Gazimestan speech

1
Gazimestan speech
The Gazimestan speech was a speech given on 28 June 1989 by Slobodan Miloevi, then President of Serbia. It
was the centrepiece of a day-long event to mark the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, which spelled the
defeat of the medieval Serbian kingdom at the hands of the Ottoman Empire, as well as the annexation of most of
Serbia's territory aside from the Serbian Despotate. The speech was delivered to a huge crowd gathered at the place
where the battle had been fought, Gazimestan in the Central Kosovo. It came against a backdrop of intense ethnic
tension between ethnic Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and increasing political tensions between Serbia and the
other constituent republics of the then Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia caused by the "anti-bureaucratic
revolution".
The speech has since become famous for Miloevi's reference to the possibility of "armed battles", in the future of
Serbia's national development. Many commentators have described this as presaging the collapse of Yugoslavia and
the bloodshed of the Yugoslav Wars. Miloevi actually spoke of the "battles" in the context of "implementing
economic, political, cultural, and general social prosperity"
[1]
and he himself later said that he had been
misrepresented.
[2]
Background to the speech
In the years leading up to the speech, Kosovo had become a central issue in Serbian politics. The province had been
given extensive rights of autonomy in the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution and had been run by the province's
majority-Albanian population. The reassertion of Albanian nationalism, discrimination against Serbs by the
province's predominately Albanian police force and local government,
[3]
and a worsening economy led to a large
number (around 100,000 between 1961-1987) of Serbs and Montenegrins leaving the area by the late-1980s.
[4][5]
Slobodan Miloevi had used the issue to secure the leadership of the League of Communists of Serbia in 1987, and
in early 1989 he pushed through a new constitution that drastically reduced the autonomy of Kosovo and the
northern autonomous province of Vojvodina. This was followed by the mass replacement of opposing communist
leaders in the provinces, called the "anti-bureaucratic revolution". Many Albanians were killed in March 1989 when
demonstrations against the new constitution were violently suppressed by Serbian security forces. By June 1989, the
atmosphere in Kosovo was calm but tense.
[6]
The speech was the climax of the commemoration of the six hundredth anniversary of the battle. It followed months
of commemorative events which had been promoted by an intense media focus on the subject of Serbia's relationship
with Kosovo. A variety of Serbian dramatists, painters, musicians and filmmakers had highlighted key motifs of the
Kosovo legend, particularly the theme of the betrayal of Serbia. Public "Rallies for Truth" were organised by Kosovo
Serbs between mid-1988 and early 1989, at which symbols of Kosovo were prominently displayed. The common
theme was that Serbs outside Kosovo (and indeed outside Serbia itself) should know the truth about the predicament
of the Kosovo Serbs, emotionally presented as an issue of the utmost national priority. Serb-inhabited towns
competed with each other to stage ever-more patriotic rallies in an effort to gain favour from the new "patriotic
leadership", thus helping to further increase nationalist sentiments.
[7]
The event was also invested with major religious significance. In the months preceding the Gazimestan rally, the
remains of Prince Lazar of Serbia, who had fallen in the Battle of Kosovo, were carried in a heavily publicised
procession around the Serb-inhabited territories of Yugoslavia.
[8]
Throngs of mourners queued for hours to see the
relics and attend commemorative public rallies, vowing in speeches never to allow Serbia to be defeated again.
[9]
At
the end of the tour, the relics were reinterred in the Serbian Orthodox monastery at Graanica in Kosovo, near
Gazimestan.
The 28 June 1989 event was attended by a crowd estimated at between half a million and two million people (most
estimates put the figure at around a million). They were overwhelmingly Serbs, many of whom had been brought to
Gazimestan speech
2
Gazimestan on hundreds of special coaches and trains organized by Miloevi's League of Communists of Serbia.
The attendees came not only from Serbia but all of the Serb-inhabited parts of Yugoslavia and even from overseas;
around seven thousand diaspora Serbs from Australia, Canada and the United States also attended at the invitation of
the Serbian Orthodox Church.
[10]
In addition to Miloevi himself, the speech was attended by a variety of dignitaries from the Serbian and Yugoslav
establishment. They included the entire leadership of the Serbian Orthodox Church, led by Patriarch German; the
Prime Minister of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Ante Markovi; members of the Presidency of the
Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia; the leadership of the Yugoslav People's Army; and
members of the rotating Presidency of Yugoslavia. Significantly, the event was boycotted by the Croatian member of
the Presidency, Stipe uvar, as well as the United States ambassador and all ambassadors from the European
Community and NATO countries with the exception of Turkey (which had a direct interest in the event as the
successor state to the Ottoman Empire).
[11]
After being escorted through cheering crowds waving his picture alongside that of Lazar,
[12]
he delivered his speech
on a huge stage with a backdrop containing powerful symbols of the Kosovo myth: images of peonies, a flower
traditionally deemed to symbolise the blood of Lazar, and an Orthodox cross with a Cyrillic letter "C" at each of its
four corners (standing for the slogan (Samo Sloga Srbina Spasava, "Only Unity Saves
the Serbs").
[13]
Content of the speech
The message that Miloevi delivered in the speech was essentially one that he had already been promoting for some
time. On 19 November 1988, he told a "Brotherhood and Unity" rally in Belgrade: "None should be surprised that
Serbia raised its head because of Kosovo this summer. Kosovo is the pure centre of its history, culture and memory.
Every nation has one love that warms its heart. For Serbia it is Kosovo."'
[14]
A similar theme characterised his
speech at Gazimestan. Edit Petrovi comments that Miloevi sought to combine "history, memory and continuity",
promoting "the illusion that the Serbs who fought against the Turks in Kosovo in 1389 are somehow the same as the
Serbs fighting for Serbian national survival today."
[15]
According to James Gow, the objective was to further
Miloevi's political campaign, which was "predicated on the notion of redressing this mood of victimisation and
restoring the sense of Serbian pride and, most important of all, power."
[16]
At the beginning of the speech, Miloevi mentions the battle and concludes that it is "through the play of history of
life" that "Serbia regained its state, national, and spiritual integrity" (referring to the constitutional changes which
reduced autonomy of Serbia's provinces and strengthened the central rule) at battle's anniversary. He continues by
saying that "Today, it is difficult to say what is the historical truth about the Battle of Kosovo and what is legend.
Today this is no longer important."; what he deems important, however, is that loss of the battle was "not only the
result of social superiority and the armed advantage of the Ottoman Empire but also of the tragic disunity in the
leadership of the Serbian state at that time".
Miloevi placed his speech in the context of the post-World War II history of Yugoslavia, in which Serbia's
influence had been restricted through constitutional arrangements diluting its power. This had been a long-running
controversy in Serbian politics, particularly after Kosovo and the northern Serbian province of Vojvodina were
granted influence over Serbia under Yugoslavia's 1974 constitution. Vjeran Pavlakovi comments that Miloevi
sought to make "clear parallels between the Battle of Kosovo Polje and the Yugoslav constitution of 1974, both
considered to be defeats in the Serbian national consciousness."
[17]
He maintained that disunity follows Serbs
through history, saying that the consequences of the Second World War (referring to conflicts between Chetniks and
Yugoslav Partisans, "in the historical and moral sense exceeded fascist aggression"), and the Socialist Yugoslavia.
Disunity among Serbian political leaders meant that they were "prone to compromise to the detriment of its own
people", compromise which "could not be accepted historically and ethically by any nation in the world". However,
"here we are now at the field of Kosovo to say that this is no longer the case".
Gazimestan speech
3
Miloevi presented Serbian victimisation as the result of poor political leadership and spoke of how "the Serbian
leadership [had] remained divided, prone to compromise to the detriment of its own people". He asserted:
"The fact that in this region they are a major nation is not a Serbian sin or shame; this is an advantage which
they have not used against others, but I must say that here, in this big, legendary field of Kosovo, the Serbs
have not used the advantage of being great for their own benefit either."
Miloevi signalled that this passiveness would change:
"Thanks to their leaders and politicians and their vassal mentality they felt guilty before themselves and others.
This situation lasted for decades, it lasted for years and here we are now at the field of Kosovo to say that this
is no longer the case... Serbia of today is united and equal to other republics and prepared to do everything to
improve its financial and social position and that of all its citizens. If there is unity, cooperation, and
seriousness, it will succeed in doing so."
In an elaboration of another of the major motifs of the Kosovo myth, that of the purity of Serbian
motivesWikipedia:Please clarify
[citation needed]
, he asserted that
"Serbs have never in the whole of their history conquered and exploited others. Their national and historical
being has been liberational throughout the whole of history and through two world wars, as it is today. They
liberated themselves and when they could they also helped others to liberate themselves."
Afterwards Miloevi spoke about unity and Serbian multi-ethnicity: he emphasised that "unity in Serbia will bring
prosperity to the Serbian people in Serbia", and also to "each one of its citizens, irrespective of his national or
religious affiliation". Unity and equality to other republics will enable Serbia to "improve its financial and social
position and that of all its citizens". Miloevi notices that in Serbia, apart from Serbs, "members of other peoples
and nationalities also live in it" and that "This is not a disadvantage for Serbia. I am truly convinced that it is its
advantage."
Miloevi went on to speak about divisions among Yugoslav nations and their religions, which "Socialism in
particular, being a progressive and just democratic society, should not allow". He devoted a large part of the speech
to these divisions, stating that "Yugoslavia is a multinational community and it can survive only under the conditions
of full equality for all nations that live in it." However, "The crisis that hit Yugoslavia has brought about national
divisions", despite the fact that Yugoslavia "experienced the worst tragedy of national conflicts that a society can
experience and still survive." Miloevi hoped that the way out of the crisis are "Equal and harmonious relations
among Yugoslav peoples", especially as the modern "world is more and more marked by national tolerance, national
cooperation, and even [sic] national equality". He asserted that Yugoslavia should be a part of this new direction that
the civilization took.
The middle section of the speech took a markedly different line from the nationalist expressions which bookended it;
Louis Sell describes it as sounding "as if it was written by his wife" (Mirjana Markovi, who was known for her
hard-line communist views). Miloevi praised the virtues of ethnic tolerance and socialism, describing how "the
world is more and more marked by national tolerance, national cooperation and even national equality" and calling
for equal and harmonious relations among the peoples of Yugoslavia. It was reportedly met with silence, bordering
on restiveness, by the crowd.
[18]
He then again spoke about disunity, drawing comparisons between the time of the battle of Kosovo and today. At the
time of the battle, people "could allow themselves to be disunited and to have hatred and treason because they lived
in smaller, weakly interlinked worlds", today however "mutual harmony and solidarity" of all the humankind is
necessary for its prosperity and ultimately space colonization. He notices that "In the memory of the Serbian people",
even if from a historical point of view it is not correct, "disunity was decisive in causing the loss of the battle and in
bringing about the fate which Serbia suffered for a full 6 centuries". This is why "awareness of harmony and unity
will make it possible for Serbia not only to function as a state but to function as a successful state". He asserts that
this striving for harmony and unity is also relevant for Yugoslavia as a whole: "Such an awareness about mutual
Gazimestan speech
4
relations constitutes an elementary necessity for Yugoslavia, too, for its fate is in the joined hands of all its peoples".
After issuing a call for "unity, solidarity, and cooperation among people", Miloevi delivered the speech's most
controversial passage, stating:
"Six centuries later, now, we are being again engaged in battles and are facing battles. They are not armed
battles, although such things cannot be excluded yet. However, regardless of what kind of battles they are, they
cannot be won without resolve, bravery, and sacrifice, without the noble qualities that were present here in the
field of Kosovo in the days past. Our chief battle now concerns implementing the economic, political, cultural,
and general social prosperity, finding a quicker and more successful approach to a civilization in which people
will live in the 21st century."
In the final paragraph of the speech, Miloevi addressed the relation between Serbia and Europe. He portrayed
medieval Serbia as not just the defender of its own territory, but of all Europe in the fight against the Ottoman Turks.
He declared that "Six centuries ago, Serbia heroically defended itself in the field of Kosovo, but it also defended
Europe. Serbia was at that time the bastion that defended the European culture, religion, and European society in
general.". Arne Johan Vetlesen comments that this was an appeal "to the values of Europe, meaning to Christianity,
to modernity, to Civilization with a capital C, exploit[ing] Orientalist sentiments and help[ing] to amplify the
Balkanism widespread in Western governments."
[19]
In this connection, he again stressed that "In this spirit we now
endeavor to build a society, rich and democratic, and thus to contribute to the prosperity of this beautiful country,
this unjustly suffering country, but also to contribute to the efforts of all the progressive people of our age that they
make for a better and happier world."
He concluded the speech with:
"Let the memory of Kosovo heroism live forever!
Long live Serbia!
Long live Yugoslavia!
Long live peace and brotherhood among peoples!"
Responses to the speech
The speech was enthusiastically received by the crowds at Gazimestan, who were reported to have shouted "Kosovo
is Serb" and "We love you, Slobodan, because you hate the Muslims." Some sang "Tsar Lazar, you were not lucky
enough to have Slobo by your side" and dubbed Miloevi Mali Lazar ("Little Lazar"), while others chanted
"Europe, don't you remember that we defended you!" (referring to a key element of the Kosovo mythos, that Serbia
sacrificed itself in defending Christian Europe against the encroaching Muslim Turks). This was to be an important
theme in Serbian nationalist rhetoric during the Yugoslav wars; Thomas A. Emmert, writing in 1993, commented
that since the day of the speech, "Serbs have not failed to remind themselves and the world that they are fighting for
the very defense of Europe against Islamic fundamentalism. It matters little to them that Europeans and Americans
do not perceive any need for defense."
[20]
Matija Bekovi, a well-known poet and academic, praised the event as "the culmination of the Serb national revolt,
in Kosovo as the equator of the Serb planet.... On this six hundredth anniversary of the Kosovo battle, we must
emphasise that Kosovo is Serbia; and that this is a fundamental reality, irrespective of Albanian birth rates and Serb
mortality rates. There is so much Serb blood and Serb sanctity there that Kosovo will remain Serbian even if there is
not a single Serb left there.... It is almost surprising that all Serbian land is not called by the name of Kosovo."
[21]
The Belgrade daily newspaper Politika reprinted Miloevi's speech in full in a special edition dedicated entirely to
the Kosovo issue. It asserted in an editorial that "We are once more living in the times of Kosovo, as it is in Kosovo
and around Kosovo that the destiny of Yugoslavia and the destiny of socialism are being determined. They want to
take away from us the Serbian and the Yugoslav Kosovo, yes, they want to, but they will not be allowed to."
Gazimestan speech
5
Miloevi himself appears to have regarded the event as a triumph. Janez Drnovek, the Slovene member of the
Yugoslav collective presidency, sat next to Miloevi during the ceremony and later described the Serbian
president's mood as "euphoric".
Although many Serbs gave the speech a warm welcome, it was regarded warily by the other Yugoslav peoples and
anti-Miloevi Serbs. The nationalist sentiments expressed by Miloevi were a major break with the late Yugoslav
leader Josip Broz Tito's anti-nationalist approach and, as Robert Thomas comments, "it effectively acted as a
symbolic repudiation of the Titoist legacy."
[22]
Miloevi's claims that the Serbs "liberated themselves and when
they could they also helped others to liberate themselves" were seen by some as a commitment to a forcible
redrawing of Yugoslav's internal borders, to create a Greater Serbia. Concerns about an underlying agenda were
heightened by the presence at the event of the Serbian Orthodox bishop from Dalmatia in Croatia, who gave a
keynote speech in which he compared Dalmatia to Kosovo and concluded that both had made the same vow to
Miloevi.
[23]
The British journalist Marcus Tanner, who attended the Gazimestan event, reported that "representatives [of
Slovenia and Croatia] ... looked nervous and uncomfortable" and commented that the outpouring of Serbian
nationalist sentiment had "perhaps permanently destroyed any possibility of a settlement in Kosovo."
[24]
The
nervousness was reflected in a Slovenian TV report on the speech, which noted:
"And whatever significance the Kosovo battle may have in the national and intimate consciousness of the
Serbs, the festivities at Gazimestan again confirmed that it will be more and more difficult to face Serbian
conduct and wishes, for it seems that the Serbs won a significant victory in Kosovo today and they made it
known that it was not the last one. The feeling of belonging, of unity, power and almost blind obedience of the
million-fold crowd and all the others from this republic of Serbian or Montenegrin origin who may not have
attended the gathering, are the elements in shaping a sharp and unyielding policy."
[25]
The international media gave the speech mixed reviews. Many commentators noted the unprecedented nature of the
event and the radical departure that it represented from the anti-nationalist ideology espoused under Tito. Although
the speech's advocacy of mutual respect and democracy was described as "unexpectedly conciliatory" (as the UK
newspaper The Independent put it), the contrast between Miloevi's rhetoric and the reality of his widely criticized
policies towards the Kosovo Albanians was also noted.
Many commentators have interpreted the speech in hindsight as a coded declaration by Miloevi that he was willing
to use force to advance Serbia's interests;
[26]
Tim Judah speculates that Miloevi perhaps referred to "armed battles"
in a "bid to intimidate the other Yugoslav leaders, who because of protocol were forced to attend".
[27]
Milan
Miloevi (no relation to Slobodan Miloevi) comments, "he did not have in mind the later wars in Croatia and
Bosnia-Herzegovina. He was thinking of Kosovo itself." However, Slobodan Miloevi himself rejected this view at
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in 2002 and 2005. He told the tribunal:
"[N]one of the people that I talked to spoke of any warmongering attitude, nothing of the kind. On the
contrary, this was a speech of peace, encouraging people to live together in harmony, all of the nationalities,
the Turks, Gorani, Ashkali living in Kosovo, as well as throughout the entire Yugoslavia."
[28]
Addressing his use of the phrase "armed battles", he said:
"That is an ordinary type of sentence that everybody uses today because peace has still not become a stable,
secure category in the present day world, in the modern day world. And if that were not so, why do states have
armies?"
[29]
A misconception about the speech (for example, stated in The Times
[30]
) is that Miloevi uttered his "No one will
beat you!" line in the speech. He said that on 24 April 1987, at a completely different occasion.
Gazimestan speech
6
List of notable attendants
Patriarch German of Serbia
Metropolitan Amfilohije
Desanka Maksimovi
Momir Bulatovi
Milo ukanovi
Mihalj Kertes
Milorad Vueli
Milan Panevski
Desimir Jefti
Veselin ureti
Janez Drnovek
Ante Markovi
Veljko Kadijevi
Borisav Jovi
Jovica Stanii (head of security)
Naser Ori (security)
References
[1] Quote from the English translation by the National Technical Information Service of the US Department of Commerce. Reprinted in The
Kosovo Conflict and International Law: An Analytical Documentation 1974-1999, ed. Heike Krieger, p. 10-11. Cambridge University Press,
2001. ISBN 0-521-80071-4. online version in Miloevi's official website (http:/ / www. slobodan-milosevic. org/ spch-kosovo1989. htm)
[2] International Criminal Tribunal, transcript 020214IT (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ transe54/ 020214IT. htm), 14 February 2002
[3] David Bruce MacDonald, Balkan Holocausts?: Serbian and Croatian victim-centred propaganda and the war in Yugoslavia, p. 65.
Manchester University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-7190-6467-8
[4] Rise of Tension in Kosovo Due to Migration (http:/ / www. osa. ceu. hu/ files/ holdings/ 300/ 8/ 3/ text/ 86-3-301. shtml)
[5] Expert report by Audrey Helfant Budding given to the ICTY for the prosecution against Slobodan Milosevic, part 4 (http:/ / hague. bard. edu/
reports/ hr_budding-pt4. pdf)
[6] Paulin Kola, In Search of Greater Albania, p. 181-182. C. Hurst & Co, 2003. ISBN 1-85065-664-9
[7] Mihailo Crnobrnja, The Yugoslav Drama, p. 102. McGill-Queen's Press, 1996. ISBN 0-7735-1429-5
[8] Milan Miloevi, "The Media Wars: 1987 - 1997", p. 110-111 in Burn This House: The Making and Unmaking of Yugoslavia, ed. Jasminka
Udoviki, James Ridgeway. Duke University Press, 2000. ISBN 0-8223-2590-X
[9] Vamik D. Volkan, William F. Greer, Gabriele Ast, The Third Reich in the Unconscious: Transgenerational Transmission and Its
Consequences, p. 47. Psychology Press, 2002. ISBN 1-58391-334-3
[10] Olga Zirojevi, "Kosovo in the Collective Memory", p. 207-208, in The Road to War in Serbia: trauma and catharsis, ed. Neboja Popov.
Central European University Press, 2000. ISBN 963-9116-56-4
[11] Footnote on p. 101 in The War in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1991-1995, ed. Branka Maga, Ivo ani
[12] Michael Sells, "Kosovo Mythology and the Bosnian Genocide", p. 181 in In God's Name: Genocide and Religion in the Twentieth Century,
ed. Omer Bartov, Phyllis Mack. Berghahn Books, 2001. ISBN 1-57181-214-8
[13] R. Scott Appleby, The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence and Reconciliation, p. 70. Rowman & Littlefield, 2000
[14] [14] Naa Borba, 14 June 1996
[15] Edit Petrovi, "Ethnonationalism and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia", p. 170 in Neighbors at War: anthropological perspectives on Yugoslav
ethnicity, culture, and history, ed. Joel Martin Halpern, David A. Kideckel. Penn State Press, 2000
[16] James Gow, The Serbian Project and Its Adversaries: A Strategy of War Crimes, p. 10. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 2003. ISBN
1-85065-499-9
[17] Sabrina Petra Ramet & Vjeran Pavlakovi, Serbia Since 1989: politics and society under Miloevi and after, p. 13. University of
Washington Press, 2005. ISBN 0-295-98538-0
[18] Louis Sell, Slobodan Miloevi and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, p. 88. Duke University Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8223-3223-X
[19] Arne Johan Vetlesen, Evil and Human Agency: Understanding Collective Evildoing, p. 153. Cambridge University Press, 2005. ISBN
0-521-85694-9
[20] Emmert, Thomas A. "Why Serbia Will Fight for 'Holy' Kosovo; And the Peril for Western Armies Approaching the Balkan Tripwire".
Washington Post, June 13, 1993
[21] Quoted by Vidosav Stevanovi, Miloevi: The People's Tyrant", footnote 18, p. 219. I.B.Tauris, 2004.
Gazimestan speech
7
[22] Robert Thomas, Serbia Under Miloevi: Politics in the 1990s, p. 50. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 1999. ISBN 1-85065-341-0
[23] Norman Cigar, "The Serbo-Croatian War, 1991", p. 57 in Genocide After Emotion: The Postemotional Balkan War, ed. Stjepan G.
Mestrovi. Routledge, 1996. ISBN 0-415-12293-7
[24] "Milosevic carries off the battle honours", The Independent, June 29, 1989
[25] [25] Slovenian TV news, 1700 GMT, 28 June 1989 (in translation from BBC Monitoring)
[26] Ivo Goldstein, Croatia: A History, p. 203. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 1999. ISBN 1-85065-525-1
[27] Judah, Tim. "The Serbs: the sweet and rotten smell of history". Daedalus, June 22, 1997. No. 3, Vol. 126; Pg. 23
[28] Miloevi testimony to the ICTY (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ transe54/ 050126IT. htm), 26 January 2005
[29] Miloevi testimony to the ICTY (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ transe54/ 020214IT. htm), 14 February 2002
[30] [30] Milosevic on suicide watch in Dutch prison; Times Newspapers Limited; The Times (London); June 30, 2001, Saturday
External links
" El lder de la 'Gran Serbia' (http:/ / www. elmundo. es/ fotografia/ 2006/ 03/ milosevic/ 02. html) - photo of
Miloevi delivering the Gazimestan speech. [Spanish]
Coordinates: 424126N 210724E (http:/ / tools. wmflabs. org/ geohack/ geohack.
php?pagename=Gazimestan_speech& params=42_41_26_N_21_07_24_E_type:city_source:kolossus-eswiki)
Article Sources and Contributors
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