Kollas in Argentina, The Struggle of The Territory

Dedicated to Luca, Susana and Mario Brunetto, who made this
adventure possible, opened my eyes to the beauties of Northern

Argentina and taught me Spanish.
Gracias.

Aalborg University 2013

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 3
2. Methodology............................................................................................................................................. 6
2.1. Specifications and Limitations ............................................................................................................ 6
3. Concepts & Theory: Exploring Indigenous People, Identity, Nation and Modernization ............ 8
3.1. Indigenous, Identity and Nation conceptualized .......................................................................... 9
3.1.1. Indigenous People ......................................................................................................................... 9
3.1.2. Nation & Identity .................................................................................................................... 11
3.1.3. Modernization theory ............................................................................................................ 13
4. Historical background: a People Descending from Boats ............................................................... 16
4.1. The Rise of a Nation ...................................................................................................................... 16
4.2. Malon de la Paz 1946 ..................................................................................................................... 17
4.3. 1990s - The rise of Qullamarka ..................................................................................................... 19
5. Analysis and Discussion ...................................................................................................................... 21
5.1. Kollas and Territory ....................................................................................................................... 21
6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 28
7. Appendix 01 - Qullamarka .................................................................................................................... 30
8. Appendix 02 - Indigenous in Argentina ............................................................................................... 32
9. Appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-statement : 2012 March. ................................... 33
10. Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 36

Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory

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1. Introduction
In 1993 Kicza predicted that the remaining indigenous resistances in Latin America would
disintegrate and assimilate. Similar, other authors, as for example Young, concluded that
indigenous people in Latin America had suffered from such brutal fragmentation and
cultural starvation that it was highly unlikely that a mobilization could take place within a
Latin American context ( Warren & Jackson, 2003 :1).
However, despite these pessimistic predictions, Latin America has experienced an
increasing and growing indigenous uprising and mobilisation during the last two decades.
In some cases, the mobilisation have lead to the election of indigenous presidents, as
exemplified by Juan Evo Morales Ayma in Bolivia. In others, they are still an opposition to
governments, yet an opposition that is managing to influence those governments
decisions.
Indigenous populations in the Americas are the descendants of the original inhabitants of
the continents. Nevertheless, they have arguably been profoundly shaped by centuries of
colonisation and by more modern processes of globalization.
Scholars have argued that the recent uprising of the indigenous populations, can be seen
as a response to, and a critique of the neo-liberal economic trends of the Washington
Consensus that swept over the continent in the 1980-90s. The critique of the neo-liberal
paradigm is arguably reflected by the emergence of an indigenous discourse, which
celebrates the otherness of the indigenous people. An agenda which emphasizes the non-
materialist, non-consumer and spiritual relations to the land, consensual decision-making,
a holistic environmentalist perspective, and a reestablishment of harmony in the social and
physical worlds (Morrissey, 2009; Warren & Jackson, 2003: 13).
The seemingly contradiction between indigenous tradition and western thinking can be
approached and analysed from a number of different perspectives. Due to the immense
amount of indigenous population groups situated around the globe, it is not possible to
investigate all cases. I have, therefore, decided to explore the indigenous peoples'
territorial struggle inside Argentina and what importance the access to territory has for the
identity of an indigenous population. Furthermore, I have limited my case-study to one

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indigenous people, the Kollas. They were selected for the case-study as I in 2012
undertook a three month internship with their organisation - Qullamarka
1
, which gave me
an opportunity to observe them more closely
2
.
The Kollas are an indigenous people living on the high planes of the Andes in Argentina
and Bolivia. According to themselves, and scholars, they are descendants of the native
peoples that formed part of the Inca Empire (Valente, 2006).

In Argentina the Kollas are found in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta
3
, and are according to
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) "the most developed of the
Argentine indigenous groups". However, economically and socially they remain
disadvantaged in comparison to the majority of the Argentine population (UNHCR, 1993).

According to the Kollas themselves, the main problem they face is the controversy over
land. Land is regarded as a common good, and for that reason they have never held
individual ownership titles to the land on which they live (Qullamarka 2012a). For centuries
the Kollas have been displaced from their ancestral land, and today they find themselves
without a legally valid document demonstrating their rights to the land (UNHCR, 1993) for
which they have been fighting for more than a 150 years.

The main research question that I seek to answers is :
To what extent, if any, has the Kolla's perception on territory been seen as an opposition
to development in Argentina?
To explore the issue above, we need to, first of all, undercover, how the Kollas perceive
territory. In order to do this, ideas of identity and nation-state are to be utilized. The
modern nation is seen as a part of the modernizing project of industrialized societies

1
See appendix 01
2
See "2.1. Specifications and Limitations" for more explanation with regard to my choice of case-study.
3
See appendix 02

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(Guibernau & Rex: 1997: 2), thus to explore whether their held perceptions can be
considered as an barrier to development, the notions of the modernization theory will be
applied.
Based on the above question the paper is structured as follows:
Section two outlines the methodological foundation on which the paper is resting.
Section two is split into two sub-sections. Sub-section one, advances a number of
definitions of key concepts and formulates a framework for the analysis. Sub-section two
formulates a theoretical framework for the analysis, based on the modernization theory.

Section three presents an analysis and discussion, based on the gathered qualitative data.

Finally, a conclusion - based on the findings from the analysis - will be provided.

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2. Methodology

The paper sets out to add to existing literature on the topic of indigenous, territory, identity,
and nation in Argentina, as in my perspective, much academic writings have tended to
overlook indigenous groups in Argentina.
A fast scan of the academic discussion of indigenous groups in Latin America, reveals that
while the indigenous movements of Bolivia, Ecuador, Mexico, and Peru are widely studied,
indigenous groups in Argentina have mainly been left out and remain largely an
undiscovered case. There may be several of reasons for that, one being that the
indigenous movements of these countries, as indicated by Morrissey, "represent the
strongest form of indigenous mobilization" (Morrissey, 2009: 495). A view supported by
Warren and Jackson who argue that the mobilisation of indigenous in Argentina is
immature compared to other countries within the region (2003: 6).
The somewhat narrow focus of this paper means that only a small fraction of this issue is
explored. Before moving on to an explanation of the utilized data and its limitations, an
explanation of the choice of focus is presented, followed by some remarks on the selected
theoretical framework.
2.1. Specifications and Limitations
My paper represents a case study, chosen due to personal affiliations, as explained
earlier. Thus, it does not necessarily represents other cases or can illustrate a specific trait
or problem. As indicated by the research question the focus of this paper is on the issue of
territorial rights. This focus was chosen, as it has and continues to be the most persistent
demand of not only the Kollas, but indigenous organisations throughout the region
(Rutledge, 1977: 236), and it therefore offers a constant factor in the struggle of
indigenous in Latin America which makes it an ideal component for an overtime analysis.

While I managed to achieve some insight into the more recent fight (2000- 2012) of the
Kolla from their perspective, I have not been equally successful with discovering material
from a government perspective. Thus, the explore time period will mainly focus on late

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19th century to late 20th century. However, when possible a present day context will be
included.

To answer the research question, a qualitative stocktaking and evidence-gathering
process, which included a desk-based review of academic and grey literature was
undertaken, on which the base of this paper rests. Needless to say, the presented
secondary data, - as this type of data constitutes - is a more indirect approach to exploring
the chosen problem, as opposed to conducting interviews or undertaking a direct personal
observation for the purpose of collecting primary data. However, this paper combines
these secondary data with primary documents, observations and conversations.

From September to December 2012, I visited local communities and encountered Kolla
community members in the provinces of Salta and Jujuy, and in this connection undertook
the work of digitalising community documents. Furthermore, I participated in traditional
rituals which gave me an opportunity to make certain observation, and ask clarifying
questions. Actual interviews was not deemed possible, due to a language barrier that
proved it too difficult, thus as a consequence of the limited amount of material and the
unstructured manner of the questions, I have decided not to undertake a conclusive
transcription. However, where available, answers to my asked question will be employed
to aid the identification of general characteristics.

As the utilized data (personal observations and journals from the desk review) mainly are
based on direct experiences it is by nature empirical (Punch, 2009: 3). As the aim is to
understand and explain the collected data, a theory is needed.

The theories put forward in section three, provide the framework for the analysis of the
territorial claim of the Kollas in the light of development, and is the tool used to explain the
observed phenomenon. The construction of a theoretical framework will be in accordance
with the authors perspective, that the boundary between theory and practice is blurred,
and at times overlapping.

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3. Concepts & Theory:
Exploring Indigenous People, Identity, Nation and
Modernization

In part one of this section a working definition of indigenous people is presented, followed
by a conceptualization of identity and nation.
For the construction of a definition of indigenous people, the criteria proposed by Martinz
Cobo in his Report to the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination of
Minorities (1986) and those of the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention
no.169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples will be utilized. It is worth highlighting in this
connection that the ILO Convention no. 169, is an international binding convention
concerning indigenous people, to which Argentina, among others, have committed to.

As stated in the research question, the paper seeks to explore what appears to be a two-
folded dimension. Firstly, how the Kollas perception of territory is seen through the eyes
of national identity theories. Secondly, how the same relates to modernisation theory.
However, a leading number of a academics stress the emergences of nation-states as
historically inevitability with the advent of modernisation (Anderson, 1991; Hobsbawm, in
Sawyer, 1997: 76; Lpez-Alves, 2011: 275). In this connection the activities of indigenous
people has often been labeled as an affront and threat to the nation-state and its
sovereignty, and thus modernization, in official as well as unofficial commentary in
Argentina (Sawyer, 1997: 74,76). Thus, the two dimensions are inevitably interrelated.
Consequently, in order to understand the dynamics of modernisation and why the Kollas
and indigenous people in general have been seen as a barrier to development in an
Argentine context, one need to grasp the meaning of nations to place it within a
modernisation context. However, the nation will not be the sole focus, as Murphy asserts,
"forces of modernization have swept away primordial attachment to community and place,
replacing them with state-defined national identities" (1999: 58). This quotes
demonstrates, that the modernisation of a state, will outstrip traditional identities, such as
that of an indigenous people, and substitute them with national identities. At such, a

9

definition of identity and nation is not intended, as the idea is to reach a more holistic
understanding of the modernization theory.
The second part - the theoretical framework - will consider the modernisation theory.
Well aware the modernisation theory prescribes a model for development, it will here be
used to understand why the Kollas claim for land has been seen as conflicting with ideas
of modernisation and development of Argentina. The assumptions on 'development' inbuilt
in the modernisation theory will facilitate answering the second part of the research
question.
3.1. Indigenous, Identity and Nation conceptualized
To fully understand the usage of the concepts utilized in this paper, one must firstly define
their meaning. Their explanation and possible implications are an obvious condition for
their usage as variables in an analyzing context, and are thus provided prior to the actual
analysis and discussion.
3.1.1. Indigenous People
The great diversity of indigenous people have made it difficult for scholars to reach a
consensus about what constitutes an indigenous people (UN, 2006).
ILO Convention no. 169 is a legally binding document, which deals with the rights of
indigenous - and tribal people. While it does not offer an exact definition of what
indigenous people means and/or entails, it does list some characteristics which is
believed to be commonly shared by indigenous people. These are:
"Traditional life styles; Culture and way of life different from the other segments of the
national population, e.g. in their ways of making a living, language, customs, etc.; Own social
organization and political institutions; And living in historical continuity in a certain area, or before
others invaded or came to the area." (ILO, 1989)
These characteristics, point to that indigenous people are defined against an otherness, an
outsider who have become the dominating segment of a given state.
Similar to ILO, the UN does not exclusively use one definition of indigenous people;
instead they handle all matters connected to indigenous people in an ad hoc manner and

10

use what they refer to as "a modern understanding of this term" (UN, 2006).
Their understanding is based on the Martinz Cobo Report to the UN Sub-Commission on
the Prevention of Discrimination of Minorities. His report from 1986 identified indigenous
people as follows:
Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical
continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider
themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of
them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve,
develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as
the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns,
social institutions and legal systems. (Martinz Cobo cited on Intenational Work Group for
Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), 2012a)
As it may be observed, the ILO and UN share some ideas on what characterises an
indigenous people, these are:
Common heritage with the original occupants of a now occupied ancestral territory
An outside culture/force has through colonisation or another form of conquest
reduced the pre-culture/pre-people to a non-dominant position.
They have retained distinct characteristics and in spite of another/new cultural
domination this groups still practice its own traditions.
A preservation of own systems and institutions
By advancing these shared elements a definition may be constructed. For the purposes of
this paper, the following workable definition of an indigenous people is proposed:
An indigenous population is a group of people who derive from 'original' occupants of now certain
occupied areas, but who today, as a result of a conquest, have been reduced to a minority inside
the present society. However their history, way of life and community organisation have remained
distinct from the majority, and are still being practiced within the frames of the now existing wider
nation.

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On one hand, this definition emphasises the divergence between the others, in this case
the descendants of European migrants, and the original inhabitants of South America, the
indigenous. On the other hand, it points towards the fact that the two groups are not
separated by a border but exist side-by-side within the same state.
Having established the meaning of indigenous for this paper, I now move on to nation and
identity as concepts and ideas.
3.1.2. Nation & Identity
Identity is in itself an ambiguous term and scholars are yet to reach a consensus on a
definition (Brubaker,1999: 55). However they, such as the prominent Stuart Hall the
Birmingham School of Cultural Studies, seem to agree, that identity is a social construct
which operates in a two-way process, that marks a 'boundary' between 'us' and 'the other'.
Said differently, identity is not created through what a people have in common but by what
separates them from other groups of people (Delanty, 1997: 292; Hall, 1996: 4-5;). As Hall
asserts:
"identities are constructed through (...) differences (...) only through the relation to the
Other, to precisely what it lacks (...) the 'positive meaning of any term - and thus its 'identity' - can
be constructed" (1996: 4-5).
In its widest sense, identity covers everything from the individual, to local communities as
well as larger grouping with no direct interaction, such as social classes, religious
groupings and national identities (Perreault, 2001:382)
A national identity is at the core of a nations' self-understanding. The concept of the
national identity can be split into two groups; those who considered it to based on a
political entity, such as John Stuart Mill, as opposed to those who see it as being based on
ethnicity, such as, Anthony D. Smith. While the former is based on common citizenship,
the later focuses at common ethnicity
4
as a binding force (Brubaker, 1999: 56, 59;

4
A. Smith explains national identity based on ethnicity as a: "named human populations with shared ancestry
myths, histories and cultures, having an association with a specic territory, and a sense of solidarity" (Cited
in Guibernau, 2004: 126)

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Guibernau, 2004: 126). Being a country inhabited mainly by descendants of European
immigrants, the Argentine national identity can hardly rest on a notion of a common
kinship. Thus for the purpose of this paper, a civic understanding of national identity, as
defined by Keating, will be applied:
"[National identity is] based on territorially defined community, not upon a social
boundary among groups within a territory. That is not to say that any piece of real estate can from
the basis for a nationalism. There need to be a structured set of political and social interactions
guided by common values and a sense of common identity(...) Anyone can join the nation
irrespective of birth or ethnic origins(...)" (Keating cited in Brubaker, 1999: 62).
Arguably, Keating considers the national identity of a given nation to be a collective
enterprise.
Broadening a formulation of Anderson, a national identity, can be seen as 'imagined'
communities, by communities Anderson refers to the concept nation. According to
Anderson a nation is:
"(...)an imagined political community - -and imagined as both inherently limited and
sovereign (...) It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know
most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the
image of their communion." (Anderson, 1991: 6)
Thus, he arguably argues that a nation is an invented political construct. Moreover, similar
to Keating, Anderson does not consider the nation to be conceived "in blood"(cited in
Brubaker, 1999: 63), thereby revealing himself as a civic nationalist thinker. Along the
same lines, Delanty, argues that the states is a geopolitical unit, used to delineate states,
and to distinguish those who belong from those who do not (Delanty, 1997: 239).
To sum up, it is clear from the above, that scholars of civic nationalism consider the state
and the nation to be a functional fit. Or said differently, where the political unity stops (the
state), the national identity ends (the nation). Interestingly, when looking at the definition of
indigenous people above, and compare it to that of identity, it becomes obvious, that the
notion of an indigenous people is in fact a separate identity, that besides citizenship
shares few, if any, characteristic with a given country's national identity. In fact, the

13

otherness of an original group is exactly what goes to characterise them as an indigenous
people.
3.1.3. Modernization theory
In the wake of the Cold War, the disintegration of European colonial empires and the
simultaneous appearance of new nation-states, and with that Third World societies, it
became evident that these emerging nation-states demanded special attention, as, the at
that time, predominate economic theory did not provide them with a model of
development. And for the first time the social sciences in the West went beyond its own
borders and turned towards the economic development, and the social and cultural
changes within the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It was within this context
that the modernisation theory made its first appearance and contributions to the
development debate in 1950s (Bernstein, 1971: 141, 143; Tipps, 1973: 199-200; So, 1990:
17).
Among scholars, there are some divergences of emphasis with respect to the meaning of
the concept modernisation, due to its association with 'development' (Bernstein, 1971:
141, 143; Tipps, 1973: 199-200). Lerner argues that modernisation is: "the social process
of which development is the economic component" (Lerned cited in Bernstein, 1971: 141),
thus embedding development into the concept of modernisation and equaling
modernisation with the economy. However, as Myrdal has pointed out economic growth
within a country does not necessarily lead to improvement, thus highlighting that
development process includes more (Sachs, 2012: 280-283).
In contrast to Lerned, Huntington sees modernisation as: "a multifaceted process involving
changes in all areas of human thought and activity" (Hutington cited in Tipps, 1973: 201).
Thus, emphasising a complete transformation of society and not just economic growth,
and hence, confirming the above assumption of the benefits of the inclusion of more
indicators when asserting a country's level of modernisation, as it involves more than just
the economy.

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However, while not agreeing on a definition of modernisation, scholars tend to agree that
is it a form of change, which has a transformational impact and a progressive effect on a
society (Tipps, 1973: 202).
Modernisation theorists argue that some countries are more developed than others, and
that the others, in order to develop, need to look to the most developed countries. Or as
spelled out by Peet and Hartwick "if you want to develop, be like us (the West)" (2009:
104). Explained plainly, the modernisation theory, divides the world into two blocks; one
consisting of a center of modern progress - core-countries - and the other of a periphery of
traditional backwardness - periphery-countries.
To become a core-country a country must pass through certain stages, which will take
them from their traditional state, to the take-off state
5
of the core countries (So, 1990: 29).
The theory assumes that societies progress through similar stages of development,
meaning that today's periphery countries, are in a similar stage to that of today's core-
countries were at one point in the past, or said differently:
" (...)thirteenth-century English society would have more in common with the society of the
present-day Trobriand Islands than it would with modern England" (So, 1990: 24).

The task is therefore to help the periphery countries out of their underdevelopment by
accelerating them through these stages of development. The role of the core-countries in
this connection is to demonstrate, to the peripheries their future (Peet and Hartwick, 2009:
104, 139; So, 1990: 29). Some of the features of the different stages and of modernisation
itself are: industrialisation, urbanisation, education, capitalist economy, independent legal
system, and democracy, to name some (Przeworski & Limongi, 1997: 158; Charlton &
Andras, 2003: 10).

5
Rostow's 'take-off model' -is linear model for development model - which focuses on economic development and its
effects on society. The model consists of five stage, which a country must pass through in order to move away from the
traditional stage and develop into a society of high mass consumption, which is the fifth and final stage, also termed the
'takeoff stage' (So, 1990: 29).

15

Another element of the modernisation theory is connected with the direction of progress,
how it occurs and human nature. The theory asserts that modernisation is inescapable, as
societies always are penetrated by progress, and once begun, progress and development
toward the modernisation stage of the core-countries is inevitable (So, 1990: 24), as
Pollard states:
"(...)a pattern of change exists in the history of mankind (...) that consists in
irreversible changes in one direction only, and, that this direction is toward improvement" (Pollard
cited in Lpez-Alves, 2011: 268).
For that reason, it is impossible to halt modernisation at a particular point (Charlton &
Andras, 2003: 4).
The baseline of the modernisation theory is that the periphery countries should look to the
core-countries and copy their actions. Arguably it creates legitimacy for Western countries,
which have established themselves as the core-countries, to dictate and impose doctrines
and conditions on the periphery countries (Peet and Hartwick, 2009: 104; Tipps, 1973:
212; Lpez-Alves, 2011: 245 ). As an example of this thought, may be mentioned the
accession policy of the European Union (EU), which imposes strict conditions on new
countries wishing to integrate with the EU. As defined by the Copenhagen Criteria, the
conditionality policy is aimed at promoting democratic consolidation, free market economy,
respect for human rights, and rule of law within the different candidates countries
(Edwards, 2005: 46-47), or said differently bring them on the same level as the EU
countries, since it is presumed they represent a higher level of modernization.
The assumptions of the modernisation theory are interesting for this paper, as indigenous
often are portrayed as pockets of traditional societies existing within a nation-state, which
either is trying to reach, or is in the final stage of modernisation, the take-off stage. Thus it
may aid the exploration of the contradiction between indigenous tradition and western
thinking in relation to territorial issues in Argentina.


16

4. Historical background: a People Descending from
Boats

Mexicans descended from the Aztecs; Peruvians descended from the Incas;
Argentines descended from the boats. (Warren, 2009: 769).
Though this joking-phrase of course is not true, it does suggest a two-folded idea. On one
hand it suggests that Argentina is a country of immigrants, and on the other, that any
indigenous people that may have existed have been terminated and/or erased from the
history (Warren, 2009: 769). This latter notion, of erasing indigenous groups from the
history of Argentina, is however, as this historical account will demonstrate, not far from
the truth
Before embarking on the analysis and the discussion, a historical background will be
sketched in order to achieve an in-depth understanding of the topic at hand. For this
reason, attention is given to selected key-events within the context of the Kollas and
Argentina between the 19th century and up to present day, thus some events will be
excluded, such some of the marches of the Kollas, as it is impossible to justify all of these
within the allowed STU frame, which also means that the historical context will be of a
more general and summary like nature. Furthermore, while the paper will seek to bring the
issue up to present day, it cannot be overlooked that the main part of the discovered and
utilized data focuses on the period late 19th century to late 20th century, as mentioned
earlier. Consequently, the analysis and discussion will mainly focus on the same time-
period.
Though it arguably is a herculean task, to provide a summary-like chronological order of
the history, it will be attempted. With risks of missing important nuances, the following will
be a simplified version. Nonetheless, this task needs to be undertaken to fully comprehend
the issue at hand.
4.1. The Rise of a Nation
After declaring independency from Spain in 1810, Argentina went through a period
characterised by civil war. In the 1840s, voices began to rise among the elites that the
creation of a nation-state required and all-out assault on 'the desert'. The desert in this

17

connection was synonymous with everything that not considered civilised/modern and a
barrier to the creation of the nation-state, such as indigenous groups. The desert had to be
defeated and terminated in order to make space for a new nation (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003:
9). One of the most outspoken supporters of this view was Samiento, who later was to
become the seventh president of Argentina (Delany, 1996: 443).
The 1870s saw the gradual end to the civil war, however, the voices from the 1840s were
still heard, and it was decided to launch the Conquest of the Desert campaign. Though this
campaign mainly focused on the Mapuche areas in the Patagonian Andes
6
(Gordillo &
Hirsch, 2003: 10) it did not leave the Kollas untouched. In 1874, what marked the first key
point in the their contemporary struggle for territory, the Kollas rose up in the Puna, Jujuy,
to claim land titles during the often overlooked Battle of Quera (Rutledge: 1977). The
government of Salta and Jujuy responded by dispatching military forces, who quickly
managed to repress the uprising (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 10).

At the end of the 19th century the 'indigenous problem', as it was termed, had been
solved. Though the campaign by critics was described as an extermination of the original
people, it was not so. However, this idea found footing and "'became part of dominant
national discourses" (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 10), and consequently Argentina had
become a European styled nation-state, with a people descending from boats. This
discourse was contradictory, for the presence of these indigenous groups, even if
displaced, became an important part of the strategy of the state and "(...) the expansion of
new relations of production." (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 11).
4.2. Malon de la Paz 1946
A second key point in the Kollas' struggle for territory was in 1946, when Kolla people from
the provinces of Salta and Jujuy walked to Buenos Aires on "the raid of peace" - (el Maln
de la paz) in demand of land titles (Qullamarka 2012b). The background for this raid is to
be found in, at that time, an expanding sugar cane production. In 1936 in the Kolla

6
see appendix 02

18

Tinkunaku community in San Andrs (present day member of Qullamarka) land was
confiscated from the indigenous people and sold off at a public auction. The confiscation of
land was part of an official state agenda which was to encourage "the proletarianization of
indigenous" and "their integration into larger political economies" (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003:
12). The land had not been bought for the intention of cultivating sugar cane (being located
in the high planes of the Andes, it was too high and too dry for that) it was bought for its
people. The Kollas living there as well as in other areas of the high planes, were forced to
pay rent to their new landlord, but not in the form of money, but in work. Atarting in 1936
most women and men were to work from sunrise to sunset for six months each year
(Schwittay, 2008: 132).
This indigenous protest was the first to gain large scale attention inside Argentina, and
despite articulated support from the then president Juan Pern;
"You were born there and you have your home there, and nobody will throw you out
or take you out, nobody" (Schwittay, 2008: 127).
the Tinkunaku community did not receive any land titles. It would take intense mobilisation
in the 1980s and the second Maln to Buenos Aires in 1993 to finally obtain the
expropriation of 37,200 acres, about 10 percent of the San Andrs Finca (Schwittay,
2008), only to confiscated again in 1996 by the US based Seaboard Corporation
(Schwittay, 1999).

In fact the government of Pern arguably saw this mobilisation as a political annoyance, as
after being received by Peron, the maln participants were in the cover of the night forcibly
shipped back in trains to Salta and Jujuy (Schwittay 2008: 133). Despite the fall to hand
over territory, the years of Pern did bring about some improvement of the situation of
indigenous as the government granted them citizenship, allowing them to participate in
elections. However, in 1955 Pern was overthrown in a military coup and with that the
state's perceptions of its indigenous changed (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 15).
With the rise of the modernisation discourse in the 1960s, indigenous groups went from
being perceived as an internal threat to become "poor and indigent", illustrated by the fact
that the government of Frondizi encouraged development plans and training of indigenous

19

communities (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003:15). Yet, this idea was not to last long. Between the
1976 - 1983 the most repressive military dictatorship in the history of Argentina took the
power, and once again the idea of indigenous as 'savages and a threath' resurfaced,
illustrated by the state's large scales celebrations of the centennial of the campaign
'Conquest of the desert'. The fall of the military junta in 1983, marked the beginning of
some significant decades of Kolla mobilisation in the history of Argentina.
4.3. 1990s - The rise of Qullamarka
In 1993, a group of Kollas returned to Buenos Aires on their second Maln de la Paz
(Qullamarka, 2012b) in demand of land titles, where they were greeted by Carlos Menem,
who two days after the indigenous audience in the Argentine Congress passed a law
seizing 15,000 out of a total of 130,00 hectares of the Finca San Andrs to be handed over
to the Kolla Tinkunaku community (Schwittay, 2008: 128).
Yet another event appeared in 1994. As a part of an overall democratisation process, the
part of the constitution that since 1853 had stipulated that it was the responsibility of the
Congress to maintain the peaceful relationship with the Indians, and promote their
conversion to Catholicism, was abolished (Anaya, 2012: 4). And after heavy lobbying from
NGOs and indigenous activists a statement concerning the right of indigenous was
included into the new constitution. Among other things, the new art. 75, incise 17, states
unambiguously with regard to territory, that the attribution of the Congress are to:
"(...) recognize the personetia juridica (legal status) of their communities, the
collective possession and ownership of the lands they traditionally occupy; regulate the granting of
other [lands] apt and sufficient for human development; none of these [lands] will be alienable
(enajenable),transferable (transmisible) [sic], or subject to taxes and embargoes. To guarantee
their participation regarding their natural resources and other interests that affect them" (Gordillo &
Hirsch, 2003: 19).
The application of this constitutional amendment, however, is of course left up to each
province to manage.
Since 1993 the Kollas' marches have been more numerous than at any other point in the
past. To the knowledge of the author more than seven additional demonstrations have

20

taken place since 1993, however not all of these can be accounted for, as the culture of
the Kollas mainly is based on oral delivery.
What differentiates the current mobilisation of the Kolla with those of the past, are that
unlike earlier, the communities now come together under one banner, that of Qullamarka.
Where the marches of the past typically had about 160-200 participants and only involved
a singular territorial claim (Schwittay, 2008), the two (2008 and 2012), organised by
Qullamarka, each had more that 700 participating Kollas (El Tribuno, 2012), and involved
various territorial claims. Such as the latest one in 2012, which incorporated four distinct
territorial claims, more specifically, Rodeo Colorado, Mecoyita, Nazarene and Santa
Victoria Oeste
7
.
The historical account above of the Kollas struggle for territory, is the backdrop on which
the analysis and discussion will take its point of departure.

7
See appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-statement released in connection with the 2012 March

21

5. Analysis and Discussion
In this section an analysis and discussion of the territorial claim of the Kollas will be further
explored. This will be done by exerting the generated empirical data, and investigate it
though the ideas of the modernisation theory. In the mindset of the modernisation theory
the government of Argentina is arguably the developed core, which the periphery, the
indigenous groups, should copy in order to develop.
The structure of the sections is as follows:
First, the question how the Kollas perceive territory will briefly be considered, before
extending into an analysis and discussion on the Kollas' perception on territory in relation
to development
5.1. Kollas and Territory
As demonstrated earlier in the historical account, a reappearing theme for all of the
marches has been the return of ancestral land to the Kollas. Their claim for territory has
not sprung out overnight, it is based on the legitimising grounds of historical continuity, as
demonstrated above. Thus, there can be little doubt that territory holds a special place in
the mind and the culture of the Kollas, as indicated by the quote below:
"La tierra, como el territorio y los derechos de sus recursos son de fundamental
importancia para nosotros, ya que constituyen la base de nuestro sustent econmico, as como la
fuente de los conocimientos tradicionales y prcticas, la identidad espiritual, y la vida cultural y
social de los Kollas." (Qullamarka 2012a)
This statement from the Kolla organisation Qullamarka eloquently links the issues of
resource access and economic benefits, with more abstract concepts of territory, and
indigenous cultural and social identity. This form what may be called an identity/territory
nexus, the contestations for which take place in both material and discursive terrains.

The Kollas do not disregard the economic benefits of territory, however these are more
connected to the opportunities of being self-sufficient. Nevertheless, territory more than
anything else is perceived as a cultural and social component of their identity, thus
emphasising a non-materialistic value of territory.

22

The importance of the territory and the nexus with their sense of identity becomes even
more obvious with the following statement from Eucevio Condor, a cacique (Chief) of one
the Kolla communties:
"They are slowly killing us. Little by little they are tightening the noose around our
necks. They are leaving us orphans without land, and without land we will simply disappear."
(Condor cited in Schwittay, 1999)
The territory in this sense becomes their mother, and by taking their land, they are left
homeless. The notion of "slowly killing us", is arguably not to be understood literally, but
rather in the sense, that without territory there can be no Kollas.

When Kollas explain their perception of territory they normally highlight a certain
combination of three word; identity - practice - territory (Qullamarka, 2012c). David
Sarapura, one of the caciques of the Comunidades Originarias de Lipeo y Baritu (member
of Qullamarka), explained to me, the connection between the three the following way:
"Sin territorio, no puede haber prctica de nuestros rituales ancestrales, y sin la
prctica no puede haber identidad."
Similar to my findings, Perrault has found that the identity of indigenous in Ecuador rest on
notions and ideas of territory, rather than on factors such as citizenship and/or kinship
(Perreault, 2001:383). As he explains:
"Indigenous organizations (...) incorporate these spaces (...) into the construction and
representation of ethnic identities, reinforcing the identify/territory nexus (...) Territory (...) continues
to be central to indigenous construction of identity"(2001: 404)
This link between territory and identity, reveals an overlooked factor in the work of the civic
as well as the ethnic-nationalist scholars. Where the Argentine national identity rests on a
civic-notion (see sub-section 3.1.2,), the Kolla emphasizes a complete different identity
marker, that of territory. Or said differently, to be Kolla is to have territory, thus when
seeking to explore whether their perception of territory can be seen as a barrier to
development, one, at the same time, is exploring whether the Kollas as a whole is an
obstruction.

23

With these perception of territory in mind, the paper turns towards addressing, to what
extent, if any, the Kolla's perception on territory has been considered an opposition to
development.
As demonstrated, the indigenous territory of the Kollas holds a specific cultural space that
has a great spiritual importance for their identity as a people. And for that reason one
territory cannot simply be traded or replaced for another, unlike the logic of private
property, where everything can be bought and sold. As explained earlier, the Kollas
operate under the idea of communal property, meaning that the territory does not belong
to one person or one family, but a whole community. These ideas of collective 'ownership'
and spiritual relations to the land, is arguably distinct from a modernist and western idea of
territory, which emphasises its economic benefits, and depict the cultivation of land as a
large-scale business enterprise, where farmers are to engage in commerce (Kirkendall,
1985: 8). This modernist perception of territory holds no sense of identity, as it is
seemingly based on a notions of monetary and materialistic values.
The Kollas' perception of territory has arguably over the years been seen as barrier to the
government of Argentina.
As depicted in subsection 4.1, it was believed than an all-out assault on the indigenous
was need in order for Argentina to be born as a nation. The campaign included the attack
on a group of Kollas, who were demanding land titles. During the creation of the nation
Argentina, its European elite sought to destroy and /or delete the past. The newly
established national identity came to emphasis an open and unknown future, where
belonging was marked by citizenship (Lpez-Alves, 2011: 244).
The deleting of the past, included the exclusion of Kollas from the new nation's self-
understanding. A circumstance reflected by the fact, that indigenous groups did not gain
citizenship before the Peron era, and that the constitution for more than 150 years located
indigenous people as groups outside the Argentine nation and Christianity, as described in
subsection 4.3. Arguably, the Kollas and other indigenous people living in Argentina,
became the 'other' against which the Argentine national identity was constructed in the
19th century.

24

An 'other' who in the words of Sarmiento (1876) were "Incapaces de progreso" (Sarimiento
cited in Finchelstein, 2010: 279). Seeing indigenous as incapable of progress meant for
Sarimiento, they should be exterminated to give way for civilisation, as he rhetorical asked:

"Lograremos exterminar los indios? (...) exterminio es providencial y til, sublime y
grande. Se los debe exterminar sin ni siquiera perdonar al pequeo, que tiene ya el odio instintivo
al hombre civilizado" ( Sarimiento cited in Finchelstein, 2010: 279).
By claiming that men of civilisation have an instinctive hatred toward indigenous,
Sarmiento arguably assert it is in the nature of development to be revolted when
encountering something deemed an obstruction of further advancement, such as the
indigenous groups deemed incapability of progress. Furthermore, by stating they should
be terminated, it become evident that indigenous people, and hence Kollas in the late 19th
century were considered an opposition to development. Termination can of course be
both literally and/or meant in a figuratively sense. Alberdi, a contemporary rival of
Sarmiento, metaphoric asked:
"Do we want the habits of order and industry to prevail in our America? Let us fill it
with people that profoundly possess them. (These habits) are contagious: beside European
industry, soon American" (Alberdi cited in Delaney, 1996: 443).

European immigrants were to shape the original people with the qualities required for
further modernisation (Delaney, 1996: 443). While not directly stating indigenous people
were an obstruction to development, Alberdi did believe they had to be contaminated and
infected with European ideas, to pave the way for industrialisation. Arguably, he sought to
terminate the identity of the indigenous people, as they were perceived a barrier to
progress.
This idea of infection, though ahead of it time, highlights an element of the modernisation
theory; that societies penetrated by progress will see the light and start to develop towards
the standards of the core-countries, in this case, the abandoned homelands of the
European immigrants.

25

As highlighted in the end of sub-section 4.1 , indigenous became an important part of a
state production-expansion strategy, as explained in sub-section 4.2 this new strategy
involved the confiscation of Kolla land and the Kollas communities insertion into the
political economy of the newly created nation-state Argentina.
The confiscation of land was to serve the Argentine state well during the early 20th
century. Unlike, the nation-states of Western Europe and the United States, where
economic prosperity resulted from domestic industrial development, the great wealth that
Argentina enjoyed during this period derived from the export of agricultural products
(Delaney, 1996: 438). Thus territory remained salient and imperative for the modernization
of Argentina, hence the government remained unwilling to respond to indigenous land
claims. As it was seen in sub-section 4.2, the Kollas once again rose up in demand of land
titles in 1946. However the government of Pern was arguably unwilling to meet their
demands, as explained earlier. The forcible shipment of the Kollas back to Northern
Argentina, and the reduction and later replacement in 1946, of the Consejo Agrario, an
institution founded in 1940 to deal with indigenous territory claims (Schwittay, 2008: 133),
arguably reflect a reluctance of the Pern government to deal with the demands of the
Kollas.
The 1946 uprising of the Kollas can be understood as a uprising against the system at
that time(see sub-chapter 4.2), a system that kept them away from their community for six
months of the year. This arguably had a disastrous effect on their sense of identity, as they
need to be close to their ancestral land to practice their rituals, in order to maintain their
identity.
When applying the ideas of the modernization theory, the separation of the Kollas can
arguably be interpreted as in the interest of the state. As described the modernisation
theory asserts, that it is the responsibility of the core-states to accelerate a periphery
country through the different stages of development. Separating or simply displacing the
Kollas from their ancestral land, hence preventing them from 'doing' identity, could serve
as means to meet the goal of the government, the assimilation of Kollas into the political
economy of Argentina.

26

Moreover, the actions of the government, can , when seen in the light of the modernization
theory, be understood as a continuation of the idea of penetrating the Kolla communities
with progress, which had first been promoted in the late 19th century.
The acceleration of the Kollas through the stages of development, was arguably increased
during presidents Frondizi in the 1960s, who sought to train and educate the Kolla
communities (See sub-section 4.2). Thus, the politics of near extermination, of which the
Conquest of the Desert in 1879 was the most notorious expression, was in 20th century
replaced by a milder notion, that the Kollas, and indigenous people in general, should be
guided paternalistic into the economic progress of Argentina. This was to be done through
the confiscation and displacement from their land, and consequently their identity. While,
the Kollas were not seen as direct obstacle to development, their claim for territory
arguably was. As it was demonstrated above, the territory and the groups of indigenous
people living on it, were two key components in the modernization of Argentina.
During the years of Menem in 1990s, Argentina saw a great increase in foreign
acquisitions of land. In 1996, the near-bankrupt Tabacal in San Andrs, was sold off by the
Argentine government to the US based Seaboard Corporation. The corporative refused to
recognize a 1986 land donation, which had been handed over in 1993, to the Kolla
Tinkunaku community. Unable to buy the Kollas out, Seaboard took to more violent
means, such as destruction of property and death threats (Derechos, 1997; Schwittay,
1999). However, despite not haven initiate the conflict the Kollas were the once blamed
(Schwittay, 1999; Clarn, 1998), as Marita Simon, editor of El Tribuno, said in an interview
with the Miami Herald in 1997:
"In 400 years the Kollas haven't produced anything, while [Seaboard] wants to
reactivate its business, plant new fruits, sugar cane and provide jobs. What we want is factories,
industries and production. The time of tradition is over and done with. It's in the past" (Cited in
Schwittay, 1999).
Arguably Marita Simon considered the Kollas' claim as irreconcilable with modern
development. The statement is interesting, as it, when applying the thoughts of the
modernisation framework, arguably creates legitimacy for state violence, as a way to
dictate and impose doctrines of modernisation on the Kolla communities.

27

While the above statement dates back to 1997, it is still a held belief, by among others the
provincial government of Jujuy, that Kollas, and their perception of territory, is a hindrance
to development. During meetings with Kollas communities the government of Jujuy has
expressed the idea that they regard the Kollas as being opposed to development within
the extraction of natural resources (Valent, 2006).
The present day call for high-technological development in rural areas, along with the
constant concessions being granted to mining and hydrocarbon companies for the
exploitation of non-renewable natural resources, is dangerously competing with indigenous
peoples territorial demands, which in contrast is displayed as an obstruction to
development.
The current president Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner, who commenced her second term
in office 2011, has largely ignored the demands of the indigenous people in her political
manifesto (IWGIA, 2012b). Arguably, by not addressing their continually demand for land
titles, she is continuing and repeating the exclusion policies of the former presidents.
However, the Kollas know that the times are changing, and they do not themselves directly
object to development. What they demand, is a greater inclusion, so that the development
happens under their terms and control. As stated by Sajama a member of the Tinkunaku
community:
"We are not opposed to the mining companies, but we need title deeds to ensure that
our children can inherit our land, and to be able to participate in the debate on natural resources"
(cited in Schwittay, 1999).


28

6. Conclusion

The purpose of this study was to explore first, the meaning of territory to the Kollas, an
indigenous people in Argentina; and second, place their claim for land inside an Argentine
context, in relation to the paradigm of the modernization theory. The main research
question asked was: To what extent, if any, has the Kolla's perception on territory been
seen as an opposition to development in Argentina?
When applying the ideas of the modernisation theory to the discussed literature, it
becomes obvious that the Kollas, and their claim for territory has, and is, to a large extend
considered a hindrance to development in Argentina.
The land claims of the Kollas arguably represents a clash between two identities: one that
seeks national development based on a policy of accumulation and, is dominated by the
economic system; and another that focuses on communal ownership, doing identity, the
right to alternative development, and, is dominated by access to territory.
Despite Murphy's prediction that the forces of modernisation would sweep away traditional
identities - such as the one of the Kollas' - and replace them with a national identity, this
has not occurred in Argentina. The Kollas' identity appears resistible to the presumed
overpowering dynamics of modernisation.
Despite an increased and stronger representation of the Kolla communities through
Qullamarka, the situation has arguably worsen. In the light of the exploitation of non-
renewable natural resources, the state, has remained unwilling to display the political will
to resolve conflicts, as the Kollas territorial claim, in their mind is a barrier to further
development.
However, as this paper demonstrates, it would be one-side to perceive the Kollas' claim for
territory and their perception of territory solely as an obstruction to development.
Like the rest of Argentina, they too are living in the 21th century and are well aware about
it. They do not reject development, but demand a greater inclusion of their ideas and

29

vision. What they seek is a development, that will respects their ties with the territory, and
permit future generation of Kollas to practice their identity on their ancestral land.


30

7. Appendix 01 - Qullamarka

In the autumn 2012 I undertook a three-moth internship with Qullamarka, in Salta,
Northern Argentina.
Qullamarka is the coordinating platform for a number of indigenous Kolla communities
living in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta in Northern Argentina.
Quallamarka was born out of the need to articulate and strengthen the national legal
framework (namely Art. 75 inc. 17 in the constitution) and various international treaties on
the subject of rights of the indigenous people, such as, ILO Convention 169 and the United
Nation (UN) Declaration of the Rights of the Indigenous People. The first tentative steps
towards the formation of Qullamarka were taken in the beginning of the 2000s before it
finally consolidated in 2007.

Today five years after its creation it integrates nearly all the indigenous councils in the
provinces of Jujuy and Salta. The five councils that make up Qullamarka are:
Comunidades Aborgenes Victoreas (UCAV); Asociacin de Comunidades Aborgenes
de Nazareno (OCAN); Comunidades Indgenas de la Alta Cuenca del Rio Lipeo (CIACRL);
Consejo Indgena Kolla de Iruya (CIKDI) and Comunidad Indgena del Pueblo Kolla
Tinkunaku (CIPKT). Together these five councils represent more than 20.000 residents,
who are living in more than 80 different communities, and which cover a territory of more
than one million hectares.
Qullamarka is a two tier organisation.
Tier one is the community level, where the communities are created. These 80+
communities provide the basis for the five local councils, as mentioned above. The smaller
communities come together both within the "lowest" level (the community level) and the
"medium" level ( local level) on a regular basis to discuss matters of interest to the
community.
Tier two is the coordinating board of Qullamarka. This is made up of 15 people who are
the political, administrative and legal representatives of the five different member

31

associations. The persons who/that make up the board are elected from one of the local
five councils and the election procedures are decided upon within the different assemblies,
thus while one assembly may have election every year another organisation may only hold
elections for the board every second year.
The board members are obliged to adhere to work and/or efforts agreed upon at the
meetings. Assemblies are normally held every third month, in different locations within "the
Qullamarka territory".
The legal and political struggle for territory, including natural resources, is of primary
concern for the organisation, however the board members come together at the
assemblies to debate other issues of shared consensus, and, if needed, perform
administrative, legal and political monitoring of achieved progress.

32

8. Appendix 02 - Indigenous in Argentina

source: America Invisible y el Bicentenario 2012

33

9. Appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-
statement released in connection with the 2012 March.
PARTE DE PRENSA
4 Marcha del Pueblo Kolla QULLAMARKA en Resistencia por el Territorio Ejerciendo
Autodeterminacin Territorial
El Pueblo Kolla Qullanas QULLASUYU seguimos caminando
Ciudad de Salta, 3 de septiembre de 2012
La esencia del QULLAMARKA, Coordinadora de Organizaciones y Comunidades Kollas
Autnomas de la Provincia de Salta, es el espacio donde discutimos, planificamos, consensuamos
y debatimos las diferentes problemticas del territorio y realizamos planes de lucha de manera
colectiva y recproca. Buscamos la autonoma territorial en defensa y cuidado de los bienes y
recursos naturales que nos brinda la PACHA-MAMA para el existir de nuestra cultura e identidad,
haciendo uso equilibrado, complementario y cclico; Del ALAJ PACHA (Mundo de arriba, aire,
cielo los astros, espritus etc. ) el KAY PACHA( tierra y todo lo que habita en ella) y el UKU
PACHA ( recursos no renovables, los minerales, el Agua, el petrleo, y espritus etc. ) para el
uso de sus eternos hijos. Por esta razn las prcticas ancestrales estn basadas en los vnculos
comunitarios.
Nuestro Qullamarka en la actualidad ocupa un territorio de ms de un milln de hectreas
en la Provincia de Salta y comprende a las siguientes organizaciones de comunidades: la Unin
de Comunidades Aborgenes Victoreas (UCAV), la Asociacin de Comunidades Aborgenes de
Nazareno (OCAN), el Consejo Indgena Kolla de Iruya (CIKDI), la comunidad Indgena Alta
Cuenca del Ro Lipeo (CIACRL) y la Comunidad Indgena del Pueblo Kolla Tinkunaku (CIPKT).
Ejercemos el Derecho Adquirido como Nacin y Pueblo Preexistentes al Estado Nacional.
Desde que nuestra cultura y forma de organizacin de vida como pueblo Indgena se vio
avasallada, violada, amenazada y torturada, comenzamos a resistir; en el ao 1946 caminamos
hasta Buenos Aires, lo que fue el maln de la paz. Vimos en esta etapa poltica la posibilidad de
concretar nuestras demandas de propiedad de nuestros territorios que por LEGTIMO DERECHO
NOS CORRESPONDEN, llegando hasta el ao 2008 donde fue la ltima marcha como
QULLAMARKA a la capital Saltea exigiendo las mismas demandas incumplidas,
Y EN ESTA CUARTA MARCHA OBLIGAMOS Y EXIGIMOS A LOS GOBERNANTES LO
SIGUIENTE:


34

TIERRA Y TERRITORIO

Suspensin inmediata de desalojo a las familias de ACHIRA
ordenado por el juzgado 1 instancia civil y comercial II nominacin de Salta.

Deposito, de la Ley de Expropiacin de entrega de ttulos
comunitarios de finca RODEO COLORADO y MECOYITA ante la falta de voluntad poltica
por parte del gobierno.

Entrega de ttulos comunitarios a las comunidades de Santa Victoria
Oeste y Nazareno.

Urgente aprobacin y entrega de 7 planos de mensura de las
comunidades de IRUYA por parte de la secretaria de recursos hdricos y direccin general
de inmuebles.

Urgente relevamiento territorial dispuesto por LA LEY 26160 DE
ENERGENCIA DE LA PROPIEDAD COMUNITARIA en las comunidades del Arazay, San
Ignacio, Barit, Lipeo, Achira y Tinkunaku. compromiso acuerdo entre Qullamarka INAI y
el incumplimiento descarado por el presidente del INAI Daniel Fernndez.

LA LEY 26160 DE EMERGENCIA DE LA PROPIEDAD
COMUNITARIA en Salta gast $ 2.252.008,00, sin embargo durante tres aos de
relevamiento, no se llegaron a aprobar dentro del relevamiento territorial ni el 5% de las
ms de 300 comunidades. Denunciamos al gobierno provincial y nacional ya que son
responsables de este atropello y violaciones sistemticas contra los derechos de los
pueblos indgenas.

INSTITUCIONES VIOLADORA DE DERECHOS: Ministerio de
Ambiente y Produccin-Gobierno de Salta, Ministerio de Produccin y Medio Ambiente de
Jujuy y La Administracin de Parques Nacionales. Violacin del consentimiento libre
previo e informado, proyecto en ejecucin y planes estratgicos por parte de estas tres
instituciones, en territorio del Qullamarka.

INSTITUCIN VIOLADORA DE DERECHOS: El Parque Nacional
Barit, a travs de su Autoridad en reiteradas ocasiones ha violado el derecho de las
Comunidades Originarias de Lipeo y Baritu. La Ley de Parques es obsoleta en territorio del
Qullamarka ya que fue creada en la poca de la dictadura militar y nunca fue modificada,
por tal motivo pedimos que esta institucin debe actualizar y adecuar a las normas vigente
con respecto al derecho indgena y pedimos a la Presidenta de Parques Nacionales Dr.
Patricia Gandini revierta su actitud, sobre todo reconozca que el Qullamarka es la
Autoridad mxima de este territorio y al Consejo Asesor de Poltica Indgena CAPI.

PARALIZACIN INMEDIATA: Ministerio de Ambiente y Produccin-
Gobierno de Salta, est financiando a travs de proyectos en el marco de la ley de
bosques a gente extraa en el territorio de las comunidades de San Ignacio y Las Juntas
violando el derecho a la consulta. La Instalacin de un basurero dentro del territorio de la

35

comunidad el Arazay Los Toldos, Financiamiento externo BID GEF violando el derecho a
la consulta.

NO A LA CONSTRUCCIN DE LA RUTA LOS TOLDOS A SANTA
VICTORIA, ya que esta ruta no beneficia a las comunidades indgenas de este territorio, al
contrario, desequilibra la vida de las comunidades. Esta ruta es negocios para algunos
polticos empresarios que saquean nuestros recursos y cultura.

DEFENDEMOS EL AGUA: NO A LA MUERTE, NO A LA MINERIA
A CIELO ABIERTO, este Gobierno es cmplice de las multinacionales y avala el saqueo
de los recursos naturales de los territorios de las Comunidades Indgenas.

POR TODO LO EXPUESTO INVITAMOS A LOS HERMANOS DE TODOS LOS PUEBLOS
INDIGENAS y ORGANIZACIONES A SUMARSE A LA MARCHA EL DA 3 DE
SEPTIEMBRE Y ADHERIRSE CON TODA LA FUERZA DE LA PACHA PARA EL BUEN
VIVIR DE NUESTRAS COMUNIDADES.

JALLALLA LOS PUEBLOS INDIGENAS UNIDOS VENCEREMOS JALLALLA,
JALLALLA.

Source: Qullamarka 2012b


36

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Dedicated to Luca, Susana and Mario Brunetto, who made this

adventure possible, opened my eyes to the beauties of Northern

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