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This essay demonstrates how The Islamic Republic of Iran has survived as an authoritarian state for the last 30 years by evaluating aspects of it’s political history, it’s source of economy, and the structure of it’s current government. This paper also analyzes how the vulnerabilities within Iran’s economy and political structure serve a potential threat to the totalitarian government.
Originaltitel
A Duplicitous Political Structure How democratic elements within Iran’s government maintain its authoritarian regime
This essay demonstrates how The Islamic Republic of Iran has survived as an authoritarian state for the last 30 years by evaluating aspects of it’s political history, it’s source of economy, and the structure of it’s current government. This paper also analyzes how the vulnerabilities within Iran’s economy and political structure serve a potential threat to the totalitarian government.
This essay demonstrates how The Islamic Republic of Iran has survived as an authoritarian state for the last 30 years by evaluating aspects of it’s political history, it’s source of economy, and the structure of it’s current government. This paper also analyzes how the vulnerabilities within Iran’s economy and political structure serve a potential threat to the totalitarian government.
This essay will explore how Iran has survived as an authoritarian state for the last 30 years by examining aspects of its political history, its source of economy, and the structure of its current government. While the primary focus of this paper is to discuss how the Islamic Republic of Iran has maintained power for so long, it will also touch on how there are vulnerabilities within Irans economy and political structure that could potentially threaten the totalitarian government. The first section of this essay will provide a brief history of Iran as a democracy and the overthrow of that democracy which has fueled their turbulent relationship with the West. Irans resentment of the West coupled with their strong nationalism is utilized by the Islamic Republic to depict democracy as a Western value and therefore a threat to Islam and the current regime. In other words, any democratic opposition that threatens the regime is immediately discredited as being a supporter of the West. The second section of this essay will look at how multi-party elections in Iran play a part in the Islamic Republics way of governing the country while also providing voting power to the people. This will include insight into how democratic institutions, such as elections, are used to support authoritarian regimes. The final section of this essay will depict how oil-based economies encourage authoritarian regimes through the effects of rentier income. The aspects of rentier income will illustrate how taxation of a population may create or break an authoritarian regime. Lastly, this section will focus on another effect of rentier income a strong military/security presence. Irans Revolutionary Guard will be used as an example of how the Islamic Republic has utilized military force to keep any opposition to the regime in check since the revolution. In conclusion, the Islamic Republic has maintained its hold on Iran through a multi- faceted approach of controlling election processes, utilizing oil revenue, and framing opinions about democracy as a Western value by playing on historic resentment. Current events have illustrated vulnerabilities in both Irans economic and political situation, but until Iranians can freely oppose their government without violent repression and elect officials who hold actual power within the political arena authoritarianism will continue.
Iranian attitudes towards the West Iran is not a country that has always been without a democracy. The last democratically elected Prime Minister of Iran was Mohammad Mossadegh who was overthrown in 1953 and replaced with Shah Reza Pahlavi by the Central Intelligence Agency (C.I.A.) with support from the British government (AFP Staff, 2009). The reasons for this coup were both economic and political; Mossadegh had nationalized Iranian oil and taken control away from the English who previously controlled Irans oil industry (Cohen, 2009). Additionally, the United States and Russia were in the middle of the Cold War and there was concern from the West that Iran would ally themselves with communist Russia (Cohen, 2009). Pahlavi, a member of Irans royal family, had been in exile for years due to the power struggle he previously had with Irans parliament. But, due to his Western sympathies the U.S. helped restore him to power (Cohen, 2009). Once Pahlavi was head of the government, he abolished Irans democratic multi-party system and with the help of his secret police force violently repressed any political opposition (Cohen, 2009). Palahvi remained in power until the Iranian Revolution overthrew him in 1979. This bitter history between the U.S. and Iran is still fresh in the memories of many Iranians as it was the first time the U.S. had disposed of a democratic government for their own economic purposes (AFP Staff, 2009). Iran is passionately nationalistic and this collective memory of their history with the West only encourages that sense of patriotism (Crane, Lal & Martini, 2008; pp.34). Therefore, no matter the discontent many may feel towards their own government they are more likely to support their regime, authoritarian or otherwise, then they are a foreign government. The Islamic Republic has played upon this nationalism and Western resentment by framing democratic opposition as a war between the West and Islam rather than democracy versus authoritarianism (Crane, Lal & Martini, 2008;pp.34). Ali Khamenei, the current Supreme Leader of Iran once responded to the idea of an Islamic democracy by claiming, Democracy and liberalism, both of which are inspired by Western culture, must not become encrusted in the foundations of the Islamic regime (Takeyh, 2003; pp.44). This argument has proved useful for the regime as they are able to play on their populations hatred of the West and discredit any democratic reformers by accusing them of working for the U.S. or other Western nations (Crane, Lal & Martini, 2008; pp.33). This bad relationship with the West and Iranians nationalism has allowed the state to focus on another enemy and less on the discontent with their own regime, therefore deterring potential democratic opposition. However, while the Islamic Republic has utilized their political history and resentment of the West as a way to discredit the idea of democracy as a Western concept they have integrated democratic institutions such as competitive elections as a way to legitimize their authoritarian regime.
Iran and elections Today, Iran is a totalitarian state that has incorporated democratic institutions such as a constitution and multi-party competitive elections into their system of governance. These democratic institutions have ironically not caused the nation to democratize but rather have ensured the survival of the authoritarian regime. How does this occur? To help illustrate how Irans multi-party elections are not democratic, Levitsky and Ways minimum definition of democracy will be explained. According to Levitsky and Way, There are four minimum requirements a democratic regime must meet three of them directly concern the election process. These requirements include universal suffrage for all adults; executive and legislative branches of government are chosen through free and fair competitive elections; and elected officials hold real power to govern and do not bow to the control of military or clerical leaders (Levitsky & Way, 2002; pp.53). Applying this framework of democracy provides an illustration of how Iran avoids the election process from being full democratic and therefore maintains authoritarianism. The first requirement of universal suffrage is one that Iran meets. According to the CIA World Factbook, all Iranians 18 years and older, both male and female, are allowed to vote in presidential elections (CIA, 2012).
[Courtesy of BBC News, 2012]
The second requirement for democracy is that free and fair elections are held to determine who will make up the executive and legislative branches of government. As seen in the figure above, Iran has a dual political system that includes both elected and unelected institutions (BBC Staff, 2012). While it is clear from the diagram that many of the executive branches such as the president, cabinet and parliament are elected into power the legislative branch of the Iranian government is an unelected position that is appointed by the Supreme Leader. The head of judiciary, alone is able to nominate the members of the Guardian Council and appoints all of the Supreme Court (Hoch, 2005). The only person the head of judiciary reports to is the Supreme Leader. As previously stated, it can be seen that executive branches such as the president, cabinet, parliament, assembly of experts and half of the Guardian Council are elected into office by popular vote, as seen in the figure above. However, what the diagram does not illustrate is that all candidates running for the presidency must first be approved by the Guardian Council half of who are required to be clerics and whom are appointed by the Supreme Leader (BBC Staff, 2012). This is just one example of how candidates who are elected to office by citizens are controlled or limited by at least one of the unelected institutions. The vetting process used by the Guardian Council can be rigorous and candidates are disqualified from the electoral race for numerous reasons such as having committed a treasonous crime (even pre-revolution) to having a lack of belief in Islam or even a bad reputation in their local neighborhoods (Alfeh, 2008). One candidate after learning of being disqualified to run in the presidential elections stated that the Guardian Councils method of discernment was to ask his neighbors if he prayed in daily prayers, if he shaved, if his wife wore a hijab and what kind of car he drove (Alfeh, 2008). This process of disqualifying presidential candidates allows the regime to ensure that they can neutralize any potential democratic opposition before they even make it to the polls. In short, Iranian elections violate Levitsky and Ways minimum requirement of free and fair competitive elections, as the process is neither free nor fair to every potential candidate. Also, the entire judiciary is appointed by an unelected institution, which also violates the requirement that legislative branches be elected into power. Lastly, these elected offices do not hold any real power without the approval of a non- elected branch. The President, for example, does not have any influence over the armed forces (the Revolutionary Guard), no control over security/defense decisions and little voice in major foreign policy issues (BBC News, 2012). All concerns regarding military/ security issues and foreign policy decisions fall under the control of the unelected Supreme Leader (Hoch, 2005). Parliament is elected by popular vote and approves the cabinet members that the President selects however the Guardian Council must approve any bills and laws that they pass. Therefore, all elected institutions cannot create any major political change without the approval of the unelected institutions (BBC News, 2012). Schedler refers to this manipulation of elected officials capabilities as disempowerment (Schedler, 2010; pp.73). Overall, Iran only meets one of the democratic requirements established by Levitsky and Way and therefore does not meet the definition of a democracy. So, what is the point of holding competitive elections if the elected offices have little political influence? To curb potential conflict by negotiating policy concessions that allow demands to be voiced, without appearing as acts of resistance, where compromises can be hammered out without undue public scrutiny, and where the resulting agreements can be dressed in a legalistic form and publicized as such (Gandhi and Przeworski, 2007; pp.1280). These cooperative institutions provide some legitimacy to the regime and help deter opposition by providing a release valve that allows the system to engage in citizenry politically but in a controlled way(Crane, Lal & Martini, 2008;pp.34). Arguably, this was especially important for the Islamic Republic after the Iranian Revolution due to the fact that the people had just overthrown a dictator who had abolished their once multi-party democratic system (Cohen, 2009). Electoral authoritarianism tends to emerge out of completely authoritarian regimes where there were previously no institutions; including multi-party elections to even create a facade of democracy (Levitsky and Way, 2002; pp.60). In short, Iran had gone from democracy, to dictatorship and in order for the Islamic Republic to maintain power they needed to provide at least an illusion of a democratic regime. The Islamic Republic would therefore be best described as an electoral authoritarian regime a totalitarian government that utilizes elections to give a facade of liberal democracy, but which is manipulated by the government (Schedler, 2010;pp. 71). While Irans electoral system has probably helped sustain the Islamic Republic for the last thirty years there is a potential risk in allowing this institution to exist. Totalitarian regimes must provide some power to elections in order for them to seem legitimate to their public, but if they give them too much power then the elections may become an entity that is used to work against the regime. (Schedler, 2010 pp.77). However, if the elections are to controlled by the government, they are not viewed as legitimate by its citizens so that the illusion of competitive elections is not longer there, (Schedler, 2010 pp. 77). This was the case in 2009 when mass protests occurred in Iran to dispute claims that the regime had rigged the election that put President Ahmadinejad in office for a second term (Siddique, 2009). Overall, in electoral authoritarian regimes, leaders must carefully balance how much power to accord to elections, in order for them to be considered legitimate but also controlled, (Schedler, 2010 pp. 77).
Rentier Effects: Taxation and Repression Irans oil exports per year amount to $80 billion, which equates to 80 percent of its foreign income and 60 percent of its annual budget (Kamiri, 2012). This dependence on oil makes Iran a rentier state, which is defined as a country that receives most of its revenue from foreign investments in their natural resources such as oil (Ross, 2001; p.329). The fact that Iran is a rentier state may contribute to why it has not democratized. Ross explains that within rentier states there are certain socio-political developments that occur these include taxation and repression effect (Ross, 2001;pp.332). Taxation effect is when governments earn sufficient enough revenue from oil that they tend to tax their citizens very little or not at all (Ross, 2001;pp.332). Due to this lack of taxes, citizens are less likely to demand accountability from their leadership over where funds are being directed. Governments that have substantial non-tax income can buy themselves out of trouble by showering largesse on the population, often keeping prices low through subsidies (as happens in Iran) (Whitaker, 2010). It is this lack of accountability, which keeps governments from democratizing citizens dont want to pay more in taxes and therefore dont feel any obligation to speak out against government spending. Despite the fact that in the past Iran has imposed few taxes on its citizens, recent economic hardship has forced the Iranian government to consider new tax reforms. In the last two years oil sales have not been as high in Iran additionally there have been international embargoes placed on Iranian oil by the U.S. and the United Kingdom in an effort to financially punish Iran for its nuclear program (Karimi, 2012). Due to the harsh economic environment President Ahmadinejad made attempts to tax citizens in 2010 a move that resulted in public outcry (Butler, 2010). While tax reforms would be economically feasible for Iran and could potentially push the country towards democratic reforms, the government has not been able to create an infrastructure to tax their citizens (Bakhtiar, 2007). Much of this is due to the fact that many Iranians do not have a formal economy where they keep records of their business transactions, which allows for a less transparent and more corrupt economy (Bakhtiar, 2007). If taxation effect keeps citizens from holding their government accountable over how and where government funds are spent, then repression affects silence those who would speak up. In rentier states that are dominated by authoritarian regimes there may be citizens who have democratic aspirations or who simply oppose the current government. Despite these oppositions, these citizens may not be able to voice their concerns through protest or freedom of speech because their government has the financial means to spend more on internal security/military to silence them (Ross, 2001;pp.336). In the case of Iran, the Revolutionary Guard is the internal security force that was specifically created after the Iranian Revolution to protect the Islamic Republic and is a separate force from the Iranian military (BBC Staff, 2009). One prime example of repression is in 2009 when civilians were tear gassed and threatened by the Revolutionary Guard after they took to the streets to protest against the contested election that saw President Ahmadinejad take a second term (Tran and Talt, 2009). The Revolutionary Guard labeled the protest as a conspiracy against Iran and protesters were not even allowed to stand together in silence but forced to disperse from each other (Tran and Talt, 2009). It is unknown how much money goes towards the Revolutionary Guard as all finances regarding their activities have been hidden or not put on record since their inception in 1979 (AP Staff, 2011). However, it is known that they have been given numerous privileges and enough capital to have their own ground force, navy, air force, and Intelligence services (AP Staff, 2011). Irans dependence on oil has created a convenient scenario where citizens may be content to not pay taxes but are also forfeiting their right to question the government on where funds are going. Ironically, it is this lack of accountability, which most likely allows a hidden budget for the Revolutionary Guard who is tasked with silencing any threats or opposition to the regime. In the case of Iran, the rentier effects of this oil dependent nation reinforce each other. It is through this system of economic and military leverage that the Islamic Republic of Iran has continued to survive for three decades and democratization has yet to occur. Additionally, if Iran is unable to make enough on oil revenue and must turn toward taxation of its citizens this could potentially lead to democratic reforms and more transparent system of where funds are being directed.
Conclusion Iran is a wealthy state that has a history of democracy yet for the last thirty years it has sustained the same totalitarian regime. The reasons for this are linked to both its history and its source of wealth. Due to the repressive dictatorship of the Shah between 1953-1979, the Iranians did not even have the illusion of a democracy. Therefore, when the Islamic Republic came to power after the overthrow of the Shah, the new regime knew that they needed democratic institutions to at least make Iranians feel as though they had a say in politics. This would help ensure their place as Irans governing force. Irans history also plays a very strong role in their nationalism and bad relationship with the U.S. and the U.K. The Islamic Republic has encouraged the nationalistic unity and resentment towards the West as it has allowed for the Iranian people to focus much of their attention on a foreign enemy rather than criticize their own regime. Additionally, the Islamic Republic considers democracy synonymous with Western culture it is very easy for them to paint their democratic opposition as pro-Western or holding U.S. interests, and therefore discrediting them. Lastly, oil wealth has allowed the Islamic Republic to be financially independent, meaning that they can survive without any money from their citizens. While Iranians may be happy to not be taxed, this has also taken away their ability to hold the government accountable over where they are spending their money. This leads to the last and possibly most effective aspect of oil wealthy totalitarian states strong security. The Revolutionary Guard is a powerful entity of the Islamic Republic as it exists to fend off any and all opposition that may threaten the Islamic regime. All these variables are rolled up into the same conclusion the state apparatus has been powerful enough to withstand any serious opposition over the last three decades by playing on historical resentment, economic advantage and political manipulation. Current events such as international sanctions on Iranian oil and the existence of institutions like competitive elections may later create turbulence amongst the political regime. But, until the citizens of Iran are free to criticize their government without fear of repression and elect politicians with the power to affect economy, security and foreign policy, Iran remains a stable authoritarian regime.
Journals
Ross, M., 2001. Does oil hinder democracy? World Politics, April 2001. 325-361.
Schedler, A., 2010. Authoritarianisms Last Line of Defense. Journal of Democracy, 21(1).
Tamadonfar, M., 2001.Islam, Law, and Political Control in Contemporary Iran. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 40(2).
Levitsky, S., and Way, L.A., 2002. The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy, 13(2).
Gandhi, J., and Przeworski, A., 2007. Authoritarian Institutions and the Survival of Autocrats. Comparative Political Studies, 40(11).
Takeyh, R., 2003. Iran at a Crossroads. Middle East Journal, 57(1).
News Articles Siddique, H., 2009. Iran elections: Khamenei warns protesters to stay off streets. The Guardian. June 19. Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/19/iran-elections-ayatollah-ali-khamenei [Accessed 12 May 2012]
AFP Staff. 2009. Obama admits US involvement in 1953 Iran coup. Agence France-Presse (AFP). June 4. Available at: http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5j8-a9Bpq471PDjYA2z6WazPmIZqw [Accessed 11 May 2012]
BBC Staff. 2012. Iran: Who Holds the Power? BBC News [online] April 17. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/middle_east/03/iran_power/html/default.stm [Accessed 17 April 2012]
Hoch, M., 2005. Governing Iran. PBS Newshour [online] November 8. Available at: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/indepth_coverage/middle_east/iran/structure.html [Accessed 6 May 2012]
Cohen, R., 2009. 1979: Irans Islamic Revolution. The New York Times:Upfront [online] May 9. Available at: http://teacher.scholastic.com/scholasticnews/indepth/upfront/features/index.asp?article=f091806 _TP_Iran [Accessed 18 April 2012].
Karimi, N., 2012. Ahmadinejad says Iran can do without oil sales. The Associated Press [online] April 10. Available at: http://news.yahoo.com/ahmadinejad-says-iran-without-oil-sales-101241590.html [Accessed 6 May 2012]
Whitaker, B., 2010. Why taxes are low in the Middle East. The Guardian [online] August 23. Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/aug/23/why-taxes-low-arab-world [Accessed 6 May 2012]
Butler, K., 2010. Tehran bazaar shuts its doors in anger at Ahmadinejad tax hike. The Independent [online] July 13. Available at: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/tehran-bazaar-shuts-its-doors-in-anger- at-ahmadinejad-tax-hike-2025109.html [Accessed 8 May 2012]
Keshavarzian, A., 2010. Ahmadinejad the Weak. Foreign Policy [online]July 19. Available at: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/07/19/ahmadinejad_the_weak [Accessed 8 May 2012]
AP Staff, 2011. Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The Associated Press [online] October 12. Available at: http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/i/islamic_revolutionary_guard_ corps/index.html [Accessed 8 May 2012]
BBC Staff, 2009.Profile: Iran's Revolutionary Guards. BBC News [online] October 18. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/7064353.stm [Accessed 8 May, 2012]
Tran, M. and Talt R., 2009. Police use teargas and fire weapons as Iran protests flare again. The Guardian [online] June 22. Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/22/iran-protests-revolutionary-guard [Accessed 8 May, 2012]
Websites Bakhtiar, A., 2007. Ahmadinejad's Achilles Heel: The Iranian Economy.[online] Iranian. Available at:http://www.iranian.com/Opinion/2007/January/Ahmadinejad110/index.html [Accessed 8 May 2012]
Central Intelligence Agency, 2012. The World Factbook.[online Available at: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ir.html#Govt [Accessed 11 May 2012].
Other
Alfoneh, A.,2008. Irans Parliamentary Elections and the Revolutionary Guards Creeping Coup dEtat.[pdf] Washington D.C.: Middle Eastern Outlook. Available at: http://www.sssup.it/UploadDocs/4694_12_C___Iran_s_Parliamentary_Elections_and_the_Revo lutionary_Guards_Creeping_Coup_d_Etat__Ali_Alfoneh_0.pdf [Accessed 11 May, 2011]
Crane, K., Lal, R., and Martini, J., 2008. Irans Political, Demographic, and Economic Vulnerabilities. [pdf] Santa Monica: RAND Corporation. Available at: http://www.rand.org/pubs/monographs/2008/RAND_MG693.pdf [Accessed 11 May, 2012]