Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
by James Monroe
(#5 in our series of US Presidential State of the Union Addresses)
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Edition: 11
Language: English
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY JAMES MONROE ***
***
I have the satisfaction to inform you that an arrangement which had been
commenced by my predecessor with the British Government for the reduction
of the naval force by Great Britain and the United States on the Lakes has
been concluded, by which it is provided that neither party shall keep in
service on Lake Champlain more than one vessel, on Lake Ontario more than
one, and on Lake Erie and the upper lakes more than two, to be armed each
with one cannon only, and that all the other armed vessels of both parties,
of which an exact list is interchanged, shall be dismantled. It is also
agreed that the force retained shall be restricted in its duty to the
internal purposes of each party, and that the arrangement shall remain in
force until six months shall have expired after notice given by one of the
parties to the other of its desire that it should terminate. By this
arrangement useless expense on both sides and, what is of still greater
importance, the danger of collision between armed vessels in those inland
waters, which was great, is prevented.
I have the satisfaction also to state that the commissioners under the
fourth article of the treaty of Ghent, to whom it was referred to decide to
which party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy belonged under
the treaty of 1783, have agreed in a report, by which all the islands in
the possession of each party before the late war have been decreed to it.
The commissioners acting under the other articles of the treaty of Ghent
for the settlement of boundaries have also been engaged in the discharge of
their respective duties, but have not yet completed them.
The difference which arose between the two Governments under that treaty
respecting the right of the US to take and cure fish on the coast of the
British provinces north of our limits, which had been secured by the treaty
of 1783, is still in negotiation. The proposition made by this Government
to extend to the colonies of Great Britain the principle of the convention
of London, by which the commerce between the ports of the United States
and British ports in Europe had been placed on a footing of equality, has
been declined by the British Government. This subject having been thus
amicably discussed between the two Governments, and it appearing that
the British Government is unwilling to depart from its present
regulations, it remains for Congress to decide whether they will make
any other regulations in consequence thereof for the protection and
improvement of our navigation.
The negotiation with Spain for spoliations on our commerce and the
settlement of boundaries remains essentially in the state it held by the
communications that were made to Congress by my predecessor. It has been
evidently the policy of the Spanish Government to keep the negotiation
suspended, and in this the United States have acquiesced, from an amicable
disposition toward Spain and in the expectation that her Government would,
from a sense of justice, finally accede to such an arrangement as would be
equal between the parties. A disposition has been lately shown by the
Spanish Government to move in the negotiation, which has been met by this
Government, and should the conciliatory and friendly policy which has
invariably guided our councils be reciprocated, a just and satisfactory
arrangement may be expected. It is proper, however, to remark that no
proposition has yet been made from which such a result can be presumed.
It was anticipated at an early stage that the contest between Spain and the
colonies would become highly interesting to the United States. It was
natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected their
neighbors. It seemed probable also that the prosecution of the conflict
along our coast and in contiguous countries would occasionally interrupt
our commerce and otherwise affect the persons and property of our citizens.
These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have been received
from persons acting under authority of both the parties, and for which
redress has in most instances been withheld.
Through every stage of the conflict the United States have maintained an
impartial neutrality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money,
ships, or munitions of war. They have regarded the contest not in the light
of an ordinary insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between
parties nearly equal, having as to neutral powers equal rights. Our ports
have been open to both, and every article the fruit of our soil or of the
industry of our citizens which either was permitted to take has been
equally free to the other. Should the colonies establish their
independence, it is proper now to state that this Government neither seeks
nor would accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise which
will not be equally open to all other nations. The colonies will in that
event become independent states, free from any obligation to or connection
with us which it may not then be their interest to form on the basis of a
fair reciprocity.
In the summer of the present year an expedition was set on foot against
East Florida by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the
colonies, who took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth of the St.
Marys River, near the boundary of the State of Georgia. As this Province
lies eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the United States and
the ocean on every side, and has been a subject of negotiation with the
Government of Spain as an indemnity for losses by spoliation or in exchange
for territory of equal value westward of the Mississippi, a fact well known
to the world, it excited surprise that any countenance should be given to
this measure by any of the colonies.
Our relations with the other powers of Europe have experienced no essential
change since the last session. In our intercourse with each due attention
continues to be paid to the protection of our commerce, and to every other
object in which the United States are interested. A strong hope is
entertained that, by adhering to the maxims of a just, a candid, and
friendly policy, we may long preserve amicable relations with all the
powers of Europe on conditions advantageous and honorable to our country.
With the Barbary States and the Indian tribes our pacific relations have
been preserved.
In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our country the view
which they exhibit is peculiarly gratifying. The payments which have been
made into the Treasury show the very productive state of the public
revenue. After satisfying the appropriations made by law for the support of
the civil Government and of the military and naval establishments,
embracing suitable provision for fortifications and for the gradual
increase of the Navy, paying the interest of the public debt, and
extinguishing more than $18 millions of the principal, within the present
year, it is estimated that a balance of more than $6 millions will remain
in the Treasury on the first day of January applicable to the current
service of the ensuing year.
The payments into the Treasury during the year 1818 on account of imposts
and tonnage, resulting principally from duties which have accrued in the
present year, may be fairly estimated at $20 millions; the internal
revenues at $2.5 millions; the public lands at $1.5 millions; bank
dividends and incidental receipts at $500,000; making in the whole $24.5
millions.
The annual permanent expenditure for the support of the civil Government
and of the Army and Navy, as now established by law, amounts to $11.8
millions, and for the sinking fund to $10 millions, making in the whole
$21.8 millions, leaving an annual excess of revenue beyond the expenditure
of $2.7 millions, exclusive of the balance estimated to be in the Treasury
on the first day of January, 1818.
In the present state of the Treasury the whole of the Louisiana debt may be
redeemed in the year 1819, after which, if the public debt continues as it
now is, above par, there will be annually about $5 millions of the sinking
fund unexpended until the year 1825, when the loan of 1812 and the stock
created by funding Treasury notes will be redeemable.
By the last returns to the Department of War the militia force of the
several States may be estimated at 800,000 men--infantry, artillery, and
cavalry. Great part of this force is armed, and measures are taken to arm
the whole. An improvement in the organization and discipline of the militia
is one of the great objects which claims the unremitted attention of
Congress.
The regular force amounts nearly to the number required by law, and is
stationed along the Atlantic and inland frontiers.
From several of the Indian tribes inhabiting the country bordering on Lake
Erie purchases have been made of lands on conditions very favorable to the
United States, and, as it is presumed, not less so to the tribes
themselves.
By these purchases the Indian title, with moderate reservations, has been
extinguished to the whole of the land within the limits of the State of
Ohio, and to a part of that in the Michigan Territory and of the State of
Indiana. From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased in the State of
Georgia and an arrangement made by which, in exchange for lands beyond the
Mississippi, a great part, if not the whole, of the land belonging to that
tribe eastward of that river in the States of North Carolina, Georgia, and
Tennessee, and in the Alabama Territory will soon be acquired. By these
acquisitions, and others that may reasonably be expected soon to follow, we
shall be enabled to extend our settlements from the inhabited parts of the
State of Ohio along Lake Erie into the Michigan Territory, and to connect
our settlements by degrees through the State of Indiana and the Illinois
Territory to that of Missouri. A similar and equally advantageous effect
will soon be produced to the south, through the whole extent of the States
and territory which border on the waters emptying into the Mississippi and
the Mobile.
In this progress, which the rights of nature demand and nothing can
prevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty to make new
efforts for the preservation, improvement, and civilization of the native
inhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast uncultivated
desert. It yields to the more dense and compact form and greater force of
civilized population; and of right it ought to yield, for the earth was
given to mankind to support the greatest number of which it is capable, and
no tribe or people have a right to withhold from the wants of others more
than is necessary for their own support and comfort.
Among the advantages incident to these purchases, and to those which have
preceded, the security which may thereby be afforded to our inland
frontiers is peculiarly important. With a strong barrier, consisting of our
own people, thus planted on the Lakes, the Mississippi, and the Mobile,
with the protection to be derived from the regular force, Indian
hostilities, if they do not altogether cease, will henceforth lose their
terror. Fortifications in those quarters to any extent will not be
necessary, and the expense of attending them may be saved. A people
accustomed to the use of firearms only, as the Indian tribes are, will shun
even moderate works which are defended by cannon. Great fortifications will
therefore be requisite only in future along the coast and at some points in
the interior connected with it. On these will the safety of our towns and
the commerce of our great rivers, from the Bay of Fundy to the Mississippi,
depend. On these, therefore, should the utmost attention, skill, and labor
be bestowed.
A considerable and rapid augmentation in the value of all the public lands,
proceeding from these and other obvious cases, may henceforward be
expected. The difficulties attending early emigrations will be dissipated
even in the most remote parts. Several new States have been admitted into
our Union to the west and south, and Territorial governments, happily
organized, established over every other portion in which there is vacant
land for sale. In terminating Indian hostilities, as must soon be done, in
a formidable shape at least, the emigration, which has heretofore been
great, will probably increase, and the demand for land and the augmentation
in its value be in like proportion.
The great increase of our population throughout the Union will alone
produce an important effect, and in no quarter will it be so sensibly felt
as in those in contemplation. The public lands are a public stock, which
ought to be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation. The nation
should therefore derive the profit proceeding from the continual rise in
their value. Every encouragement should be given to the emigrants
consistent with a fair competition between them, but that competition
should operate in the first sale to the advantage of the nation rather than
of individuals.
Great capitalists will derive the benefit incident to their superior wealth
under any mode of sale which may be adopted, but if, looking forward to the
rise in the value of the public lands, they should have the opportunity of
amassing at a low price vast bodies in their hands, the profit will accrue
to them and not to the public. They would also have the power in that
degree to control the emigration and settlement in such a manner as their
opinion of their respective interests might dictate. I submit this subject
to the consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made
in the sale of the public lands, with a view to the public interest, should
any be deemed expedient, as in their judgment may be best adapted to the
object.
When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States, the
great amount and value of its productions, the connection of its parts, and
other circumstances on which their prosperity and happiness depend, we can
not fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the
facility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them by means of
good roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal
inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of
such magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress
at the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at the
present, I have brought it into view for the purpose of communicating my
sentiments on a very important circumstance connected with it with that
freedom and candor which a regard for the public interest and a proper
respect for Congress require.
In communicating this result I can not resist the obligation which I feel
to suggest to Congress the propriety of recommending to the States the
adoption of an amendment to the Constitution which shall give to Congress
the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of
such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our
institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them, to apply to our
constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may confidently rely
that if it appears to their satisfaction that the power is necessary, it
will always be granted.
In this case I am happy to observe that experience has afforded the most
ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and
harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union promises to such a
recommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to
suggest also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to
the States to include in the amendment sought a right in Congress to
institute likewise seminaries of learning, for the all-important purpose of
diffusing knowledge among our fellow-citizens throughout the United
States.
Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and
ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that
respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the
establishment of a permanent residence for the National Government and the
spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted show that such
improvement was thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its central
position, between the northern and southern extremes of our Union, and its
approach to the west at the head of a great navigable river which
interlocks with the Western waters, prove the wisdom of the councils which
established it.
In this instance we have the satisfaction to know that they were imposed
when the demand was imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary
fidelity. I have to add that however gratifying it may be to me regarding
the prosperous and happy condition of our country to recommend the repeal
of these taxes at this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events,
and, should any future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such
measures and burdens as may then be requisite and proper.
***
The auspicious circumstances under which you will commence the duties of
the present session will lighten the burdens inseparable from the high
trust committed to you. The fruits of the earth have been unusually
abundant, commerce has flourished, the revenue has exceeded the most
favorable anticipation, and peace and amity are preserved with foreign
nations on conditions just and honorable to our country. For these
inestimable blessings we can not but be grateful to that Providence which
watches over the destiny of nations.
As the term limited for the operation of the commercial convention with
Great Britain will expire early in the month of July next, and it was
deemed important that there should be no interval during which that portion
of our commerce which was provided for by that convention should not be
regulated, either by arrangement between the two Governments or by the
authority of Congress, the minister of the United States at London was
instructed early in the last summer to invite the attention of the British
Government to the subject, with a view to that object. He was instructed to
propose also that the negotiation which it was wished to open might extend
to the general commerce of the two countries, and to every other interest
and unsettled difference between them in the hope that an arrangement might
be made on principles of reciprocal advantage which might comprehend and
provide in a satisfactory manner for all these high concerns.
I have the satisfaction to state that the proposal was received by the
British Government in the spirit which prompted it, and that a negotiation
has been opened at London embracing all these objects. On full
consideration of the great extent and magnitude of the trust it was thought
proper to commit it to not less than two of our distinguished citizens, and
in consequence the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the
United States at Paris has been associated with our envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary at London, to both of whom corresponding
instructions have been given, and they are now engaged in the discharge of
its duties. It is proper to add that to prevent any inconvenience resulting
from the delay incident to a negotiation on so many important subjects it
was agreed before entering on it that the existing convention should be
continued for a term not less than eight years.
Our relations with Spain remain nearly in the state in which they were at
the close of the last session. The convention of 1802, providing for the
adjustment of a certain portion of the claims of our citizens for injuries
sustained by spoliation, and so long suspended by the Spanish Government,
has at length been ratified by it, but no arrangement has yet been made for
the payment of another portion of like claims, not less extensive or well
founded, or for other classes of claims, or for the settlement of
boundaries. These subjects have again been brought under consideration in
both countries, but no agreement has been entered into respecting them.
In the mean time events have occurred which clearly prove the ill effect of
the policy which that Government has so long pursued on the friendly
relations of the two countries, which it is presumed is at least of as much
importance to Spain as to the United States to maintain. A state of things
has existed in the Floridas the tendency of which has been obvious to all
who have paid the slightest attention to the progress of affairs in that
quarter. Throughout the whole of those Provinces to which the Spanish title
extends the Government of Spain has scarcely been felt. Its authority has
been confined almost exclusively to the walls of Pensacola and St.
Augustine, within which only small garrisons have been maintained.
Adventurers from every country, fugitives from justice, and absconding
slaves have found an asylum there. Several tribes of Indians, strong in the
number of their warriors, remarkable for their ferocity, and whose
settlements extend to our limits, inhabit those Provinces.
The invasion of Amelia Island last year by a small band of adventurers, not
exceeding one hundred and fifty in number, who wrested it from the
inconsiderable Spanish force stationed there, and held it several months,
during which a single feeble effort only was made to recover it, which
failed, clearly proves how completely extinct the Spanish authority had
become, as the conduct of those adventurers while in possession of the
island as distinctly shows the pernicious purposes for which their
combination had been formed.
This country had, in fact, become the theater of every species of lawless
adventure. With little population of its own, the Spanish authority almost
extinct, and the colonial governments in a state of revolution, having no
pretension to it, and sufficiently employed in their own concerns, it was
in great measure derelict, and the object of cupidity to every adventurer.
A system of buccaneering was rapidly organizing over it which menaced in
its consequences the lawful commerce of every nation, and particularly the
United States, while it presented a temptation to every people, on whose
seduction its success principally depended.
The right of self defense never ceases. It is among the most sacred, and
alike necessary to nations and to individuals, and whether the attack be
made by Spain herself or by those who abuse her power, its obligation is
not the less strong.
The invaders of Amelia Island had assumed a popular and respected title
under which they might approach and wound us. As their object was
distinctly seen, and the duty imposed on the Executive by an existing law
was profoundly felt, that mask was not permitted to protect them. It was
thought incumbent on the United States to suppress the establishment, and
it was accordingly done. The combination in Florida for the unlawful
purposes stated, the acts perpetrated by that combination, and, above all,
the incitement of the Indians to massacre our fellow citizens of every age
and of both sexes, merited a like treatment and received it.
By this measure, so promptly taken, due respect was shown to the Government
of Spain. The misconduct of her officers has not been imputed to her. She
was enabled to review with candor her relations with the United States and
her own situation, particularly in respect to the territory in question,
with the dangers inseparable from it, and regarding the losses we have
sustained for which indemnity has been so long withheld, and the injuries
we have suffered through that territory, and her means of redress, she was
likewise enabled to take with honor the course best calculated to do
justice to the United States and to promote her own welfare.
The civil war which has so long prevailed between Spain and the Provinces
in South America still continues, without any prospect of its speedy
termination. The information respecting the condition of those countries
which has been collected by the commissioners recently returned from thence
will be laid before Congress in copies of their reports, with such other
information as has been received from other agents of the United States.
From the view taken of this subject, founded on all the information that we
have been able to obtain, there is good cause to be satisfied with the
course heretofore pursued by the United States in regard to this contest,
and to conclude that it is proper to adhere to it, especially in the
present state of affairs.
After satisfying all the demands which have been made under existing
appropriations, including the final extinction of the old 6% stock and the
redemption of a moiety of the Louisiana debt, it is estimated that there
will remain in the Treasury on the 1st day of January next more than $2
millions.
It is ascertained that the gross revenue which has accrued from the customs
during the same period amounts to $21 millions, and that the revenue of
the whole year may be estimated at not less than $26 millions. The sale
of the public lands during the year has also greatly exceeded, both in
quantity and price, that of any former year, and there is just reason to
expect a progressive improvement in that source of revenue.
The strict execution of the revenue laws, resulting principally from the
salutary provisions of the act of the 20th of April last amending the
several collection laws, has, it is presumed, secured to domestic
manufactures all the relief that can be derived from the duties which have
been imposed upon foreign merchandise for their protection. Under the
influence of this relief several branches of this important national
interest have assumed greater activity, and although it is hoped that
others will gradually revive and ultimately triumph over every obstacle,
yet the expediency of granting further protection is submitted to your
consideration.
The measures of defense authorized by existing laws have been pursued with
the zeal and activity due to so important an object, and with all the
dispatch practicable in so extensive and great an undertaking. The survey
of our maritime and inland frontiers has been continued, and at the points
where it was decided to erect fortifications the work has been commenced,
and in some instances considerable progress has been made. In compliance
with resolutions of the last session, the Board of Commissioners were
directed to examine in a particular manner the parts of the coast therein
designated and to report their opinion of the most suitable sites for two
naval depots. This work is in a train of execution. The opinion of the
Board on this subject, with a plan of all the works necessary to a general
system of defense so far as it has been formed, will be laid before
Congress in a report from the proper department as soon as it can be
prepared.
With a view to the security of our inland frontiers, it has been thought
expedient to establish strong posts at the mouth of Yellow Stone River and
at the Mandan village on the Missouri, and at the mouth of St. Peters on
the Mississippi, at no great distance from our northern boundaries. It can
hardly be presumed while such posts are maintained in the rear of the
Indian tribes that they will venture to attack our peaceable inhabitants. A
strong hope is entertained that this measure will likewise be productive of
much good to the tribes themselves, especially in promoting the great
object of their civilization.
It has been necessary during the present year to maintain a strong naval
force in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico, and to send some
public ships along the southern coast and to the Pacific Ocean. By these
means amicable relations with the Barbary Powers have been preserved, our
commerce has been protected, and our rights respected. The augmentation of
our Navy is advancing with a steady progress toward the limit contemplated
by law.
When we view the great blessings with which our country has been favored,
those which we now enjoy, and the means which we possess of handing them
down unimpaired to our latest posterity, our attention is irresistibly
drawn to the source from whence they flow. Let us, then, unite in offering
our most grateful acknowledgments for these blessings to the Divine Author
of All Good.
***
In bringing you to view the incidents most deserving attention which have
occurred since your last session, I regret to have to state that several of
our principal cities have suffered by sickness, that an unusual drought has
prevailed in the Middle and Western States, and that a derangement has been
felt in some of our moneyed institutions which has proportionably affected
their credit. I am happy, however, to have it in my power to assure you
that the health of our cities is now completely restored; that the produce
of the year, though less abundant than usual, will not only be amply
sufficient for home consumption, but afford a large surplus for the supply
of the wants of other nations, and that the derangement in the circulating
paper medium, by being left to those remedies which its obvious causes
suggested and the good sense and virtue of our fellow citizens supplied,
has diminished.
Great losses had been sustained by citizens of the United States from
Spanish cruisers more than 20 years before, which had not been redressed.
These losses had been acknowledged and provided for by a treaty as far back
as the year 1802, which, although concluded at Madrid, was not then
ratified by the Government of Spain, nor since, until the last year, when
it was suspended by the late treaty, a more satisfactory provision to both
parties, as was presumed, having been made for them. Other differences had
arisen in this long interval, affecting their highest interests, which were
likewise provided for by this last treaty.
On the part of the United States this treaty was evidently acceded to in a
spirit of conciliation and concession. The indemnity for injuries and
losses so long before sustained, and now again acknowledged and provided
for, was to be paid by them without becoming a charge on the treasury of
Spain. For territory ceded by Spain other territory of great value, to
which our claim was believed to be well founded, was ceded by the United
States, and in a quarter more interesting to her. This cession was
nevertheless received as the means of indemnifying our citizens in a
considerable sum, the presumed amount of their losses.
It being known that the treaty was formed under these circumstances, not a
doubt was entertained that His Catholic Majesty would have ratified it
without delay. I regret to have to state that this reasonable expectation
has been disappointed; that the treaty was not ratified within the time
stipulated and has not since been ratified. As it is important that the
nature and character of this unexpected occurrence should be distinctly
understood, I think it my duty to communicate to you all the facts and
circumstances in my possession relating to it.
Anxious to prevent all future disagreement with Spain by giving the most
prompt effect to the treaty which had been thus concluded, and particularly
by the establishment of a Government in Florida which should preserve order
there, the minister of the United States who had been recently appointed to
His Catholic Majesty, and to whom the ratification by his Government had
been committed to be exchanged for that of Spain, was instructed to
transmit the latter to the Department of State as soon as obtained, by a
public ship subjected to his order for the purpose.
This order was executed, the authorized communication was made to the
Government of Spain, and by its answer, which has just been received, we
are officially made acquainted for the first time with the causes which
have prevented the ratification of the treaty by His Catholic Majesty. It
is alleged by the minister of Spain that his Government had attempted to
alter one of the principal articles of the treaty by a declaration which
the minister of the United States had been ordered to present when he
should deliver the ratification by his Government in exchange for that of
Spain, and of which he gave notice, explanatory of the sense in which that
article was understood. It is further alleged that this Government had
recently tolerated or protected an expedition from the United States
against the Province of Texas. These two imputed acts are stated as the
reasons which have induced His Catholic Majesty to withhold his
ratification from the treaty, to obtain explanations respecting which it is
repeated that an envoy would be forthwith dispatched to the United States.
How far these allegations will justify the conduct of the Government of
Spain will appear on a view of the following facts and the evidence which
supports them:
With regard to the other act alleged, that this Government had tolerated
or protected an expedition against Texas, it is utterly without
foundation. Every discountenance has invariably been given to any such
attempt within the limits of the United States, as is fully evinced by the
acts of the Government and the proceedings of the courts. There being
cause, however, to apprehend, in the course of the last summer, that some
adventurers entertained views of the kind suggested, the attention of the
constituted authorities in that quarter was immediately drawn to them,
and it is known that the project, whatever it might be, has utterly
failed.
These facts will, it is presumed, satisfy every impartial mind that the
Government of Spain had no justifiable cause for declining to ratify the
treaty. A treaty concluded in conformity with instructions is obligatory,
in good faith, in all its stipulations, according to the true intent and
meaning of the parties. Each party is bound to ratify it. If either could
set it aside without the consent of the other, there would be no longer any
rules applicable to such transactions between nations.
We must have peace on a frontier where we have been so long disturbed; our
citizens must be indemnified for losses so long since sustained, and for
which indemnity has been so unjustly withheld from them. Accomplishing
these great objects, we obtain all that is desirable.
But His Catholic Majesty has twice declared his determination to send a
minister to the United States to ask explanations on certain points and to
give them respecting his delay to ratify the treaty. Shall we act by taking
the ceded territory and proceeding to execute the other conditions of the
treaty before this minister arrives and is heard?
This is a case which forms a strong appeal to the candor, the magnanimity,
and the honor of this people. Much is due to courtesy between nations. By a
short delay we shall lose nothing, for, resting on the ground of immutable
truth and justice, we can not be diverted from our purpose.
In the civil war existing between Spain and the Spanish Provinces in this
hemisphere the greatest care has been taken to enforce the laws intended to
preserve an impartial neutrality. Our ports have continued to be equally
open to both parties and on the same conditions, and our citizens have been
equally restrained from interfering in favor of either to the prejudice of
the other. The progress of the war, however has operated manifestly in
favor of the colonies. Buenos Ayres still maintains unshaken the
independence which it declared in 1816, and has enjoyed since 1810. Like
success has also lately attended Chili and the Provinces north of the La
Plata bordering on it, and likewise Venezuela.
This contest has from its commencement been very interesting to other
powers, and to none more so than to the United States. A virtuous people
may and will confine themselves within the limit of a strict neutrality;
but it is not in their power to behold a conflict so vitally important to
their neighbors without the sensibility and sympathy which naturally belong
to such a case. It has been the steady purpose of this Government to
prevent that feeling leading to excess, and it is very gratifying to have
it in my power to state that so strong has been the sense throughout the
whole community of what was due to the character and obligations of the
nation that very few examples of a contrary kind have occurred.
The distance of the colonies from the parent country and the great extent
of their population and resources gave them advantages which it was
anticipated at a very early period would be difficult for Spain to
surmount. The steadiness, consistency, and success with which they have
pursued their object, as evinced more particularly by the undisturbed
sovereignty which Buenos Ayres has so long enjoyed, evidently give them a
strong claim to the favorable consideration of other nations. These
sentiments on the part of the United States have not been withheld from
other powers, with whom it is desirable to act in concert. Should it become
manifest to the world that the efforts of Spain to subdue these Provinces
will be fruitless, it may be presumed that the Spanish Government itself
will give up the contest. In producing such a determination it can not be
doubted that the opinion of friendly powers who have taken no part in the
controversy will have their merited influence.
At the time of the negotiation for the renewal of the commercial convention
between the United States and Great Britain a hope had been entertained
that an article might have been agreed upon mutually satisfactory to both
countries, regulating upon principles of justice and reciprocity the
commercial intercourse between the United States and the British
possessions as well in the West Indies as upon the continent of North
America. The plenipotentiaries of the two Governments not having been able
to come to an agreement on this important interest, those of the United
States reserved for the consideration of this Government the proposals
which had been presented to them as the ultimate offer on the part of the
British Government, and which they were not authorized to accept. On their
transmission here they were examined with due deliberation, the result of
which was a new effort to meet the views of the British Government. The
minister of the United States was instructed to make a further proposal,
which has not been accepted. It was, however, declined in an amicable
manner. I recommend to the consideration of Congress whether further
prohibitory provisions in the laws relating to this intercourse may not be
expedient. It is seen with interest that although it has not been
practicable as yet to agree in any arrangement of this important branch of
their commerce, such is the disposition of the parties that each will view
any regulations which the other may make respecting it in the most friendly
light.
The causes which have tended to diminish the public receipts could not fail
to have a corresponding effect upon the revenue which has accrued upon
imposts and tonnage during the three first quarters of the present year. It
is, however, ascertained that the duties which have been secured during
that period exceed $18 millions, and those of the whole year will probably
amount to $23 millions.
For the probable receipts of the next year I refer you to the statements
which will be transmitted from the Treasury, which will enable you to judge
whether further provision be necessary.
The great reduction of the currency which the banks have been constrained
to make in order to continue specie payments, and the vitiated character of
it where such reductions have not been attempted, instead of placing within
the reach of these establishments the pecuniary aid necessary to avail
themselves of the advantages resulting from the reduction in the prices of
the raw materials and of labor, have compelled the banks to withdraw from
them a portion of the capital heretofore advanced to them. That aid which
has been refused by the banks has not been obtained from other sources,
owing to the loss of individual confidence from the frequent failures which
have recently occurred in some of our principal commercial cities.
The troops intended to occupy a station at the mouth of the St. Peters, on
the Mississippi, have established themselves there, and those who were
ordered to the mouth of the Yellow Stone, on the Missouri, have ascended
that river to the Council Bluff, where they will remain until the next
spring, when they will proceed to the place of their destination. I have
the satisfaction to state that this measure has been executed in amity with
the Indian tribes, and that it promises to produce, in regard to them, all
the advantages which were contemplated by it.
Much progress has likewise been made in the construction of ships of war
and in the collection of timber and other materials for ship building. It
is not doubted that our Navy will soon be augmented to the number and
placed in all respects on the footing provided for by law.
The Board, consisting of engineers and naval officers, have not yet made
their final report of sites for two naval depots, as instructed according
to the resolutions of March 18th, 1818 and April 20th, 1818, but they
have examined the coast therein designated, and their report is expected
in the next month.
For the protection of our commerce in the Mediterranean, along the southern
Atlantic coast, in the Pacific and Indian oceans, it has been found
necessary to maintain a strong naval force, which it seems proper for the
present to continue. There is much reason to believe that if any portion of
the squadron heretofore stationed in the Mediterranean should be withdrawn
our intercourse with the powers bordering on that sea would be much
interrupted, if not altogether destroyed. Such, too, has been the growth of
a spirit of piracy in the other quarters mentioned, by adventurers from
every country, in abuse of the friendly flags which they have assumed, that
not to protect our commerce there would be to abandon it as a prey to
their rapacity.
Due attention has likewise been paid to the suppression of the slave trade,
in compliance with a law of the last session. Orders have been given to the
commanders of all our public ships to seize all vessels navigated under our
flag engaged in that trade, and to bring them in to be proceeded against in
the manner prescribed by the law. It is hoped that these vigorous measures,
supported by like acts by other nations, will soon terminate a commerce so
disgraceful to the civilized world.
In the execution of the duty imposed by these acts, and of a high trust
connected with it, it is with deep regret I have to state the loss which
has been sustained by the death of Commodore Perry. His gallantry in a
brilliant exploit in the late war added to the renown of his country. His
death is deplored as a national misfortune.
***
From whence do these pressures come? Not from a Government which is founded
by, administered for, and supported by the people. We trace them to the
peculiar character of the epoch in which we live, and to the extraordinary
occurrences which have signalized it. The convulsions with which several of
the powers of Europe have been shaken and the long and destructive wars in
which all were engaged, with their sudden transition to a state of peace,
presenting in the first instance unusual encouragement to our commerce and
withdrawing it in the second even within its wonted limit, could not fail
to be sensibly felt here. The station, too, which we had to support through
this long conflict, compelled as we were finally to become a party to it
with a principal power, and to make great exertions, suffer heavy losses,
and to contract considerable debts, disturbing the ordinary course of
affairs by augmenting to a vast amount the circulating medium, and thereby
elevating at one time the price of every article above a just standard and
depressing it at another below it, had likewise its due effect.
Deeply impressed with these sentiments, I can not regard the pressures to
which I have adverted otherwise than in the light of mild and instructive
admonitions, warning us of dangers to be shunned in future, teaching us
lessons of economy corresponding with the simplicity and purity of our
institutions and best adapted to their support, evincing the connection and
dependence which the various parts of our happy Union have on each other,
thereby augmenting daily our social incorporation and adding by its strong
ties new strength and vigor to the political; opening a wider range, and
with new encouragement, to the industry and enterprise of our fellow
citizens at home and abroad, and more especially by the multiplied proofs
which it has accumulated of the great perfection of our most excellent
system of Government, the powerful instrument in the hands of our
All-merciful Creator in securing to us these blessings.
Happy as our situation is, it does not exempt us from solicitude and care
for the future. On the contrary, as the blessings which we enjoy are great,
proportionably great should be our vigilance, zeal, and activity to
preserve them. Foreign wars may again expose us to new wrongs, which would
impose on us new duties for which we ought to be prepared. The state of
Europe is unsettled, and how long peace may be preserved is altogether
uncertain; in addition to which we have interests of our own to adjust
which will require particular attention. A correct view of our relations
with each power will enable you to form a just idea of existing
difficulties, and of the measures of precaution best adapted to them.
By letters from the minister of the United States to the Secretary of State
it appears that a communication in conformity with his instructions had
been made to the Government of Spain, and that the Cortes had the subject
under consideration. The result of the deliberations of that body, which is
daily expected, will be made known to Congress as soon as it is received.
The friendly sentiment which was expressed on the part of the United States
in the message of the 9th of May last is still entertained for Spain.
Among the causes of regret, however, which are inseparable from the delay
attending this transaction it is proper to state that satisfactory
information has been received that measures have been recently adopted by
designing persons to convert certain parts of the Province of East Florida
into depots for the reception of foreign goods, from whence to smuggle them
into the United States. By opening a port within the limits of Florida,
immediately on our boundary where there was no settlement, the object could
not be misunderstood. An early accommodation of differences will, it is
hoped, prevent all such fraudulent and pernicious practices, and place the
relations of the two countries on a very amicable and permanent basis.
The commercial relations between the United States and the British colonies
in the West Indies and on this continent have undergone no change, the
British Government still preferring to leave that commerce under the
restriction heretofore imposed on it on each side. It is satisfactory to
recollect that the restraints resorted to by the United States were
defensive only, intended to prevent a monopoly under British regulations in
favor of Great Britain, as it likewise is to know that the experiment is
advancing in a spirit of amity between the parties.
The question depending between the United States and Great Britain
respecting the construction of the first article of the treaty of Ghent has
been referred by both Governments to the decision of the Emperor of Russia,
who has accepted the umpirage.
The act referred to, which imposed new tonnage on French vessels, having
been in force from and after the first day of July, it has happened that
several vessels of that nation which had been dispatched from France before
its existence was known have entered the ports of the United States, and
been subject to its operation, without that previous notice which the
general spirit of our laws gives to individuals in similar cases. The
object of that law having been merely to countervail the inequalities which
existed to the disadvantage of the United States in their commercial
intercourse with France, it is submitted also to the consideration of
Congress whether, in the spirit of amity and conciliation which it is no
less the inclination than the policy of the United States to preserve in
their intercourse with other powers, it may not be proper to extend relief
to the individuals interested in those cases by exempting from the
operation of the law all those vessels which have entered our ports without
having had the means of previously knowing the existence of the additional
duty.
The contest between Spain and the colonies, according to the most authentic
information, is maintained by the latter with improved success. The
unfortunate divisions which were known to exist some time since at Buenos
Ayres it is understood still prevail. In no part of South America has Spain
made any impression on the colonies, while in many parts, and particularly
in Venezuela and New Grenada, the colonies have gained strength and
acquired reputation, both for the management of the war in which they have
been successful and for the order of the internal administration.
No facts are known to this Government to warrant the belief that any of the
powers of Europe will take part in the contest, whence it may be inferred,
considering all circumstances which must have weight in producing the
result, that an adjustment will finally take place on the basis proposed by
the colonies. To promote that result by friendly counsels with other
powers, including Spain herself, has been the uniform policy of this
Government.
A few prominent facts will place this great interest in a just light before
you. On September 30th, 1815, the funded and floating debt of the United
States was estimated at $119,635,558. If to this sum be added the amount
of 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States, the amount of
Mississippi stock and of the stock which was issued subsequently to that
date, and as afterwards liquidated, to $158,713,049.
The receipts into the Treasury from every source to the 30th of September
last have amounted to $16,794,107.66, whilst the public expenditures to the
same period amounted to $16,871,534.72, leaving in the Treasury on that day
a sum estimated at $1.95 millions. For the probable receipts of the
following year I refer you to the statement which will be transmitted from
the Treasury.
It is proper to add that there is now due to the Treasury for the sale of
public lands $22,996,545. In bringing this subject to view I consider it my
duty to submit to Congress whether it may not be advisable to extend to the
purchasers of these lands, in consideration of the unfavorable change which
has occurred since the sales, a reasonable indulgence. It is known that the
purchases were made when the price of every article had risen to its
greatest height, and the installments are becoming due at a period of great
depression. It is presumed that some plan may be devised by the wisdom of
Congress, compatible with the public interest, which would afford great
relief to these purchasers.
Considerable progress has been made during the present season in examining
the coast and its various bays and other inlets, in the collection of
materials, and in the construction of fortifications for the defense of the
Union at several of the positions at which it has been decided to erect
such works. At Mobile Point and Dauphin Island, and at the Rigolets,
leading to Lake Pontchartrain, materials to a considerable amount have been
collected, and all the necessary preparations made for the commencement of
the works. At Old Point Comfort, at the mouth of the James River, and at
the Rip-Rap, on the opposite shore in the Chesapeake Bay, materials to a
vast amount have been collected; and at the Old Point some progress has
been made in the construction of the fortification, which is on a very
extensive scale. The work at Fort Washington, on this river, will be
completed early in the next spring, and that on the Pea Patch, in the
Delaware, in the course of the next season. Fort Diamond, at the Narrows,
in the harbor of New York, will be finished this year. The works at
Boston, New York, Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, and Niagara have been
in part repaired, and the coast of North Carolina, extending south to
Cape Fear, has been examined, as have likewise other parts of the coast
eastward of Boston.
Great exertions have been made to push forward these works with the utmost
dispatch possible; but when their extent is considered, with the important
purposes for which they are intended--the defense of the whole coast, and,
in consequence, of the whole interior--and that they are to last for ages,
it will be manifest that a well-digested plan, founded on military
principles, connecting the whole together, combining security with economy,
could not be prepared without repeated examinations of the most exposed and
difficult parts, and that it would also take considerable time to collect
the materials at the several points where they would be required.
From all the light that has been shed on this subject I am satisfied that
every favorable anticipation which has been formed of this great
undertaking will be verified, and that when completed it will afford very
great if not complete protection to our Atlantic frontier in the event of
another war--protection sufficient to counterbalance in a single campaign
with an enemy powerful at sea the expense of all these works, without
taking into the estimate the saving of the lives of so many of our
citizens, the protection of our towns and other property, or the tendency
of such works to prevent war.
With the Indians peace has been preserved and a progress made in carrying
into effect the act of Congress making an appropriation for their
civilization, with the prospect of favorable results. As connected equally
with both these objects, our trade with those tribes is thought to merit
the attention of Congress.
In their original state game is their sustenance and war their occupation,
and if they find no employment from civilized powers they destroy each
other. Left to themselves their extirpation is inevitable.
Our peace with the powers on the coast of Barbary has been preserved, but
we owe it altogether to the presence of our squadron in the Mediterranean.
It has been found equally necessary to employ some of our vessels for the
protection of our commerce in the Indian Sea, the Pacific, and along the
Atlantic coast. The interests which we have depending in those quarters,
which have been much improved of late, are of great extent and of high
importance to the nation as well as to the parties concerned, and would
undoubtedly suffer if such protection was not extended to them. In
execution of the law of the last session for the suppression of the slave
trade some of our public ships have also been employed on the coast of
Africa, where several captures have already been made of vessels engaged in
that disgraceful traffic.
***
The progress of our affairs since the last session has been such as may
justly be claimed and expected under a Government deriving all its powers
from an enlightened people, and under laws formed by their representatives,
on great consideration, for the sole purpose of promoting the welfare and
happiness of their constituents. In the execution of those laws and of the
powers vested by the Constitution in the Executive, unremitted attention
has been paid to the great objects to which they extend.
By an act of March 3rd, 1815, so much of the several acts as imposed higher
duties on the tonnage of foreign vessels and on the manufactures and
productions of foreign nations when imported into the United States in
foreign vessels than when imported in vessels of the United States were
repealed so far as respected the manufactures and productions of the nation
to which such vessels belonged, on the condition that the repeal should
take effect only in favor of any foreign nation when the Executive should
be satisfied that such discriminating duties to the disadvantage of the
United States had likewise been repealed by such nation.
By this act a proposition was made to all nations to place our commerce
with each on a basis which it was presumed would be acceptable to all.
Every nation was allowed to bring its manufactures and productions into our
ports and to take the manufactures and productions of the United States
back to their ports in their own vessels on the same conditions that they
might be transported in vessels of the United States, and in return it was
required that a like accommodation should be granted to the vessels of the
United States in the ports of other powers. The articles to be admitted or
prohibited on either side formed no part of the proposed arrangement. Each
party would retain the right to admit or prohibit such articles from the
other as it thought proper, and on its own conditions.
When the nature of the commerce between the United States and every other
country was taken into view, it was thought that this proposition would be
considered fair, and even liberal, by every power. The exports of the
United States consist generally of articles of the first necessity and of
rude materials in demand for foreign manufactories, of great bulk,
requiring for their transportation many vessels, the return for which in
the manufactures and productions of any foreign country, even when disposed
of there to advantage, may be brought in a single vessel. This observation
is the more especially applicable to those countries from which
manufactures alone are imported, but it applies in great extent to the
European dominions of every European power and in a certain extent to all
the colonies of those powers. By placing, then, the navigation precisely on
the same ground in the transportation of exports and imports between the
United States and other countries it was presumed that all was offered
which could be desired. It seemed to be the only proposition which could be
devised which would retain even the semblance of equality in our favor.
Such was the basis of our system as established by the act of 1815 and such
its true character. In the year in which this act was passed a treaty was
concluded with Great Britain, in strict conformity with its principles, in
regard to her European dominions. To her colonies, however, in the West
Indies and on this continent it was not extended, the British Government
claiming the exclusive supply of those colonies, and from our own ports,
and of the productions of the colonies in return in her own vessels. To
this claim the United States could not assent, and in consequence each
party suspended the intercourse in the vessels of the other by a
prohibition which still exists.
The same conditions were offered to France, but not accepted. Her
Government has demanded other conditions more favorable to her navigation,
and which should also give extraordinary encouragement to her manufactures
and productions in ports of the United States. To these it was thought
improper to accede, and in consequence the restrictive regulations which
had been adopted on her part, being countervailed on the part of the United
States, the direct commerce between the two countries in the vessels of
each party has been in great measure suspended. It is much to be regretted
that, although a negotiation has been long pending, such is the diversity
of views entertained on the various points which have been brought into
discussion that there does not appear to be any reasonable prospect of its
early conclusion.
That the unsettled bank of a river so remote from the Spanish garrisons and
population could give no protection to any party in such a practice is
believed to be in strict accord with the law of nations. It would not have
comported with a friendly policy in Spain herself to have established a
custom house there, since it could have subserved no other purpose than to
elude our revenue law. But the Government of Spain did not adopt that
measure. On the contrary, it is understood that the Captain-General of
Cuba, to whom an application to that effect was made by these adventurers,
had not acceded to it.
The condition of those Provinces for many years before they were ceded to
the United States need not now be dwelt on. Inhabited by different tribes
of Indians and an inroad for every kind of adventurer, the jurisdiction of
Spain may be said to have been almost exclusively confined to her
garrisons. It certainly could not extend to places where she had no
authority. The rules, therefore, applicable to settled countries governed
by laws could not be deemed so to the deserts of Florida and to the
occurrences there.
It merits attention also that the territory had been ceded to the United
States by a treaty the ratification of which had not been refused, and
which has since been performed. Under any circumstances, therefore, Spain
became less responsible for such acts committed there, and the United
States more at liberty to exercise authority to prevent so great a
mischief. The conduct of this Government has in every instance been
conciliatory and friendly to France. The construction of our revenue law in
its application to the cases which have formed the ground of such serious
complaint on her part and the order to the collector of St. Marys, in
accord with it, were given two years before these cases occurred, and in
reference to a breach which was attempted by the subjects of another power.
The application, therefore, to the cases in question was inevitable. As
soon as the treaty by which these Provinces were ceded to the United States
was ratified, and all danger of further breach of our revenue laws ceased,
an order was given for the release of the vessel which had been seized and
for the dismission of the libel which had been instituted against her.
The Government of Norway has by an ordinance opened the ports of that part
of the dominions of the King of Sweden to the vessels of the United States
upon the payment of no other or higher duties than are paid by Norwegian
vessels, from whatever place arriving and with whatever articles laden.
They have requested the reciprocal allowance for the vessels of Norway in
the ports of the United States. As this privilege is not within the scope
of the act of March 3rd, 1815, and can only be granted by Congress, and as
it may involve the commercial relations of the United States with other
nations, the subject is submitted to the wisdom of Congress.
I have presented thus fully to your view our commercial relations with
other powers, that, seeing them in detail with each power, and knowing the
basis on which they rest, Congress may in its wisdom decide whether any
change ought to be made, and, if any, in what respect. If this basis is
unjust or unreasonable, surely it ought to be abandoned; but if it be just
and reasonable, and any change in it will make concessions subversive of
equality and tending in its consequences to sap the foundations of our
prosperity, then the reasons are equally strong for adhering to the ground
already taken, and supporting it by such further regulations as may appear
to be proper, should any additional support be found necessary.
The question concerning the construction of the first article of the treaty
of Ghent has been, by a joint act of the representatives of the United
States and of Great Britain at the Court of St. Petersburg, submitted to
the decision of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia. The result of
that submission has not yet been received. The commissioners under the 5th
article of that treaty not having been able to agree upon their decision,
their reports to the two Governments, according to the provisions of the
treaty, may be expected at an early day.
With Spain the treaty of February 22nd, 1819, has been partly carried into
execution. Possession of East and West Florida has been given to the
United States, but the officers charged with that service by an order
from His Catholic Majesty, delivered by his minister to the Secretary of
State, and transmitted by a special agent to the Captain-General of Cuba,
to whom it was directed and in whom the Government of those Provinces
was vested, have not only omitted, in contravention of the order of their
Sovereign, the performance of the express stipulation to deliver over the
archives and documents relating to the property and sovereignty of those
Provinces, all of which it was expected would have been delivered either
before or when the troops were withdrawn, but defeated since every effort
of the United States to obtain them, especially those of the greatest
importance. This omission has given rise to several incidents of a painful
nature, the character of which will be fully disclosed by the documents
which will be hereafter communicated.
In every other circumstance of the law of the 3rd of March last, for
carrying into effect that treaty, has been duly attended to. For the
execution of that part which preserved in force, for the Government of the
inhabitants for the term specified, all the civil, military, and judicial
powers exercised by the existing Government of those Provinces an adequate
number of officers, as was presumed, were appointed, and ordered to their
respective stations. Both Provinces were formed into one Territory, and a
governor appointed for it; but in consideration of the pre-existing
division and of the distance and difficulty of communication between
Pensacola, the residence of the governor of West Florida, and St.
Augustine, that of the governor of East Florida, at which places the
inconsiderable population of each Province was principally collected, two
secretaries were appointed, the one to reside at Pensacola and the other at
St. Augustine.
Due attention was likewise paid to the execution of the laws of the United
States relating to the revenue and the slave trade, which were extended to
these Provinces. The whole Territory was divided into three collection
districts, that part lying between the river St. Marys and Cape Florida
forming one, that from the Cape to the Apalachicola another, and that from
the Apalachicola to the Perdido the third. To these districts the usual
number of revenue officers were appointed; and to secure the due operation
of these laws one judge and a district attorney were appointed to reside at
Pensacola, and likewise one judge and a district attorney to reside at St.
Augustine, with a specified boundary between them; and one marshal for the
whole, with authority to appoint a deputy.
In carrying this law into effect, and especially that part relating to the
powers of the existing Government of those Provinces, it was thought
important, in consideration of the short term for which it was to operate
and the radical change which would be made at the approaching session of
Congress, to avoid expense, to make no appointment which should not be
absolutely necessary to give effect to those powers, to withdraw none of
our citizens from their pursuits, whereby to subject the Government to
claims which could not be gratified and the parties to losses which it
would be painful to witness.
It has been seen with much concern that in the performance of these duties
a collision arose between the governor of the Territory and the judge
appointed for the western district. It was presumed that the law under
which this transitory Government was organized, and the commissions which
were granted to the officers who were appointed to execute each branch of
the system, and to which the commissions were adapted, would have been
understood in the same sense by them in which they were understood by the
Executive. Much allowance is due to officers employed in each branch of
this system, and the more so as there is good cause to believe that each
acted under the conviction that he possessed the power which he undertook
to exercise. Of the officer holding the principal station, I think it
proper to observe that he accepted it with reluctance, in compliance with
the invitation given him, and from a high sense of duty to his country,
being willing to contribute to the consummation of an event which would
insure complete protection to an important part of our Union, which had
suffered much from incursion and invasion, and to the defense of which his
very gallant and patriotic services had been so signally and usefully
devoted.
From the intrinsic difficulty of executing laws deriving their origin from
different sources, and so essentially different in many important
circumstances, the advantage, and indeed the necessity, of establishing as
soon as practicable a well-organized Government over that Territory on the
principles of our system is apparent. This subject is therefore recommended
to the early consideration of Congress.
In compliance with an injunction of the law of the 3rd of March last, three
commissioners have also been appointed and a board organized for carrying
into effect the 11th article of the treaty above recited, making provision
for the payment of such of our citizens as have well-founded claims on
Spain of the character specified by that treaty. This board has entered on
its duties and made some progress therein. The commissioner and surveyor of
His Catholic Majesty, provided for by the 4th article of the treaty, have
not yet arrived in the United States, but are soon expected. As soon as
they do arrive corresponding appointments will be made and every facility
be afforded for the due execution of this service.
The Government of His Most Faithful Majesty since the termination of the
last session of Congress has been removed from Rio de Janeiro to Lisbon,
where a revolution similar to that which had occurred in the neighboring
Kingdom of Spain had in like manner been sanctioned by the accepted and
pledged faith of the reigning monarch. The diplomatic intercourse between
the United States and the Portuguese dominions, interrupted by this
important event, has not yet been resumed, but the change of internal
administration having already materially affected the commercial
intercourse of the United States with the Portuguese dominions, the renewal
of the public missions between the two countries appears to be desirable at
an early day.
It is understood that the colonies in South America have had great success
during the present year in the struggle for their independence. The new
Government of Colombia has extended its territories and considerably
augmented its strength, and at Buenos Ayres, where civil dissensions had
for some time before prevailed, greater harmony and better order appear to
have been established. Equal success has attended their efforts in the
Provinces on the Pacific. It has long been manifest that it would be
impossible for Spain to reduce these colonies by force, and equally so that
no conditions short of their independence would be satisfactory to them. It
may therefore be presumed, and it is earnestly hoped, that the Government
of Spain, guided by enlightened and liberal councils, will find it to
comport with its interests and due to its magnanimity to terminate this
exhausting controversy on that basis. To promote this result by friendly
counsel with the Government of Spain will be the object of the Government
of the United States.
In conducting the fiscal operations of the year it has been found necessary
to carry into full effect the act of the last session of Congress
authorizing a loan of $5 millions. This sum has been raised at an average
premium of $5.59 per centum upon stock bearing an interest at the rate of
5% per annum, redeemable at the option of the Government after January
1st, 1835.
There has been issued under the provisions of this act $4,735,296.30 of 5%
stock, and there has been or will be redeemed during the year $3,197,030.71
of Louisiana 6% deferred stock and Mississippi stock. There has therefore
been an actual increase of the public debt contracted during the year of
$1,538,266.69.
The receipts into the Treasury from the first of January to the 30th of
September last have amounted to $16,219,197.70, which, with the balance of
$1,198,461.21 in the Treasury on the former day, make the aggregate sum of
$17,417,658.91. The payments from the Treasury during the same period have
amounted to $15,655,288.47, leaving in the Treasury on the last-mentioned
day the sum of $1,762,370.44. It is estimated that the receipts of the 4th
quarter of the year will exceed the demands which will be made on the
Treasury during the same period, and that the amount in the Treasury on the
30th of September last will be increased on the first day of January next.
At the close of the last session it was anticipated that the progressive
diminution of the public revenue in 1819 and 1820, which had been the
result of the languid state of our foreign commerce in those years, had in
the latter year reached its extreme point of depression. It has, however,
been ascertained that that point was reached only at the termination of the
first quarter of the present year. From that time until the 30th of
September last the duties secured have exceeded those of the corresponding
quarters of the last year $1.172 millions, whilst the amount of debentures
issued during the three first quarters of this year is $952,000 less than
that of the same quarters of the last year.
There are just grounds to believe that the improvement which has occurred
in the revenue during the last-mentioned period will not only be
maintained, but that it will progressively increase through the next and
several succeeding years, so as to realize the results which were presented
upon that subject by the official reports of the Treasury at the
commencement of the last session of Congress.
Under the influence of the most unfavorable circumstances the revenue for
the next and subsequent years to the year 1825 will exceed the demands at
present authorized by law.
It can not be doubted that the more complete our internal resources and the
less dependent we are on foreign powers for every national as well as
domestic purpose the greater and more stable will be the public felicity.
By the increase of domestic manufactures will the demand for the rude
materials at home be increased, and thus will the dependence of the several
parts of our Union on each other and the strength of the Union itself be
proportionably augmented.
In this process, which is very desirable, and inevitable under the existing
duties, the resources which obviously present themselves to supply a
deficiency in the revenue, should it occur, are the interests which may
derive the principal benefit from the change. If domestic manufactures are
raised by duties on foreign, the deficiency in the fund necessary for
public purposes should be supplied by duties on the former.
At the last session it seemed doubtful whether the revenue derived from the
present sources would be adequate to all the great purposes of our Union,
including the construction of our fortifications, the augmentation of the
Navy, and the protection of our commerce against the dangers to which it is
exposed. Had the deficiency been such as to subject us to the necessity
either to abandon those measures of defense or to resort to the other means
for adequate funds, the course presented to the adoption of a virtuous and
enlightened people appeared to be a plain one. It must be gratifying to all
to know that this necessity does not exist. Nothing, however, in
contemplation of such important objects, which can be easily provided for,
should be left to hazard. It is thought that the revenue may receive an
augmentation from the existing sources, and in a manner to aid our
manufactures, without hastening prematurely the result which has been
suggested. It is believed that a moderate additional duty on certain
articles would have that effect, without being liable to any serious
objection.
Due progress has been made in the construction of vessels of war according
to the law providing for the gradual augmentation of the Navy, and to the
extent of existing appropriations. The vessels authorized by the act of
1820 have all been completed and are now in actual service. None of the
larger ships have been or will be launched for the present, the object
being to protect all which may not be required for immediate service from
decay by suitable buildings erected over them.
It has also been found necessary to maintain a naval force on the Pacific
for the protection of the very important interests of our citizens engaged
in commerce and the fisheries in that sea. Vessels have likewise been
employed in cruising along the Atlantic coast, in the Gulf of Mexico, on
the coast of Africa, and in the neighboring seas. In the latter many
piracies have been committed on our commerce, and so extensive was becoming
the range of those unprincipled adventurers that there was cause to
apprehend, without a timely and decisive effort to suppress them, the worst
consequences would ensue. Fortunately, a considerable check has been given
to that spirit by our cruisers, who have succeeded in capturing and
destroying several of their vessels. Nevertheless, it is considered an
object of high importance to continue these cruises until the practice is
entirely suppressed.
Like success has attended our efforts to suppress the slave trade. Under
the flag of the United States and the sanction of their papers the trade
may be considered as entirely suppressed, and if any of our citizens are
engaged in it under the flags and papers of other powers, it is only from a
respect of those powers that these offenders are not seized and brought
home to receive the punishment which the laws inflict. If every other power
should adopt the same policy and pursue the same vigorous means for
carrying it into effect, the trade could no longer exist.
Deeply impressed with the blessings which we enjoy, and of which we have
such manifold proofs, my mind is irresistibly drawn to that Almighty Being,
the great source from whence they proceed and to whom our most grateful
acknowledgments are due.
***
Our system has happily advanced to such maturity that I am not aware that
your cares in that respect will be augmented. Other causes exist which are
highly interesting to the whole civilized world and to no portion of it
more so, in certain views, than to the United States. Of these causes and
of their bearing on the interests of our Union I shall communicate the
sentiments which I have formed with that freedom which a sense of duty
dictates. It is proper, however, to invite your attention in the first
instance to those concerns respecting which legislative provision is
thought to be particularly urgent.
Since your last session the prohibition which had been imposed on the
commerce between the United States and the British colonies in the West
Indies and on this continent has likewise been removed. Satisfactory
evidence having been adduced that the ports of those colonies had been
opened to the vessels of the United States by an act of the British
Parliament bearing date on the 24th of June last, on the conditions
specified therein, I deemed it proper, in compliance with the provision of
the first section of the act of the last session above recited, to declare,
by proclamation bearing date on the 24th of August last, that the ports of
the United States should thenceforward and until the end of the next
session of Congress be opened to the vessels of Great Britain employed in
that trade, under the limitation specified in that proclamation.
A doubt was entertained whether the act of Congress applied to the British
colonies on this continent as well as to those in the West Indies, but as
the act of Parliament opened the intercourse equally with both, and it was
the manifest intention of Congress, as well as the obvious policy of the
United States, that the provisions of the act of Parliament should be met
in equal extent on the part of the United States, and as also the act of
Congress was supposed to vest in the President some discretion in the
execution of it, I thought it advisable to give it a corresponding
construction.
The decision of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia on the question
submitted to him by the United States and Great Britain, concerning the
construction of the first article of the treaty of Ghent, has been
received. A convention has since been concluded between the parties, under
the mediation of His Imperial Majesty, to prescribe the mode by which that
article shall be carried into effect in conformity with that decision. I
shall submit this convention to the Senate for its advice and consent as to
the ratification, and, if obtained, shall immediately bring the subject
before Congress for such provisions as may require the interposition of the
Legislature.
The fiscal operations of the year have been more successful than had been
anticipated at the commencement of the last session of Congress.
The receipts into the Treasury during the three first quarters of the year
have exceeded the sum of $14.745 millions. The payments made at the
Treasury during the same period have exceeded $12.279 millions, leaving
the Treasury on the 30th day of September last, including $1,168,592.24
which were in the Treasury on the first day of January last, a sum
exceeding $4.128 millions.
Besides discharging all demands for the current service of the year,
including the interest and reimbursement of the public debt, the 6% stock
of 1796, amounting to $80,000, has been redeemed. It is estimated that,
after defraying the current expenses of the present quarter and redeeming
the $2 millions of 6% stock of 1820, there will remain in the Treasury on
the first of January next nearly $3 millions. It is estimated that the
gross amount of duties which have been secured from the first of January
to the 30th of September last has exceeded $19.5 millions, and the amount
for the whole year will probably not fall short of $23 millions.
The Military Academy forms the basis, in regard to science, on which the
military establishment rests. It furnishes annually, after due examination
and on the report of the academic staff, many well-informed youths to fill
the vacancies which occur in the several corps of the Army, while others
who retire to private life carry with them such attainments as, under the
right reserved to the several States to appoint the officers and to train
the militia, will enable them, by affording a wider field for selection, to
promote the great object of the power vested in Congress of providing for
the organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia. Thus by the mutual
and harmonious cooperation of the two governments in the execution of a
power divided between them, an object always to be cherished, the
attainment of a great result, on which our liberties may depend, can not
fail to be secured. I have to add that in proportion as our regular force
is small should the instruction and discipline of the militia, the great
resource on which we rely, be pushed to the utmost extent that
circumstances will admit.
A report from the Secretary of the Navy will communicate the progress which
has been made in the construction of vessels of war, with other interesting
details respecting the actual state of the affairs of that Department. It
has been found necessary for the protection of our commerce to maintain the
usual squadrons on the Mediterranean, the Pacific, and along the Atlantic
coast, extending the cruises of the latter into the West Indies, where
piracy, organized into a system, has preyed on the commerce of every
country trading thither. A cruise has also been maintained on the coast of
Africa, when the season would permit, for the suppression of the slave
trade, and orders have been given to the commanders of all our public ships
to seize our own vessels, should they find any engaging in that trade, and
to bring them in for adjudication.
In the West Indies piracy is of recent date, which may explain the cause
why other powers have not combined against it. By the documents
communicated it will be seen that the efforts of the United States to
suppress it have had a very salutary effect. The benevolent provision of
the act under which the protection has been extended alike to the commerce
of other nations can not fail to be duly appreciated by them.
In compliance with the act of the last session entitled "An act to abolish
the United States trading establishments", agents were immediately
appointed and instructed, under the direction of the Secretary of the
Treasury, to close the business of the trading houses among the Indian
tribes and to settle the accounts of the factors and sub-factors engaged
in that trade, and to execute in all other respects the injunction of that
act in the mode prescribed therein. A final report of their proceedings
shall be communicated to Congress as soon as it is received.
It is with great regret I have to state that a serious malady has deprived
us of many valuable citizens of Pensacola and checked the progress of some
of those arrangements which are important to the Territory. This effect has
been sensibly felt in respect to the Indians who inhabit that Territory,
consisting of the remnants of the several tribes who occupy the middle
ground between St. Augustine and Pensacola, with extensive claims but
undefined boundaries. Although peace is preserved with those Indians, yet
their position and claims tend essentially to interrupt the intercourse
between the eastern and western parts of the Territory, on which our
inhabitants are principally settled. It is essential to the growth and
prosperity of the Territory, as well as to the interests of the Union, that
those Indians should be removed, by special compact with them, to some
other position or concentration within narrower limits where they are. With
the limited means in the power of the Executive, instructions were given to
the governor to accomplish this object so far as it might be practicable,
which was prevented by the distressing malady referred to. To carry it
fully into effect in either mode additional funds will be necessary, to the
provision of which the powers of Congress are competent. With a view to
such provision as may be deemed proper, the subject is submitted to your
consideration, and in the interim further proceedings are suspended.
It appearing that so much of the act entitled "An act regulating the staff
of the Army", which passed on April 14, 1818, as relates to the
commissariat will expire in April next, and the practical operation of
that department having evinced its great utility, the propriety of its
renewal is submitted to your consideration.
The view which has been taken of the probable productiveness of the lead
mines, connected with the importance of the material to the public defense,
makes it expedient that they should be managed with peculiar care. It is
therefore suggested whether it will not comport with the public interest to
provide by law for the appointment of an agent skilled in mineralogy to
superintend them, under the direction of the proper department.
A bill which assumed the right to adopt and execute such a system having
been presented for my signature at the last session, I was compelled, from
the view which I had taken of the powers of the General Government, to
negative it, on which occasion I thought it proper to communicate the
sentiments which I had formed, on mature consideration, on the whole
subject. To that communication, in all the views in which the great
interest to which it relates may be supposed to merit your attention, I
have now to refer. Should Congress, however, deem it improper to recommend
such an amendment, they have, according to my judgment, the right to keep
the road in repair by providing for the superintendence of it and
appropriating the money necessary for repairs. Surely if they had the right
to appropriate money to make the road they have a right to appropriate it
to preserve the road from ruin. From the exercise of this power no danger
is to be apprehended.
Under our happy system the people are the sole and exclusive fountain of
power. Each Government originates from them, and to them alone, each to its
proper constituents, are they respectively and solely responsible for the
faithful discharge of their duties within their constitutional limits; and
that the people will confine their public agents of every station to the
strict line of their constitutional duties there is no cause of doubt.
So great was the amount of accounts for moneys advanced during the late
war, in addition to others of a previous date which in the regular
operations of the Government necessarily remained unsettled, that it
required a considerable length of time for their adjustment. By a report
from the first Comptroller of the Treasury it appears that on March 4th,
1817, the accounts then unsettled amounted to $103,068,876.41, of which on
September 30th, 1822, $93,175,396.56 had been settled, leaving on that day
a balance unsettled of $9,893,479.85. That there have been drawn from the
Treasury, in paying the public debt and sustaining the Government in all
its operations and disbursements, since March 4th, 1817, $157,199,380.96,
the accounts for which have been settled to the amount of $137,501,451.12,
leaving a balance unsettled of $19,697,929.84. For precise details
respecting each of these balances I refer to the report of the Comptroller
and the documents which accompany it.
From this view it appears that our commercial differences with France and
Great Britain have been placed in a train of amicable arrangement on
conditions fair and honorable in both instances to each party; that our
finances are in a very productive state, our revenue being at present fully
competent to all the demands upon it; that our military force is well
organized in all its branches and capable of rendering the most important
service in case of emergency that its number will admit of; that due
progress has been made, under existing appropriations, in the construction
of fortifications and in the operations of the Ordnance Department; that
due progress has in like manner been made in the construction of ships of
war; that our Navy is in the best condition, felt and respected in every
sea in which it is employed for the protection of our commerce; that our
manufactures have augmented in amount and improved in quality; that great
progress has been made in the settlement of accounts and in the recovery of
the balances due by individuals, and that the utmost economy is secured and
observed in every Department of the Administration. Other objects will
likewise claim your attention, because from the station which the United
States hold as a member of the great community of nations they have rights
to maintain, duties to perform, and dangers to encounter.
A strong hope was entertained that peace would ere this have been concluded
between Spain and the independent governments south of the United States in
this hemisphere. Long experience having evinced the competency of those
governments to maintain the independence which they had declared, it was
presumed that the considerations which induced their recognition by the
United States would have had equal weight with other powers, and that Spain
herself, yielding to those magnanimous feelings of which her history
furnishes so many examples, would have terminated on that basis a
controversy so unavailing and at the same time so destructive. We still
cherish the hope that this result will not long be postponed.
Sustaining our neutral position and allowing to each party while the war
continues equal rights, it is incumbent on the United States to claim of
each with equal rigor the faithful observance of our rights according to
the well-known law of nations. From each, therefore, a like cooperation is
expected in the suppression of the piratical practice which has grown out
of this war and of blockades of extensive coasts on both seas, which,
considering the small force employed to sustain them, have not the
slightest foundation to rest on.
Europe is still unsettled, and although the war long menaced between Russia
and Turkey has not broken out, there is no certainty that the differences
between those powers will be amicably adjusted. It is impossible to look to
the oppressions of the country respecting which those differences arose
without being deeply affected. The mention of Greece fills the mind with
the most exalted sentiments and arouses in our bosoms the best feelings of
which our nature is susceptible. Superior skill and refinement in the arts,
heroic gallantry in action, disinterested patriotism, enthusiastic zeal and
devotion in favor of public and personal liberty are associated with our
recollections of ancient Greece. That such a country should have been
overwhelmed and so long hidden, as it were, from the world under a gloomy
despotism has been a cause of unceasing and deep regret to generous minds
for ages past. It was natural, therefore, that the reappearance of those
people in their original character, contending in favor of their liberties,
should produce that great excitement and sympathy in their favor which have
been so signally displayed throughout the United States. A strong hope is
entertained that these people will recover their independence and resume
their equal station among the nations of the earth.
A great effort has been made in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition
of the people, and it must be very consoling to all benevolent minds to see
the extraordinary moderation with which it has been conducted. That it may
promote the happiness of both nations is the ardent wish of this whole
people, to the expression of which we confine ourselves; for whatever may
be the feelings or sentiments which every individual under our Government
has a right to indulge and express, it is nevertheless a sacred maxim,
equally with the Government and people, that the destiny of every
independent nation in what relates to such improvements of right belongs
and ought to be left exclusively to themselves.
Whether we reason from the late wars or from those menacing symptoms which
now appear in Europe, it is manifest that if a convulsion should take place
in any of those countries it will proceed from causes which have no
existence and are utterly unknown in these States, in which there is but
one order, that of the people, to whom the sovereignty exclusively
belongs.
Should war break out in any of those countries who can foretell the extent
to which it may be carried or the desolation which it may spread? Exempt as
we are from these causes, our internal tranquillity is secure; and distant
as we are from the troubled scene, and faithful to first principles in
regard to other powers, we might reasonably presume that we should not be
molested by them. This, however, ought not to be calculated on as certain.
Unprovoked injuries are often inflicted and even the peculiar felicity of
our situation might with some be a cause for excitement and aggression.
When we see that a civil war of the most frightful character rages from the
Adriatic to the Black Sea; that strong symptoms of war appear in other
parts, proceeding from causes which, should it break out, may become
general and be of long duration; that the war still continues between Spain
and the independent governments, her late Provinces, in this hemisphere;
that it is likewise menaced between Portugal and Brazil, in consequence of
the attempt of the latter to dismember itself from the former, and that a
system of piracy of great extent is maintained in the neighboring seas,
which will require equal vigilance and decision to suppress it, the reasons
for sustaining the attitude which we now hold and for pushing forward all
our measures of defense with the utmost vigor appear to me to acquire new
force.
The United States owe to the world a great example, and, by means thereof,
to the cause of liberty and humanity a generous support. They have so far
succeeded to the satisfaction of the virtuous and enlightened of every
country. There is no reason to doubt that their whole movement will be
regulated by a sacred regard to principle, all our institutions being
founded on that basis. The ability to support our own cause under any trial
to which it may be exposed is the great point on which the public
solicitude rests.
It has been often charged against free governments that they have neither
the foresight nor the virtue to provide at the proper season for great
emergencies; that their course is improvident and expensive; that war will
always find them unprepared, and, whatever may be its calamities, that its
terrible warnings will be disregarded and forgotten as soon as peace
returns. I have full confidence that this charge so far as relates to the
United States will be shewn to be utterly destitute of truth.
***
Many important subjects will claim your attention during the present
session, of which I shall endeavor to give, in aid of your deliberations, a
just idea in this communication. I undertake this duty with diffidence,
from the vast extent of the interests on which I have to treat and of their
great importance to every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal
from a thorough conviction that there never was a period since the
establishment of our Revolution when, regarding the condition of the
civilized world and its bearing on us, there was greater necessity for
devotion in the public servants to their respective duties, or for virtue,
patriotism, and union in our constituents.
The commissioners under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, having
disagreed in their opinions respecting that portion of the boundary between
the Territories of the United States and of Great Britain the establishment
of which had been submitted to them, have made their respective reports in
compliance with that article, that the same might be referred to the
decision of a friendly power. It being manifest, however, that it would be
difficult, if not impossible, for any power to perform that office without
great delay and much inconvenience to itself, a proposal has been made by
this Government, and acceded to by that of Great Britain, to endeavor to
establish that boundary by amicable negotiation.
It appearing from long experience that no satisfactory arrangement could be
formed of the commercial intercourse between the United States and the
British colonies in this hemisphere by legislative acts while each party
pursued its own course without agreement or concert with the other, a
proposal has been made to the British Government to regulate this commerce
by treaty, as it has been to arrange in like manner the just claim of the
citizens of the United States inhabiting the States and Territories
bordering on the lakes and rivers which empty into the St. Lawrence to the
navigation of that river to the ocean. For these and other objects of high
importance to the interests of both parties a negotiation has been opened
with the British Government which it is hoped will have a satisfactory
result.
The commissioners under the 6th and 7th articles of the treaty of Ghent
having successfully closed their labors in relation to the 6th, have
proceeded to the discharge of those relating to the 7th. Their progress in
the extensive survey required for the performance of their duties justifies
the presumption that it will be completed in the ensuing year.
The negotiation which had been long depending with the French Government on
several important subjects, and particularly for a just indemnity for
losses sustained in the late wars by the citizens of the United States
under unjustifiable seizures and confiscations of their property, has not
as yet had the desired effect. As this claim rests on the same principle
with others which have been admitted by the French Government, it is not
perceived on what just ground it can be rejected. A minister will be
immediately appointed to proceed to France and resume the negotiation on
this and other subjects which may arise between the two nations.
Since the close of the last session of Congress the commissioners and
arbitrators for ascertaining and determining the amount of indemnification
which may be due to citizens of the United States under the decision of His
Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, in conformity to the convention
concluded at St. Petersburg on July 12th, 1822, have assembled in this
city, and organized themselves as a board for the performance of the
duties assigned to them by that treaty. The commission constituted under
the 11th article of the treaty of February 22nd, 1819, between the United
States and Spain is also in session here, and as the term of three years
limited by the treaty for the execution of the trust will expire before
the period of the next regular meeting of Congress, the attention of the
Legislature will be drawn to the measures which may be necessary to
accomplish the objects for which the commission was instituted.
At the commencement of the recent war between France and Spain it was
declared by the French Government that it would grant no commissions to
privateers, and that neither the commerce of Spain herself nor of neutral
nations should be molested by the naval force of France, except in the
breach of a lawful blockade. This declaration, which appears to have been
faithfully carried into effect, concurring with principles proclaimed and
cherished by the United States from the first establishment of their
independence, suggested the hope that the time had arrived when the
proposal for adopting it as a permanent and invariable rule in all future
maritime wars might meet the favorable consideration of the great European
powers. Instructions have accordingly been given to our ministers with
France, Russia, and Great Britain to make those proposals to their
respective Governments, and when the friends of humanity reflect on the
essential amelioration to the condition of the human race which would
result from the abolition of private war on the sea and on the great
facility by which it might be accomplished, requiring only the consent of a
few sovereigns, an earnest hope is indulged that these overtures will meet
with an attention animated by the spirit in which they were made, and that
they will ultimately be successful.
The ministers who were appointed to the Republics of Colombia and Buenos
Ayres during the last session of Congress proceeded shortly afterwards to
their destinations. Of their arrival there official intelligence has not
yet been received. The minister appointed to the Republic of Chile will
sail in a few days. An early appointment will also be made to Mexico. A
minister has been received from Colombia, and the other Governments have
been informed that ministers, or diplomatic agents of inferior grade, would
be received from each, accordingly as they might prefer the one or the
other.
The minister appointed to Spain proceeded soon after his appointment for
Cadiz, the residence of the Sovereign to whom he was accredited. In
approaching that port the frigate which conveyed him was warned off by the
commander of the French squadron by which it was blockaded and not
permitted to enter, although apprised by the captain of the frigate of the
public character of the person whom he had on board, the landing of whom
was the sole object of his proposed entry. This act, being considered an
infringement of the rights of ambassadors and of nations, will form a just
cause of complaint to the Government of France against the officer by whom
it was committed.
The actual condition of the public finances more than realizes the
favorable anticipations that were entertained of it at the opening of the
last session of Congress. On the first of January there was a balance in
the Treasury of $4,237,427.55. From that time to the 30th of September the
receipts amounted to upward of $16.1 millions, and the expenditures to
$11.4 millions. During the 4th quarter of the year it is estimated that
the receipts will at least equal the expenditures, and that there will
remain in the Treasury on the first day of January next a surplus of
nearly $9 millions.
On January 1st, 1825, a large amount of the war debt and a part of the
Revolutionary debt become redeemable. Additional portions of the former
will continue to become redeemable annually until the year 1835. it is
believed, however, that if the United States remain at peace the whole of
that debt may be redeemed by the ordinary revenue of those years during
that period under the provision of the act of March 3rd, 1817, creating the
sinking fund, and in that case the only part of the debt that will remain
after the year 1835 will be the $7 millions of 5% stock subscribed to the
Bank of the United States, and the 3% Revolutionary debt, amounting to
$13,296,099.06, both of which are redeemable at the pleasure of the
Government.
The state of the Army in its organization and discipline has been gradually
improving for several years, and has now attained a high degree of
perfection. The military disbursements have been regularly made and the
accounts regularly and promptly rendered for settlement. The supplies of
various descriptions have been of good quality, and regularly issued at all
of the posts. A system of economy and accountability has been introduced
into every branch of the service which admits of little additional
improvement. This desirable state has been attained by the act reorganizing
the staff of the Army, passed on April 14th, 1818.
The Board of Engineers and the Topographical Corps have been in constant
and active service in surveying the coast and projecting the works
necessary for its defense.
The money appropriated for the use of the Ordnance Department has been
regularly and economically applied. The fabrication of arms at the national
armories and by contract with the Department has been gradually improving
in quality and cheapness. It is believed that their quality is now such as
to admit of but little improvement.
Under the appropriation of $5,000 for exploring the Western waters for the
location of a site for a Western armory, a commission was constituted,
consisting of Colonel McRee, Colonel Lee, and Captain Talcott, who have
been engaged in exploring the country. They have not yet reported the
result of their labors, but it is believed that they will be prepared to do
it at an early part of the session of Congress.
During the month of June last General Ashley and his party, who were
trading under a license from the Government, were attacked by the Ricarees
while peaceably trading with the Indians at their request. Several of the
party were killed and wounded and their property taken or destroyed.
The report of the Secretary of War shews the progress made during the three
first quarters of the present year by the application of the fund
appropriated for arming the militia. Much difficulty is found in
distributing the arms according to the act of Congress providing for it
from the failure of the proper departments in many of the States to make
regular returns. The act of May 12, 1820 provides that the system of
tactics and regulations of the various corps of the Regular Army shall be
extended to the militia. This act has been very imperfectly executed from
the want of uniformity in the organization of the militia, proceeding from
the defects of the system itself, and especially in its application to that
main arm of the public defense. It is thought that this important subject
in all its branches merits the attention of Congress.
The usual force has been maintained in the Mediterranean Sea, the Pacific
Ocean, and along the Atlantic coast, and has afforded the necessary
protection to our commerce in those seas.
In the West Indies and the Gulf of Mexico our naval force has been
augmented by the addition of several small vessels provided for by the "act
authorizing an additional naval force for the suppression of piracy",
passed by Congress at their last session. That armament has been eminently
successful in the accomplishment of its object. The piracies by which our
commerce in the neighborhood of the island of Cuba had been afflicted have
been repressed and the confidence of our merchants in a great measure
restored.
The patriotic zeal and enterprise of Commodore Porter, to whom the command
of the expedition was confided, has been fully seconded by the officers and
men under his command. And in reflecting with high satisfaction on the
honorable manner in which they have sustained the reputation of their
country and its Navy, the sentiment is alloyed only by a concern that in
the fulfillment of that arduous service the diseases incident to the season
and to the climate in which it was discharged have deprived the nation of
many useful lives, and among them of several officers of great promise.
The usual orders have been given to all our public ships to seize American
vessels in the slave trade and bring them in for adjudication, and I have
the gratification to state that not one so employed has been discovered,
and there is good reason to believe that our flag is now seldom, if at all,
disgraced by that traffic.
There is established by law 88,600 miles of post roads, on which the mail
is now transported 85,700 miles, and contracts have been made for its
transportation on all the established routes, with one or two exceptions.
There are 5,240 post offices in the Union, and as many post masters. The
gross amount of postage which accrued from July 1st, 1822 to July 1st,
1823 was $1,114,345.12. During the same period the expenditures of the
Post-Office Department amounted to $1,169,885.51 and consisted of the
following items, viz: Compensation to post masters, $353,995.98;
incidental expenses, $30,866.37; transportation of the mail, $784,600.08;
payments into the Treasury, $423.08. On the first of July last there was
due to the Department from post masters $135,245.28; from late post
masters and contractors, $256,749.31; making a total amount of balances
due to the Department of $391,994.59.
The transportation of the mail within five years past has been greatly
extended, and the expenditures of the Department proportionably increased.
Although the postage which has accrued within the last three years has
fallen short of the expenditures $262,821.46, it appears that collections
have been made from the outstanding balances to meet the principal part of
the current demands.
It is estimated that not more than $250,000 of the above balances can be
collected, and that a considerable part of this sum can only be realized by
a resort to legal process. Some improvements in the receipts for postage is
expected. A prompt attention to the collection of moneys received by post
masters, it is believed, will enable the Department to continue its
operations without aid from the Treasury, unless the expenditures shall be
increased by the establishment of new mail routes.
A revision of some parts of the post office law may be necessary; and it is
submitted whether it would not be proper to provide for the appointment of
post masters, where the compensation exceeds a certain amount, by
nomination to the Senate, as other officers of the General Government are
appointed.
The sum which was appropriated at the last session for the repairs of the
Cumberland road has been applied with good effect to that object. A final
report has not been received from the agent who was appointed to
superintend it. As soon as it is received it shall be communicated to
Congress.
Many patriotic and enlightened citizens who have made the subject an object
of particular investigation have suggested an improvement of still greater
importance. They are of the opinion that the waters of the Chesapeake and
Ohio may be connected together by one continued canal, and at an expense
far short of the value and importance of the object to be obtained. If this
could be accomplished it is impossible to calculate the beneficial
consequences which would result from it.
A great portion of the produce of the very fertile country through which it
would pass would find a market through that channel. Troops might be moved
with great facility in war, with cannon and every kind of munition, and in
either direction. Connecting the Atlantic with the Western country in a
line passing through the seat of the National Government, it would
contribute essentially to strengthen the bond of union itself.
The act of Congress of May 7th, 1822, appropriated the sum of $22,700 for
the purpose of erecting two piers as a shelter for vessels from ice near
Cape Henlopen, Delaware Bay. To effect the object of the act the officers
of the Board of Engineers, with Commodore Bainbridge, were directed to
prepare plans and estimates of piers sufficient to answer the purpose
intended by the act. It appears by their report, which accompanies the
documents from the War Department, that the appropriation is not adequate
to the purpose intended; and as the piers would be of great service both to
the navigation of the Delaware Bay and the protection of vessels on the
adjacent parts of the coast, I submit for the consideration of Congress
whether additional and sufficient appropriations should not be made.
The Board of Engineers were also directed to examine and survey the
entrance of the harbor of the port of Presqu'isle, in Pennsylvania, in
order to make an estimate of the expense of removing the obstructions
to the entrance, with a plan of the best mode of effecting the same, under
the appropriation for that purpose by act of Congress passed 3rd of March
last. The report of the Board accompanies the papers from the War
Department, and is submitted for the consideration of Congress.
A strong hope has been long entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of
the Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest and resume their equal
station among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the whole
civilized world take a deep interest in their welfare. Although no power
has declared in their favor, yet none according to our information, has
taken part against them. Their cause and their name have protected them
from dangers which might ere this have overwhelmed any other people. The
ordinary calculations of interest and of acquisition with a view to
aggrandizement, which mingles so much in the transactions of nations, seem
to have had no effect in regard to them. From the facts which have come to
our knowledge there is good cause to believe that their enemy has lost
forever all dominion over them; that Greece will become again an
independent nation. That she may obtain that rank is the object of our most
ardent wishes.
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort
was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the
people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with
extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has
been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in
that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from
which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested
spectators.
The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in
favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the
Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to
themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
policy so to do.
It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent
injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this
hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers.
In the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared our
neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered,
and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the
judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a
corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to
their security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled.
Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the
allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory
to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of
Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same
principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose governments
differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none
more so than the United States.
Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the
wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless
remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of
any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate
government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve
those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all
instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from
none.
If we compare the present condition of our Union with its actual state at
the close of our Revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example
of a progress in improvement in all the important circumstances which
constitute the happiness of a nation which bears any resemblance to it. At
the first epoch our population did not exceed 3,000,000. By the last census
it amounted to about 10,000,000, and, what is more extraordinary, it is
almost altogether native, for the immigration from other countries has been
inconsiderable.
At the first epoch half the territory within our acknowledged limits was
uninhabited and a wilderness. Since then new territory has been acquired of
vast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the
Mississippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was of the highest
importance to the original States. Over this territory our population has
expanded in every direction, and new States have been established almost
equal in number to those which formed the first bond of our Union. This
expansion of our population and accession of new States to our Union have
had the happiest effect on all its highest interests.
That it has eminently augmented our resources and added to our strength and
respectability as a power is admitted by all, but it is not in these
important circumstances only that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest
that by enlarging the basis of our system and increasing the number of
States the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its
branches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally
impracticable.
Each Government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from
the other, and in consequence each, enjoying a greater freedom of action,
is rendered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was
instituted.
***
The view which I have now to present to you of our affairs, foreign and
domestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations which have been
entertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole, our growth
as a nation continues to be rapid beyond example; if to the States which
compose it, the same gratifying spectacle is exhibited. Our expansion over
the vast territory within our limits has been great, without indicating any
decline in those sections from which the emigration has been most
conspicuous. We have daily gained strength by a native population in every
quarter--a population devoted to our happy system of government and
cherishing the bond of union with internal affection.
In every other circumstance a correct view of the actual state of our Union
must be equally gratifying to our constituents. Our relations with foreign
powers are of a friendly character, although certain interesting
differences remain unsettled with some. Our revenue under the mild system
of impost and tonnage continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the
Government. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation
flourish. Our fortifications are advancing in the degree authorized by
existing appropriations to maturity, and due progress is made in the
augmentation of the Navy to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these
blessings we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with
profound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments.
With Great Britain our commercial intercourse rests on the same footing
that it did at the last session. By the convention of 1815, the commerce
between the United States and the British dominions in Europe and the East
Indies was arranged on a principle of reciprocity. That convention was
confirmed and continued in force, with slight exceptions, by a subsequent
treaty for the term of ten years from October 20th, 1818, the date of
the latter.
The trade with the British colonies in the West Indies has not as yet been
arranged, by treaty or otherwise, to our satisfaction. An approach to that
result has been made by legislative acts, whereby many serious impediments
which had been raised by the parties in defense of their respective claims
were removed. An earnest desire exists, and has been manifested on the part
of this Government, to place the commerce with the colonies, likewise, on a
footing of reciprocal advantage, and it is hoped that the British
Government, seeing the justice of the proposal and its importance to the
colonies, will ere long accede to it.
The commissioners who were appointed for the adjustment of the boundary
between the territories of the United States and those of Great Britain,
specified in the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, having disagreed in
their decision, and both Governments having agreed to establish that
boundary by amicable negotiation between them, it is hoped that it may be
satisfactorily adjusted in that mode. The boundary specified by the 6th
article has been established by the decision of the commissioners. From the
progress made in that provided for by the 7th, according to a report
recently received, there is good cause to presume that it will be settled
in the course of the ensuing year.
The principles upon which the commercial policy of the United States is
founded are to be traced to an early period. They are essentially connected
with those upon which their independence was declared, and owe their origin
to the enlightened men who took the lead in our affairs at that important
epoch. They are developed in their first treaty of commerce with France of
February 6th, 1778, and by a formal commission which was instituted
Immediately after the conclusion of their Revolutionary struggle, for the
purpose of negotiating treaties of commerce with every European power. The
first treaty of the United States with Prussia, which was negotiated by
that commission, affords a signal illustration of those principles. The act
of Congress of March 3rd, 1815, adopted immediately after the return of a
general peace, was a new overture to foreign nations to establish our
commercial relations with them on the basis of free and equal reciprocity.
That principle has pervaded all the acts of Congress and all the
negotiations of the Executive on the subject.
With the remaining powers of Europe, with those on the coast of Barbary,
and with all the new South American States our relations are of a friendly
character. We have ministers plenipotentiary residing with the Republics of
Colombia and Chile, and have received ministers of the same rank from
Columbia, Guatemala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico. Our commercial relations
with all those States are mutually beneficial and increasing. With the
Republic of Colombia a treaty of commerce has been formed, of which a copy
is received and the original daily expected. A negotiation for a like
treaty would have been commenced with Buenos Ayres had it not been
prevented by the indisposition and lamented decease of Mr. Rodney, our
minister there, and to whose memory the most respectful attention has been
shewn by the Government of that Republic. An advantageous alteration in our
treaty with Tunis has been obtained by our consular agent residing there,
the official document of which when received will be laid before the
Senate.
The attention of the Government has been drawn with great solicitude to
other subjects, and particularly to that relating to a state of maritime
war, involving the relative rights of neutral and belligerent in such wars.
Most of the difficulties which we have experienced and of the losses which
we have sustained since the establishment of our independence have
proceeded from the unsettled state of those rights and the extent to which
the belligerent claim has been carried against the neutral party.
In the late war between France and Spain a crisis occurred in which it
seemed probable that all controvertible principles involved in such wars
might be brought into discussion and settled to the satisfaction of all
parties. Propositions having this object in view have been made to the
Governments of Great Britain, France, Russia, and of other powers, which
have been received in a friendly manner by all, but as yet no treaty has
been formed with either for its accomplishment. The policy will, it is
presumed, be persevered in, and in the hope that it may be successful.
It will always be recollected that with one of the parties to those wars
and from whom we received those injuries, we sought redress by war. From
the other, by whose then reigning Government our vessels were seized in
port as well as at sea and their cargoes confiscated, indemnity has been
expected, but has not yet been rendered. It was under the influence of the
latter that our vessels were likewise seized by the Governments of Spain,
Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Naples, and from whom indemnity has been
claimed and is still expected, with the exception of Spain, by whom it has
been rendered.
With both parties we had abundant cause of war, but we had no alternative
but to resist that which was most powerful at sea and pressed us nearest at
home. With this all differences were settled by a treaty, founded on
conditions fair and honorable to both, and which has been so far executed
with perfect good faith. It has been earnestly hoped that the other would
of its own accord, and from a sentiment of justice and conciliation, make
to our citizens the indemnity to which they are entitled, and thereby
remove from our relations any just cause of discontent on our side.
It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the current
year, exclusive of loans, will exceed $18.5 millions, which, with the
sum remaining in the Treasury at the end of the last year, amounting
to $9,463,922.81 will, after discharging the current disbursements of
the year, the interest on the public debt, and upward of $11,633,011.52
of the principal, leave a balance of more than $3 millions in the Treasury
on the first day of January next.
A larger amount of the debt contracted during the late war, bearing an
interest of 6%, becoming redeemable in the course of the ensuing year than
could be discharged by the ordinary revenue, the act of the 26th of May
authorized a loan of $5 millions at 4.5% to meet the same. By this
arrangement an annual saving will accrue to the public of $75,000.
Under the act of the 24th of May last a loan of $5 millions was authorized,
In order to meet the awards under the Florida treaty, which was negotiated
at par with the Bank of the United States at 4.5%, the limit of interest
fixed by the act. By this provision the claims of our citizens who had
sustained so great a loss by spoliations, and from whom indemnity had been
so long withheld, were promptly paid. For these advances the public will
be amply repaid at no distant day by the sale of the lands in Florida. Of
the great advantages resulting from the acquisition of the Territory in
other respects too high an estimate can not be formed.
It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the year 1825
will be sufficient to meet the disbursements of the year, including the
sum of $10 millions, which is annually appropriated by the act of
constituting the sinking fund to the payment of the principal and interest
of the public debt.
The whole amount of the public debt on the first of January next may be
estimated at $86 millions, inclusive of $2.5 millions of the loan
authorized by the act of the 26th of May last. In this estimate is
included a stock of $7 millions, issued for the purchase of that amount
of the capital stock of the Bank of the United States, and which, as the
stock of the bank still held by the Government will at least be fully
equal to its reimbursement, ought not to be considered as constituting
a part of the public debt.
Estimating, then, the whole amount of the public debt at $79 millions
and regarding the annual receipts and expenditures of the Government, a
well-founded hope may be entertained that, should no unexpected event
occur, the whole of the public debt may be discharged in the course of
ten years, and the Government be left at liberty thereafter to apply such
portion of the revenue as may not be necessary for current expenses to
such other objects as may be most conducive to the public security and
welfare. That the sums applicable to these objects will be very
considerable may be fairly concluded when it is recollected that a
large amount of the public revenue has been applied since the late
war to the construction of the public buildings in this city; to the
erection of fortifications along the coast and of arsenals in different
parts of the Union; to the augmentation of the Navy; to the extinguishment
of the Indian title to large tracts of fertile territory; to the
acquisition of Florida; to pensions to Revolutionary officers and
soldiers, and to invalids of the late war.
On many of these objects the expense will annually be diminished and cease
at no distant period on most of them.
The condition of the Army itself, as relates to the officers and men, in
science and discipline is highly respectable. The Military Academy, on
which the Army essentially rests, and to which it is much indebted for this
state of improvement, has attained, in comparison with any other
institution of a like kind, a high degree of perfection.
Experience, however, has shewn that the dispersed condition of the corps of
artillery is unfavorable to the discipline of that important branch of the
military establishment. To remedy this inconvenience, eleven companies have
been assembled at the fortification erected at Old Point Comfort as a
school for artillery instruction, with intention as they shall be perfected
in the various duties of that service to order them to other posts, and, to
supply their places with other companies for instruction in like manner. In
this mode a complete knowledge of the science and duties of this arm will
be extended throughout the whole corps of artillery. But to carry this
object fully into effect will require the aid of Congress, to obtain which
the subject is now submitted to your consideration.
The provisions in several acts of Congress of the last session for the
improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio, of the
harbor of Presqu'isle, on Lake Erie, and the repair of the Plymouth beach
are in a course of regular execution; and there is reason to believe that
the appropriation in each instance will be adequate to the object. To carry
these improvements fully into effect, the superintendence of them has been
assigned to officers of the Corps of Engineers.
Under the act of 30th April last, authorizing the President to cause a
survey to be made, with the necessary plans and estimates, of such roads
and canals as he might deem of national importance in a commercial or
military point of view, or for the transportation of the mail, a board has
been instituted, consisting of two distinguished officers of the Corps of
Engineers and a distinguished civil engineer, with assistants, who have
been actively employed in carrying into effect the object of the act. They
have carefully examined the route between the Potomac and the Ohio rivers;
between the latter and Lake Erie; between the Alleghany and the
Susquehannah; and the routes between the Delaware and the Raritan,
Barnstable and Buzzards Bay, and between Boston Harbor and Narraganset Bay.
Such portion of the Corps of Topographical Engineers as could be spared
from the survey of the coast has been employed in surveying the very
important route between the Potomac and the Ohio. Considerable progress has
been made in it, but the survey can not be completed until the next season.
It is gratifying to add, from the view already taken, that there is good
cause to believe that this great national object may be fully
accomplished.
Our relations with the Indian tribes within our limits have not been
materially changed during the year. The hostile disposition evinced by
certain tribes on the Missouri during the last year still continues, and
has extended in some degree to those on the Upper Mississippi and the Upper
Lakes. Several parties of our citizens have been plundered and murdered by
those tribes. In order to establish relations of friendship with them,
Congress at the last session made an appropriation for treaties with them
and for the employment of a suitable military escort to accompany and
attend the commissioners at the places appointed for the negotiations. This
object has not been effected. The season was too far advanced when the
appropriation was made and the distance too great to permit it, but
measures have been taken, and all the preparations will be completed to
accomplish it at an early period in the next season.
With the exception of the tribes referred to, our relations with all the
others are on the same friendly footing, and it affords me great
satisfaction to add that they are making steady advances in civilization
and the improvement of their condition. Many of the tribes have already
made great progress in the arts of civilized life. This desirable result
has been brought about by the humane and persevering policy of the
Government, and particularly by means of the appropriation for the
civilization of the Indians. There have been established under the
provisions of this act 32 schools, containing 916 scholars, who are well
instructed in several branches of literature, and likewise in agriculture
and the ordinary arts of life.
Under the appropriation to authorize treaties with the Creeks and Quaupaw
Indians commissioners have been appointed and negotiations are now pending,
but the result is not yet known.
For more full information respecting the principle which has been adopted
for carrying into effect the act of Congress authorizing surveys, with
plans and estimates for canals and roads, and on every other branch of duty
incident to the Department of War, I refer you to the report of the
Secretary.
The squadron in the Mediterranean has been maintained in the extent which
was proposed in the report of the Secretary of the Navy of the last year,
and has afforded to our commerce the necessary protection in that sea.
Apprehending, however, that the unfriendly relations which have existed
between Algiers and some of the powers of Europe might be extended to us,
it has been thought expedient to augment the force there, and in
consequence the North Carolina, a ship of the line, has been prepared, and
will sail in a few days to join it.
The force employed in the Gulf of Mexico and in the neighboring seas for
the suppression of piracy has likewise been preserved essentially in the
state in which it was during the last year. A persevering effort has been
made for the accomplishment of that object, and much protection has thereby
been afforded to our commerce, but still the practice is far from being
suppressed. From every view which has been taken of the subject it is
thought that it will be necessary rather to augment than to diminish our
force in that quarter.
In execution of the laws for the suppression of the slave trade a vessel
has been occasionally sent from that squadron to the coast of Africa with
orders to return thence by the usual track of the slave ships, and to seize
any of our vessels which might be engaged in that trade. None have been
found, and it is believed that none are thus employed. It is well known,
however, that the trade still exists under other flags.
The health of our squadron while at Thompsons Island has been much better
during the present than it was the last season. Some improvements have been
made and others are contemplated there which, it is believed, will have a
very salutary effect.
On the Pacific, our commerce has much increased, and on that coast, as well
as on that sea, the United States have many important interests which
require attention and protection. It is thought that all the considerations
which suggested the expediency of placing a squadron on that sea operate
with augmented force for maintaining it there, at least in equal extent.
For detailed information respecting the state of our maritime force on each
sea, the improvement necessary to be made on either in the organization of
the naval establishment generally, and of the laws for its better
government I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy, which is
herewith communicated.
In August last he arrived at New York, where he was received with the
warmth of affection and gratitude to which his very important and
disinterested services and sacrifices in our Revolutionary struggle so
eminently entitled him. A corresponding sentiment has since been manifested
in his favor throughout every portion of our Union, and affectionate
invitations have been given him to extend his visits to them. To these he
has yielded all the accommodation in his power. At every designated point
of rendezvous the whole population of the neighboring country has been
assembled to greet him, among whom it has excited in a peculiar manner the
sensibility of all to behold the surviving members of our Revolutionary
contest, civil and military, who had shared with him in the toils and
dangers of the war, many of them in a decrepit state. A more interesting
spectacle, it is believed, was never witnessed, because none could be
founded on purer principles, none proceed from higher or more disinterested
motives. That the feelings of those who had fought and bled with him in a
common cause should have been much excited was natural.
The struggle was for independence and liberty, public and personal, and in
this we succeeded. The meeting with one who had borne so distinguished a
part in that great struggle, and from such lofty and disinterested motives,
could not fail to affect profoundly every individual and of every age. It
is natural that we should all take a deep interest in his future welfare,
as we do. His high claims on our Union are felt, and the sentiment
universal that they should be met in a generous spirit. Under these
impressions I invite your attention to the subject, with a view that,
regarding his very important services, losses, and sacrifices, a provision
may be made and tendered to him which shall correspond with the sentiments
and be worthy the character of the American people.
In turning our attention to the condition of the civilized world, in which
the United States have always taken a deep interest, it is gratifying to
see how large a portion of it is blessed with peace. The only wars which
now exist within that limit are those between Turkey and Greece, in Europe,
and between Spain and the new Governments, our neighbors, in this
hemisphere. In both these wars the cause of independence, of liberty and
humanity, continues to prevail.
It is manifest that these causes are daily losing their effect, and that
these new States are settling down under Governments elective and
representative in every branch, similar to our own. In this course we
ardently wish them to persevere, under a firm conviction that it will
promote their happiness. In this, their career, however, we have not
interfered, believing that every people have a right to institute for
themselves the government which, in their judgment, may suit them best.
Our example is before them, of the good effect of which, being our
neighbors, they are competent judges, and to their judgment we leave it, in
the expectation that other powers will pursue the same policy. The deep
interest which we take in their independence, which we have acknowledged,
and in their enjoyment of all the rights incident thereto, especially in
the very important one of instituting their own Governments, has been
declared, and is known to the world.
Separated as we are from Europe by the great Atlantic Ocean, we can have no
concern in the wars of the European Governments nor in the causes which
produce them. The balance of power between them, into whichever scale it
may turn in its various vibrations, can not affect us. It is the interest
of the United States to preserve the most friendly relations with every
power and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all.
An organization of the Supreme Court which assigns the judges any portion
of the duties which belong to the inferior, requiring their passage over so
vast a space under any distribution of the States that may now be made, if
not impracticable in the execution, must render it impossible for them to
discharge the duties of either branch with advantage to the Union. The
duties of the Supreme Court would be of great importance if its decisions
were confined to the ordinary limits of other tribunals, but when it is
considered that this court decides, and in the last resort, on all the
great questions which arise under our Constitution, involving those between
the United States individually, between the States and the United States,
and between the latter and foreign powers, too high an estimate of their
importance can not be formed. The great interests of the nation seem to
require that the judges of the Supreme Court should be exempted from every
other duty than those which are incident to that high trust. The
organization of the inferior courts would of course be adapted to
circumstances. It is presumed that such an one might be formed as would
secure an able and faithful discharge of their duties, and without any
material augmentation of expense.
The condition of the aborigines within our limits, and especially those who
are within the limits of any of the States, merits likewise particular
attention. Experience has shown that unless the tribes be civilized they
can never be incorporated into our system in any form whatever. It has
likewise shown that in the regular augmentation of our population with the
extension of our settlements their situation will become deplorable, if
their extinction is not menaced.
Some well-digested plan which will rescue them from such calamities is due
to their rights, to the rights of humanity, and to the honor of the nation.
Their civilization is indispensable to their safety, and this can be
accomplished only by degrees. The process must commence with the infant
state, through whom some effect may be wrought on the parental.
Difficulties of the most serious character present themselves to the
attainment of this very desirable result on the territory on which they now
reside. To remove them from it by force, even with a view to their own
security and happiness, would be revolting to humanity and utterly
unjustifiable. Between the limits of our present States and Territories and
the Rocky Mountains and Mexico there is a vast territory to which they
might be invited with inducements which might be successful. It is thought
if that territory should be divided into districts by previous agreement
with the tribes now residing there and civil governments be established in
each, with schools for every branch of instruction in literature and the
arts of civilized life, that all the tribes now within our limits might
gradually be drawn there. The execution of this plan would necessarily be
attended with expense, and that not inconsiderable, but it is doubted
whether any other can be devised which would be less liable to that
objection or more likely to succeed.
In looking to the interests which the United States have on the Pacific
Ocean and on the western coast of this continent, the propriety of
establishing a military post at the mouth of the Columbia River, or at some
other point in that quarter within our acknowledged limits, is submitted to
the consideration of Congress. Our commerce and fisheries on that sea and
along the coast have much increased and are increasing. It is thought that
a military post, to which our ships of war might resort, would afford
protection to every interest, and have a tendency to conciliate the tribes
to the North West, with whom our trade is extensive. It is thought also
that by the establishment of such a post the intercourse between our
Western States and Territories and the Pacific and our trade with the
tribes residing in the interior on each side of the Rocky Mountains would
be essentially promoted. To carry this object into effect the appropriation
of an adequate sum to authorize the employment of a frigate, with an
officer of the Corps of Engineers, to explore the mouth of the Columbia
River and the coast contiguous thereto, to enable the Executive to make
such establishment at the most suitable point, is recommended to Congress.
From the view above presented it is manifest that the situation of the
United States is in the highest degree prosperous and happy. There is no
object which as a people we can desire which we do not possess or which is
not within our reach. Blessed with governments the happiest which the world
ever knew, with no distinct orders in society or divided interests in any
portion of the vast territory over which their dominion extends, we have
every motive to cling together which can animate a virtuous and enlightened
people. The great object is to preserve these blessings, and to hand them
down to the latest posterity.
Our experience ought to satisfy us that our progress under the most correct
and provident policy will not be exempt from danger. Our institutions form
an important epoch in the history of the civilized world. On their
preservation and in their utmost purity everything will depend. Extending
as our interests do to every part of the inhabited globe and to every sea
to which our citizens are carried by their industry and enterprise, to
which they are invited by the wants of others, and have a right to go, we
must either protect them in the enjoyment of their rights or abandon them
in certain events to waste and desolation.
Resting on the people as our Governments do, State and National, with
well-defined powers, it is of the highest importance that they severally
keep within the limits prescribed to them. Fulfilling that sacred duty, it
is of equal importance that the movement between them be harmonious, and in
case of any disagreement, should any such occur, a calm appeal be made to
the people, and that their voice be heard and promptly obeyed. Both
Governments being instituted for the common good, we can not fail to
prosper while those who made them are attentive to the conduct of their
representatives and control their measures. In the pursuit of these great
objects let a generous spirit and national views and feelings be indulged,
and let every part recollect that by cherishing that spirit and improving
the condition of the others in what relates to their welfare the general
interest will not only be promoted, but the local advantage be reciprocated
by all.
I can not conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I shall
have to make, without recollecting with great sensibility and heart felt
gratitude the many instances of the public confidence and the generous
support which I have received from my fellow citizens in the various trusts
with which I have been honored. Having commenced my service in early youth,
and continued it since with few and short intervals, I have witnessed the
great difficulties to which our Union has been surmounted. From the present
prosperous and happy state I derive a gratification which I can not
express. That these blessings may be preserved and perpetuated will be the
object of my fervent and unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the
Universe.
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