamin Bradak (auth & auth); Paladin Press; Boulder;
2010 (from early 15
th
Century)

Les Manuels De Combat (Fechtbcher Et Ringbcher); Sergio Boffa (auth); pre-publication courtesy copy; 2012

35
Mediaeval Swords from Southeastern Europe: Material from 12th to 15th Century; Marko Aleksi (auth); Beograd;
2007

Der Mittelalterliche Reiterschild; Jan Kohlmorgen (auth) & Svenia Kohlmorgen (photo); Karfunkel Verlag; Wald-
Michelbach; 2002

Mittelhochdeutsches Handwrterbuch; Matthias Lexer (auth); S. Hirzel; Leipzig; 1872-78

New Knstliches Fechtbuch; Jacob Sutor von Baden (auth); Bringern & Hoffman; Frankfurt am Main; 1612

Paradoxes of Defence & Bref Instructions; George Silver (auth); Edward Blount; London; 1599

Die Passauer Wolfsklingen: Legende und Wirklichkeit; Heinz Huther (auth); Dietmar Klinger Verlag; Passau; 2007

Records of the Medieval Sword; Ewart Oakeshott (auth & illus); Boydell Press; Woodbridge; 2002 (revised edit)

Schwert des Landgrafen Konrad II. von Thringen und Hessen Deutschordensmeister von 1239-1240; Jochen
Grasser (auth); Die Reisecen website; 2010

Schwert des Landgrafen und Deutschordensmeisters Konrad von Thringen und Hessen, um 1240; Arno Eckhardt
(auth); Die Traumschmiede website; 2012

Strength and Balance from the North: Late Medieval Scottish Swords; Ross Cowan (auth); Medieval Warfare 1-2;
2011

Szczerbiec (the Jagged Sword) the Coronation Sword of the Kings of Poland; Marcin Biborski & Janusz St#pi&ski
& Grzegorz (abi&ski (auth x3); from Gladius, XXXI; 2011

Walpurgis; aka MS I.33; Lutegerus (auth); Royal Armouries Leeds; circa 1280-1320

Splash Image

Saint Katherine : Martin Schongauer : woodcut print (1485) : This symbol-laden iconography of the legendary holy
martyress of Alexandria portrays her with typical symbols of crown & broken wheel & sword. That last symbol
specifically is a contemporary example of a Type XVIa longsword. Indeed, such an image combined two of the
favourite subjects of German graphic artists during the Chivalric Age: women and weaponry.

Photographic Technicalities
(where & when available)

Note: In this essay I tried to present all full-view photographs of the various artifactal & replica longswords
approximately to scale with each another.

XIIa.5 : Dierk Hagedorn : Canon Digital Ixus 430 Camera : Deutsches Historisches Museum Berlin : JPG :
07/22/2006
Miscellaneous 4 : Stuart Ivinson : Canon EOS-1Ds Mark 2 Camera : Royal Armouries of Britain Leeds : JPG :
09/06/2007
Windlass Longsword : Jeffrey Hull : Kodak EasyShare C513 Zoom Digital Camera : Kansas USA : Lighting
diffuse, natural, outdoors : XnView JPG (300 dpi) : 01/01/2007
36

About the Author
Jeffrey Hull earned his Bachelor of Arts in Humanities from Kansas State University. His past
martial arts experience involved Bushikan Jujitsu, Wing Chun and Arnis; and now he pursues
Ritterlich Kunst. His other athletic pursuits included running, powerlifting and archery, and he
has also enjoyed hunting, metalsmithing and Western riding. He studies Teutonic & Celtic
philology & mythology, researches Medieval history and art, and enjoys music. He likes to hike,
paint, swim and versify. He is author of books and essays about Chivalric Arts. He lives in
Oregon, USA. ~

Also the author of:
Knightly Dueling : the Fighting Arts of German Chivalry
Fight Earnestly : Fight-Book by Hans Talhoffer (1459-Thott)

Follow his work at:
Academia.edu

All words and pictures by individuals and entities other than the author are:
Copyright & Rights Reserved of each individual and entity, respectively,
who kindly contributed to the enrichment of this essay.

All words and pictures by the author of this essay are:
Copyright 2012 of Jeffrey Hull.
37
Endnotes

1
It is interesting how the Priest disdained parren (parrying) and did so such that it was distinct from favoured
vorsetczen (intercepting)thus the two were not equated, as is done so casually in some modern translations.

2
Instead of lyric-masters some prefer translations such as lay-masters or dance-masters.

3
The Priest later names & describes (23r-30r) those Fnff Hewe (Five Hews): Czornhawe (wrath-hew);
Krumphawe (crumple-hew); Twerehawe (thwart-hew); Schilhawe (squint-hew); Scheitelhawe (skull-hew).
Launched from the typical overhead right-hander version of the ward Vom Tag (from the roof), those strikes are
described simply & respectively as: long edge right diagonal; long edge left diagonal; short edge right horizontal;
short edge left diagonal; long edge vertical.

4
Grasping/Gripping (fassen) the longsword is revisited later in this essay by its exploration of betwixting versus
pommeling.

5
Although the Priest earlier disdained drum-work (trummel werk) (15v) and other devices of the lyric-masters
(leychmeistere) (15r), here he ironically speaks of beats (rure) (16r); and later of beating the four targets (d vier
blssen rren) (39v) as if those were drums, with each target having six beats (itzliche blsse hat sechs ruren).

6
Here the word vr is the same as the timing principle das Vor (the Before), which for readability, I have
synonymously rendered as the adverb proactively.

7
Those became better-knownhereafter (hernoch bas bekant) to the fencer who read/heard the many stcke
(actions/plays) of fencing that followed in the fight-bookwhich obviously for sake of brevity & focus could not be
presented in this essay.

8
Compare later similar use of bericht (arranged) by Meyer (1570) (24v).

9
Wedervechter (challenger) was an archaic term indicating legal ramifications and even biblical implications
(Lexer, 1872-78); which moreover provided the Priest a convenient reemphasis of vechter (fencer/fighter).

10
Usually I would translate volbrenge as completes, but in this context executes is fitting.

11
Unfortunately this folio finishes in a phrase of untranslatable corrupt Latin. However, the reader may be
somewhat assured that he is missing nothing new, since the Priest is so repetitive that he probably already told us
whatever significant advice he had relating to the topic of this folio, i.e. motus.

12
Inasmuch as we may allow ourselves to speak of anything national during that time in Europe, although such
term does have its merits. Alternatively, the terms cultural or geographical may be preferable to some.

13
This use of the noun kreften (plural of kraft) with modifying genetive noun (des leybes) literally means bodily
forces and hence specifically physical power rather than generally (martial) prowess, as would usually be the
case for kraft in context of any given Medieval fight-book.

14
I should like to relay an insight from fencing scholar James Acutt Wallhausen regarding the hazen reference:

The reference to the hare in HS3227a (40r, hazen wolle irlawfen) is clearly a reference to their flighty, flitting
behaviour, criss-cross running pattern when hunted (unlike deer and foxes who run in a straight line). Interestingly,
the minnesinger Gottfried von Strassburg noted of his contemporary Wolfram von Eschenbach that his lyrics were
non-linear calling him a friend of the hare, such that his lyrics must always be accompanied by Glossa so people
can understand what he's talking about. This interpretation seems to fit with the rest of the commentaries elsewhere
in HS3227aOne thing I forgot to mention before: Von Eschenbach actually makes the use of the flitting behaviour
of the Hare in his prologue to his Parzival too. (From personal e-mails from JAW: Modus Dimicandi by Magister
Beringois; November 2012)
38

15
Later in that same work Paurenfeindt provided a broad definition inclusive of three basic forms of longsword
(langen schwerdt) existent and prolific during his time (early 16
th
Century):

(A3r) DAS Erst capitel lernd wie man phfortayl
prauchen so im langen schwerdt welchs gnuczt wirt mit
payden henden als schlachtschwerdt reydtschwerdt
triecker und ander vil mer die ich von kurcz wegen aus
las.
This First Chapter thusly teaches how a man gains
vantage with the longswordwhich gets used with both
handssuch as war sword, riding sword, harness sword,
and many others, which I leave out for sake of brevity.

I translated those three forms contextually not literally. Although Paurenfeindt referred to his own time, I think
forms of these existed amongst types during the time of Liechtenauer (late 14
th
Century), as per the following
artifactal examples dating within half-a-century (fore & aft) of that master (Oakeshott, 2002):

Schlachtschwerdt War Sword Type XIIa.3 (Type XVIa?) circa 1350-1400
Reydtschwerdt Riding Sword Type XV.9 & Edward III c. 1400-1450 & c. 1350
Triecker Harness Sword XVII.11 circa 1375-1400

16
Such Passau-wolf marks are found on blades exported for foreign hilted swords as late and as far as 15
th
Century
Scotland (Cowan, 2011).

17
The difference in weight/massa mere 40 grams in any eventis explained by the addition of wood & leather
grip to the replica, which obviously the original now lacks (Grasser, 2010).

18
This point of balance, as it is commonly called, is indeed the center of gravity or center of mass of the weapon.
This measure is the spot between crossguard and point where lies scale-like equilibrium of mass. Unfortunately,
that of the original was not recorded, but considering how close the other major comparative measures turned out to
be, it is likely that of the replica is accurate as well. Thus at a mere 8.0 cm / 3.15 in away from the crossguard, this
replica has, relatively speaking, a very wieldy balance; which indicates that the original likely be so wieldy too.
However, since this is the one measure not recorded for the original, this must be conjectural here.

19
Rather than so very close, realise the fencers were actually meant to be at range/stage of zufechten (entry) as they
lie in their respective wards just prior to action. Thus they really should be at least one blade-length away from each
other. The intentional misportrayal of range was apparently due to the constraints of full-figure portrayal within the
limited canvass-space of the foliation.

20
Earlier blades refurnished with later hilting are known and existent (Oakeshott, 2002) (Biborski & St#pi&ski &
(abi&ski, 2011).

21
Although in this paradox (19) Silver defined relatively, in a previous paradox (15) he defined absolutely:

The best lengthes for perfect teaching of the true fight to be vsed and continued in Fence schooles, to accord with
the true statures of all men, are these. The blade to be a yard and an inch for meane statures, and for men of tall
statures, a yard and three or foure inches, and no more.

However, his Renaissance criteria are arguable, and many artifactal Medieval swords simply do not support his
criteria whilst others surely do, as may be ascertained by even a cursory survey of a considerable number of
artifactal swords (Oakeshott, 2002).

Early European Longswords

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Early European Longswords : Evidence of Form and Function

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