Devi Kothi

The Temple of Devi-Kothi: Wall Paintings and Wooden Reliefs in a Himalayan Shrine of the
Great Goddess in the Churah Region of the Chamba District, Himachal Pradesh, India
Author(s): Eberhard Fischer, Vishwa Chander Ohri and Vijay Sharma
Source: Artibus Asiae. Supplementum, Vol. 43, The Temple of Devi-Kothi: Wall Paintings and
Wooden Reliefs in a Himalayan Shrine of the Great Goddess in the Churah Region of the
Chamba District, Himachal Pradesh, India (2003), pp. 3-191
Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers
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Eberhard Fischer
?
Vishwa Chander Ohri
? Vijay
Sharma
T H E T EMPLE
OF DEVI-KOT H I
Wall Paintings and Wooden Reliefs in a
H imalayan
Shrine
of the Great Goddess in the Churah Region of the Chamba District,
H imachal Pradesh, INDIA
ART IBUS ASIAE Publishers
Suppl.
43 2003
Museum
Rietberg Zurich
We acknowledge with sincere gratitude the constant help and support
we have received for many years from
Professor B. N.
Goswamy
who opened our eyes to see the beauty of Pahari paintings and gave us words to describe
what we have seen.
Dedicated on the occasion of his 70th birthday
Chandigarh, August 15, 2003
T able of contents
7 Preface
9 Introduction
9 Devi-Kothi
-
place and name
9 Approach to the temple and the village
Devi-Kothi
12 H istory of the discovery of Devi-Kothi
14 T he antiquity of Devi-Kothi village
21 T he structure of the wooden temple
26 T he cella and the icon
29 T he woodwork
29 T he
fagade
of the cella
29 T he door-frame to the sanctum
31 T he lintel reliefs
33 T he large dvarapala-figures
35 T he pillars
37 T he roof front
38 T he wooden ceiling
65 Discussion and interpretation of the coffered-ceiling
and the wooden reliefs
65 T he iconographic scheme
79 T he arrangement of the squares
81 T he production method
83 T he murals
83 T he borders and the space
for the murals
86 T he south wall mural:
T he entrance of the sanctum and the pictures of donors
88 Discussion
89 T he west wall mural:
T he Devi, triumphant in combat
96 Interpretation
97 T he north wall mural:
T he exploits of the Devi
100 First sequence: T he Devi kills mighty demons
101 Second sequence: T he Devi fights and kills Mahishasura
103 T hird sequence: T he Goddess grants a boon to the gods
106 Fourth scene: T he Devi slays Shumbha and Nishumbha
108 Discussion
5
114 T he east wall mural:
T he Krishna cycle
115 T he top register:T he birth of Krishna (scenes 1-6)
123 T he second register: T he baby Krishna (scenes 7-12)
130 T he third register: Young Krishna (scenes 13-18)
137 T he bottom register: Krishna, the champion of Mathura (scenes 19-24)
145 T he narrative sequence in a time and place frame
147 Note on
pigments, technique and the muralist
157 T he
inscription
161 T he life and times of Raja Umed
Singh, builder of Devi-Kothi
165 Chamunda or Kali
temples
in the Chamba District
167 T he
management of the Devi-Kothi
temple
170 Names and legends of the Goddess of Devi-Kothi
173 Fairs and
pilgrimages related to the Devi-Kothi Goddess
178 Notes
187
Bibliography
190
Map
6
Preface
Like a solitaire diamond, it stands out. T he Devi-Kothi temple is, in many ways, without
a parallel in the Pahari region. For it is not easy to think of another 18th century wooden
shrine with murals and wooden reliefs of such high quality made entirely by local crafts-
men for a royal patron, either in H imachal Pradesh or in Jammu & Kashmir. T his apart,
there are other reasons why the monument, and the magnificent landscape
in the midst
of which it is located, deserve to be better known than they are at present. T he entire re-
gion is exquisite and lies far off the beaten tourist track; the priests at the temple
are ded-
icated, devout men; the community the shrine serves is singularly friendly.
Sadly, however, this little jewel of a monument, located in the Baira-valley
of Churah
in the north-western part of the Chamba District (H . P.) has never received the attention
it deserves. Aware of this, and after we had individually visited the site more than once,
we, the three authors, decided some years ago to produce this monograph. T he first drafts
were conceived in Devi-Kothi itself (by Eberhard Fischer and Vijay Sharma); additional ma-
terial was compiled and added in Shimla (by
V. C. Ohri); the final structuring, revising and
editing was done in Switzerland, the final but not yet edited version being agreed upon
by everyone involved. Our hope in putting all this material together is not
only that art-
lovers, alike from H imachal Pradesh and other parts of India and abroad, will be seduced
into visiting the place, but also that the Government of H imachal Pradesh will be per-
suaded to take adequate steps to protect this virtually uncared for monument. Preserva-
tion is an urgent need; the eastern mural in the temple requires protection against sun-
light by a wooden wall; and the ban on the vandalizing practice of scribbling names on
the walls (euphemistically called ((graffiti))) needs to be enforced by professionally trained
and dedicated monument-attendants, possibly recruited from the local priests' families.
Financial help from the government would of course be needed for the installation of mod-
ern facilities such as electrification, the provision of neon lights, loud-speakers. But all this
can be done easily without causing any damage to the monument. Devi-Kothi is, and de-
serves to remain, one of H imachal Pradesh's great heritage sites.
An
acknowlegement, in the end, of the help we have received in researching this
unique monument, and putting together this monograph. Grateful thanks are due, first of
all, to Barbara Fischer who not only was in Devi-Kothi in 1984 herself, when she made
notes which later proved to be of great value, but who was a gracious host, looking after
the needs of everyone involved over a long period of time. In 1984 we were accompanied
on our tour to Devi-Kothi by our friend V. C. T hakur, Officer at the Department Languages
and Culture of H imachal Pradesh. Neeru Sharma was more than once a wonderful host
when we worked and stayed in Chamba, especially in 2000. In the H imachal Pradesh Gov-
ernment we are indebted to Deepak Sanan and his wife Dhanu Swadi; Subash Chand Negi
supported our first visit to Devi-Kothi when he was Deputy Commissioner of Chamba in
1984, and made Barbara and Eberhard Fischer's stay in Chamba a most pleasurable mem-
ory, especially when we were joined there by Dinanath Pathy and Nanni Boller-Schlapfer.
Chandra H olm and Clare Walker helped in correcting the final version of our manuscript,
and we are very thankful to B. N. Goswamy and Milo Beach for taking consistent, per-
sonal interest in our work. T his book is very much indepted to their support.
Eberhard Fischer, V. C. Ohri and Vijay Sharma
7
1
T he Pahari-Region:
Chamba State in the
18th century (after
W. G. Archer, 1973:
Indian Paintings from
the Punjab H ills)
8
Introduction
Devi-Kothi
-
place and name
T he small, richly embellished wooden temple of the hill-type1, the subject of this mono-
graph,
was built in the mid-eighteenth century, and stands in a sylvan setting near the vil-
lage
Devi-Kothi at an elevation of 2348 m in the Western H imalayas. It lies in the area of
Churah, once a part of the erstwhile kingdom of Chamba, and now a sub-division of the
district of Chamba, in the state of H imachal Pradesh, in northern India. T he village and
the temple bear the same name: Devi-Kothi or Devi-ri-kothi, meaning the (( Dwelling (or
the Storehouse/Fort)2 of the Goddess )). (( Devi-ri-kothi)) is the older and more accurate
term, but it is (( Devi-Kothi)) that has passed into common usage, the name finding place
alike in the records of the Government of H imachal Pradesh, and those of the Census of
India. T he Goddess, Devi, mentioned and worshipped in the temple, is Chamunda, a mani-
festation of Durga; but, following local practice in which deities are sometimes named
after the location where a shrine to them stands, the Goddess of Devi-Kothi is popularly
known in Chamba also as Bairbali, (the Lady or Goddess of Baira) (for additional infor-
mation see p.169f). In this name is preserved the memory of the region of Baira which,
like so many others of its kind, was once ruled by one of the Ranas (Sanskrit rajanaka),
local feudal chieftains, who once held power in the hills3. At that time, close to a millen-
nium ago, Devi-Kothi served as the headquarters of the Rana of Baira. Ruins of an old fort
close by bear testimony to this fact4.
Approach to the temple and the village
Devi-Kothi
T he landscape here is stark and majestic. Since 1962 a fair road leads up to the village
Bairagarh beyond T issa, the administrative headquarters of the Churah sub-division, and
shortly before reaching this village, one arrives at a fork where one meets a new road that
is not yet complete but has already been cut out of the rocky slope up to Khabla nala.
From this river-bed, dotted by a number of watermills still in use, a steep track of about
~
: ~ . . .. ':
-"
',.,"'L.~..,:. , '
?~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~R
2
Approach to Devi-Kothi
(September 2000)
9
one to two kilometres leads through a pine or forest up to a ridge with languid pastures
and a superb view. T here is also a wrestling place, a rather ugly cement structure that
was erected a few years ago. From here onwards the walk is nearly level and most pleas-
ant. Another three kilometres of walking parallel to the Baira nala-river, mainly through
pine forests, bring one to Devi-Kothi, entering the village from the west. T here is no other
traffic here: one meets only mules and small horses which go back and forth on the path,
or an occasional villager carrying a load on his head. If one were to cross another nine
hamlets, all situated higher up than Devi Kothi, one could get up to the Chehni pass which
leads to the Pangi valley, the furthermost outpost of Chamba in the H imalayan ranges.
T he village Devi-Kothi consists of three hamlets, Dhariala, Loharka and Devi-Kothi
proper, and is inhabited by Rajput and Brahmin5, Lohar6, Batval7, and Arya8 families; some
other groups mentioned in the 1961 Census of India survey having by now disappeared.
Most of the Brahmin families of Devi-Kothi have some duties and rights in the local
Chamunda temple (s. p.167).
T he houses of Devi-Kothi are built on slopes in a terrace formation as hamlets with
rough and uneven paths, and with no evident public centers. T raditionally, all houses are
one storeyed and have flat roofs, which are locally called sarana. T heir large rectangular
rooms have the hearth positioned in the centre, usually the cattle pen to the left of the
entrance and the kitchen to the right, whilst the places for sleeping, worship, and stor-
age are in the back. Not directly above the fireplace is an outlet in the roof for smoke; par-
titions of this room are mostly flexible and do not reach up to the ceiling. In the past twenty
years, however, two-storeyed buildings have been erected. T he old houses are generally
equipped with a large wooden veranda, often used for weaving on a semi-permanently
installed loom, and for additional airy rooms providing space for the storage of grains and
3
T he upper hamlet of
Devi-Kothi with the Pir
Panjal mountain range
(October 1984)
10
4
General view of
Devi-Kothi with the
Devi-temple in the
lower right corner
(September 2000)
5
View of Devi-Kothi,
photograph taken
by Jean Ph. Vogel
(before 1908)
hay. T he thick roofs are made of timber with rough slates and layers of fern, birch bark,
pine needles, and clay. T he roof is so strong that it customarily serves as a yard for the
neighbouring house above. T his arrangement can easily lead to quarrels, especially
if the
property does not belong to the same family. Formerly, Brahmins owned the top most
hamlet, Rajputs the centre and the Lohars the lower area of the Devi-Kothi slope. But for
a few decades this pattern has been disturbed by other communities having purchased
landed property from these families.
A Forest Rest H ouse, situated in a tranquil area above the village, has a perfect
view but no water or electricity connections. H ousing facilities in Devi-Kothi have im-
proved in the last few decades, and many new buildings have been erected. Electricity
is now available and many water taps have been installed inside the village assuring the
villagers of a continuous supply of water. But the steep paths running through the village
are as untidy and slippery as ever.
11
H istory of the discovery of Devi-Kothi
J. Ph. Vogel, the Dutch Indologist, at that time Superintendent of the Archaeological Sur-
vey of India, Northern Circle, visited this area in the early years of the 20th century. H e
was the first modern scholar to document the existence of the Devi-Kothi temple, men-
tioning first, in the Catalogue of the Bhuri Singh Museum at Chamba (1909:35) its ((late
wood-carving... (under) the reign of Raja Umed Singh in A.D. 1754)), adding that in it
((Mughal influence is evident)). Later, writing about the same shrine in the monograph,
Antiquities of Chamba State (1911: 206), he remarked: ((T he present building, decorated
with quaint frescoes and curious carvings in deodar-and shisham-wood, was erected in
A. D. 1754 by Raja Umed Singh, as appears from the following T akri inscription cut on two
wooden boards on both sides of the entrance. )9 T he inscription is then transcribed and
translated (see p. 157). T he notices are brief, but considering the period in which they were
made, the brevity, even about the qualities of the work in the shrine, is understandable.
Indian painting and, to some extent even H indu sculpture, were not yet appreciated in
the west at that time. A. K. Coomaraswamy's celebrated book,
Rajput Painting, 1916, in-
troducing for the first time in detail the subjects, the spirit, and the aesthetics of non-
mughal Indian painting, was yet to appear. Besides, Vogel's interest lay essentially in the
study of epigraphic material: hence his recording of the dedicatory inscription in the Devi-
Kothi temple, and three interesting epigraphic remains from the local fountain enclosure
on the north-eastern edge of the village. But Vogel did remarkable work in Chamba, dis-
covering and preserving several remains of great historical value. As far as Devi-Kothi is
concerned, he photographed the village site (1911: Fig. 9), the ruins of the Rana's fort, and
a mukhalingam (see p. 18), and he edited and translated, with great ability and dedication,
the ancient inscriptions'0.
Vogel's work later helped another European scholar, H ermann Goetz
-
at that time
the Director of the Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery
-
who visited the Devi-Kothi tem-
ple about four decades later. In his study, Goetz suggested that the prince portrayed wor-
shipping the Goddess at the entrance-wall next to the door to the sanctum, was none
other than the ruler who, according to the inscription, had the temple built: Raja Umed
Singh of Chamba himself. In two articles, published in the journal Marg, Goetz" supplied
more details of this temple, mentioning, for instance, that there are 115 bas-reliefs set in
the ceiling of the circumambulatory gallery; apart from this, besides the donor's painted
6
Ancient wall, above
a Rajput house in Devi-
Kothi (in 2000)
7
Remains of the old
?
;~
,~t'~~~
->,, , ,~~~ . 1~
.1~ -.>~ , ..,.:...fortification
wall
?
..t3,..;::~.~;:~ t, :,?,-,.
.
in Devi-Kothi photo-
graphed by Vogel
(prior to 1908)
12
8
Sarana house with
shed of Pandit Jaisingh
Sharma in upper Devi- -
Kothi (in 2000)
9
Pillared verandah of
a Rajput house in Devi-
Kothi (in 2000) ' :
portraits, there were three large murals with Devi-and Krishna-themes, he noted. H e
placed these reliefs and paintings within the context of the art activity in the Umed Singh
period, but he did not illustrate them12. In his 1962 article13 on ((T he Art of Chamba in the
Islamic Period 11 s, Goetz summarized his ideas concerning art activity under Raja Umed
Singh, dedicating a full paragraph to Devi-Kothi, drawing attention to reliefs and murals in
the temple with perception and art historical acumen, toward which one will turn again
in the following pages.
After Goetz, there was a slowing down in the attention paid to the Devi-Kothi tem-
ple, chiefly because the site was distant'4 and off the beaten track, and it might have been
believed by those interested in the art of H imachal Pradesh that whatever needed to be
said about the shrine had already been said.
T he Census of India (1961) took up the village of Devi-Kothi for an ethnographic-
statistical village survey, and devoted to it a monograph, edited by Ram Chandra Pal
Singh, which appeared in 1964 as Volume XX-Part VI-No. 4. T he field investigations were
conducted by T arlok Chand Sud and Surender Mohan Bhatnagar, supported by V. C. Ohri
(who supplied cultural information) and O.C. H anda (photographs and drawings). T his
work included some valuable information provided by the priests of the temple and the
following photographs of the temple itself were reproduced: the wooden fac,ade, the en-
trance, the idol, a wooden pillar-bracket, rams' horns as votive offerings, a stone gate-
way of the site (now demolished'5?), the temple's door-lock, and the stone lions erected
in front of the temple (along with a fountain slab, already photographed by Vogel). H ow-
ever, unfortunately, the publication is less than careful, for most of the plates in this
monograph depict some other sites in the Chamba District'6 and have nothing to do with
Devi-Kothi itself.
For a long time, very few good photographs of the Devi-Kothi temple, and the mu-
rals and woodwork in it were available. A few rather randomly selected scenes from the
Krishna panel had been recorded and were included by V.C. Ohri in his doctoral thesis
(1976) and in the volume Arts of H imachal (1975)'17. In general, however, the Devi-Kothi
temple was but rarely mentioned'8 for decades, and, except for Ohri, no other art-histo-
rian seems to have ever visited the place. Judgements about the work there were often
based on just one picture postcard (<(Yashoda at the water spring)), a detail from the
Krishna-mural) published by the Bhuri Singh Museum in 1965. T hus, Mira Seth (1976: 27f)
reprints in extenso the Devi-Kothi-inscription published by Vogel, but doubts if <((the paint-
ings were also executed under the patronage of this raja [Umed Singh])). On stylistic
13
grounds, she felt that the murals should be placed ((in the first quarter of the nineteenth
century)), while noting that they differ from the (( Kangra complex of paintings associated
with Raja Sansar Chand. ) She is right on the last score, for these murals have nothing
to do with paintings, for example, by Purkhu, the painter whose family worked in
Kangra
for Raja Sansar Chand around 1810. But one can now definitely say that they were painted
some fifty years earlier by a master from an entirely different workshop in Chamba.
Based on Mira Seth's rather casual judgement, S. S. Charak (1979: vol. 3: 229) went on
to speak of the existence in Devi-Kothi of <
many panels on the themes from the Bhaga-
vata Purana... [of which] two interesting [ones] illustrate Krishna and gopis... and the
other depicting a gopi with a water pot balanced on her head, standing by a fire on which
something is being cooked. On stylistic and themetic [sic] grounds these murals may be
placed in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. One painting, showing a lady taking
water from a tap points to even a later date. ? T he descriptions and the judgements, one
is constrained to say, are somewhat rash, and might possibly have been avoided if only
the authors had consulted the writings of H ermann Goetz, or
-
better still
-
had visited
the temple themselves.
Jagdish Mittal was the first to study, from a technical, and later an art historical,
standpoint, mural-paintings in Chamba (see Mittal, 1964), but he was clearly not person-
ally acquainted with Devi-Kothi at the time of
writing his splendid later essay (Mittal, 1989:
202). All that he said was: <<Mention may be made of the murals in the Chamunda T em-
ple of Devi-ri Kothi in Churah tehsil of Chamba, built in A.D. 1754. T he walls of the sanc-
tuary are covered with murals depicting scenes from H indu mythology and romance, as
well as general scenes)). In dealing with Chamba painting under Raja Umed Singh, Mittal
further pointed out19 that during the ((closing years)) of his reign, a number of painters
from neighbouring states were likely to have visited Chamba, leading to paintings pro-
duced during that period in the traditional Chamba workshops' idiom getting mixed with
Guler, Jammu, and Basohli features.
T he
antiquity
of Devi-Kothi village
According to the undisputed dedicatory inscription in the Devi-Kothi temple (see p. 157ff),
this opulent hill-type shrine was constructed by the order of
Raja
Umed Singh of Chamba
(r. 1748-64) in A.D. 1754. And it would be fair to assume that this ruler would not have
built a major Chamunda temple there, at a
completely new site far away from his capital
town, had the village of Devi-Kothi not had a long association with the worship of the God-
dess (see in addition p.162ff).
Devi-Kothi, we believe, goes far back in time and the village must have enjoyed a
certain importance in the region. It lies in the drainage area of the river Ravi near the stream
Khabla nala, a tributary of the Baira nala, on an age-old trade route leading to Pangi in the
Chandrabhaga (modern Chenab) valley (p. 190). Another hill-type temple dedicated to the
same Goddess stands on the other side of the Chehni pass on this route, on the slopes
of the Pir
Panjal range, at the village Mindhal20. T he Mindhal-temple possesses a copper
plate of the year 1641, transferring the entire village of Mindhal along with its people to
the Goddess Chamunda21: it was issued by Raja Prithvi Singh of Chamba (r. 1641-1664),
great-grandfather of Raja Umed Singh. T ravellers offered worship to this Goddess on both
sides of the pass, asking for her blessings, and seeking her protection in the arduous and
risky journey involving the crossing of the dangerous divide. A folk song speaks of the dif-
ficult nature of this pass and its common use by the shepherds. T heir womenfolk still take
vows towards the end of
propitiating God Shiva, if their spouses were to return safely.
Chamunda, the Devi, is, however, more than a protective deity: she is also wor-
shipped
as the Goddess of War, capable
of
destroying one's enemies. T his aspect of the
Goddess is thrown into
high relief in an
eighth century inscription at Chhatrarhi (Chamba
T ehsil): In this is recorded the dedication of the image of Shakti Devi by Raja Meruvar-
14
10
Vishnu on Garuda,
centre relief of a t, K _ _ ' r
double winged shrine
with dedicatory
inscriptions on side
panels, stone, from nt t r t R o ;
Devi-Kothi, Bhuri Singh
Museum Chamba 's s ... ...
(Sharma in 20011) ' _he
,,T iI...!
man in gratitude for help received against h is en emies who m he had attacked i n th eir
stronghold and then defeated. H ere, at Mindhal, Raja Pr ithv i Singh reconfirmed the grant
of land to the temple of the Goddess Chamunda, upon regaining
control over Chamba in
A.D. 1641. T hese are aspects of the Godd ess to which further attention would need to
be draw n later.
One thin grat istude, howefover, clear: ited as not his enemthiout reason that a Raja of Ccked in theircould
stronghold
and then defeated22. H ere, at Mindhal, Raja Prithvi Singh reconfirmed the grant
have thought of building a Chamunda temple on the outskirts of his territory. T he site must
have been chosen not only because it was strategically important, or that it was once the
stronghold of a local Rana: the site was ancient, and must have been seen as sacred. No
archaeological survey of the area has been conducted yet, but if this were to be done,
one can be fairly confident that it would yield interesting material. As it is, quite a few
stray finds from the area are known. Some sculptures of high quality have been docu-
mented in the form of photographs bearing witness to the affluence of the local temples
and their patrons, and a stylistic awareness of classical iconography as much as of con-
temporary North Indian styles.
Of the antiquities discovered at Devi-Kothi, many are now preserved in the Bhuri
Singh Museum, Chamba. T he earliest, an inscription on a stone slab, unique for its ex-
pression of fine human sentiments23, was found by Vogel before 1908 at a water foun-
tain enclosure constructed by the widowed mother of a Rajanaka, Nagapala24. It is part
of a miniature shrine for God Vishnu (see PI. 10)25, which exhibits the general traits of Kash-
miri sculpture of the eleventh or twelfth centuries, as do several other fragments sighted
near a Shivalaya, the Shiva shrine at Devi-Kothi26. T hese dispersed fragments of ((classi-
cal)) sculptures were photographed by ourselves in 1984 and some were subsequently
published.
15
11
Brahma-icon, c. 10th
century, Devi-Kothi,
photographed in situ
(in 1984)
?P-"I
N
" ~'..
~.-'l
?
"..~
.
..
KI" *i^-~.-a? x%'<
.'
?
' .'. .-
1
^ . ,-. . ". ,.,'..,
T he finest in respect of workmanship is a fragment of a Brahma figure (PI. 11) in a
polished, dark, fine grained stone, (in the typical Kashmir style of the tenth century>)27.
T he formation of the torso with its very slender waist, the cross-cut navel with the belly
fold, the three heads with heavy-cheeked faces, the full lips and the smiling expression,
the typical pinnacled crown and the jewellery, all speak of a Kashmiri connection. One
would have to verify the mineralogical structure of the stone to know more about its
proper provenance, but the level of craftsmanship certainly points towards Kashmir as
the home of the sculptor.
T he second (classical) stone-relief represents Surya on his chariot (PI. 13). It is stiffer
and less subtly carved than the Brahma image, and is made from locally available stone,
but even this sculpture ((exhibits the traits of Kashmir work, such as the round facial type,
horizontally elongated eyes, and the type of crown))28. T his icon can be assigned to a
slightly later period, and placed in the eleventh or twelfth century.
16
12
Fragment of a
standing Surya, c. 14th
century, Devi-Kothi,
photographed in situ
(in 1984)
13
Surya on his chariot,
c.11th/12th centuries,
Devi-Kothi, photo-
graphed in situ (in
1984)
4
.
,l ....
;. .I
p
'1
t.
A
Both images
-
of Brahma and Surya -, it has been remarked (Ohri, 1989:166ff),
(( exhibit the stylistic and iconographic traits and norms adopted from Kashmir though the
standard of workmanship and finish... is not of the same order). T hese two apart, we
photographed another slightly more rubbed and fragmentary icon of Surya (PI. 12). H ere,
the Sun God stands on a lotus pedestal, flanked by two horses. T his image, again prob-
ably carved from local stone, displays the very rounded Kashmiri face and a diadem with
a very high petal crown. It is coarser and less (classical), and one may date it to a later
period still, the 14th century perhaps. But it affords proof that from the 10th century on-
wards, there was, at Devi-Kothi, the presence of deities from the classical H indu pan-
theon, and not only that of local deities and godlings.
As far as the Goddess is concerned, however, at Devi-Kothi till now only one related
stone sculpture has been found, but it at least suggests that once upon a time, a temple
to the Devi may have stood here. It is29 a carved lalata bimba-lintel of a sanctum door, at
17
14
Ganesha with a lion-
vahana on a stone door
frame, from Devi-Kothi,
Bhuri Singh Museum
Chamba (Sharma in
2001)
17
Ekadasharudra/
mukhalingam photo-
graphed by J. Ph.
Vogel prior to 1908
15
Stone lintel with the
image of Devi,
Shivalaya of Devi-Kothi
(in 1984)
16
Shivalaya of Devi-Kothi
before restauration and
re-installation (in 1984)
the centre of which there is a figure of Ganesha. But this deity is seen here seated on a
<lion> (PI. 14)30. T he presence of this vahana-mount, so firmly linked to the Goddess (even
though it is Ganesha who is mounted on it here), indicates that the temple to which the
lintel originally belonged was associated with the worship of Shakti. While this evidence
supports our assumption that the existing wooden temple of the Goddess Chamunda was
built by Raja Umed Singh at the site of some ruined, older stone temple of the Goddess,
it is to be regretted that other remains of the old temple
-
except for a large stone amalaka-
pinnacle-stone still lying in the temple's compound in 1984 and several fragments fixed
in the platform of the lions in front of the shrine
-
have not yet come to light. But the in-
dications are strong, and the antiquity of the worship of the Great Goddess in this village
can almost be taken for granted31.
18
Ganesha on the = .
wooden door frame in_ = : i m!
~~~~~~In
the houmidst of Srthe Devi-Kothi village is a Shivalaya, a small stone-shrine dedicated
Amarnath Sharmathe image of a seated Devi carrying a pot
Stone(P. 15). In the sanctum one finds33 a mukhalingam34 surmounted by eleven heads form-the
watering an ekadasharudra a group of eleven Rudrasfountain in one icon (see P. Dev17)i-. T he ten h
Kothireveals the inn 198of) a late Kashmiri style.
In the village, one encounters Ganesha again (see P. 18): on a fine old wooden door
lintel,se en seated in the centre of the lintel, with invarapaa-guardian figures appearing at the
Devi-KothiIt may finally be mentioned that in Devi-Kothi, in fact in the entire region of Churah,1984)
one can still find, in abundance, fountain slabs decorated with splendid, efolkishn motifs
(Pt. 19). T hese and the many door lintels (see Pl. 20), storage boxes, pillars, and wooden
chests, we would like to add, deserve to be carefully documented, but this is something
that would go beyond the e limits of..i a the present study.
ther been mkadealocallyuora imported from a ca e's w s in Chamba ino'io's . 1" to wn.ra'
bs.' T h.rm.em ohv ee eoe rma l eml n sdcrtdwt
motifs
belonging
to a
period
earlier than that of
Raja
Umed
Singh,
but seems to have ei-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ :..~-...::~
ther beenmadelocall
or(iprtd
fr.o',--, a
capne's-wrkho:i
Chamba.. town.'
It~~~~~~~~~~~'~ ma
-f-i;na.'-.y
.... mentone tha in Dev-Kothi ?i'n fac i.. "... entire
regio
"o. Churah,---'.'-'
20~~~~~n ca tl id naudne onansas eoae ihslni,(oks~mtf
Devi-Ko~~that
woul 1984
beyo.-dt.e
limit o,f..: the.
prsn study
19
3.23 m
c )
E
co
BilmmmBm
1.44m
Ground-plan of the Devi-Kothi temple
(Barbara and Eberhard Fischer, in 1984)
X wooden pillars
L JI | projecting balcony
stepped platform
wooden railing
m_ icon of the goddess
:::::: wooden door to sanctum
20
T he structure of
the wooden temple
T he temple of the Goddess is built on a site situated far below the main hamlet of Devi-
Kothi, where the Rajputs and Brahmins live, and where a fortress-like structure existed
in the olden days. T he steep slope down to the Baira nala river levels off at this site, thus
providing space for a temple-yard. T his rather large rectangular area is surrounded by a
stone wall, approximately one meter in height. In the temple-yard, formerly, only the Devi-
temple, a small naga-snake shrine, and two sheds were to be seen, each rising on a sep-
arate platform. In the 1980s, however, a mandapa-hall called (Jalpa Devi)-temple, a
dharamshala-(dormitory) building with a corrugated iron roof, and a house used by the
Brahmins for cattle fodder and as a (temple-office), were built here. At the wall close to
the precipice, on a small stone platform, two stone lions35 have been placed facing the
entrance of the temple. In former times, additional stone sculptures, like sepulchral slabs
from a former fountain enclosure, as well as fragments of an ancient stone temple
-
i.e.,
an amalaka
-
were placed here along with iron tridents and flags fixed to the pedestal.
T he temple itself (see plan) is a rectangular wooden building that has been con-
structed on a stone platform, 1.40 m in height and 5.70 m by 5.60 m in area. It consists of
a square cella (3.23 m by 3.26 m), a circumambulatory passage (2.56 m high and 82 cm
wide) between the walls and pillars, a small projecting balcony (56 cm wide and 1.80m
21
View of the Devi-Kothi
temple and yard (from
the west, in 1984)
21
22
View of the Devi-Kothi
temple (from the west,
in 2000)
23
Fagade
of the Devi-
Kothi temple (in 1984)
24
Fagade
of the Devi-
long36), and a large gable roof (c. 2.50 m in height) with additional slanting roofs (c. 60 cm)
that project both over the facade and out to the back. A fine wooden coffered-ceiling (con-
sisting of squares of c. 80 cm) has been fixed over the circumambulation gallery.
As it stands now, the original stone platform of the temple has been coated with
cement and decorated at the front in a modern stencilled pattern. But at its base, an old,
thick and broad wooden plank (c. 60 cm) is still used as a place for visitors to sit, and for
temple musicians to place their instruments, etc. It was once held in place by four wooden
beams with lions' heads (now ruined) which projected out the base of the platform. T wo
additional wooden planks sticking out in the centre are meant to be used by the visitors
as steps to climb up to the sanctum and the gallery space. Now, an additional and easier
entrance is found on the western side and most visitors approach the shrine by climbing
up the steps built between the mandapa-hall and the temple. At the time of restoration,
the gallery space was extended up to the rafter, and the wooden balustrade was replaced
by a brick one, coated with cement. On the western and northern sides, wooden boards
that have been inserted on top of these railings cover the walls almost up to the roof and
22
... -*-
-X -._
... ,
..
V,-
. . .
protect the murals against rain and sunlight37. T he large gable roof with the closed trian-
gular top-storey38 above the coffered-ceiling, rests on ten pillars at the perimeter of the
platform, four each in front and back, and one on each side in the middle. Recently, when
the platform was enlarged, four corner posts were added to support the large roof. T he
wooden structure of the temple-roof rests on pillars placed upon beams which have been
set in the platform. T he circumambulatory gallery now has a cement floor that hides this
wooden construction. T he pillars are decorated with slightly projecting capitals, on which
the ceiling beams rest.
25
Main view of the
Devi-Kothi temple, sur-
rounded by the
enlarged mandapa and
the newly constructed
dharamsala, and with
the adjacent house for
storing hay; in front of
the entrance tridents
fixed in the old amalaka
stone (in 2000)
26
T he small Naga shrine
adjacent to the Devi-
27
Carved entrance to
the Naga shrine of
Devi-Kothi (in 2000)
.'
. . . ,. '. .-.~..~.X..-.,:-.... ?
.....
i! -.
* *** -
'"~"'T '~%a--
" - "
-
_:.;. ' . ja"-
~-
t
'
7" ..A
'-,.
r-
'"*
e;'";"*"~;'~:-_"
l
-
^
r^,
-
'_ ,.:
-
.
...
..._-
j-~-.. ..-.-~.._--. ';-~ .
-
23
...=
_ .,., ..-..~
...-.v
!
- .
.
..I ,
.- -. -... .~ .. -?-
28
T he platform with
two lions, memorial
slabs and other
fragments (in 1984)
29
T he expurgated
cement-platform for
the lions (in 2000)
T he boards of the coffered-ceiling have been fixed to the ceiling beams, thus block-
ing a view of the inner construction of the gable roof. T his is trilateral with several pillars
supporting the ridge beam that projects over the
fagade
in the form of a makara head.
Above the entrance, where the front pillar supporting the ridge beam has been inserted
into the front ceiling beam, another makara head projects through the slanting front roof.
T he slate roof of the temple was repaired recently, but the relief-panels fixed in the
triangular front indicate that its shape and size have not been changed much. T his slant-
ing front roof, protecting the entrance from rain, is still supported by an old decorated
beam.
24
30
View of the faQade of
the Devi temple with
the entance to the cella
and the murals
(in 2000)
31
Platform, balcony, and
facade of the Devi
temple with the priests
receiving a musician
(in 2000)
L:
4 1
'ii... ,kj
W
-'4 , -
T he cella in the center of the temple is a square cubicle and has been constructed
using the technique of timber bonded masonry work. A crack in the facade, between
the wooden frame and the dvarapala-sculpture to the left of the entrance, permits a view
of the details of how the wall was constructed: a wooden plank can be seen at the bot-
tom, then two or three layers of stone, over which another broad wooden plank has been
placed.
T he outside walls are plastered, the front embellished with wood-carvings and mu-
rals, the two side-walls and the back-wall with large-sized murals. A
circumambulatory
gallery runs around the cella, which was once surrounded by a wooden railing
as can still
be seen at the front, but has been replaced on the western and northern sides by
wooden
planks, almost completely closing the gallery. T his was necessary to protect the murals
against rain and intense sunlight. T he original designs of the fine, slightly projecting
wooden balcony and balustrade are preserved only in the front part of the temple. T his
woodwork may not be (original) and is possibly a replacement, but it was done taste-
fully about a century ago.
25
.. -
. -..
-J-
...,,',?_
.
,
._, . .
-
- - -
-
32
Modern side entrance
to the west with
the cement railing and
wooden wall to protect
the Devi-mural
(in 2000)
34
Inside the cella of the
Devi-Kothi temple,
the brass icon of the
Devi during evening
puja (in 1984)
33
T he unprotected east
side with the cement
railing (in 2000)
. . . .
-.
_
im
i
.
i})n
.."^
u
? (?.*?/'
Votive offerings
-
like tridents, brass bells, and the horns of rams and ibex brought
by devotees
-
have been fixed by the priests of the temple to the front, the railing, the
pillars, and some beams. In former times, they must have been far more prominent than
they are now.
T he cella and the icon
T he entrance to the cubical cella can now be closed by a (modern) door in which a win-
dow-opening with an iron bar has been cut out: the opening serves the purpose of al-
lowing the faithful to have the darshan of the Goddess, and to make an offering of coins,
even when the priest happens to be absent. T he icon of the Goddess is placed against
the back-wall, just opposite the entrance. T he small room is filled with ritual utensils,
dresses, votive offerings39 etc., leaving only a little space
for the priests
to squat
in one
corner.
26
35
Inside the cella with
the icon and the
officiating priests
(in 2000)
E:E - ' _? _~~-AW
T he icon of the Goddess that one sees in the temple now is a new, 20th century,
brass-cast figure. Four-armed
-
with trident, sword, noose, and shield in the hands
-
this
image of Durga Mahishasuramardini is about 50cm in
height, framed by a brass torana
at the back, embellished with three silver chhatri-umbrellas. It stands on a raised platform
of three tiers and remains, ordinarily, covered, except for the face, by red or golden-yellow
embroidered dresses with silver or gold cloth appliques. T he eyes of the Goddess are
painted in, and the face is enhanced by a nose-ring (see PI. 186).
27
(OOOZ U!)
l)1 Alleioeds leJnw eq4
ql!M 'eldwai !iqo)-!AaQC
eqi Jo MO!A
Jeel
9e
37
Entrance to the Devi
temple (in 2000)
T he woodwork
T he
fagade
of the cella
T he entrance to the cubical cella faces south. Visitors, who come for darshan, have to
climb two steep steps to reach the platform in front of the sanctum. Many, however,
-
in particular devotees of under-privileged classes
-
stand on the lower step, being able
to gain only a distant view of the Goddess: Brahmins and Rajputs generally climb up
to
the platform and sit in front of the shrine when reciting their prayers.
T he front wall of the sanctum, with the entrance in the centre, consists of a wooden
recess with a tripartite door-frame and a one-winged door, a lintel, and a pair of monumen-
tal
dvarapala relief-sculptures (with the donor's inscriptions above their heads) flanking
the entrance. T hese wooden reliefs form a unit as it were, and are surrounded by plas-
tered panels bearing painted images and decorative motifs (see PI. 38).
T H E DOOR-FRAME T O T H E SANCT UM
T he two wooden panels of the door are a modern replacement, but the frame in which
they are set is old and original. T his frame consists visually of three parts, even though
the vertical jambs are partly carved out of one solid beam. At its bottom, above an un-
decorated base, one sees a pair of small dvarapala-figures leaning on sticks, with one
knee slightly bent, and the figures of the two river-goddesses: Yamuna, standing on a tor-
toise, and Ganga, riding a makara, facing each other. All the four images are crowned and
two-armed, with both the goddesses bearing stemmed lotus-flowers and vessels in their
hands. T hese figures stand within slender cusped arches, the top space being filled with
111i''
*'
/.ii
w r I L-- t
29
38
T he wooden facade
(in 2000)
39
Small dvarapala with
Yamuna at the door
frame base (in 2000)
40
Small dvarapala with
Ganga at the door
frame base (in 2000)
?W, '-
..-....~... t~-'. .
-:
'
V'
.
:
"
creepers. Following a horizontal band of rhomboid flowers, the vertical relief posts start
with an ornamentation of deeply cut geometrical and creeper formations. T he patterning
continues horizontally across the door that has a rectangular plaque depicting Ganesha,
set in the centre. T he two inner frames are cut at an angle, with the top board placed hor-
izontally above it.
Discussion
T here are features that the Devi-Kothi temple shares with other stone and wooden tem-
ples of Chamba. T he tripartite doorframe, for instance, the dvarapala-figures, and the im-
ages of Ganesha, Yamuna and Ganga, one sees elsewhere in the region too. T he iris flow-
ers are obviously based on Mughal prototypes, whilst the ornaments of the jambs
represent a more traditional repertory, even though the lozenges, in Goetz's view (1947:
159), are ((a typical design of the Umed Singh period)). T he very deep-cut ornamentation
seems to be made by using bow-drills and fine chisels of various shapes and width, much
as carpenters, especially
in
Rajasthan and Gujarat,40 do even today when producing wood-
blocks for printing textiles.
30
W VT rfff
T llz"Azla-
ij.
41 a-e
T he nine lintel relief
panels above the cella
door (in 1984)
T H E LINT EL RELIEFS
Nine nearly square panels depicting deities have been inserted into a frame running above
the entrance that is rather heavy and cut in deep relief; apart from this, there are the two
large dvarapala-reliefs. T he nine icons, once whitewashed, are on plain black boards which
have been mounted on tablets fixed to the wall by dark red mouldings. T he ledges have
slanting sides and are decorated with four-petalled flowers, bell-shapes, and square-
lozenges filled with four leaves. All ornaments have been cut deeply with chisels. In order
to achieve such narrow and deep reliefs, holes must have been drilled before the chisel
work was started. T he boards and ledges are carefully joined, but big nails with round
heads have also been used to fix them properly.
Each icon is set into a relatively broad plain border with a flat cusped arch placed on
side-columns with thick creepers in the corners. Under each arch, a deity is seated on a
vahana-animal or a throne. T he bodies and crowned heads are invariably depicted frontally.
T wo-armed, they ride astride their mounts, with only the left leg showing. T he animals
they ride are, however, always presented in profile, except for the central Garuda figure
mounted by Vishnu.
T he sequence in the lintel starts at the left with Vishnu in his first incarnation as
Matsya, the upper body of the God emerging from the wide-open mouth of the giant fish.
Vishnu bears two vessels in his hands, and his scarf is seen fluttering in the air. Within
the next square another deity is rendered, seated on a ram
-
the figure could be that of
Agni, Kubera or Mangala
-
holding a noose and another unidentified object in his hands.
T his is followed by the figure of Chandra, the moon-god, riding a deer41, again carrying
two vessels in his hands. Next comes Indra
-
or Brihaspati?
-
on a beautifully rendered,
massive elephant, an ankusha-goad and possibly a vajra-thunderbolt in his hands. Right
in the centre is a panel occupied by Vishnu who is mounted on Garuda; here, however,
the celestial bird is rendered en face, as if bestowing the devotee, with proper darshana
on his own: standing upright on two human feet, dressed in a dhoti, hands folded in ado-
ration, the four wings spread wide42, and scarf fluttering in the air. T o Vishnu's right is a
deity seated on a peacock, probably Karttikeya, with a pot and a ma/a-rosary
in his hands.
H e is followed by two horse-riders, one of them holding two banners, and the other two
31
lotus-flowers: possibly Varuna and Surya. At the extreme end at the right, corresponding
to Matsya at the left, Vishnu appears again, now seated on a pedestal with lotus petals,
holding a pot and a rosary in his raised hands43. T his might well be the artist's rendering
of Vishnu in his ninth incarnation, as Buddha.
Interpretation and Discussion
T he lintel featuring the nine icons was described by H ermann Goetz (1954: 27) as (a frieze
of the Navagraha), the nine planets; and one of the present authors, V. C. Ohri, concurs
with this interpretation. In 1963, the priest of the Devi-Kothi temple told him that the nine
planets are represented, not in the usual order and iconography, but with their vahana,
vehicles. After careful examination, Ohri was
-
and continues to be
-
convinced that
it is the navagrahas, and they are represented in the following sequence: (1) Ketu44, (2)
Mangala, (3) Chandra, (4) Brihaspati, (5) Budha45, (6) Rahu46, (7) Surya, (8) Shukra and (9)
Shani.
For the authors Fischer and Sharma, however, this seems unlikely. T hey identify
here at least three images as Vishnu (first, fifth, and last); it also seems that Indra and
Agni, possibly even Chandra/Soma, Karttikeya/Varuna, and Surya are rendered in their
classical aspect and riding their recognizable vahanas. T hus, Matsya47 is present, and two
important grahas, Rahu and Ketu, are apparently absent. Fischer and Sharma believe that
the intention might therefore have been to render the ashta dikpalas,
the
eight guardians
of the directions, or lokapalas, guardinas
of the universe, with the ninth image added at
the centre, being that of Vishnu. In a classical composition this group of deities would in-
clude Indra, Agni, Surya, and Chandra or
Vayu
-
images that can be
clearly identified from
their iconographic traits here48 -while some of the other
gods
of directions, like Yama,
seem to be absent, or at least not clearly indicated by their vahanas or emblems49.
Apart from this issue, there is of course another question: why should Vishnu, with
two of his incarnations
-
the first and the ninth
-
also rendered at the extreme ends, fig-
ure so prominently
in the centre, above the door of a Chamunda shrine? T here are sev-
eral possible answers. It is not unlikely that the lintel we see here was
originally
not even
intended for this Shakta shrine and was only removed from another location and fixed
to this entrance in A.D. 1754 (i.e. when the Devi-Kothi temple was built). Should this
not be the case, and the lintel be contemporary with the ceiling reliefs and murals of
the Devi-Kothi temple, one could argue that the sculptors who made it, all came from
Chamba, where the Lakshminarayana temple was in fact the religious center of the place
in the 18th century; and they might have brought in all the Vaishnava themes because it
was so much a part of their own tradition to incorporate them into a temple fagade
and
lintel. One knows that the priests of this Vishnu-temple in Chamba were entrusted with
looking after the financial matters of all the Chamunda shrines in Chamba territory, and
might, therefore, have had some say in the iconographic program of the
fagade.
It is
equally possible that these priests might also have wanted Vishnu-Narayana to figure
prominently above the door to the sanctum for reminding the devotees that, even in a
shakti-shrine far away from Chamba, it is Vishnu as Lakshminarayana who remains the
supreme figure.
H owever, to go back to the first suggestion: it is likely that this lintel panel was al-
ready available in Chamba (possibly in the temple bhandara-store of the Lakshminarayana
temple, or in the family of the craftsmen) when the Devi-Kothi temple was to be erected,
and the carpenters made use of it. One reminds oneself that within the Chamba tradition,
extant decorative members were often recycled and reused for the embellishment of tem-
ples and
palaces.
In Gand-Dehra, for instance, the coffered-ceiling, pillars, and relief pan-
els all come from different
periods, and the Chamunda
temple
of Chamba town is known
to have been embellished with reliefs taken from Umed
Singh's palace which was in most
parts destroyed
in 177550.
32
It should also be mentioned that the prominence with which the figure of Vishnu is
depicted at the entrance to a Shakti shrine, is also to be seen in the Devi-temple of Gand-
Dehra, where Vishnu, in his manifestation as Matsya, makes a noticeable appearance. H e
is painted to the left of the sanctum above the Lakshminarayana icon, with
Jagannatha
(who often replaces Buddha51 as the ninth incarnation) to the right. In this temple, a group
of nine icons has been carved in the rough stone lintel above the entrance, but without
differentiating emblems.
T H E LARGE DVARAPALA-FIGURES
T he shrine door is flanked, as noticed before, by two monumental dvarapala figures, who
were identified for H ermann Goetz52 as Bhima and Arjuna, by his local informants. T he
figures are carved out of large rectangular wooden blocks and the arms, weapons, and
base of the two warrior figures oversect the simple frames, which end, above their
shoulders and heads, as cusped Mughal arches decorated with incised leaves. T wo in-
scriptions in T akri have been carved into the horizontal relief-block spaces above these
arches.
T he dvarapala to the left of the entrance carries a spear, held diagonally in front of
his body; the other has a bow slung over his shoulder and holds an arrow in his right hand.
Both wear karanda-pinnacled diadems over a textile cap or turban53 with a pearl-band
across the forehead. T hey have a U-shaped, vertical (Vaishnava) tilaka-mark on the fore-
head, and wear armlets on the upper arms, and large four-petalled diamond shaped ear-
rings hang from rather large ears. T he figures are of athletically built men, with fleshy,
smooth-shaved faces; the mouths are small but the lips full; the eyes appear elongated
under heavy, well-formed eyebrows. T he figures are dressed in dhotis54 with broad waist-
and shoulder-cloths and sport four different types of necklaces. T he way they stand, their
feet point towards the entrance of the sanctum, suggests that they are flanking it as its
guards.
42
Large dvarapala with
the entrance (in 2000)
43
Large dvarapala with ti"
':
'
the bow and arrow,
right side of the ent- .
rance (in 2000)
33
T he large cusped arches above the dvarapala-figures are set in projecting frames
with lozenges, which have, at their base, iris flowers blooming on large stems with leaves
on one side; on the other, appear cypress trees, both plants being set also within narrow,
slender cusped arches.
Discussion
Compared to the ceiling reliefs, the dvarapalas, the lintel figures, and relief ornaments at
the entrance to the cella, are somewhat ((stiff)), with deep-cut chisel (and partly drill) work,
missing the lively and painterly realism of the ceiling reliefs entirely. T hey are possessed
of characteristics belonging to an older tradition, incorporating ancient Pahari and early
Mughal features. T his is said, however, not to take anything away from the artistic merit
of the work. T he scroll relief-band, for instance, is remarkably well carved and the irises
at the base are neat and lively. T he heavy dvarapala-panels were, in all likelihood, carved
along with the pillars in situ, being probably too heavy to be transported over long dis-
tances. It is very likely, in fact, that the carpenter/s produced them locally in the same
years that the Devi-Kothi temple was constructed (i.e. A. D. 1752/4).
It is well worth mentioning that the pair of dvarapala figures at Devi-Kothi have
parallels: there are, for instance, similar figures to be seen in Badi-Dehra, a Jalpa Devi
shrine situated (but not yet documented) between the villages Kakiyan and Utip on the
outskirts of Chamba town; and they remind one of the earlier ( i.e. A. D. 1632) monumental
life-size wooden (Pandava)-sculptures in the Khajjinag temple at Khajiar55. T he figures
(PI. 44a, b) have a certain bulk, although they pose with elegance; and if one were to take
out the Mughal decorative elements from them, they could be seen as being based on
34
44
Large dvarapala
with the spear, earlier
condition and
pigmentation (in 1984)
44a,b
For comparison: Large
wooden dvarapala
figures with club and
rosary in Khajiar
(Fischer-Sharma in
1998)
45
Capital of a front corner
pillar with elaborate
carving and vertical
beam -
support in form
of khichaka figures
(in 2000)
earlier stone icons. By far the finest, certainly the most animated figure of a dvarapala in
relief, however, is to be found in the Gand-Dehra shrine near Chamba (PI. 44c). H ere,
in
addition, a small dwarf-like side-figure is brought in, carrying like an ayudha-purusha, the
archer's quiver on his head. T his rather flat but most subtle relief was in all likelihood the
work of a carpenter well acquainted with drawing and painting, decades before the Devi-
Kothi temple was constructed.
T he pillars
T he four pillars at the front of the temple have been superbly crafted with delicately chis-
elled Mughalised patterns. With a grooved square base they have been inserted in the
44c
Wooden dvarapala
figures with a dwarf
Gand-Dehra (Fischer-
Sharma in 1998)
35
46
View of a ceiling
corner with votive
bells, facetted pillar,
decorated capitel,
beam support, and
casette relief (in 2000)
47
Beam support in
form of a khichaka-
figure (in 1984)
48
Capital of a side pillar
with eight-pointed star
(in 2000)
ground sill beams on the platform, now underneath the floor level. T he shafts are faceted
but end as rectangular columns, decorated with very elaborate creeper, bell, and leaf de-
signs, with slanting capitals decorated with palmettes, into which two vertical, double
(kichaka-beam-supports) have been inserted, showing once more the palmette-band at
the ends.
T he kichaka-dwarf brackets (Goetz 1969:159 refers to them as (kircaka)) in the four
corners are all similar: crowned (like the dvarapala-sculptures) and bejewelled figures
in
dhotis with legs bent and turned up towards the heads.
Only the front and corner pillars have deep-cut relief ornaments on capitals and
kichaka-dwarf brackets on top. T he middle ones are exclusively decorated with eight-
pointed stars
-
two intersecting squares
-
flanked by horizontal ornaments, all of which
are differently shaped. T he rectangular beam-supports end in small double volutes. Pil-
lars and beams at the back are simpler than at the front, the relief work being rougher.
T he centre of the capitals is, without exception, the eight-pointed star, filled with leaves
in and around a central circle, surrounded by bands with bell-shaped flowers as well as
leaves, (diamonds), and lozenges.
36
Discussion
Most decorative motifs of the facade and pillars still correspond very much to what H er-
mann Goetz (1954: 8) identified as being typical for the Raja Chhattar Singh (reg. 1664-
1690) period: ((cypresses, cusped arches, the squinch fillings, the diapers, flower rosettes))
as found at the Vaikunthadwara, the gateway of the Lakshminarayana temple, erected in
A.D. 1678. In addition, simplified (<folkish)), chip-carved) forms appear as well as the
eight-pointed star, which seems to be typical for the period of Raja Umed Singh (see
Goetz, 1947: 159). It becomes clear from this that the motif-repertory of the carpenters'
constructing and embellishing the temple at Devi-Kothi56 consisted both of decorative
elements which had been a part of the convention for close to a hundred years, and of
contemporary designs typical of the mid-eighteenth century.
T he roof front
T he slate covered sides of the gable roof project out over the
fagade
and shelter the tri-
angular roof front in which 30 relief panels, a decorated gable post, and a horizontal ridge,
are set. T he low reliefs are simple planks that have been cut to size with two flat cusped
arches placed on top of each other, each comprising one male figure standing on a straight
base. T he corners of the front are filled with small figures, birds, a lion, a cow, and a pea-
cock: it is as if whatever motif fitted best into the limited space was brought in.
T he men one sees, are dressed in knee-long jama-coats and turbans, carrying a staff
or a trident, but the figures are rather stiff. Some of them, on the left, are shown bring-
ing votive offerings such as a ram; others, on the right, are playing musical instruments57.
49
T he front roof with
Other decorative elements have been introduced as space-fillers: thus, a flying bird above
relief-panels (in 2000) the kneeling drummer.
37
On the centre pole one sees six small images of deities, placed one above the other.
T hey are all crowned and dressed in dhoti or jama. T hey include Rama, sporting a bow,
and H anuman striding forward; Vishnu, seated on a lotus-flower, is placed at the very top,
right under the gable beam58.
A horizontal eave beam (a kapota or kapotali)59 under the front roof has been nicely
decorated with a running scroll and some triangular wooden lappets that hang down. T wo
decorative knobs with lathe-turned, bulbous tops have been set in between, possibly in-
dicating stylised pigeons. A similar but simpler decorated ledge has been fixed in the mid-
dle at the front.
T he back of the gable roof is closed with regular planks; only the central post is or-
namented with four incised cartouches (PI. 36).
T he massive gable beam ends on both sides in large makara-heads. Inserted along
its top are actual brass vessels covered with chhatri-parasols or trishula-tridents, all of-
ferings by devotees to the Goddess. It seems that their arrangement has not been
changed since the 1980s.
T he wooden
ceiling
T here are five squares in the ceiling above the entrance and the same number of squares
above each of the murals of the pradakshina-circumambulation gallery around the sanc-
tum; together with those in the corners, they add up to a total of 24
squares. Each of
them is comprised of one central quadratic and four rectangular panels. T hus, five times
twenty-four, i.e. 120, reliefs60 were required and prepared, to make
up
the whole of the
wooden ceiling.
T he quadratic centre pieces encompass, without exception, an
eight-pointed star
formed by two intersecting squares, on a
panel
with
slanting sides and borders that are
often painted red. Motifs carved in
high relief are placed in their centres.
T hey mostly ap-
pear unpainted whilst the background stars are coated with white or vermillion
pigment,
and the outline of the stars is generally
in vermillion; only occasionally
does one see
green.
Like the central pieces, all rectangular panels are made of thick deodar-wood planks,
each carefully planed. On all four sides a band of
approximately
2 cm has been cut
away
to provide ledges for the framing. T he rectangular space
for the relief has been incised
to the exact measure and the edges cut to slant. In the center, an
elongated cartouche61
with cusped arches at the shorter sides has been drawn, probably using a stencil. T he
outline of this elegant frame has been chiselled out, first with a groove and the motif then
drawn on the inside. After that, the area
surrounding the figure or scene has been cut
or shaved away with a chisel and evened out with astonishing uniformity. T he motif is
carved as a rather flat relief but with intersections and frontal
views, indicating details
with sharp indented lines. T he flat backgrounds are usually painted in cinnabar, the out-
lines of the cartouches white, brown or green, the ledges dark-red; the figures or scenes
now seem to be uncoloured, but several of them were, at least once, partially tinted. Sev-
eral of them display a very light black, now appearing grey, and red or blue. In fact, it may
well be that they were originally quite delicately coloured before being fixed as a coffered-
ceiling.
T he relief squares and rectangles are placed in frame-ledges that have received sev-
eral layers of paint. Iron nails were used to fix them to the wooden ceiling-beams. T hese
frames are very accurately cut, diagonally at the corners with slanting sides and very
straight rills. T hey must have once received a uniform coat of brownish-red paint.
Reliefs and
frame-ledges are very well crafted, each of them executed exactly to
size, and thus fitting into the ceiling without any gap or (improvisation>. T his is no mean
achievement, both from an artistic and from a technical point of view. And the elan with
which these
carpenters-cum-designers/painters carried out a most demanding task, work-
38
50
T he wooden ceiling
of the circum-
ambulation-gallery
(in 2000)
XIX XVIII XVII XVI XV XIV
II III IV V VI VII
39
ing in a secluded corner, at a distant remove alike from a discerning patron or an appre-
ciative viewer, can only elicit great admiration
All parts of the wooden ceiling are not only uniform in size: they carry almost the
same measure of (iconographic gravity),
with no square or quadratic piece treated lightly,
or casually. It seems as if the task were conceived as being without a beginning or an
end, not even around a conspicuous, dominant central point. Each square gives the im-
pression of having been fabricated as one unit and treated as such
-
at least by the car-
penters
-
before it was raised and integrated into the ceiling. T here is some vague icono-
graphic connection between the main (theme) of the row of relief-squares and the mural
on the adjoining wall, even when the paintings seem to spring from the matrix that
Chamba-based painters routinely drew upon while working.
With very few exceptions, the figures of the quadratic centre pieces take care not
to point the soles of their feet, disrespectfully, towards the sanctum; and, as far as the
faces go, they seem to turn almost naturally towards the sacred centre, the sanctum.
T he coffered-ceiling needs, however, to be described in some detail, and one can
begin with the south-eastern corner and then go on to the reliefs of the south ceiling, the
one above the entrance. T his would also be the part of the ceiling that the visitor would
normally have encountered first when entering the shrine for gaining darshan of the deity,
when offering obeisance. In the cirmcumambulatory path, proceeding
in a clock-wise
movement, (following the course of the sun), as might be said
-
with the sanctum al-
ways to his right
-
the devotee would first head towards the west wall where the Devi
mural is, then to the north or back of the cella and return via the Krishna mural in the east
to the entrance.
In describing each square, one starts with the central quadratic piece,
which lends
a name to the square. From there it is best to
proceed
on to the rectangular relief which
keeps the same base for standing or sitting, which is usually the panel to its left. For the
sake of convenience, or clarity, titles
-
even though somewhat arbitrarily chosen
-
are
given to the 24 squares: brought
in first, is the theme of the quadratic panel, and then, in
brackets, the main theme of the reliefs arranged around it.
40
I. T he H atha-yogi
(and the Gods)
An ascetic sits cross-legged on a tiger skin, matted hair tied up, a bairagan elbow-rest
supporting the right elbow; the left arm is, however, raised above the head, like an
urdhva-bahu. T here is no clear indication about the divine or other status of the figure,
but one does wonder if the artisits had the figure of Shiva as the Great Yogi in mind.
1.1.
Shiva, face rendered in profile, is seen
standing, the great Nandi-bull, his vahana,
resting like a domesticated pet close to
his legs. T he Lord is four-armed, holding a
trident and a drum in the raised hands,
rosary and bowl in the lower ones.
Around his waist is the familiar tiger skin,
his favoured (garment), and snakes wind
around his shoulders.
1.2.
A crowned noble
-
a celestial figure
perhaps?
-
stands, wearing, presumably
in the current fashion of the court, a
long jama, a sash, and an angavastra-like
shoulder-wrap, hands folded and holding
a lotus, in homage.
51
Square Iof the
coffered-ceiling
(in 2000)
1.3.
An ascetic stands, hair matted and tied
up, a vina resting against a shoulder62,
hands folded: the figure could well
represent Shiva himself in his Vinadhara
aspect. An animal skin is wrapped around
the loins and round earrings, like those
worn by Jogis, strengthen the impression
that it is none other than the Lord him-
self, who is rendered here.
1.4.
Brahma, four-headed and crowned, four-
armed, dressed in dhoti and shoulder
cloth, is seen carrying, following well-
established iconography, two books (the
Vedas), a rosary, and a water vessel
(see also PI. 77).
41
II.
Baby Krishna
(with adorers)
Krishna is rendered in his Navanita-priya, locally also called the Laddu-or Modaka-
Gopala aspect, as a crawling baby, a ball of butter or sweets in one raised hand, a scarf
around the neck.63
2.1.
A young man dressed in a pair of short
drawers with a sash, a long scarf around
the shoulders, and a gopa's cap on
his head, stands like an attendant figure,
holding a yaks' tail, a chauri-flywhisk
against his shoulder.
2.2.
A standing figure (possibly Krishna),
dressed in a dhoti and wearing a crown,
stands holding a cowherd's staff
(or flute?) in his right hand and a lotus-
flower in his left.
2.3.
A gopa-cowherd stands erect, wearing
short drawers and a pointed cap, carrying
a handkerchief and a stick with a crook
in his hands.
2.4.
A young woman stands like an adoring
gopi, with a lotus-bud in her folded hands;
her odhani-veil falling off her back in a
long, trapezoid fold.
52
Square
IIof the
coffered-ceiling
42
III. A
deity
in
profile, seated on a lotus-flower
(with Rama and retinue)
A two-armed, celestial figure, holding in one hand a lotus flower, the other held in
varada mudra, is seated on a lotus, the stem of the flower prominently rendered.
3.1.
A youthful, princely figure crowned and
dressed in a dhoti, appears here, holding
a bow under the arm and pointing an
arrow to the ground. T he weight of the
form is borne chiefly on the left leg, the
right knee bent and only the toes touch-
ing the ground. What is meant to be
represented, perhaps, is Rama lifting and
then bending Shiva's great bow in the
svayamvara-episode.
3.3.
One sees H anuman standing with folded
hands, his long, curving tail visible behind
his crowned head. H is face is fleshy; the
feet are fashioned like those of a monkey.
3.4.
A female figure
-
presumably Sita
-
stands, with hands folded in anjali mudra,
adoring the Lord.
3.2.
Another princely figure carrying a bow
and arrow is represented, but he, on his
part, stands firmly on both feet and holds
the bow in front of his chest. Judging
from the iconographic context, this could
be Lakshmana, ever solicitous of Rama's
welfare, and ever by his side.
4,
53
Square IIIof the
coffered-ceiling
43
I
I
.
. t,
IV. Krishna, seated on a lotus
(with young Krishna as cowherd)
Like an iconic figure64 meant to be revered, Krishna is seen seated on a lotus; but he
retains some of his cowherd's garb: a gopa's cap and a scarf fluttering in the air.
T he peacock's feather on the head and the lotus and the flute in his hands complete
the image.
4.1.
An old man with a beard, possibly
Krishna's step-father Nanda, is seen
seated. But it apears as if he were issuing
instructions to a cowherd boy driving
away a cow; another young boy stands
behind him (see PI. 85).
4.2.
T wo cowherds
-
possibly Krishna,
together with a gopa wielding a chauri-
flywhisk
-
appear here, goading two
bulls (see PI. 87).
4.3.
A herdsman's stick in hand, Krishna, is
seen, driving four cows; the animals
drawn and carved to form a tight group,
their contours overlapping (see PI. 86).
4.4.
A rendering of the dana /lil/a-episode:
Krishna is demanding toll from two gopi
cowherd-girls who carry baskets on their
heads. One sees Krishna with one hand
reaching out into one of the baskets as he
grips the left arm of one of the girls; the
other girl, her companion in front, tries to
save her by pulling the end of her odhani-
veil and asking her to move on. A little
boy, doubtless one of Krishna's gopa-
companion, flees, having already claimed
two pots which he carries in his hand
(see PI. 88).
:,cO
z?.
coffered-ceiling
s|S = :i _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.
..........
~~~~~~~~~~~~ofrdciig
44
V. Vishnu on a lotus-flower
(with renderings of Venugopala and adoring gopis)
Vishnu, four-armed, sits cross-legged on a full-blown lotus, with his ayudha-emblems
-
mace, lotus, discus, and conch
-
in his hands. Judging from the context in which
the image is placed, the intention, perhaps, is to suggest the real nature of Krishna,
the cow-herd, who is none other than Vishnu himself.
5.1.
As Venugopala, Krishna stands, holding a
flute, his head turned back. H e wears a
crown and is dressed in a long jama with
a sash; a long scarf is draped over his
shoulders, a loop of the garment caress-
ing his belly; on his feet he wears
wooden paduka-sandals (see PI. 82).
5.2.
A young maiden appears, dancing, her
arms raised over her head; the body is
turned, and one sees her holding a chauri-
flywhisk.
5.3.
Another maiden, doubtless a
gopi,
is
seen holding a flask, like an attendant
figure, her back towards the centre.
5.4.
In a white cartouche, a maid
-
an atten-
dant figure
-
stands, holding a platter and
a drinking cup.
55
Square V of the
coffered-ceiling
45
VI. A
kneeling gopa-boy, possibly Krishna, with vessels in his hands
(surrounded by Goddesses and Gods)
Sporting a cowherd's cap, a small kneeling figure, possibly Krishna, is rendered,
scarf fluttering, a sash tied over his short drawers, vessels in both the hands.
6.1.
T he great goddess Durga, four-armed and
crowned, stands riding her lion-vehicle
who looks up at her. She carries a straight,
rapier-like sword and a shield in the
two upper hands; in the others, close to
her torso, are a ghanta-bell and a patra-
bowl. T he border of her ghaghra-skirt and
odhani-veil are delicately patterned.
6.2.
Saraswati, the goddess of learning, is
seen seated, crowned and four-armed,
on a lotus, supported by the stem of the
flower and two leaves. In her hands
she carries a vina with a single resonant
gourd, a manuscript, and a lotus-bud.
6.3.
Shiva in his Bhairava aspect, guardian of
the Goddess, is seen four-armed, wielding
a trishula-trident and a ma/a-rosary in his
d
)r hands; of the two lower hands, one
ts downwards while the lower holds
wl. A snake is coiled around the neck,
a long garland of skulls hangs down
s knees. H is long matted locks are
bed back and fall about his shoulders;
ace is rendered almost frontally.
e are large, round rings in the ears;
-like teeth protrude from both corners
e mouth; a round third eye and a
a-mark on the forehead, complete the
e (see PI. 76).
a lotus, the Goddess as Shakti
-
orm reminiscent of the image
lied in the Shakti Devi temple at
itrari
-
stands four-armed, holding
lent, a snake, a staff, and a damaru-
i in her four hands. She is dressed
ong skirt with an odhani; the breasts
ompletely covered by her jewellery.
'
';8o - s S S t
J
56
Square VIof the
coffered-ceiling
46
VII.
Dancing Krishna
(with a sadhu and
hath-jogis
and a mahanta)
T he central figure of this square towards the south-west corner is seen dancing, knees
positioned apart, shoulder-cloth held in the hands, face turned sideways. It is none
other than Krishna, wearing a gopa-cap. (In respect of orientation, the figure is in line
with the images in the squares placed along the western ceiling.)
7.1.
A bearded, wandering sadhu-ascetic is
seen, his hair piled on his head and tied
with some sort of fabric. H e is dressed
only in a loincloth and carries bags on his
shoulders; a kamandalu-pot is in one of
the hands and a walking stick in the other.
7.2.
A jogi, sporting a long trimmed beard,
but dressed, surprisingly,
in a long jama
coat and a cap, sits cross-legged on a
tiger skin, right hand raised in the gesture
of benediction.
7.3.
An elderly Natha-jogi stands on one leg,
evidently doing penance: the right leg is
raised, and the sole of the foot is pressed
to his hip. T he left arm is raised; the
right one, holding a rosary, is placed on
the left knee. T he figure is naked, and
the hair is worn long.
7.4.
A mahanta65, abbot or head of a religious
establishment, sits reading from a
manuscript, rosary held in the left hand.
H e is dressed in an ankle-length jama-
coat with a triangular neck-opening; the
head is covered by a noticeable conical
cap with a central knob and rim. T he face
is clean shaven and rendered in three-
quarter profile.
57
Square VIIof the
coffered-ceiling
47
VIII. T he Goddess Lakshmi seated on a lotus
(with two dakinis and two demons)
T he Goddess Lakshmi
-
Kamala
-
crowned and
bejewelled,
sits cross-legged on
a lotus-flower. In her two upper hands lotus-buds are held; the lower right one is in
varada mudra, the gesture of granting a boon.
8.1.
A dakini, a ((female imp or witch )66,
denizen of the burning grounds, stands,
wielding a dread sword above her
head, even as she drinks from a skull
bowl. H er face is coarse with a large
nose and heavy chin; kundala-rings
(adorn) her ears. T he hair is worn long
and untidy; her dangling breasts nearly
touch her navel; and the torso of the old
haggard is naked but for a piece of
patterned cloth draped around the waist
(see PI. 91).
8.2.
An asura-demon is seen, holding a
swinging, curved sword over his head
threateningly. H is face, seen from the
front, features two horns, large ears, and
fangs visible through the half-open
mouth. H e is clad only in short drawers
worn with a sash, and has a round
shield to defend himself with. T he feet
are like the claws of a bird.
8.3.
Another fearful dakini, an associate
of Kali, stands, holding a sword in front
of her face and a cup in front of her
breasts, as if drinking from it. She looks
much like the other dakini seen here,
but appears to be much younger than her
in years.
8.4.
Another demon67 strides forward, appear-
ing to attack with a drawn sword. T he
face has a bear-like snout and he wears a
tail, long and curving. T he horns on his
head are rendered in profile.
58
Square VlIl IIof the
coffered-ceiling
48
IX. A coiled Snake-deity
(with a dakini, a centaur and demonic figures)
One sees a giant, coiled up snake-deity
-
Shesha perhaps, or Vasuki ? -, the head rather
heavy, tongue flicking out of his mouth.
9.1.
A dakini, possibly Shani-like but female68,
similar in appearance to Kali but
two-armed only, completely naked with
sagging breasts, khatvanga-cot-post
and bowl in hands, is seen seated, legs
parted, on a pyre with the flames con-
suming a corpse69, licking at her genitals.
T he face is hideous and turned sideways;
a lolling tongue hangs out of the mouth;
untidy hair cascades over the shoulders70
(see PI. 89).
9.2.
A demon with a snout, face in profile,
is rendered, rushing forward, sword
held as if ready to attack. (T his image
appears upside down and therefore
looks as though it is in the wrong
direction: something that must have
happened when the panel was fixed
[re-fixed?] to the
ceiling.)
9.3.
A centaur-like female figure, a creature
of fantasy is seen, the rendering quite
exceptional. T he head is that of an old
human female with long, stringy hair,
heavy cheeks and chin, big round rings
in the ears; the torso is that of a haggard
woman with sagging breasts; strong
arms brandish a heavy, straight sword
and a shield. T he body, however, is that
of a galloping bull, the tip of its tail
touching the ground. T his figure was
once tinted white (see PI. 90).
9.4.
Another demon figure: swinging
the sabre over his head as he fixes the
viewer with his gaze. In his three-
quarter-profile face, the tongue dangles,
and the fangs stay prominent (see
PI. 92).
59
Square IX of the
coffered-ceiling
49
X. A
crouching jogi
(surrounded by other jogis of the Natha-order)
A youthful looking jogi
sits on the ground, knees drawn up to his chest, right arm
placed on his knees, chin resting on hand, left arm hanging down at the side.
T he jogi is naked, but wears a conical cap and earrings, suggestive of the fact that
he belongs to the Kanphata jogi-order71.
10.1.
A Kanphata jogi sits, knees slightly
parted, on a feline skin. T he figure is
youthful and naked, wearing nothing but a
brief loincloth, earrings, and a carefully
rendered cap with a central knob. With
his feet he holds a bowl in which he
grinds bhang-marihuana
with a long stick
or pestle held firmly in both hands. T he
jogi looks down and seems to be concen-
trating hard upon the work in hand.
10.2.
Another jogi figure is seated on an animal
skin, meditating, with the gaze directed
straight ahead. One knee is drawn up to
the chest, the right hand placed between
thigh and torso. (Once more, this panel
has been fixed upside-down, the
resultant impression being that of the
figure looking out of the square.)
10.3.
Seated on a leopard skin, again with
one knee raised, a jogi sits, resting his
weight on the right heel as he looks
down towards a round band or rosary
that he holds with both hands.
10.4.
A young jogi sits, right knee raised,
and the left pressing down against the
earth. H e holds a bowl to his lips, as
if drinking (bhang72?) from it; the left
hand rests on a pot, placed upon the
head of an animal skin.
60
Square X of the
coffered-ceiling
50
XI. A
jogi seated
(surrounded by two jogis and two birds)
A jogi, wearing a conical cap, is seated, one knee drawn up to the chest, the other
placed against the ground. H e leans upon his left arm, while the right elbow rests on
the other knee, the stance imparting to the figure a somewhat thoughtful, even
pensive, air.
11.1.
An elderly jogi with a pointed beard73,
dressed in a long sleeveless coat,
sits cross-legged on a tiger skin, telling
the beads of a rosary. T he left hand
rests in his lap, visible above his foot, and
the right elbow is placed upon a wooden
rest. T he cap he wears and the earrings,
bespeak of his belonging to the Kan-
phata order; the air about him is that of
a learned religious teacher74, seated,
meditating (see PI. 95).
11.2.
A young, nearly unclothed, Kanphata jogi
-
with only the tie-string of a loincloth75
indicated around his waist
-
is seen
writing on a wooden tablet, its diamond-
shaped handle prominently rendered.
T he weight of the body rests on his right
foot; the left knee is raised, the edge of
the wooden tablet resting upon it. (T his
relief is fixed upside down again, the
figure thus seems to be looking out of
the square.)
11.3
A bird, most likely a vulture76, is seen
rendered inside a vertically placed
cartouche: beak powerful, crest small,
neck long, the body heavy, and the
claws large.
11.4.
A peacock is seen flying, short wings
spread apart, small crest on the
head, long tail marked with round (eye)-
designs.
I
61
Square XIof the
coffered-ceiling
51
XII. A winged peri head
(surrounded by four peris)
T he head of a peri
-
winged, female celestial figure
-
is seen sporting two wings.
It is covered by a cap with some kind of sarpech-ornament topping it. T he star-shaped
panel within which the half-figure is carved, is painted green.
12.1.
A peri, dressed in a long gown tied with
a sash at the waist, is seen dancing to
the beat of her own dhol-drum77. T he tips
of her wings touch each other above
her head, which is covered by a turban
in which a sarpech is tucked. T he body
and head are elegantly carved, capturing
something of the feeling of an ecstatic
dance movement (see PI. 94).
12.3.
A peri is seen flying through the air,
carrying a peacock resting against her hip.
A turban in which a splendid sarpech is
tucked enhances her fine features. Both
of her powerful wings appear behind the
head (see PI. 93).
12.4.
A peri, playing a string instrument like a
lute, appears, standing on one leg.
12.2.
A peri, standing erect, plays on a vina.
T he panel is juxtaposed to the one which
features another peri performing on a
lute78, leading one to the thought that this
relief might again have been turned
(upside down) in the course of being
fixed to the ceiling.
62
Square Xll of the
coffered-ceiling
52
I
XIII. A stork
(surrounded by a
peri,
a bird, a girl and a dancer)
A stork is seen picking at the soil. H is bent neck and tail neatly fill the star-shaped
background space. T his square is fixed in the north-west corner, between the two Devi
murals.
13.1.
A
peri, wearing a long jama with a
sash, a sarpech adorning the turban, is
seen dancing to the beat of her own
tambourine, her scarf moving in the air.
13.2.
A woman is rendered, giving the impres-
sion of approaching; head bent and
covered with an odhani, one end of which
she holds in her right hand; in her left
hand, she carries a bowl of grapes.
oI
13.3.
Another image of a bird with a long beak,
possibly a hamsa-goose: the head is
round but bears no crest, the neck long,
the body bulky, the legs rather short.
13.4.
A young lady is seen dancing, one hand
holding a pair of kartal over her head,
the other placed on the hip: the elbows
are seen at an angle and the face is
turned back. She seems to look down-
wards, towards a parrot perching on
the floor. T he elegant lady wears a long
jama with many pleats and a long
scarf, but no sash. On her head, she
sports a turban topped by a sarpech.
63
Square XIIIof the
coffered-ceiling
53
w.
XIV. A small hawk
(with single, or pairs
of animals)
A small hawk perches, its body diagonally rendered, filling the space in the green
coloured star-shaped panel inside which it is placed.
14.1.
A couple of long-tailed monkeys sit
juxtaposed to each other, both eating
fruit.
14.2.
T wo lion cubs squat, one behind the
other.
14.3.
A slender bear with a short tail
and a round snout is seen walking.
14.4.
A boar leaps forward.
64
Square XIV of the
coffered-ceiling
54
XV. A lion
(with hunting scenes)
A lion appears, like a heraldic figure, featuring a short mane and a grave face, tail curving
up towards the neck.
15.1.
Vertically arranged, the figure of a hunter
chasing a deer with a bow and arrow,
appears in the panel. One arrow has
already pierced the neck of the animal
who is rendered nearly as tall as the
hunter himself.
15.2.
A rampant lion is seen attacking a
cowering hunter who tries to guard
himself with his shield against the
snarling mouth and the fierce claws of
the gigantic beast. T he hunter has,
however, already driven a katar-dagger
into the lion's belly; the scabbard is
seen still tucked in the sash. (T his relief
is so placed that all the feet point
outwards).
15.3.
A short-tailed duck is depicted, being
attacked by a hawk which has swooped
down upon it and dug its beak into the
hapless bird's neck.
15.4.
A tiger pounces upon an antelope, tearing
into its back.
65
Square XV of the
coffered-ceiling
55
XVI. A hawk
(with a youth and rams, a falconer and prey)
A hawk or falcon is rendered at rest, inside the star-shaped central square.
16.1.
A young nobleman is standing, well-
shod, clad in a jama with a dagger tucked
in his waist-belt, holding a flower.
16.2.
A pair of ducks is seen taking to the wing,
their bodies heavy, resulting
in their
barely being able to rise from the ground.
16.3.
Falcon on wrist, a nobleman stands
(see PI. 99).
16.4.
T wo rams are fighting79, head butting
against fiery head.
66
Square XVIof the
coffered-ceiling
56
XVII. A duck
(surrounded by
scenes of domestic life of sadhus)
A duck, short-rumped and heavy-bodied, stands unruffled, wings entirely in place.
17.1.
A shaven-headed, young sadhu sits on
the ground, nearly naked, smoking a
simple huqqa water-pipe with a slightly
curved stem, and presumably more
than mere tobacco in it. A gourd and two
bowls lie in front of him.
17.2.
A young sadhu, an acolyte perhaps, band
tied round his shaven head and a parrot80
perched on his shoulder, kneels as he
strains bhang into a bowl. A pestle along
with the gourd-vessel and two bowls
-
instruments obviously used in the
preparation of bhang
-
lie in front of him.
17.3.
A bearded but naked, elderly sadhu
with a cloth band tied round his other-
wise shaven head, squats in front of
an earthen <stove), patting a big chapati
into shape with his hands. A gourd and
an earthen pot lie in front. No fire is to
be seen in the stove, suggesting possibly
that the sadhu is intoxicated and only
going through fruitless motions of
preparing his meal.
17.4.
A young sadhu
-
naked but for a brief
loincloth
-
sits on the ground surrounded
by pots. With a (broken?) stick he
drives away a monkey that is trying to
make away with some food (see
PI. 98).
LL.) 7> *1*
67
Square XVIIof the
coffered-ceiling
57
XVIII. A small crouching antelope
(with two birds and two sadhus)
A couchant antelope, like a heraldic animal, with two straight horns, sits, his head
turned as if looking behind him.
18.1.
An old, bearded but naked, jogi kneels
on a tiger skin. H e grips his long open hair
at the neck with the left hand, possibly
squeezing water out after a bath. T he
right hand is held over his tilted face as
if he were shielding his eyes from the
sun's rays (see PI. 96).
18.2.
A large parrot81 of fine plumage is seen,
strong beak curved, the tail straight.
18.3.
A naked young sadhu, flat cap on the
head and <kanphata>-rings in ears, sits,
pensive-looking, on a tiger-skin, telling
the beads of a ma/a-rosary with his right
hand82. T he left knee presses against
the earth, while the right one is raised
towards the torso with an elbow resting
upon it (see PI. 97).
18.4.
A bird, possibly a falcon or small hawk,
stands, beak prominently pointed and the
body slender.
68
coffered-ceiling
58
XIX. A
goose
(with two courtesans, a dromedary-and an elephant-rider)
T he goose stands on one leg, the other raised, the long neck turned backwards,
pecking at its own feathers. (T his square is fixed in the north-east corner, the central
quadratic piece placed as if it belongs to the eastern ceiling.)
19.1.
A lady sits on a four-legged stool, comb-
ing her freshly washed hair83. One
knee rests against the stool while the
other is raised, partially revealing a
leg from under the beautiful folds of her
garment. T he woman has finely rounded
breasts, but wears no choli, the sugges-
tion possibly being that she is a courtesan
with limited modesty (see PI. 100).
19.2.
A caparisoned elephant walks majestically
even when his ponderous form fits with
some difficulty into the vertical cartouche.
A mahout with a pointed beard possibly
a Muslim84, rides on his back, holding a
goad.
19.3.
A young lady, dressed in a ghaghra-
skirt, a short sleeved cho/li-blouse with
lappets at the v-shaped neck, head
covered with an odhani-veil, sits on a
low stool, eyes directed at the raised,
pointing finger of her right hand, evidently
looking into the arsi-mirror fitted into a
thumb-ring
19.4.
A dromedary is guided by a bearded
man sitting cross-legged on its back.
T he cushioned soles of the animal's feet
and his head are well rendered, even
though it's easy to see that the relative
scales on which the rider and animal
are rendered, are of not great concern
to the designer.
69
Square XIX of the
coffered-ceiling
59
XX.
Mating ducks
(with four lonely maidens)
A male duck, wings spread and the tail markedly short, mounts a female, claws
grasping her, and his beak passionately digging into her.
20.1.
A lady, wearing a skirt, an odhani-veil
wrapped round her torso, stands, feeding
a pet deer which clambers on to her
knee.
20.2.
A young woman dances85, hands clasped
over her head, face turned back, her
veil falling to the side. T he lissome,
slender-waisted, full-bosomed maiden
seems to pirouette on one toe as the
other foot is placed flat on the ground.
20.3.
A lonesome maiden is seen walking
gently, on her hand a pet parrot with
which she seems to be conversing.
20.4.
A lady stands, left hand behind her
head, the right in a gesture of wonder,
surprise. T he mood seems to be
pensive86.
70
Square XX of the
coffered-ceiling
60
XXI. A cow
(with Vishnu on Garuda, Krishna, an aged
nobleman and a lady)
H er neck bent, a grazing cow occupies the crammed space inside a central star.
21.1.
Krishna, bejewelled and elegant, dances,
dressed in a dhoti with finely delineated
folds, a long scarf, a gopa's cap with a
peacock feather topping the central knob.
H e stands on his right foot, the left
raised, with the toe pointing down-
wards.T he body is held straight, the right
hand holding a flute, the left arm raised
above the head87, a bud daintily held
between finely carved fingers. T he face is
turned to the side, gaze directed down-
wards. T he posture reminds one of that
of a kathak dancer about to end a pirou-
ette (see PI. 83).
21.2.
An elderly, bearded nobleman, clad
in court dress stands, hands folded and
bearing a lotus bud88, like an offering.
21.3.
A maid stands, flask in left hand, offering
a drink.
21.4.
Splendidly realized, the image of Vishnu
on Garuda appears in this panel. More
than half the vertical space is filled by the
majestic figure of Garuda, rendered
with four arms
-
two hands folded, the
other two holding snakes
-
the face, with
its powerful beak, turned to the left. H e
wears a dhoti, from which a short bird's
tail peeps out. T he wings are spread wide
above his shoulders, like a nest in which
Vishnu sits. Vishnu, seen four-armed,
wears the same gopa's-cap as Krishna in
the adjacent relief and holds a mace, a
discus, a conch-shell, and what is possi-
bly a lotus flower, in his hands (see
PI. 81).
71
Square XXIof the
coffered-ceiling
61
XXII. A seated Devi with two pots
(surrounded by Krishna subduing Kaliya and naginis)
Seated cross-legged, a crowned female deity, wearing no sash or scarf, is seen holding
in her raised hands two pots with leaves stuck to them, betokening auspiciousness.
22.1.-3.
Nagini-snake-damsels, quite similar in
appearance, stand, holding lotus-buds
in their folded hands, a reference perhaps
to the beseeching wives of the serpent
Kaliya whom Krishna subdued. T he coils
of the snake-damsels end at their busts
which are covered with cho/li-blouses and
odhani-veils.
22.4.
Krishna, subduer of the great naga-
snake, Kaliya, is seated on a lotus-flower
placed atop the snake's five hoods89.
Wearing a gopa's cap, adorned with a
peacock feather, Krishna carries lotus-
buds in both his hands (see PI. 84).
.: ..........
-
......Square
XXIof the
coffered-ceiling
62
XXIII. An owl
(with a
gopi,
a mother-and-child, a kinnara and a horse-rider)
A bird, possibly an owl, is seen, its beak curved but short.
23.1.
A gopi stands, bearing a pitcher on her
head and clutching one end of her odhani-
veil.
23.2.
A mother caresses her baby whom
she carries on her hip; the child holds
a ball (of butter?) in his hands.
23.3.
A
kinnara, a celestial being90, looking
like a harpy, with a bird's body and a
human head, stands, claws sharp, body
bulky, and the plumage splendid. T he
head is adorned with a gopa's cap and
a sarpech attached in front.
23.4.
A rider is seen on a galloping stallion,
a falcon perched on his raised right hand.
73
Square XXI IIof the
coffered-ceiling
63
XXIV. A
bounding antelope
(with peris and a kinnara)
An antelope with two straight horns and a short tail bounds forward, hind legs touching
the earth, forelegs in the air.
24.1.
A tall kinnara with a bird's body and a
human head, very similar to the other
one seen here, stands, wearing a turban
with a fine sarpech attached.
24.2.
A peri, sporting large wings and dressed
in an ankle-length jama and a scarf
with wavy ends, strides forward, the right
knee raised, a wine flask and a cup in
the hands.
24.3.
Another peri is rendered, dressed in a
jama, sash, and scarf ends fluttering,
pet-bird held in hand. (T his relief is also
placed upside down, resulting in the
peri appearing to be looking out of the
square.)
24.4.
Yet another peri: of her dress, one
end of the patka-sash hangs down while
the other flutters in the air. She fondly
carries a pet-animal which could well be
a rabbit.
2... :.
?
;^:':^1? ~ ~'-*^ ^;;^-^-:^:-^^- ~ |.,
Square XXIV of the
coff ered-ceiling _ Si _ C | ~~~~~~~coffered-ceiling
64
Discussion and interpretation of the
coffered-ceiling
and the wooden reliefs
T he
iconographic scheme
All panels of the coffered-ceiling in Devi-Kothi have the same dimensions; all the reliefs
are framed by the same cartouche, carved in the same depth, and share the same uni-
form flat background. Nevertheless, nearly every panel holds a surprise, and many of them
yield great delight, for one suddenly comes upon some hitherto unseen composition in
them, or a witty, thoughtfully chosen detail. T he workmanship seen in the reliefs is of an
unexpectedly high quality, imparting to the ceiling an air of uniqueness in the context of
Pahari-art of the mid-18th century.
Of the 120 panels, only two repeat more or less the same motif: the remaining re-
liefs are individual, singular creations even when one does not rule out the possibility that
similar work might have been carried out at other sites in the region, too. Stylistically, there
is an integrity in the work: the figures have similar and recognizable, facial features, body
postures, and costume-details. H owever, within these parameters, the variety of figures
and compositions seen is truly remarkable.
T he Devi-Kothi reliefs were produced by tarkhan-carpenters of Chamba, in a work-
shop to which a painters' atelier was possibly attached: T he painterly quality seen in
many of the reliefs would be explained by this. In any case, one sees in them the hand
of a highly skilled master who designed the panels and possibly even participated him-
self in their composition and execution. We have no information about the working con-
ditions and the nature of the division of labour in such a craftsmen's workshop of mid-
18th century Chamba. All that can be deduced from the extant work perhaps, is that there
was close, intimate collaboration between painters and carpenters as they worked on
these fine reliefs, a point which shall come up again when specific examples of work
are discussed.
It would go beyond the limits of this monograph if each and every relief-panel were
to be analyzed in detail. It might be best therefore to concentrate upon a dozen or so
themes
-
outstanding in their own right, and covering a wide range of motifs and work-
manship
-
and their rendition in wood.
T H E CENT RE SQUARES
All the center squares, one would notice, contain single images in a star-shaped frame91,
and all of them are possessed of a striking, heraldic quality. T he motifs seem to be taken
from paintings belonging to various series: many appear thus to refer to similar render-
ings in the (vertical) and (horizontal) Bhagavata purana-series from Laharu's workshop
in Chamba (c. 1750/60). It would seem as if the master designer took details from the
paintings, isolated and simplified them, and then proceeded to enlarge them to the size
of the star.
T he icon of the crowned Devi may serve as an example. T he Devi appears two-
armed on square VlIIand four-armed on square V, and can easily be compared with the
75
Detail centre square .UI.
with the icon of '
the Devi (centre of .
square V)
75a
Worship of the Devi
(detail), Bhuri Singh
Museum, Chamba
65
76
Crawling Krishna
(centre of square VI)
76a
Krishna swallows the
fire (drawing), Jagdish
and Kamla Mittal
Museum, H yderabad
76 b
Coronation of
Ugrasena, Bhuri Singh
Museum, Chamba
unnumbered folio, titled (Worship of the Devi), from the above mentioned horizontal se-
ries in the Bhuri Singh Museum, Chamba (see PI.75a). In the wooden relief, the shrine
and the entire setting seen in the painting is omitted, but the posture of the Goddess as
an icon, her features and emblems are almost identically conceived.
T he small kneeling Krishna on Square VIcorresponds well with the figure of <Krishna
extinguishing the forest fire), forming part of the horizontal series, now in the N. C. Mehta
collection92. T he narrative context seen in the painting is of course left out in the relief;
even the age at which Krishna is depicted is quite different. But the (model-posture) on
which both images are based, is very much the same (see PI. 76 and 76 a).
-
And Krishna
dancing (on square VII), with bent knees and arms spread apart holding a shoulder cloth,
one sees in (Ugrasena's coronation), which constitutes folio 44 in Laharu's (horizontal)
Bhagavata purana-series93 (see PI. 76 b).
Finally, the peri bust with wings is a Mughal motif
-
possibly adapted from Euro-
pean prototypes
-
that already appears on wooden reliefs from the Brahmor-Kothi, now
in the Bhuri Singh Museum, which were prepared c. 1647/50 A.D. for Raja Prithvi Singh
of Chamba (see Goetz, 1969:115, pI. XXXVIII).
77 a
Brahma,
relief at the ceiling
of the Chamunda
temple in Chamba
77
Brahma,
panel of square I
77 b
Brahma adoring
Krishna, drawing,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
77c
H arihara, Philadelphia
Museum of Art
78
Sarasvati on lotus-
flower
(panel of square V)
66
Panels with
images
of
deities,
demons
and celestial beings
2. Sarasvati
Four-headed Brahma appears on
the coffered-ceiling on only one panel
(in square I). T he omniscient God as
rendered here with his usual emblems
and other iconographic details94, appears
also on a triangular relief-panel in
the ceiling of the Chamunda temple
of Chamba (see PI. 77 a), and on a Bhaga-
vata purana-drawing from the Mani-
kanth family-work-shop of Chamba
(c. A. D. 1725/50), now in the Bhuri Singh
Museum in Chamba (see PI. 77a). In
both these examples, Brahma is rendered
in an adoring posture: his right knee is
raised, an unnecessary detail in an image
in which the god appears alone, within
a non-narrative context.
On one relief-panel (in square VI), the
Goddess is shown seated on a full-blown
lotus flanked by two leaves. T he render-
ing is very similar to that in the superb
image of H arihara
-
composite form, half
Vishnu and half Shiva
-
seen seated on
a similar large flower emerging from the
waters, now in the Stella Kramrisch
collection in the Philadelphia Museum of
Art, a work that was produced several
decades earlier than the Devi-Kothi relief,
but also in a Chamba workshop95.
67
1. Brahma
3. Shiva
Shiva appears twice on the Devi-Kothi
ceiling, once standing with his bull
Nandi (in square I), and then again as
Vinadhara (in square Itoo). H is slender
head is slightly bent and elongated by his
matted hair tied above his forehead; a
small tiger-skin, shaped like three rounded
lappets,
is wrapped round the loins.
Fascinating is the depiction of
Shiva as Bhairava (in square Vl): H ere
Shiva's face is frontally depicted with
features that we know from paintings of
the Bhairava-set, attributed to Mahesh
of Chamba (c. A. D. 1750), a part of which
can be seen in the H imachal State
Museum in Shimla96 as a gift of Museum
Rietberg Zurich (see PI. 79 a). Not only
do we recognize
in both depictions the
shoulder-long hair locks, earrings, charac-
teristics of the Kanpath jogis, fangs in
the corners of the mouth, but also similar
iconographic concepts seen in the
emblems.
4.
Durga
T he four-armed Goddess stands with
great elegance
-
wielding her attributes
-
on the lion, her vahana (in square VI).
T he only comparable wooden reliefs we
know of are the delicate ceiling panels
of Durga in the Chamunda temple
in Chamba (see PI. 80 a)
-
T he crowned
Shakti Devi97 (also in square VI), stand-
ing on a small lotus with trident, snake,
staff, and damaru-drum98 in her four
hands, may be based on the icon of Lak-
shana Devi of Brahmor.
79
Shiva as Bhairava
(panel of square VI)
79a
Bhairava, H imachal
State Museum, Shimla
80
Durga on lion (panel of
square VI)
;;lj'il'll
68
5. Vishnu on Garuda
A superbly rendered image of Vishnu99
seated on a magnificent Garuda, appears
on Panel XXI. A possibly contemporary,
small, and far less impressive, painting of
the same theme from a Chamba work-
shop (c. A. D. 1775) is in the collection of
the Bhuri Singh Museum in Chamba
(see PI. 81 a). Both the images of Garuda
bear a lot of similarities, including
the manner in which the tail-feathers, the
outstretched arms holding snakes'00 etc
are rendered. T he main difference can
be observed in the facial features of
Vishnu, who, in the painting, is not only
four-headed but has a markedly sharp
nose and pointed chin, imparting him a
very distinctive look.
81 a
Vishnu on Garuda
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba 80 a
Durga subduing
Mahisha (wooden relief
panel) Chamunda
temple, Chamba
81
Vishnu on Garuda
(panel of square XXI)
69
6. Krishna
No other deity is seen as often on the
coffered-ceiling of Devi-Kothi as Krishna.
As a flute-player (V) or as an elegant
young man performing like a kathak-
dancer, flute in hand (XXI), he appears
singularly attractive. Unfortunately, we do
not know of a painting from a Chamba
workshop with equally attractive or
similar stances; the only work that comes
to mind is a fine drawing from a Chamba
based workshop in the Jagdish and Kamla
Mittal Museum representing Krishna
attended upon by gopis inside a tent101.
T he image of Krishna subduing
the serpent Kaliya (XXII) is most impres-
sively rendered. T his image compares
best with the Krishna mural of Devi-Kothi.
In the (vertical) Bhagavata purana-series
of Laharu, the same scene is rended
less attractive, for the serpent there is
devoid of all grandeur, all gravity, and
when Krishna subdues him, it seems as if
he were entangled by a cluster of worms.
As a cowherd, Krishna appears
again: on four narrative panels in square
IV. T hese renderings are of special
importance, for they all come from
themes well-known in Pahari-painting and
seem to be based, clearly, upon paintings
or drawings in the horizontal format,
rendered here as simplified reliefs. When
one cow is placed in front of two others,
one can see that the carpenter using
spatial depth, is availing himself clearly of
what can only be regarded as a (painterly
device).
T he composition of the dana lila-
scene is similar to the one on an early
19th century Pahari-painting
in the H ima-
chal State Museum in Shimla, and also
reflects the bodily postures captured
-
later still
-
by Chetu/Chaitu, the Guler
painter'02. It needs to be mentioned, how-
ever, that a similar dana lila-scene from
the mid-18th century painters' workshop
from Chamba has not surfaced yet.
82 a
Krishna playing the
flute (wooden relief-
panel) Narasimha
temple, Chamba
82
Krishna playing
the flute (panel
of square V)
83
Krishna as dancer
(panel of square XXI)
84
Krishna subdueing
Kalyanaga (panel of
square XXII)
70
85
Krishna meeting Nanda
(panel of square IV)
86
Krishna grazing cows
87
Krishna with gopa
and cows (panel of
square IV)
88
Krishna molesting a girl
88 a
Dana lila-scene,
H imachal State
Museum, Shimla
-zi
71
7. Dakini-witches and other
female monsters
T here are three wonderfully fearsome
images in the panels on the coffered-
ceiling: the dakini drinking blood (in
square VIII), the female centaur, and the
dakini squatting on the pyre upon which
a corpse is burning (in square IX). No
known paintings from a Chamba-work-
shop103 offer a direct comparison with
these three female haggards. T heir
source seems to be some 18th century
illustrated shakuna shastra or svapna
darshana-texts'04, with paintings used by
prashna vadins-fortune tellers who
interpret omens and dreams105. A vaguely
similar image106
-
the only one we are
aware of
-
is the small folio (No. 41) from
such a set in the Museum Rietberg,
Zurich, probably from a Nurpur based
workshop of c. A. D. 1700. In that, (see
PI. 89 a) the (male) planet Shani is seated
on a corpse. T he black icon inscribed
clearly as "(Sanichar?, i.e. Shani, dressed
in a dhoti, crowned and four-armed,
with canine teeth and a protruding tongue,
reminds the viewer of Kali, especially
because the relief-dakini is seated on
a male corpse.
-
T he image closest to
the standing dakini drinking blood is the
two-armed Kali seen in the Devi-Kothi
mural.
-j
1
m
89 a
Shani (Saturn),
, ,
Museum Rietberg
ZOrich '
;;
89
Dakini on pyre (panel
of square IX)
72
90
Centaur attacking
(panel of square IX)
91
Dakini drinking blood
(panel of square VIII)
73
8. Demons
T wo demons appear on square IX, both
with drawn swords attacking unseen
enemies. T hey reappear in similar forms
on the back-wall mural of Devi-Kothi
(and on several Bhagavata purana-and
Ramayana-paintings by the Laharu-
workshop c. A.D. 1750/75, see PI. 92 a)
but seem to have their prototype in
paintings by the court painter of Raja
Chhattar Singh of Chamba, of
c. A. D. 1700. On a painting from the Alice
Boner collection in the Museum Riet-
berg, Zurich107, thus, the old asura-demons
fighting with the gods when they jointly
churned the ocean, show the same weird
whiskers, the same protruding tongue
in the frontally rendered face with large
ears, the same rounded torso, unmoulded
legs, and feet with bird's claws.
74
9. Peris
Winged celestial beings108 that play
musical instruments or perform dances
appear in squares XII, XIIIand XXIV.
One has not found them yet in paintings
from Chamba workshops, but there
are several other wooden reliefs109 in
which they figure, especially those
in Gand-Dehra, where the peris are often
rendered with non-human limbs (see
PI. 93 a), and in the Chamunda temple of
Chamba. H ere they appear as court
dancers with wings spread wide, filling
the triangular space (see PI. 93 b).
m
92 a
Rama fighting demons,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
92 b
Demons churning
the ocean (detail),
Museum Rietberg
Zurich (Alice Boner
collection)
92
Demon with
frontal face (Panel
of square IX)
93
Peri with a peacock
(panel of square XII)
94
Peri with a drum
(panel of square XII)
93 a
Peri-figure, relief on the
ceiling of Gand-Dhera
93 b
Peri-figure, relief on
the ceiling of the
Chamunda temple
in Chamba
75
10. T he jogis and their activities
An extensive group of panels depicts
jogis of various ages and status or
disposition, engaged in activities ranging
from performing household chores to
the meditation that one expects from
them. T hese reliefs are not meant to be
seen as caricatures, satirical in intent:
they only show the human aspect of
religious mendicants and members of a
hieratically organized brotherhood caught
in the trivia of daily life.
It should also be mentioned
-
as
Prof. B. N. Goswamy has pointed out to
us
-
that H utchison-Vogel (1933: 286)
have documented the importance of jogi
Charpatnath for the rajas of Chamba
because it was he who guided the king
((in all matters connected with the
settlement of the new capital)). Further-
more, these historians record that
((the only coin special to Chamba is the
chakli.... On it (raja) Sahila Varman
caused to be struck a pierced ear, the
symbol of a yogi, in honour of Charpat-
nath, and this has been continued down
to the present day.))
One is used to attributing Pahari-
caricatures of intoxicated mendicants
and charlatans to painters of Chamba110,
probably since Jagdish Mittal docu-
mented several such sketches in tradi-
tional Chamba painters' workshops.
But those caricatures bear no resem-
blance to the small vignettes of jogi's
life in Devi-Kothi. Closest to these reliefs
-
in respect of style, not of iconography
-
is perhaps the depiction of Shiva as
a recluse on the Kailasha Mountain in a
painting at the Bhuri Singh Museum,
which may be from a Chamba workshop
of the first quarter of the 18th century.
76
11. Noblemen and
courtly pleasures
95
Senior jogi in
meditation (panel of
square XI)
96
Bearded jogi
drying his hair (panel
of square XVII)
97
Young jogi in
meditation (panel of
square XVIIII)
98
Jogi driving a
monkey away (panel
of square XVII)
99a
Noblemen,
wooden door from
Brahmor-Kothi,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
Falconers, male and female dancers and
musicians, lonesome nayika-ladies with
parrots or a fawn as company or bedeck-
ing themselves after a bath, courtesans
of all descriptions, are all themes that one
finds specifically depicted on the squares
XIII, XVI, and XIX. Dancing while playing
kartal clappers (as in square XIII) is an
old courtly motif 111; the same postures
are shared by males and females among
dancers and musicians: a female peri
playing a lute (in square XII) may, thus,
have been modelled upon a male drum-
mer in a court scene12.
A number of these motifs are
known to occur in ragamala-series, or in
other poetic texts rendered by Pahari
painters. Unfortunately, however, only a
limited number of paintings of this genre
from Chamba workshops of the first half
of the 18th century, are known to have
survived. With the few drawings that
have come to light in Chamba
-
most of
these are now in the H imachal State
Museum in Shimla13 or in the Bhuri Singh
Museum in Chamba
-
however, the
reliefs relate very well, stylistically.
99
Falconeer (panel
of square XVI)
100
Courtesan washing
her hair (panel of
square XIX)
77
12. Animals
Animals appear in the central squares
as well as on the panels. While some of
the birds can be clearly identified, how-
ever, some others remain rather generic,
like ((birds with a strong beak)) etc. which
could well be vultures, falcons, hawks,
or even parrots. Besides these, geese
and ducks come in, either as prey or seen
as mating (as symbols of love); so
too, does an owl114, a peacock flying or
standing115, even a stork.
Of the quadrupeds represented,
there is quite a range: from lions
-
rendered naturalistically116 or as heraldic
beasts117-to bears and a boar118,
antelopes and monkeys. From among
the domesticated animals one sees
rams, bulls, cows, a dromedary119, an
elephant120, and horses121, all of
which must have been common sights
in Chamba.
Of reptiles, only the snake is
depicted, but of makara (dragons)
or crocodiles and tortoises one sees
nothing.
T o summarize: the principal relief-
panels appear to be derived from a
variety of paintings, and not from one
given series or set of illustrations. It
would seem that the master-designer of
the reliefs was well acquainted with
the ceuvre of Chamba-based painters, or
knew the paintings and drawings kept
there in
painters' ateliers, and could draw
upon that repertoire of compositions
almost at will.
95a
Mahants on the move,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
78
T he
arrangement
of the
squares
H ermann Goetz (1969: 155) was of the view that ((the bas-relief panels... and the murals
depict, without any plan or system, figures from H indu mythology and romance, by the
side of genre figures from contemporary life... or whole scenes from H indu mythology)?.
At first sight it does really seem as if there were no meaning in the given sequence nor
a specific theme or sets of themes running through the coffered-ceiling's depictions and
the placement of the reliefs. And it is true that the underlying thematic order, if any, is not
easy to detect; it was possibly not even a matter of great concern, neither to the mas-
ters who designed the relief-panels nor to the carpenters who fixed the coffered-ceiling
at the site. H owever, a few thoughts need to be considered which might lend more mean-
ing to the montage or ensemble as a whole, and make one see it as more than a selection
made from a bank of
iconographic ideas even as one admires the superb craftsmanship
of the individual panels.
First of all, the arrangement of the 24 squares (each consisting of a quadratic cen-
ter piece and four rectangular panels) needs to be looked at (see PI. 50 on page 40). Ac-
cording to the position
of the centre pieces, in respect of the positioning of the feet of
the images
in other words, the sections are divided into four groups of six each: thus,
nos. 1 to 6, 7 to 12, 13 to 18 and 19 to 24. On the temple's fagade,
above the entrance to
the sanctum, we find squares
1 to 6 (with square 4 in the centre, above the door to the
sanctum); above the west-side mural, (T he Devi triumphant), nos. 7 to 12; above the back
of the cella, with the mural (T he Devi in combat), nos. 13 to 18; and, above the (Krishna>
mural to the west of the circumbulatory gallery, nos. 19 to 24.
T he squares no. 1, 7, 13 and 19 are placed in the four corners of the temple and may
therefore be of (special importance>. Similarly, the ones fixed in the centres of these rows
(i.e. no. 4 above the entrance, no. 10 above the (Devi triumphant) mural, no. 16 above
(T he Devi in combat), and no. 22 above the (Krishna) mural) may also carry special sig-
nificance. And finally, if the four corner-squares were to be treated separately as if they
didn't belong to any specific row, only the nos. 2 to 6, 8 to 12, 14 to 18 and 20 to 24 may
be seen as
groups
in themselves, and also possibly in relationship to the murals seen be-
low them in the circumambulatory gallery.
T H E SQUARES IN T H E FOUR CORNERS
In the south-east corner square no. 1, are to be found: the H ath-jogi (and the gods Shiva
on
Nandi, Shiva as Vinadhara, Brahma and a nobleman); in the south-west corner no. 7,
Dancing Krishna (with a sadhu, two H ath-jogis and a mahanta); in the north-west corner
no. 13, a stork (surrounded by a peri, a bird, a girl, and a dancer); and, in the north-east
corner no. 19, a goose (with two
courtesans,
a dromedary-and an elephant-rider).
It could well be that the placement of these corner-squares has a logic not imme-
diately apparent: but no. 1 thus is strong in the depiction of (Shaiva-)deities; no. 7 repre-
sents the veneration of Krishna with religious men meditating upon him; no. 13 shows
celestial
joy; and no. 19 courtly pleasures. All of these are in themselves themes of great
importance even if
they cannot be directly connected with ((cosmic directions)), or other
architectural concepts.
SQUARES IN T H E SOUT H ABOVE T H E ENT RANCE T O T H E SANCT UM:
NOS. 2-6
H ere, square 4
positioned in the centre, represents Krishna seated on a
lotus,
surrounded
by scenes of his life as a young herdsman.
All the
squares
above the entrance to the sanctum are in direct connection with
Vishnu: no. 5 shows the crowned
figure
of Vishnu (with Krishna Venugopala); no. 3, a de-
ity
on a lotus-flower (with Rama and retinue), or with Vishnu's Krishna incarnation; no. 2,
79
Baby-Krishna (with adorers); no. 4, Krishna on a lotus (with young
Krishna as a cowherd);
and no. 6, kneeling Krishna (with Durga, Sarasvati, Bhairava, and Shakti-Devi).
SQUARES IN T H E WEST ABOVE T H E MURAL <T H E DEVIT RIUMPH ANT )):
NOS. 8-12
We find in the centre no. 10: a
crouching Kanphat jogi (surrounded by
four other
jogis of
the Natha-order), possibly indicating a Shaiva-or
Shakta-way to
spiritual powers.
T he squares no. 8, with Lakshmi on a lotus (with two dakinis and two demons), and
no. 9, a coiled up snake (with the dakini/Shani, a female centaur, and two demons), could
be seen as representations of obstacles to be overcome in the
pursuit of
spiritual ends;
they are followed by no. 10, a crouching Kanphata jogi (surrounded by four other
jogis of
the Natha-order) and no. 11, a seated jogi (surrounded by two
jogis, a vulture, and a
fly-
ing peacock), which might possibly be depictions of great spiritual masters like Guru
Gorakhnath and his disciples, who have obtained the power to
change their form at will.
With no. 12, a winged peri-head (surrounded by four
peris), what might have been hinted
at is the realm of celestial figures, to which the
jogis can rise themselves
through
the ex-
ercise of spiritual powers. At the same time, one notices that these
winged beings lead
to the birds in the next sequence.
SQUARES IN T H E NORT H ABOVE T H E MURAL <(T H E DEVIIN COMBAT )):
NOS. 14-18
In the centre of this row we have square no. 16, showing fighting and
hunting scenes.
In the northern part of the
circumbulatory ceiling are to be found, chiefly, animals
and hunting-scenes: no. 14, a hawk (with either one or a pair of animals); no. 15, a lion
(with hunting scenes); no. 16, a hawk (with a youth, a
falconer, prey, and
ram-fight). T hese
are all depictions possibly of aristocratic pastimes, and only in the second half do squares
with
sadhu-representations appear. In no. 17, a duck appears (but with four panels nar-
rating the (the domestic life of sadhus)), and again, in no. 18, a
crouching antelope (with
two sadhus and two birds).
SQUARES IN T H E EAST , ABOVE T H E ((KRISH NA CYCLE))-MURAL:
NOS. 20-24
H ere, mainly Vaishnava-themes occur. T he square no 22 has a goddess with two pots
placed in the centre (surrounded by Krishna subduing Kaliya-naga and being adored by
nagini-snake-maidens).
Bhakti-devotion may be represented by the contents of square no. 21, a cow (with
Vishnu on Garuda, Krishna, an aged noble man, and a lady); no. 22, a goddess with two
pots (surrounded by Kaliya-Krishna and
adoring naginis); no. 20, mating ducks (with four
lonely maidens); and, in the final two squares, no. 23, an owl (with a
gopi,
a mother with
her child, a kinnara, and a falconer on horseback), and no. 24, a bounding antelope (with
a kinnara and three peris) might well be pointers towards the joy to be found in the heav-
enly regions.
If the sequence is understood as a depiction of clusters of themes with no special
emphasis given to the corner and the central square images, the
following groups in suc-
cession can be
figured out:
starting with square no. 1 with God Shiva, the images of
Vishnu/Krishna/Rama follow in nos. 2 to 5. Again, in no. 6, Shiva is present as Bhairava,
along with the Goddesses. Square no. 7 represents jogis pursuing spiritual quests. Nos.
8 and 9 show obstacles not easy to overcome; nos. 10 and 11 have jogis again, and nos.
12 and 13 celestial life, possibly viewed as the ultimate rewards of the penances of men-
dicants. Nos. 14, 15, 16 depict wild-life and hunting, being the pleasures of earthly life;
nos. 17 and 18 again have yogic life, and nos. 19 and 20, court-life; nos. 21 and 22 are de-
voted to Krishna and nos. 23 and 24 once more to celestial beings and happiness. T hus,
80
various forms of pleasures and attainments of different kinds are depicted, from
courtly
dalliance with maidens, dancing and hunting, to the
spiritual
ones with meditation, yo-
gic practices, and bhang-consumption, which might in turn lead to the world of celestial
joys represented by heavenly beings and the images of gods and goddesses. In sum,
the <contents) of these reliefs could perhaps be considered as representing success in
human pursuits, something that the tarkhan-carpenter-artists seem to offer to the view-
ers/devotees through this thoughtful choice of images.
T he original intent and the schema of the ceiling decoration might no longer be as
apparent as it once
was,
and the original sequence might have been disrupted122 in
places, since some panels have not been placed according to the general, over-arching
plan in which all figures were certainly meant to face the central square. T he logic of the
<sequence) envisioned by the master might also have been subverted when the coffered-
ceiling was put up at the site in Devi-Kothi. But a few facts are clear: the bhava-emo-
tions the visitor experiences123 when viewing the coffered-reliefs were intended to cor-
respond with the emotions aroused by the murals below them on the temple walls. T hus,
above the entrance, the main sentiment is (vismaya), or wonder. H ere, we find most of
the images of gods and goddesses, Vaishnava as well as Shaiva. Above the mural (T he
Devi triumphant), the sentiment of (utsaha), vigour, is invoked; and above the (T he Devi
in Combat), <krodha>, wrath. Above the (Krishna) mural, we can't find any asura demon
or dakini witch being depicted, because here the main sentiment is <rati), love. T o apply
these basic aesthetic terms of the rasa-theory to the complex ensemble of panels could
be seen as a simplification of the matter, or something extraneous to the work, but
through keeping these thoughts in mind, one might move closer to the
underlying
in-
tention of the masters who, one can be certain, gave more thought than one imagines
to the appropriateness of themes for a specific location and then designed the reliefs or
established their sequence.
T he
production method
T he dedicatory inscription in Devi-Kothi indicates that two carpenters were engaged in
the construction (and probably also embellishment) of the entire
temple, and it is likely
-
since no place of their origin is mentioned
-
that both of them were from Chamba town
or somehow attached to the Chamba court (see p. 149 and 157-159). T hey must have
travelled from Chamba town to execute the job on the temple site in Devi-Kothi, a distance
calculated as about a
three-day
walk.
Obviously, the wooden construction work with
beams and pillars, the heavy sculptural parts of the door jambs, the large dvarapala fig-
ures, and of course the murals would have had to be carried out on the spot. T he wooden
reliefs of the coffer-type of ceiling, however, are another matter: being of standardised
wooden plank-sizes, these could easily have been transported in their finished form from
their home workshop to the site.
T here is a striking difference in quality between the reliefs in the circumambula-
tory ceiling and the ones inserted into the
roof-fagade,
the latter being much rougher,
simpler, and less animated, even though stylistically not dissimilar. It could well be that
the inserted reliefs of the
fagade
were prepared to size at the construction site in Devi-
Kothi itself, perhaps even in some haste, with the help of compositional drawings brought
along from the studio; the high quality reliefs on the panels in cartouches for the cof-
fered-ceiling, on the other hand, might already have been executed at home, in Chamba.
It is possible to envisage their finally being finished and painted at the carpenters' work-
shop
in Chamba town and even
inspected
or reviewed there
by some functionaries of
the
royal patron
before
being
sent on to Devi-Kothi to be mounted. It is obvious that these
reliefs, high
in
quality
and
masterfully crafted as
they are, are of standardised sizes and
were
prepared
so as to be used as
multiples,
i.e. were some kind of
(building blocks) or
modules.
81
It is also conceivable that the Chamba based tarkhan-carpentry-workshops practised
a well-organised division of labour in those days. T his could possibly have been under the
leadership of the two masters, Gurdev and Jhanda, as mentioned in the inscription (see
p. 157): T he preparation of planks, cutting them to size, measuring out and fixing grooves
with a notch-plane, deepening the side-notches, stencilling the cartouches and cutting
out their relief-outlines are basic tasks which a skilled workman (or group of workmen)
can do under the supervision of a master. Only when these basic, preparatory jobs
had
been accomplished, might the master and his trained craftsmen have started with their
work: deciding on the decoration programme, conceiving of the images to be reproduced,
tracing the outlines of the relief-motifs124, having them chiselled out by capable carpen-
ters, and, finally, cleaning and painting
the surface. In fact, even here, an apprentice might
have been employed to help the masters clear away the surrounding material right up to
the border of the cartouche.
In speculating upon whether the job involved such a division of labour in a Chamba
workshop, one has to keep in mind the scale of the work: for Devi-Kothi alone, as many
as 120 coffer-reliefs were required. It is also not unlikely that, at more or less the same
time, similar reliefs were being produced for Raja Umed Singh's palaces
and halls in
Chamba, Rajnagar or Brahmor (see p. 161). T here might even have been other patrons in
Chamba, interested in wooden coffered-ceilings and wall decorations done in the
<Mughal)-inspired fashion of the day125. It is entirely conceivable therefore that, the de-
mand for their work being so great, the Chamba carpenters' workshops in the Umed Singh
period flourished greatly around A. D. 1750/60, and worked out for themselves a system
by which they produced standardised products: coffered-ceilings made up of squares con-
sisting of four uniform rectangles and a central quadrangle as stock units or (modules>,
which could be pre-fabricated and then fixed with ledges to any ceiling, be it a Chamunda-
temple, a royal garden palace or a nobleman's town mansion. T he motifs used in wooden
reliefs, whether produced for (secular) or (religious> structures, were most probably the
same: figures of gods and goddesses, heavenly and demonic creatures, and Puranic
themes, were mixed freely with poetic narratives, courtly and domestic scenes, em-
blematic animals and wild life, hunting and genre scenes. T he motifs used in the car-
touches were evidently taken from the contemporary painters' repertory, wood-carvers
and painters stemming anyway from the same tarkhan-community of carpenters. T he
slightly simplified, culled out and enlarged themes, especially inspired by the ragamala-
music and the svapna darshana-astrological manuscripts and dream interpretation sets
-
these must have been quick and simple to work out
-
could easily have been reproduced
in wooden reliefs. T his would have been done more than once, depending upon the
themes or motifs favoured by the client or patron, even though in Devi-Kothi itself, it would
be hard to find two pieces that are identical126. It seems that the craftsmen took care in
the matter of offering to each client/patron a wide variety of forms
-
each appealing in
its own right
-
to choose from. But each motif could be used in different sets of panels
and the reliefs could even have been fabricated in quantity, and kept stored in the work-
shop (possibly along with (antique) construction material), to be installed to order, in vary-
ing combinations, at any site, within a short period of time127.
82
T he murals
T he pradakshina-circumambulatory walls around the cubical sanctum are embellished
with paintings. While the front (south) wall with the entrance to the shrine in the center
is decorated mainly with woodcarvings, the three other walls (east, north and west) are
entirely covered with large murals within rectangular panels framed with decorative bor-
ders. T he lower portions (80cm high) of the walls are left plain, are off-white in colour,
being covered with highly burnished lime plaster. Above it runs a 15cm wide band deco-
rated with a hiramchi-coloured, i.e. dark red, scroll framed by broad stripes consisting of
six-petalled flowers outlined in black, flanked by juxtaposed single petals. T his rather
*. T o
i
. .
.
I
v '
.
101-102
T wo corner views of
the cella: west wall
and front with sanctum
door and west and
north wall (all 2000)
83
103-104
T wo corner views of
the cella: north and
east wall, east wall and
front to the sanctum
(all 2000)
i
prominent demarcation appears to be a later addition: it shows little abrasion and the work-
manship is markedly poorer than that seen in the murals and other borders. A small step,
creating a lightly sunken recess for the painted area, demarcates the actual picture plane
from the high plinth.
T he borders and the space
for the murals
All the three murals (that is the painted areas on the east, west and north walls) on the
side-and the back-wall of the cella are framed by continuous bands of decorative borders
known in Chamba as bel or kingri-creeper. T he slanting border at the top joins the walls
to the ceiling and runs all the way around the sanctum. A fine trellis made up of two flow-
ers
-
one of four petals seen from above and surrounded by two pairs of leaves, and the
other, a three-petalled bud viewed from the side
-
is brought
in to decorate the border.
At the edge of the rim another band runs along all the walls including the one with the
entrance doorway. Red carnation-like flowers framed by decorative leaves, alternate here
with bell-shaped flowers128 and are pendant from this border. Five-petalled flowers in red
colour completely cover the edges
at the four corners of the
building.
84
-;c
--t-I
i.
W ".
.%:t,..-'
105 ':'"'' .
Band of decorative f e '
borders (west wall)
with breakage allowing
a view of how the
coffer-ceiling is fixed
egt
tal
i
106
"W_W .
T rellis patterned borders t E
-
--
(in 2000) _X,
IL^"^? St^ D^^X
Only four colours
-
black, brown-red, white and green
-
seem to have been used
l w i - g for these borders.
=
ya^^Bff^^Ki^l^^lfl
"*nhe mural space is defined by 2 cm-thick red lines outlined in an off-white colour. A
^^"JB ^^ ~iL1 Îpart
of the area beneath the murals is filled with a dark grey colour and is decorated with
R ^ ^ ^
_: | a white wvy pattern T his water-base runs along all three sides. A band, denoting the
\ ^|N ^JIEI^ B ^^k^l :
sky, is juxtaposed above, within the mural
space,
but it is not
separated
from the
top reg-
l%^X lffl&
l2 ~ister by a red band and therefore seems to be integrated in the top-most panel. Like the
f/^^^g~ :^^~S.^~ ~
water at the
base, this band of
sky,
8 cm in
height,
runs all the
way along, throughout
the
c/^^^^BI^^^^^^
3three murals. Originally, it must have been mainly blue in colour, but it has faded a lot with
fg
Î^B _ -j ^^^y^Btime,
and
only
reddish clouds, sometimes outlined in
white, are visible. A narrow off-white
~\ V^'"^-^*?^^B
;
^JMarea
separates these clouds from the white background of the top-panel129.
85
T he south wall mural:
T he entrance of the sanctum and the pictures of donors
T he entrance to the temple and the sanctum, both situated on the southern side, face
the open valley130. T he murals here are confined to two narrow vertical panels adjacent
to the sidewalls. T he space for the murals projects along the top border panel and the
lower plinth. T he wooden reliefs around the door have been inserted into the wall, but
are not level with the painted plaster-frame. Both of the side-panels have been divided
into three horizontal compartments with their upper parts decorated with cusped arches
to give the impression of windows or doors. T he corner areas above the arches are filled
with floral designs similar to those seen in
woodcarvings,
and the top inner area with
clouds.
In the top compartment of the vertical panel at the
right,
Krishna is seen
-
a young-
ster wearing a
gopa's cap with peacock feathers, a long jama,
and a garland
-
dallying
with a
gopi.
H e holds the girl's chin as he lifts her face up and gazes into her eyes while
placing his left arm around her shoulder. T he couple stands on the banks of a river, where
tufts of
grass131 grow. Unfortunately, not much of the panel remains: the colours have all
but faded away, and the lead-white has become oxidized.
T he middle compartment contains a large sized figure of a devotee seen standing,
clad in a
jama.
H is feet are placed on a decorated carpet and close to them being brought
in, on a drastically reduced scale, two other
boy-like figures. (Most of the white used in
the faces of the notable devotee and the
page-boys
has oxidized: this oxidation can also
be seen in patches of the surrounding ground.) T he
large figure sports a short, trimmed
beard and wears a turban tied much tighter than those of the two smaller figures which
are noticeably fuller.
T he bottom compartment in this panel features four courtier figures, each different
in size from the others: the figure at the very top is (medium-sized), and might represent
a royal or princely person, for one sees, despite all the deterioration, traces of gold still
glittering in the dress of this person, something that does not mark
any
of the other
fig-
ures. T he turban with a
ka/ghi-ornament
that he wears is rather peculiar, featuring loosely
tied strands, according to the fashion in and after
Shahjahan's period. T he prince's hands
are folded; it seems that originally he might have been holding something under his armpit.
107
South wall: Right panel
with Krishna dallying,
and devotees (in 2000)
108
T he large-size donor
figure
109
T he secondary
donor figure with
three attendants
86
110
South wall: Left panel
with Shiva and Parvati
and two adoring figures
111
Shiva and Parvati
(in 1984)
111 a
Shiva and Parvati
(drawing from a
Chamba workshop)
Jagdish and Kamal
Mittal Museum of Art,
H yderabad
112
Young devotee paying
homage at the temple
(in 1984)
T he size of the person seen in the middle of this compartment is the largest in this group
of four. H e is dressed in a magnificent white, leaf patterned jama, and a tight turban with
a kalghi; a dagger is tucked into the long sash he wears round the waist. T he face is now
oxidated but one can still see traces of a trimmed beard and a small moustache. In front
of this figure, and on the same carpet, stands a small child wearing a turban tied in the
same way as the page-boy behind him, who is apparently carrying some sort of royal ob-
ject like a cloth-covered sword. T he child wears a patterned jama similar to that of the
main figure. H is face might have been rendered with richer pigments compared to the
other three figures in whose features lead-white was prominently used.
A green area and a larger rectangular area of rippling water can be seen in the fore-
ground, next to the carpet.
In the top compartment of the vertical panel at the left Shiva appears embracing his con-
sort, Parvati. T he divine pair stands on ground marked with tufts of grass at the edge of
a stretch of water. Shiva is four-armed, holding in his hands a damaru-drum, a trishula-tri-
dent, and a kapala-bowl; the fourth hand rests lightly upon Parvati's shoulders. In spite of
all the tarnishing and damage that the panel has suffered, it is still possible to see that
Shiva is dressed in a tiger skin; a long garland of skulls is worn around the neck, the ear-
rings are large and round, and the matted hair is adorned with a cresent and a snake. An-
other serpent, to which Parvati is feeding
milk from a small cup, is coiled around Shiva's
neck. T he Goddess, dressed in a cho/li-blouse, a ghaghra-skirt, and an odhani-scarf, looks
up fondly at Shiva132.
Parvati's costume in this picture is quite different from that of the Devi's and of the
other women seen on the side-murals. H er dress with the odhani-veil draped diagonally
around the ghaghra with one end-piece hanging down at the back, conforms far more to
miniatures in an earlier style produced in the Chamba workshops133.
A single man
-
some notable devotee, perhaps a mian-courtier
-
stands with folded
hands in the middle compartment. H is face has become oxidated and not much of either
his features or his dress is now visible. In the lowest panel, a young person is seen car-
rying a bowl in his left hand and a water vesel with a spout in his right, as if he were ap-
proaching the shrine to perform puja. Unfortunately, this portion of the painting is also in
a very poor condition.
87
112a
Raja Umed Singh of
T hei- T ~~~~~~~ feat~~~~~Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
Mian Shamsher
what~-.;:.' similar to that of
/W/anShamsherSing
brother and iigh of Chamba,
'
'h ,- whom one knows from a
poraBritish
Museum,
Discussion
T he features of the devotee-figures painted on the sidewalls of the entrance have oxi-
dized so much and are so mutilated that it is almost impossible to identify them. H ow-
ever, a few observations may be of interest: T he courtier in theflowered jama has a kalghi
attached to his turban, not across the front but higher up; he sports a trimmed beard some-
what similar to that of Mian Shamsher Singh'34-a brother and vazir minister of Raja Umed
Singh -whom one knows from a portrait in which he is seen seated on the terrace of a
tower135 (see Pi. 112 b). Interestingly, the cut of the beard with a round tuft of hair behind
the ear under the rim of the turban seen on the mural reminds one of what one sees in
has a rather heavy neck. T here is not enough of him to see for one to be able to recognize
him, but the aquiline cut of the nose, the trimmed beard, the turban with a small fold over
the forehead and a tight band around it, put one in mind of the features and the sartorial
fashion that one associates with Raja Umed Singh himself 137. T he portrait that comes clos-
est to the muralist's conception of this large devotee-figure is the inscribed one, (Raja
Umed Singh seated with a rosary>, now in the Museum Rietberg, Zurich138 (see PI. 184);
a preparatory sketch of the same subject, in the Lahore Museum, was dated by Archer
c. 1760 A.D.139. T here is another
-
possibly posthumous
-
portrait of this ruler with a slightly
fuller beard in the H imachal State Museum in Shimla140. We reproduce here another
sketch, which has been used as a stencil: Raja Umed Singh smoking a hukka. It comes
from a Chamba workshop of the mid-1 8th century and is now in the Bhuri Singh Museum
in Chamba (see Pl. 112a).
It is worth mentioning here again that, on the same mural panel on which the large
figure wearing this very tightly tied turban is featured, the small page-boys sport turbans
that are rounded and far more bulky, a style that came into fashion in Chamba in the reigns
that followed, like that of Raj Singh, Umed Singh's son. We find this turban also worn by
a
young prince
in a
picture (tentatively
ascribed to (a) Chamba
(workshop))
and dated
c. 1760 A.D. by William Archer141.
88
T he west wall mural:T he
Devi, triumphant
in combat
As elsewhere in this shrine, the main painted panel (PI. 116) is surrounded by a red band
and decorative borders. T he top horizontal one, consisting of hanging bells142, carnations,
and leaves, continues on to other walls. A wave-patterned grey band indicating water runs
along the bottom and is separated by a formerly green, now beige-looking strip of grassy
| :
l(
| land. T he vertical side borders contain fine variations upon the ones usually seen: around
| | this panel representing the Devi's triumphant fight against the demonic forces, the cen-
ters of
alternating
flowers are filled with kirttimukhas, the (faces of
glory>143, looking
like
severed heads of demons. T he round faces, viewed from front, are surrounded by curly
.| ..^ '
~
hair and dark vermilion
flower-petals;
their
physiognomy
is marked
by pointed ears,
bulging eyes, slanting eye brows, fleshy
feline noses'44, large
crescent
shaped
muzzles
with fangs at the corners, two rows of white and uniform teeth, and sometimes, long
red
tongues that dangle out. T his border, laced with wit, lends to the frame of this Devi-mural
further and
unexpected
interest.
T he mural-space itself is not divided into clearly demarcated registers that contain
separate compositions: the scenes on the other hand are placed on top of one another
in two planes. In the upper portion the Devi appears three times, and twice in the lower
one, even though the lower one is much larger, occupying about two thirds of the space.
Since no labels or numbers are at hand, indicating any sequence, and since the manifes-
tations of the Devi are fairly uniform, it is difficult to suggest an (exact) reading of the
mural. For the sake of clarity, however, one could, starting at top right, take in the painted
space from right to left in the very direction in which the Devi herself makes her appear-
ance and faces.
Riding a saddled tiger, body erect, feet firmly in stirrups, the Devi (PI. 115) is ren-
dered four-armed, wielding a sword, shield, ghanta-bell, and trishula-trident as weapons.
Purple grey in complexion, she wears a crown with a crescent moon over her forehead
that is adorned with the tilaka mark and a pearl. H er eyes have been drawn carefully,
im-
parting to her face a vivid, keen look. She is dressed in a vertically striped cho/li-blouse
with a pointed, red-piped neck, emphasizing the contours of her breasts rendered in pro-
file. She also wears a red ghaghra-skirt with a white border and a brown leaf patterned
dupatta-scarf which falls from the back of her head, under the crown, over her neck, and
back down to her knees. T he dupatta is tucked neatly into her skirt just under the navel.
A demon faces the energetic looking Goddess with a calm countenance, and threat-
ens her with his sword, a large shield raised in defence. Much attention has gone to the
figure of the demon. All of his accessories appear well crafted, especially the handle of
his sword and the empty sheath. H is cross-band is decorated with a fine clasp; the beard
Kirttimukha-flower, ',
entrance to Bajreshvari
'
'
-'
,' ., ,
temple, Chamba
(in 1984)
triumphant)) with
kirttimukha-heads ~
.~.
115
T he Devi has wounded
the attacking demon .'
mortally
89
116
T he west side mural:
T he Devi, triumphant
in
combat
.
;j
-.
. .
:.
Iok
90
16
i
.
s
oe
.. ', , ..
IMd -''. ' "
,
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Am k--: .-
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.....
.:
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'~:-;B
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. ...
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)R.
X
IR
-.. 't ..
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I, . .; . . . .. ... . .. I .
-,:. " e '-,' ..
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-
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10
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. . - . 0
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.........
~-:|~ ' _
=-~
-'-'-'='~_~ . . . .117
T op middle scene:
the " -: . '-~.,,.. horns a fnke ,onT he Devi attacks with
her spear
118
mon
appears
.' second tiDevi's spear penetrates
and the tal are
wavy;
the dress consists simply of red shorts and a sash hanging down
between his
legs
to the knees With his long-nailed fingers
he grips the sword
firmly.
Some of his features the feet with bird-like claws two in front one pointing to the rear
the horns and fan-like ears, for instance -he shares with all the other demons in this
mural,
giving
him more the look of an animal than a human. Right behind, the same de-
mon appears a second time with only minor changes to his appearance; here he does not
carry any weapons, one of his legs has been chopped off, and a great gash appear
-
s on
his left shoulder suggesting that he is mortally wounded. T here is no doubt that the de-
tmon is
dying; his tonguhe dangles out, his claw-aifingers are strethed aparte, sand his eyes
T his demon's torso still displays
the volume the painter created with the careful
shading of his hairy body around the rather prominent region of the breasts. T he beard
and whiskers have also been meticulously painted, each hair having been drawn individ-
ually. A lot of fine hair
-
so finely done as to
give the impression of shading
-is visible
along the contour of the arms and legs, even inside the ear.
are
brought
in: in one case, the otherwise
empty background space
is filled with a
group
of four trees, all of the same species, and all rather uniform in
shape.
Attebc nti cn, and. ....:n aga. p.ce be.:e (eiso,s, ..--..al?: rees
are
~
,
brough in,noecs,teohrieepybakrudsaei,ildwt ru
of four trees, all of the same....,ec:-,
andallrater;nifrm.n sape
In the centre of the upper part of the panel (PI. 117), the Devi takes on another group
of demons. T his time she leans further forward, breaks the sword of the demon who
stands ahead of the others, and chops his
right
hand off. T he white-whiskered, bald-
headed monster meets his end by a blow to his chest from the pointed end of the Devi's
92
Lower register right .. . ---
trident, as blood
gushes
out. A
very hairy
and bearded
companion/general
stands behind
the demon, similar in
age
and alike in
appearace,
as if
they
were (brothers), like Shumbha
and Nishumbha. H e strikes the stance of
defending
himself
against
the Goddess, but
seemingly
without much
hope.
A tree acts as a break between this encounter and the next,
for the Devi
appears
a
third time, fighting
another two demons, again (PI. 118). T he first
collapses,
both arms
flung apart, revealing
-
an unusual detail
-
the
hairy growth
under his
armpit.
H is sword
drops
as the dread trident of the Devi strikes him, piercing
his well-built torso and com-
ing
out at the back. Behind him,
in the
top
left cornery hairy and bearded companion in arms
appears:
a snout-faced demon with a
protruding tongue.
H e strides forward, arms
stretched, shield and lstance in hand. T he hilts of his sword and
atar-dagger,
one notices,
are
again meticulously
painted.
In the lower
part
of the mural
-
there is still no break, no
register clearly
established
-
the combat
gets
fiercer (PI. 119). T he
Goddess, still
facing left,
rides on her
tiger,
framed
between two trees. H er
appearance
remaing his well-built tor less
unchanged,
and she wields
the
weapons. Now, however, she is adorned with a fine crescent that shines
against
her
brow,
a snout-faed demon
witslightly differently.
H er cho/i-blouse is vermilion; draped
around
her is a white transluce in
dupatta-scarf
with a
yellow border, the
pa//av-endpiece
falling
to one side, creating
an
irregular, wavy pattern.
H er
body colour, made
up
of much
lead-white, has become oxidised and tarnished,
turning
almost black, much like what one
sees in the face and
legs
of one of her adversaries.
T he Devi is
challenged by
a whole host of demons and she
keeps despatching
them.
Bodies are seen
falling,
or
lying about, mutilated and dead. In the
foreground,
between
the trees at the bottom, two demons lie slain, even as the Goddess smites her nearest
opponent using simultaneously
her sword and trishu/la-trident. She
rings
the
ghanta
bell
-
her war sound
-
with a raised hand, as she rises lightly from her seat on the
tiger
and
leans far forward while
dealing
her
enemy
a
deadly
blow. T he Devi's
tiger-vahana
strides
forward, front
right leg showing powerful
raised claws, seemingly
aware of the serious-
ness of the
engagement.
H is
long tongue protrudes,
the teeth
appear sharp
and fero-
cious, his
long
tail flails the air.
At a little remove, the tallest
among
all the demons
ranged against
her makes as if
to attack the Goddess, spear
heldying about,
mutilappearance
he is so liken the foreground, bDevi
the tready subdued tht om, t wondeons lie sain, even as the God t desshown twites. T her nearest-
has already subdued that one wonders if the same demon is not shown twice. T he bat-
tie goes on, fierce and unsparing. T he head of a demon lies severed, much blood gush-
ing out of the rump and the body turned in the act of falling, providing the painter the op-
portunity to show a view of his back. In the midst of all this, one notices the fine dagger
that has fallen to the ground, painted
-
again
-
with uncommon care.
93
?
y
K
120
Centre image: T erse
fight between Devi and
demon
121
Lower left corner:
Marching demons
In the center of the mural (PI. 120), the Devi beheads a demon with her sword and
thrusts her trident into his shoulder. What remains of him can be seen next: body prostrate,
a chopped off arm, a severed head.
But there is more in the offing, for in the lower left corner, the army of the asura-
demons prepares again, as if still in its camp, shielded somewhat by two trees. H ere
(PI. 121), musicians play martial music. T wo of them march forward, the one in front with
a lance in his hand, the damama-war drums slung on his back. T he demon in the middle
beats on drums, while the warrior in the corner carries a flag, sword already drawn. Close
to them, but slightly above, another musician kneels as he blows with much energy on
his ransinga-trumpet. T here is much wit and liveliness to be seen in this group, even when
their forms have now, sadly, been much defaced by thoughtless, vandalising visitors.
A few more particulars of this mural need to be mentioned here. T he trees, arranged
individually or in groups of two or four, one sees only as dividers of various episodes and
94
122,123
Demons of all kinds
I~~~~~i
.,, . ,
..'i
i'
'
. .
IN ,
~.:~?:.'~',~...
.... :' :.-:......,~.;. .., ,:.,
space fillers. T hey are rendered in two colours, pink and green, and stand on the
rocky
ground covered with green grass. T he crowns are carefully contoured and (closed>, even
if inside them some branches are articulated. Some of these are oval in appearance, with
their leaves arranged like a fan. T he foliage varies but the colouring always remains light.
In one case, the contour of the tree is enhanced by the addition of small leaves, evidently
with the thought of providing some variation within the forms. Other details draw atten-
tion to themselves. T he combatants' martial accoutrement, thus, is very neatly drawn;
the flag carried by one of the demons (PI. 121) bears a (Chinese cloud) motif, with its edg-
ing seen as striped.
95
Interpretation
It is hard to decide, basing oneself only on the emblems of the Devi and the weapons or
physiognomies of the demons, which exact encounters of the Great Goddess narrated
in the Devimahatmya the painter had in mind while rendering this mural. One sees the
Devi fighting all by herself with no gana-dwarfs or other goddesses
-
shaktis such as
Vaishnavi, Varahi, Brahmi, Indrani
-
anywhere in sight. In all the combats depicted in this
mural, she sounds the ghanta-bell, but there are no other emblems that can be seen as
distinctive or personal to her. Again, all the demons whom one sees here are on foot,
walking into the battlefield: not one of them in this rendering rides a chariot or sits astride
an animal even though the text of the Devimahatmya makes several references to their
mounts. What they are armed with is swords and daggers, spears and shields, none of
them wielding bows and arrows, clubs or maces. Most of the demons, one notices, are
depicted in three-quarter profile, as if looking in the direction of the viewer, and all of them
driven by their fate, move towards the Devi, who always arrives from the right.
It seems fair to assume that what is depicted in this mural
-
unlike what one sees
in the mural on the north wall
-
is not any specific episodes taken from the narrative in
the Devimahatmya: the painters' intent here seems to be generally to glorify the Devi,
draw attention to her prowess as she proceeds to subdue and defeat the powers of dark-
ness145.
Some iconographic and stylistic questions pertaining to this mural remain to be dis-
cussed, but that will be done
-
along with those of the other Devi mural
-
at another
place, on page 108ff.
124 -126
Facial expressions
of the Devi
96
T he north wall mural: T he
exploits
of the Devi
127
T he Devi kills three
demons
128
T he Devi fighting
On this wall, at the back of the sanctum, the valorous exploits of the Devi continue, and
she goes on to destroy the hordes of the demonic forces pitted against her. T his hori-
zontal, rectangular panel (PI. 129) measures, not including the borders, 133 cm in height
and 290 cm in length. On three sides, not at the base, it is surrounded by a red stripe. As
in the rest of the mural panels, the side borders consist of a trellis pattern with two forms
of flowers and the top border of (suspended bells and carnations). T he entire background
stays in the natural off-white lime colour; only at the top of the panel is seen what was
once probably a blue, now greyish, band; at the bottom a demarcation, originally in green,
is provided, drawn above the grey water strip running along all the sides of the shrine.
T he main painted area of the mural, once again, is not divided into registers or pan-
els. One can discern just a few base lines, drawn to support the trees or the hill at the
foot of which a group of deva-gods has assembled. Otherwise, all figures and assem-
blages seem to float against the uncoloured ground. No spatial depth is indicated; no two
figures overlap. T he scenes are not placed within any regular frames, and the episodes
seem to flow, merging freely into one another. Despite this, it is not difficult to make out
where one incident ends and the other begins.
Following the pattern seen before, no labels or numbers provide a clue to the se-
quence of the events as they unfold. But one can position oneself while reading the panel
thus: the narration opens
-
if we follow the Devimahatmya, the most authoritative among
Shakta texts, and undoubtedly the inspiration for this mural
-
at the upper right corner,
continues in the lower right half, switches over then to the top left and ends in the lower
left. T his reading leads us to see a sequence in the proceedings, ending with the climax
that is there in the Devi myth. It might be best to describe, first, the visual rendering, and
then move on, in a separate section, to interpretation, the probable textual base for each
sequence, and finally, to a discussion of all three sequences including references to com-
parable material.
97
129
T he north wall mural:
T he
exploits
of the
Devi
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r
FIRST SEQUENCE: T H E DEVIKILLS MIGH T Y DEMONS
T he Devi, astride her tiger, advances from the top right-hand side (PI. 127), to vanquish
a
demon with her trishula-trident. Wearing a crown and a crescent that shines on her
brow,
she appears energetic and intense,
as she raises her body from the saddle, her naked,
hennaed feet still firmly in the stirrups. Four-armed that she is, she wields a sword, a tri-
dent-lance, a shield, and a bowl. H er dress consists of a red ghaghra-skirt,
a light-coloured
striped blouse, and a white odhani-scarf tucked in at the waist and slung over her left
shoulder, the end-panel displaying
five folds. T he magnificent tiger that is her vahana
moves forward majestically, tongue protruding,
tail lashing in the air. With her trident-
ended lance, the Devi pierces the throat of a furious-looking white-haired, horned and an-
imal-eared demon and cuts his right arm off with her sword. T he slain asura then falls on
his back. H e is rendered as a semi-human monster, his short tail coming out of his short
drawers, wearing bell anklets and armlets, with bird claws as his feet and long fingernails.
A dagger
is tucked into the broad girdle
he wears, to which a sword-sheath is attached.
T he strong-limbed demon is not very broad shouldered but displays
firm (rounded) breasts
with prominent nipples. T he face is hairy and wrinkled, even though the wrinkles may
represent the pain of his dying moments. Fangs protrude from his twisted mouth.
At the same level, in the scene that follows as one moves left, separated
from the
preceding
one by two small trees placed slightly higher,
the Devi's tiger leaps
forward and
attacks a very similar-looking
-if not identical
-
white-haired demon, digging his claws
into the enemy's ears, and his teeth into his elbow. On her part, the Goddess (PI. 128)
has already chopped off both the right hand and tail of the old warrior, spearing
him and
thrusting her sword into the back of this now hapless adversary.
H is severed tail and hand, the katar-dagger,
the sword and shield, are all carefully
lined up below the fighting twosome. And slightly lower, in a straight line under a second
pair of trees, another demon of this breed lies, writhing
in pain, nearing his end after hav-
ing been slain and thrown down from a height.
In the same vein as the first two battle-
scenes, the Devi fights on, this time, however, with a lion-headed demon
-
the only
one
of this species
in the mural
-
placed
a little lower in the picture.
Like a seasoned soldier,
this white-haired demon attacks the Devi with his drawn sabre and holds up a small round
shield to defend himself against
the all-prevailing
Goddess. H is nose, so far spared,
now
becomes the target
of the speared-end
of the Devi's trident.
One sees the Goddess wearing the same dress, riding
the same tiger-vahana,
car-
rying
the same emblems and weapons,
twice more in this mural. It is possible that,
in the
painter's eyes, the first part of the narration with all these battles, should end here before
attention shifts to the lower right part
where the titanic battle with Mahishasura, the buf-
falo demon, commences..
Interpretation
Assuming that the painter followed the sequence of events in the Devimahatmya, one
can see that he left out the opening
verses and the narration of the first conflict in the
purva charita, the fight
in which Vishnu kills the two asuras, Madhu and Kaitabha'46. T he
painter starts his depiction of the Devi's exploits
with the second part, the madhyama
charita. H ere the great story
of the battle between the devas and asuras is recounted,
((when Indra was the king of the Gods, and Mahisha of the Demons)). In his translation
of the text, Vasudeva S. Agrawala, 1963147, captures the details well. Mahisha, as he says,
was stronger than the Gods and after many battles he usurped their authority, becoming
the ruler of the entire universe. T hen, <(from the face of Vishnu filled with intense indig-
nation as well as from that of Brahma and Shiva sprang forth fierce heat. Also from the
bodies of other devas, headed by Indra, issued forth a resplendent lustre: All this light be-
came unified into one... pile of light... gathered into a single corpus and turned into a
woman)) (2.9-12): the Devi. She received from each God one weapon. Shiva gave her
100
130
AL
_ _ _ _ ..__
-
I_ _ -
T he Devi fights with
Mahishasura
..
(besides other weapons) a copy of his trishula trident. Kala (time) presented her a shin-
ing sword and a shield, Kubera a cup of intoxicating wine, and the H imalayas a lion to
carry her in battle. Greatly honoured and well equipped, the Goddess then rose with such
a ((boisterous laugh, a terrific roar... that the oceans trembled, the earth quaked and all
mountains were agitated)) (2.31-34). Witnessing this, Mahishasura sent his generals with
their armies to fight this new essence of the gods' power, manifested as the Devi, but
((that lion, the vehicle of the Goddess, furious and shaking his manes stalked among the
asura forces like fire in a forest)) (2.51). T he Goddess ((killed hundreds of great asuras
with her frightening showers of spears, swords and the like)) (2.55). When the armies
were annihilated, the generals, one after the other, went out to duel with the Goddess.
But, as the text says, she was always successful and killed all her adversaries (3.1-19).
Going back to the painting, it is likely that the painter decided first to show the var-
ious generals of the great demon king Mahisha, taking on the Goddess but being killed by
her in turn, and then moving on to the battle with Mahisha himself. In the text one comes
upon the names of many of the generals
-
Chikshura and Chamara, Udagra and Karala,
among them
-
and it is not unlikely that it is these figures whom one sees slain first be-
fore Mahishasura himself, mad with rage, enters the field of battle against the Goddess.
SECONDSEQUENCE: T H E DEVIFIGH T S ANDKILLS MAH ISH ASURA
In the lower right portion of the mural, extending up to the back of the monumental fig-
ure of Kali (PI. 130), one clearly sees the Devi now in combat with Mahisha, the most
powerful of all asura demons who first took on the form of a buffalo. On the battle field,
still littered with the corpses of many a demon, a black two-armed Kali-like figure appears,
rendered on a relatively small scale but seen standing, drinking blood from a flat bowl,
and carrying a trident over her shoulder. T he Great Goddess is seen twice in this arena,
both times riding on her tiger. First she despatches, in her usual, four-armed manifesta-
tion, Mahisha as the buffalo
-
so mighty that (with his tail he could move the very clouds
in the sky above))
-
in his buffalo form. One sees the buffalo falling to the ground, pierced
by the Goddess' sword and trident, and its head decapitated and lying at a distance. But
this is not yet the end of Mahishasura. For he emerges in a half-human, centaur-like form
from the torso of the animal, to continue his fight. Seeing this, the Goddess suddenly
sprouts 18 arms (PI. 131), and engages in a raging battle with Mahisha who, despite his
earlier buffalo head having been cut off, looks ferocious with a horned head, curly white
hair and eyebrows, and carries in his two hands a sword and a shield. One set of his
weapons already lies on the ground, fallen from his hands, but he still appears resolute
and self-assured as he gazes into the Goddess's eyes. On her part, the Devi is majestic,
101
131
armed-kills
T he impression one gets is of her whirling arms forming a protective, energy-radiating
cir-
cle around her, all but impossible to penetrate.
Interpretation
T he Devimahatmya (as translated by V. S. Agrawala, 1963) recounts, with magnificent im-
ages, how the asura king Mahisha in the form of a buffalo entered the battle field: <(T he
valorous asura pounded the surface of the earth with his hooves in rage, and tossing up
the high mountain with his two horns, delivered a mighty roar. Crushed by his swift wheel-
ing movements the earth disintegrated, and lashed by his tail the sea overflowed. Pierced
by his swaying horns the clouds were torn into bits, and hurled of his breath, the moun-
tains fell down from the sky in hundreds)) (3.24-26). T he almighty Goddess, however,
knew how to handle the monster that changed his form at will, when caught by the noose
given to the Devi as a weapon by Yama, the God of Death. But finally he reassumed his
buffalo appearance again, and the Devi, quaffing (the best of drinks) from her bowl,
jumped on his back. ( Pressing her foot on his throat she struck him with the spear) (3.37).
When his end had come, (the asura half-issued forth from his buffalo mouth in his real
human form... and continued to fight until the Goddess cut off his head with her great
sword )) (3.38-39). T hus the great Mahisha was slain by the Devi.
T he painter seems to have known his text well, for he elects two distinct moments
in the great contest between the Goddess and Mahishasura for his mural: First, Mahisha
attacking in his buffalo form, and then, in the composite form of half buffalo and half (hu-
man)148, recommencing his battle. T o counter this dread form, the Devi has to summon
all her energies and appears with 18 arms149, carrying in her hands, the weapons which
the text enumerates at length150.
When the Devi takes on the buffalo form of Mahisha, the Devi consumes from her
bowl great quantities of intoxicating drinks, the text says, and then uses her spear and
her sword to slay the buffalo. Interestingly, in rendering the image, the muralist brings in
all the three emblems: bowl, sword, and trident. T he only deviation from the narration is
that the Devi is not shown jumping onto the back of her enemy and pressing his head
down with her foot.
102
T H IRDSEQUENCE: T H E GODDESS GRANT S A BOON T O T H E GODS
In the upper left corner of the mural (PI. 132) the gods assemble to laud the exploits of
the Great Goddess and sing a hymn of praise to her. She appears before them (PI. 133)
and grants them a vision of herself, kneeling on a rocky hill, holding in her four hands her
weapons
-
sword, trident, shield -, but also the severed head of a slain demon. H er form
in general, however, is saumya or gentle: crowned and bejewelled she sits, the crescent
moon adorning her ti/aka-marked forehead. T he rocky, barren hill on which she is seated
-
availing herself neither of cushion nor throne
-
is made up of even-sized, greyish, cone-
like peaks which were once probably green but appear now bleached. T he Devi's vahana-
mount, the tiger, stands at the foot of the hill, her abode151, and looks up at her somewhat
eagerly, ready to spring into action at her command. T he assembly that approaches and
lauds the Goddess consists of four gods and one rishi, all of them with hands folded in
adoration, and all of them standing on a strip of flat earth covered by a grey, originally per-
haps green, band.
Brahma leads the <assembly) of gods (PI. 134). H e is
-
as expected
-
rendered four-
headed, wearing an eight-pointed crown. But, contrary to expectation, he appears not
as the grand-fatherly figure, the pitamaha, but as a relatively young person with a trim
black beard. In two of his hands he holds sacred manuscripts152; the other two are joined
in adoration. Like all the other gods seen here
-
except Shiva of course
-
he wears a
starched dhoti-wrap around his lower limbs with gathers and pleats; a vertically striped
red scarf is slung across his torso, with both end-pieces of the garment hanging in dif-
ferent lengths down his back. T he god's shoulders are seen slightly turned, the painter
evidently keen upon bringing in all the four heads into full visibility and exploring the area
of the fleshy chest.
Brahma is followed by Vishnu (PI. 135), looking very youthful. H e has an expressive,
soft face which must originally have been blue in complexion. Four-armed, the great God
stands, with the stem of a lotus elegantly tucked in his dhoti at the waist. H e wears an
armlet that looks much like his usual chakra-discus; two of his hands are joined in the an-
jali mudra in adoration of the Goddess, and in the other two he holds a gada-mace and a
shankha-conch. T he shankha is grasped with care, fingers curling round the inside of the
shell, but the mace is carried somewhat casually, like a flower. Besides the dhoti which
132 132
G
must have been rendered
yellow
in
colour, Vishnu
sports
the same
patterned
scarf as
T he Goddess grants
a boon to the
gods
Brahma,
in addition to a fine
garland
around his neck and a
pair
of anklets.
--- .
z~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ...... .'~~ ?z
~.
,.
, .: ..
? . '.,:..:~ ' ~
103
133
T he Devi,
seated on the
mountain
134
Brahma,
the omniscient
god
Behind him Shiva appears. T he ascetic god (PI. 136) is rendered ashen grey
in com-
plexion, dressed in a brief waistcloth, holding a ma/a-rosary153 and a damaru-drum in his
hands; the trishula-trident rests lightly against the shoulder. A skull garland adorns his
neck, almost reaching down to his bare knees. A snake nestles in the Lord's matted locks,
and another coils itself around his torso and left arm. A
large crescent moon appears on
the brow like a jewel, but the
earrings he wears are simple, resembling those of the kan-
phata-order of Jogis. A third eye appears on the forehead, but is so small as to be barely
visible beneath a horizontal tilaka-mark. T he whole aspect of Shiva is that of an eager
acolyte, innocent of the world and its ways.
It is to be remarked that Shiva's face is shown here in true profile, something that
is rather rare in Pahari painting, on account of the painters generally feeling the need to
represent his third eye clearly, and therefore rendering the face in
three-quarter profile.
In the row of deities next to Shiva, stands Indra, ruler of heaven, crowned and aris-
tocratic-looking (PI. 137). H is whole body, following established iconography, is marked
with eyes154. T he ankusha-elephant goad is tucked under the arm and rests on his shoul-
der. Looking like a handsome young man, Indra sports a fine moustache and a trace of a
beard appears on the face. T he tuft of hair he wears is smaller and more elegantly ren-
dered than that of Vishnu. T he dhoti he wears is rich, with
many
fine
pleats, and the scarf
104
135
Vishnu,
the youthful god
136
Shiva,
the ascetic god
137
Indra,
the god of heaven
138
Narada,
the celestial musician
draped around him is marked by gold-brocade
in imitation of stripes. Indra's gaze, one no-
tices, is turned downwards, as he stands, hands folded in obeisance.
Finally, there is Narada, the divine sage, his emblem or cognition, the double-gourded
vina resting over his shoulder (PI. 138). Narada is the ogiver of advice)), who moves with
ease between the world of the gods and that of mortals155. Dressed in a red, ankle-length
dhoti, like Vishnu's, he wears his angavastra-shoulder-cloth
like Indra, has a beard trimmed
like Brahma's, and piled up hair reminiscent of Shiva's matted locks. H e takes his place
in
this divine group because he has a role to play
in nearly all divine undertakings.
T hough all the Gods seen here are more or less of the same height and humble as-
pect, their faces are almost individually rendered. Vishnu's, for instance, is very full and
benign looking, whilst Indra's is noble and aristocratic and Shiva's withdrawn and innocent,
Narada's features are sharp, perhaps even shrewd. T he hair-dos, forehead-and body-
marks, again, are specific to each of the deities, as are their ear ornaments, and the dho-
tis they wear. Everyone
-
except Shiva
-
wears a long scarf that flutters lighly
in the air.
Interpretation
In the fourth chapter of the Devimahatmya a hymn is introduced, panegyrising the Great
Goddess. H er glory, the text says, was sung
-
after she had vanquished and slain Mahisha-
105
,
. f , ,
-
139
-...?~ ..' :" ' -..', ,,",-."
.'..':..,:-'.-..'..Kali's
tongue licks the
demons' blood
sura
-
by ?(Indra and the hosts of the other Gods ... bending in humility their necks and
shoulders, while their bodies looked beautiful by the hair horripilated with ecstasy)) (4.1).
It is clear that the painter had these passages in mind when he painted this mural. Since
it is also mentioned (4.2) that the Devi is ((worthy of worship by all Gods and great rishis>,
he brings in the figure of at least one sage, Narada, in the assembly he paints here.
T he Devi is then extolled as the ultimate power to whom the world owes its exis-
tence. T he benign appearance which she manifests to the Gods is characterized accord-
ingly: ((Slightly smiling, spotless, resembling a full moon's orb, beautiful as the choicest
gold and lovely was her face)) (4.11). And then, the text says, she spoke, ((smiling with
graceful countenance)), to the Gods who bowed before her: ((0 Gods, ask from me the
boon which you desire, for Ishall grant it with pleasure, being adored by these hymns.))
And the Gods asked her to remove their ((dire calamities whenever we call thee to our
mind.)) T he Devi answered: ((Be it so,)) and vanished from their sight (4.28 -33).
FOURT H SEQUENCE: T H E DEVISLAYS SH UMBH A ANDNISH UMBH A
A gigantic figure of Kali
-
((the Dark One who is also Death )) -, stretching her enormous
tongue and laying it along the ground as far as the bottom left corner, separates the events
in this part of the mural from the rest (PI. 139 and 141). Above only a rough line appears
which one has noticed before, marking the ground over which the Devi's hill towers and
the gods stand.
T his portion of the mural depicts yet another battle fought by the Devi, still riding
her tiger-vahana. H er adversary here enters the field of battle riding in a chariot driven by
asses: a horned demon armed with bow and arrow. H is face is rendered in three-quarter
profile evidently for showing to advantage his large, bulging eyes; his wild, white facial
hair and whiskers fall over his fangs protruding from his wide red mouth. T he torso is
bare, but the string of bells he wears stands out against
it. T he coarse hair on his body is
captured by fine parallel strokes that the painter makes along his lower left arm.
One now sees a host of demons
-
or is it perhaps the same demon whom one sees
again and again?
-
engaged
in the tumultuous battle that follows. T here is in
any case
one that appears, having sprung from his seat and sporting a different set of weapons,
striding forward fearlessly towards the Goddess. And it is very likely that it is the same
demon again whom the Goddess smites with her sword in front of the standing chariot.
T hroughout all this, the Devi stays astride her tiger (PI. 143). Dressed and equipped
as before with the weapons used in the earlier encounters, she leans forward to strike
106
140
Kali's face with corpses : '
as earrings
i
')?L~~~~~~~~~~~P.-
the demon with her long, khadga-sword. And when it comes to engaging the demon in
the chariot, she drives her trident into the flank of one of the animals yoked to it.
On the
battle-field, corpses of demons lie scattered around, limbs and heads cut
off, wounds still bleeding heavily, intestines hanging out of mutilated bodies. Some
demons remain on their feet, but the viewer, by now, is certain that their time too is near.
For suddenly on the field of battle Kali appears too, like an apparition, standing tall
and threatening, even towering above the tree that is close to her feet. T wo-armed and
dark of complexion
-
her colour now looks a greyish brown, even though it might origi-
nally have been dark violet
-
she looks shrivelled, with naked, sagging breasts and is clad
only in an elephant's hide tied around her waist by a snake.
T here are few images that would compare, in their awesome power, with the Kali
that the painter envisions here (PI. 140). H er nose is hooked, the chin pointed, eyes a fiery
red under those heavy eyebrows. H er uncombed hair cascades in fine curly strands down
to her navel; in the ear she wears as an adornment, pretakundalas
-
((corpses as ear-
rings)) -; and as she stands, in her outstretched hands she holds as a weapon, a khat-
vanga-club resembling the detached leg of a cot, and a large bowl, evidently brimming
with the blood of her enemies. T he expression on the face is of dread as fangs protrude
from her mouth. But it is the endlessly long tongue that she flicks out and rolls out on the
ground like a carpet
-
ready to lick up every drop of blood that falls
-
which makes the
greatest impression, stretched as it is to the very furthest corner of this painted panel. In
the end
-
and the end one knows is now near
-
it is she who will feed on the corpses
strewn all over the battlefield.
Interpretation
T here are long and impassioned passages in the Devimahatmya that describe the emer-
gence of Kali. In chapter seven one reads156 of an asura, Chanda by name, who wanted
to capture the Devi who flew into a rage, and as she did so, ((her countenance became
as dark as ink. From her broad forehead of curved eyebrows suddenly sprang forth Kali...
carrying a strange khatvanga, clad in a tiger's skin, looking terrible owing to her emaci-
ated flesh. With a widely gaping mouth, looking fearsome with lolling tongue, having deep
sunken reddish eyes)), Kali successfully vanquished this aggressor and encountered sev-
eral more, of which the asura Raktabija (8.39
-
61) was the most prominent: (Whenever
from his body a drop of blood fell on the ground, instantaneously sprang up from the earth
an asura of the same size)). It was Kali therefore who was assigned the job of prevent-
107
ing this from happening, something she achieved by receiving on her tongue, and swal-
lowing, all the blood that fell from his body as the Goddess slew him.
T he rendering of Kali by the painter of this Devi-Kothi mural comes very close to the
description of her appearance in the Devimahatmya. T here are only minor departures: by
envisioning her as only two-armed, the painter leaves out all the other weapons she
wielded according to the text; and the one weapon she carries, the khatvanga, he inter-
prets as the leg of a wooden cot -for this is what it would mean in local, vernacular us-
age -instead of as a skull-topped staff seen in classical representations157.
T he text of the Devimahatmya (9.16) also speaks of the great Goddess killing after
all the generals who had been sent out to fight her, two other powerful asura chiefs,
Shumbha and Nishumbha. As they entered the battlefield, the text says, they were seen
( standing in their war-chariots, holding aloft excellent weapons . For the first combat they
used their bows as they showered arrows on the Goddess like ((thundering clouds) (9.7).
Later, they shifted to darts, sword and shield, and finally, to mace and fist. It is these pas-
sages perhaps that the painter was picking on while rendering this part of the mural. Once
again, one becomes aware of the intimate connection between the text and the images
one sees here.
Discussion
Being a part of the Markandeya Purana, that very ancient and sacred text, the Devima-
hatmyag58
is much revered in the Pahari region, where it has been known for a long time.
Among t thearliest illustrated manuscripts to have come from these hills, in fact, is a De-
vimahatmya, dated 1552 A.D. or possibly slightly later, and scripted at (Jaisinghdev na-
gar) -modern Jaisinghpur
-in the Kangra region159. Each single folio of that ms. is em-
again
onebecoes aare o theintiate onnecion etwen th tex and ....
:-images.
on sees :
~'
:h-r'.',,
i'
',."!,. " ;.:,.'.
rinr-- r-rr%Ankn ir-;r%+kn Vne.r rnv^n5 ::'. , .nilh41; -F+n ?i-It, '"r" -.~
bellished with paintings that are superb in quality, but, as it turns out, establish no clear
(iconography> for the various events that unfold in the text. In fact, the master painter of
that manuscript one finds availing himself of a wide range of motifs, then familiar in North-
ern India, but not necessarily
-
or always
-
concentrating upon (Devi>-themes. T he work
108
k
142 is dotted with some wonderfully energetic images of the Goddess, and some of the
T he general of the
events are rendered with elan, but the emphasis remains upon embellishment.
demons
But
paintings
of the Devi come into their own in the Pahari
region just
a
century
143
later, when several Devi-series and single pictures of the Great Goddess in her various
T he victorious
manifestations were produced. T he earliest set of
<iconic)
Devi pictures that we know
Goddess
from the hills was
probably painted by Kripal, grandfather
of the
Nurpur-based painter Golu,
in c. 1660/70 A.D. Each folio of this series160 is devoted to a different manifestation of the
Goddess, and at least seventy of these are known to have been painted. Squarish in for-
mat, these (later versions of some of these are also known) resplendent paintings are in-
scribed with a dhyana of the Goddess from a shakta-text that has not yet been identified.
Besides this great series, another group of single Devi-paintings in a horizontal format,
not necessarily related to one another but sometimes referred to as (Pictures of the Devi's
triumph), was also produced by this master from Nurpur at about the same time. In this,
the Devi is seen either riding on her vahana, a tiger, sitting on her throne receiving the
homage of the gods, or riding in a stately chariot drawn by tigers161. (T he Great Goddess
Durga riding her lion>, painted c. 1700 A.D.
-
in the Stella Kramrisch collection in Philadel-
phia162
-
may well have been painted in Nurpur or Chamba a generation or two earlier
than the Devi-Kothi mural. T he victorious Goddess is sometimes also depicted along with
one of her slain foes163.
A number of Devi paintings from the eastern part of the Pahari region, especially
Mandi164, have also survived, including an excellent one165 of a monumental Kali standing
on corpses that was painted by the Mandi court master during the first quarter of the 18th
century. H ere, the Devi sports a pair of pretakundalas
-
((corpse-earring
)
-, but with this
detail the similarities to the Devi-Kothi Kali-image end. Intent upon bringing her third eye
in, the Mandi master shows Kali in three-quarter profile in that painting; she appears four-
armed; and instead of being armed with a katvanga-bedpost, she wields a khukhri-like
sword, a burning torch, a trident, and a severed head in her hands. H er breasts do not
sag, and her garment consists chiefly of garlands of corpses and severed limbs, with only
a thin loincloth brought in as a covering for her middle166.
A very fine sample of a Devi picture, which comes stylistically quite close to the ren-
dering of the Goddess in the Devi-Kothi mural
-
even though it was painted slightly later
and in another workshop167-belongs to the H orst Metzger collection, now in the Riet-
berg Museum, Zurich (s. PI. 143a). T he attributes in that painting vary, and the tiger bears
109
another aspect168, but the face of the Goddess does have rather similar features even
when she looks softer, and her
clothing, especially the
dupatta
scarf which falls more re-
alistically and is tied in another
way, appears different. T he
general bearing
of the God-
dess and certain details such as the ear-ornament she wears are, however, astonishingly
close to what one sees in the Devi-Kothi mural'69.
T he Devi-Kothi mural is
-
as far as one knows at
present
-
among
the earliest ren-
derings of the Devi, as she
emerges from the
Devimahatmya,
to be done in a Chamba
workshop. T he only other early renderings from Chamba that we know of are in the form
of a few small-sized leaves from an illustrated
Devimahatyma-manuscript,
now
dispersed
(s. PI. 143b-d): the work is skilled
though not
greatly
refined and
may date from a
gen-
eration earlier than the Devi-Kothi murals170.
Again,
there is another
superb, though frag-
mentary, illustrated
Devimahatmya-series, now in the Bhuri
Singh Museum171, possibly
done by a
painter from a
workshop
in or around Guler who had settled in the Chamba ter-
ritory172 approximately a decade later than the date of the Devi Kothi work (i.e.A.D.
1765/70). T here are only some similarities
-
chiefly
in
respect of
iconography
-
between
that work and the mural, the differences
being
far more obvious. One can see that in
both,
the scenes have been
painted on a
single plane
and
placed against
a flat, light-blue
back-
ground; very little depth is seen, and that too only
in scenes that are concerned with
events that unfold on the earth, according
to the text. In the
manuscript series, the Devi
is always seated on a lion, not on a
tiger; she is
usually
8-or
18-armed, the arms extend-
ing from the elbow173. Again, when Mahishasura is killed, the lion too
digs
his teeth into
his (buffalo-back) as the Devi towers above him. In this
magnificent series, Kali
appears
143 a
T he triumphant Devi,
Museum Rietberg
Zurich (H orst Metzger
Collection)
143 b-d
T hree folios of a dis-
persed Devimahatmya,
Private collection,
California, U.S.A
110
.... .'
11 ~*
,
;.'
:V
?.
.t
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:t~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4
:
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a~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Wii
143e-h
Four paintings of a
Devimahatmya-
series from Chamba.
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
four-armed and is possessed of the most amazing body: haggard-looking as she is, she
extends her limbs and tongue at will, bending and twisting her form at almost impossi-
ble angles. In respect of Brahma's facial features, a faint similarity can be seen in the de-
ity's depiction in the opening leaf174 of the Bhuri Singh Museum's Devimatmya-series and
the Devi-Kothi mural. In this folio, Brahma extols the virtues of the Devi to Narada, some-
thing that might also provide a clue to the reason why the muralist included this rishi in
the adoration-scene in his Devi-Kothi panel.
In the Pahari context taken as a whole, it is the Guler based families of painters who
seem to have produced the most celebrated of the Devimahatmya-series. T hese series
consist generally of 57 pictures, and among the best of these is the one now in the La-
hore Museum, bearing a date equivalent to 1781 A. D.175. T hese ateliers might have turned
out this type of illustrated manuscripts in quite a number within a rather short period of
time. Not too long ago, a set of very fine drawings related to these series was discov-
ered; unfortunately, however, this set remains undocumented, and is now dispersed
worldwide176. T he iconography in that series, developed in Guler (or by (Guler based)
artists) later than c. 1760 A. D., has no direct bearing upon the Devi-Kothi mural of c. 1754
A. D. In all the Guler paintings of this theme, for instance, the (Devi in combat) is dressed
in a suit of armour and always rides on a lion; all the demons are depicted in profile and
there is some suggestion of depth in most of the paintingsl77.T he same holds true for the
even later Kashmir tradition, as it is recorded in the delightful manuscript once owned by
Alice Boner, and is the subject of a publication by Karuna Goswamy'78.
111
144
T he east wall mural:
T he Krishna
cycle
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T he east wall mural: T he Krishna
cycle
Surrounded by decorative borders,
the painted area (s. PI. 144) of this
rectangular
hori-
zontal mural (135 cm x 290 cm) is divided into four
registers
of more or less uniform height
(c. 31 cm). Within them, the episodes
of Krishna's early
life are depicted
in a serial mode
-
the narrative sequence in its time and space
frame is discussed further at the end of
this chapter, see p. 145
-
beginning
with the time
just
before his birth and culminating
with his killing the great enemy, his own uncle, Kamsa.
Of the four horizontally oriented registers,
the upper
three are connected
by
an en-
gaging pictorial device: a diagonally rendered, sinuously
curved
grey band, representing
the river Yamuna, that begins
in the top register
and continues flowing
towards the left,
ending close to the edge of the third register
from above. Without
interruption,
the river
keeps running through these registers, serving
as the locale and the
background
for sev-
eral of the episodes of Krishna's childhood and
youth. Occupying
as it does a
prominent
space within the mural, the river makes its
entry
into the
painting
with
power
and
energy,
but then begins to flow more smoothly
as it
progresses, ending
in a
placid, straight line,
almost as if there were a
pond.
And then the water
disappears.
Within each of the
registers
are
brought
in
roughly
the same number of
episodes:
six, for the most part.
T he episodes
unfold in a
sequence,
but
appear
to
merge
into one
another, without any sign
of being separated by
vertical divides. T he
episodes generally
-
but do not always
-
follow the
sequence
that one is familiar with from the texts, and
the narrative tends to run from left to
right,
a clear
exception being
the bottom
register
where things follow a different logic,
and the left corner is where the climax of the nar-
rative is reached. T he ground
in the mural is
generally white, the colour of
(priming);
most
of the figures are grounded
on the lines that
separate
the
registers,
now a faded
green.
Only occasionally does one see them higher up, seemingly floating
in
space,
like so of-
ten in the Devi murals. T he forms and
shapes
-
human
figures, demons, trees, imple-
ments etc.
-
tend to remain spaced
out
singly,
as if isolated, oversecting coming
in
only
rarely, according to the demands of the theme. Whenever there is
any action, thus,
one
sees figures touching, embracing,
even intertwined,
but one
gets
the
impression
that the
painter
is happiest treating
them in isolation, placed starkly against
the neutral
ground.
T he faces are rendered generally
-
with rare
exceptions again
-
in true
profile,
and the
scale of the architecture, or figures
and
groups
is often dictated
by
the
space
available:
everything seems to fit
fairly tightly
within the
registers.
T he story of Krishna's birth, childhood, and
youth,
narrated at
great length
and with
much passion
in the Bhagavata
Purana (Book T en),
is
ordinarily
the
inspiration
for the Pa-
hari painters
who engaged
themselves with Krishna's life and deeds. T he Devi-Kothi
mural, however, while staying
with the
story
as told in that Purana, appears
to take
many
of the details from another Sanskrit text, the H arivamsha
poem179.
Of Krishna's
story,
it
has been rightly
stated that, ((written down sometime before the
year
400 A. D.... it re-
mains today
one of the most
popular
stories the world has ever known 180. In the Pa-
hari region, it seems, people
were familiar with both the texts, the
Bhagavata
Purana
and the H arivamsha. In
respect
of
painting,
one can
say
that the first text was
greatly
drawn upon and illustrated by
the Guler-based painters
of the Manaku-Nainsukh work-
shops181, and the second
-
a generation
later
-
by
Purkhu of
Kangra182.
It is not
yet
known, however, which of the two texts was better known to
-
or favoured
by
-
the
painters
active in Chamba and their local
patrons
or clients183. Art historians tend to as-
sume that all the narrative pictures
of Krishna's
youth
are illustrations based on the T enth
Book of the Bhagavata Purana only, but one needs to approach the issue with some cau-
tion so as to determine, through analysis
and reference to
inscriptions,
which text were
the painters relying upon.
In
Chamba,
it
appears
from the
grants
issued between the
16th and 18th centuries184, that the two texts that were considered most (efficacious),
114
granting protection against dangers and misfortunes in other words, were the Devima-
hatyma and the H arivamsha, for it is the recitation of these that was most resorted to.
T o accommodate different interpretations of this mural, the text relating to each
scene that follows is divided into three sections. First is described what one sees, but al-
ready with the identification of the main characters
-
Krishna, his parents and foster-par-
ents, his brother Balarama, king Kamsa, demons etc.
-
being based upon the names one
finds in the Bhagavata Purana and the H arivamsha. T hen follows an interpretation within
which the information is integrated taken from the text(s), often in abridged quotations.
Finally, not only the relationship between the story and the illustration is discussed but
also the art historical background of the scene depicted in the mural, references being
made to how other Pahari painters
-
more or less contemporary or earlier
-
treated of
the same episode.
T he top register: T he birth of Krishna
SCENE 1: AT KAMSA'S COURT
T he narration starts in the upper left corner of the top register (s. PI. 145). T wo men en-
gaged in conversation sit in a (now heavily oxidized) silverish-white palace room that has
a small entrance chamber to its right.
A princely figure is seen seated on a thin-striped carpet, his right arm resting on a
square cushion, and the left hand stretched foward
-
as if
questioning
-
towards his vis-
itor, a lean, bearded man who is reading from a book. T he vistor's left hand is raised, the
second finger pointed, in the gesture of advice or caution. Dressed in a simple white jama
coat and wearing a turban with a silver band, the man kneeling has the bearing of a court
Brahman, a rajaguru or royal preceptor, or possibly an astrologer.
T wo wooden pillars with extended capitals flank the rectangular hall. Of interest is
the slight wash, a thin, greyish transparent coat along the pillars, evidently used as a de-
vice for creating the effect of depth. T he brown plinth with the projection is decorated
with a running and fine rope pattern, interrupted only at the frontage of the door, where
white marble steps are introduced. All of the palace's walls and cupolas must also origi-
nally have been neatly patterned, in a likely manner.
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.
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145
At Kamsa's court
115
Interpretation and discussion
T he scene depicted, almost certainly, is that of the palace of King Kamsa in Mathura. T he
H arivamsha begins185
-
one relies on Francis H utchins's text and translation
-
by extolling
the beauty of the capital when it was governed by Ugrasena, Kamsa's father. But the ar-
rogant and cruel Kamsa, the leader of a plague of demons, (
large eyed and like a lion in
strength)), had dethroned his father and become the despotic ruler of the country. T he
first episode in the H arivamsha tells of a meeting between Kamsa and the ((
powerful sky
borne ascetic named Narada who was familiar with the Gods' intentions .186 When Kamsa
is told of Narada's arrival at Mathura, the sage is immediately invited to the palace and re-
ceived by the king
in a very respectful manner. Narada now reveals Kamsa's destiny and
tells him that it is his own cousin187, Devaki's future son, in fact her eighth child to be,
who will kill him. And he advises Kamsa: ((T ry to slay him at birth)). Kamsa is highly trou-
bled by this prediction, and after conferring with his advisors, confines his aunt188 Devaki
and her husband Vasudeva to a separate building within the palace, ((being watched by
reliable eunuchs)).
It is easy to see that the figure leaning against a bolster and dressed in a refined
costume, with a sarpech ornament in his turban, is a royal personage,
in all likelihood the
King Kamsa himself sporting a finely trimmed beard and an elegant moustache.
T he lean courtier seated opposite the king, probably reading out passages from a
book, is obviously an advisor, one who interprets horoscopes and announces prophesies.
T here are no indications here that he is a divine sage, like Narada189, as the text mentions,
for he carries none of the (cognitions) or emblems of the sage, like his vina; he does not
even wear a Brahmin's dhotigarment of the kind he wears in a segment of the Devi mural.
One can only conclude then that this (lean courtier) might well be one of the men sum-
moned by Kamsa after Narada has left, called in to discuss with him the grim prospect
that the divine sage had just revealed. T his conversation, it might be mentioned, is over-
heard by Vishnu who devises his own plans, according to the text.
T he royal figure of Kamsa appears several times in the Krishna-mural (see especially
scene 7). Unfortunately here, the white pigment used in his complexion has become tar-
nished, and it is not easy to discern his features. H owever, the trimmed beard, the (mut-
ton-chop) whiskers, and the tuft of hair above the ears peeping out from below the edge
of the turban, are very similar to the hair-styles prevalent at the court of the Chamba ruler,
Raja Umed Singh'90 at that time. T he somewhat emaciated courtier with the slightly
hunched shoulders is a type one knows from several contemporary Pahari paintings'91,
even though his rather tightly tied turban belongs more to the fashion more prevalent at
the Jammu courts than in Chamba itself.
T he architectural details are not as clearly visible as one could wish for, but the
squarish chamber flanked by the brown or red wooden beams with projecting capitals,
and the plinth with a projection at the corner reminds one of earlier work, alike from
Chamba-based'92- and other Pahari workshops of the mid-18th century. T he white stucco
wall decorations are found in other Chamba painters' work193 too, whilst the crescent
shaped, hanging bangaldar eaves'94 under bulbous domes are more commonly seen in
the work of the Guler-based painters'95.
In the work from the Chamba workshops, this
form does appears at times, but in a slightly modified form, as for instance, over the en-
trance to a palace in the horizontal Ramayana-series of c. 1750-75196.
Peculiar also is the rope-shaped base-ornament on the plinth, a design not noticed
so far in paintings from Chamba197. T he steps leading to the entrance door are white, sug-
145 a
Narada visits king
Kamsa, Bhagavata
purana drawing (detail),
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
gesting marble, and
interrupt
the line of the
plinth,
much as
they
do in a
Ramayana-paint-
ing198 of the series mentioned above.
116
SCENE 2: T H E ORDER IS ISSUED
An official of rank, wielding a silver dandi-staff with a knob and a sword in his hands, ad-
dresses two relatively shorter and simply dressed men, both of whom carry swords
(PI. 146, 177).
T he tall person is certainly meant to be seen as an official empowered to issue com-
mands. H e sports a dark red turban and is dressed in an off-white (originally probably light
yellow) coloured jama-coat with a red sash in which a dagger is tucked. A fine, brocaded
border marks the shawl or wrap he wears, slung across his shoulder. T he air about this
man, sporting a thin but elegant beard tracing the line of his jaw and a lightly curled mous-
tache, is truly one of authority. T he shorter men in front of him, obviously the recipients
of instructions, have clean shaved, energetic faces. One of them looks back towards the
official while pointing something out to him in front, while the other simply moves for-
ward,
a sword resting on his shoulder. T his man's right hand is held in a gesture
-
little
finger extended, forefinger slightly curled up
-
that is not easy to decode. Interestingly,
all the three men wear jamas tied under the right arm, a fashion that one associates gen-
erally with Muslim figures at the Mughal court.
T his threesome is seen out in the open between two palaces. T he men stand on
plain ground, just above the straight brown line defining the register. H ere, there is also
an additional beige-coloured, possibly once a green, strip of the height of their ankles, but
no tufts of grass are indicated.
T he three men clearly belong to Kamsa's court, and it is two guards whom the tall offi-
cial, a diwan or chief officer of state, is seen sending from the king's palace to the cham-
ber next door (seen next scene) where Vasudeva and his wife Devaki are imprisoned.
T he picture very likely illustrates Kamsa's decision to confine Devaki and her hus-
band and to keep a close watch on them; according to the H arivamsha, this task was en-
trusted to (reliable eunuchs)) which these guards do not appear to be. In any case,
Kamsa's men have instructions to kill all of the couple's children at birth; they succeed
six times, but the seventh child, the future Balarama, Krishna's elder brother, is transferred
in an embryonic form from Devaki's womb199 to Rohini's by Nidra, the Goddess of Sleep.
Rohini has had a miscarriage at this point in time, and it is the dead foetus born of her
that is announced to be the child born of Devaki.
All the three men seen in this segment wear uncommon earrings with pendants
-
different from the earrings normally worn
-
an indication possibly of the status of these
men, or of their obligations within the royal household200.
I
A1A
....4. ~......... ..
~., -.. ,. ,..~ : .~., . . . . 0
146
T he order is issued
117
147
Krishna's birth
Ef-
. _
-. . X
....
,-....-...
- *
, .-:'>_..1.1 _..._-. ::
...I
Bhuri Singh Museum,
SCENE - a : ' ' - -
-X-ILKrishna's birth,
T he_XE~~~~~~~.~
inner chme otm isod b hh lH imachal State
....
is furni -sh- with cur s ta'-t -"- a.r
p
d a.n..,-':. .. . . t.- Bi Sinth h- Museum, Shimia
Covered; with a blanketdecoratedwith andasilverboder,DevakiliesonNanda
with Krishna
T he*, royal lady's
f -and bust
display grace
.... s ..olds.. the new-b and Balarama
Krihn. _.... placed
as . .
-...._
if he wertaking bath (detail),
-J -_ . . ...r: ,-
,.v.-: "~!:~..~,.
'--'i. -.~Museum, Chamba
SCENE 3: KRISH NA'S BIRT H
T he inner chamber of the mansion surrounded by a high wall, where Devaki lies on her
bed, is furnished with curtains that are parted and tied at the sides with tasselled strings.
Covered with a blanket decorated with butis and a silver border, Devaki lies on the bed,
a thick pillow at her back, a rich coverlet marked by many folds draped across the bed.
T he royal lady's face and bust display grace as she holds the new-born, bundled-up baby,
Krishna. Vasudeva, placed as if he were standing behind the cot, stretches his arms ea-
gerly towards the newborn. H e is represented as an elderly man with a white pointed
beard; dressed in white, he wears a silver-edged turban and sash, both emblematic of
his noble status (see PI. 172).
Outside the gate, in front of the walled apartment, two men keeping guard are seen
sitting on either side of the staircase leading to the entrance, heads inclined downwards
as if dozing. Not armed with any weapons, they are simply clad in white dresses, their
jama-jackets tied in the centre, at the neck.
T he architectural setting emphasizes an entrance, a courtyard, and a confinement
room. T he brick-walls above a battered base are brown in colour, the backgrounds of the
interiors a dull pink, the stucco-decorated wall panels marble-white; the upper part of the
buildings is marked by crenellations, turrets, cupolas.
Exceptionally beautifully rendered are the face and costume of Devaki. Elegant hair
caressing her temples, she wears a pearl nose-ring, pearl necklaces, and ornaments in
yellow (possibly once gold tinted). H er forehead is adorned with a double crescent tilaka-
mark, a detail that one also sees above Krishna's brow.
T he scene depicts the event in which Vasudeva prepares to take the newly born Krishna
towards safety, away from Kamsa's wrath. It must also be the poignant moment when,
according to the H arivamsha201, nature on her part celebrated Krishna's birth. ((Gentle
winds blew, hazy clouds lifted, and stars could be seen brightly shining in celebrating
Krishna's birth. For the inexpressible
Krishna had dumbfounded all the universe with his
beauty...>) But, at that very moment, ((Vasudeva picked up his glorious son and with di-
vine assistance went out of the barred quarters.))
It is
precisely
this (and
only
this short, non-dogmatic)
event that the muralist
cap-
tures: the baby
is beautiful, his father takes him in his arms, and the watchmen are inert,
118
sleeping
at the
open
doors of the confinement chamber. T here is no indication here that
Krishna's parents have seen a divine vision, nor does one see the newborn being wor-
shipped as Vishnu incarnate, as per the narration in the Bhagavata Purana (T enth Book,
chapter 3, verses 9 ff202); there is not even the heavy rain or thunderstorm that the Pu-
rana speaks of as having gathered at this point.
T he confinement chamber has strong walls built of small brick-tiles and still shows,
in the stucco portions, all the architectural details203 that one originally saw in the now tar-
nished reception-hall of King Kamsa (of scene 1). T he turrets here have horizontal as well
as crescent shaped bangaladar-eaves under the cupolas. T he gate is just a dark grey pas-
sage, with no indication that it was ((secured with iron chains and bolts)), something that
the Bhagavata Purana alone, not the H arivamsha, mentions204.
T he noble beauty of Devaki's face, one should once more remark, or the ageing as-
pect of Vasudeva (clearly appropriate, since Krishna is his eighth child), one does not see
in other renderings of this scene done in the Chamba workshops205. In the two other
known versions of this very scene, the painters show Vasudeva as a young, well-dressed
nobleman with a clean-shaven face, except for a fine moustache and long side-locks at
the
temples.
In the Devi-Kothi-mural, Vasudeva does not wear
any jewellery,
not even
earrings; his fine jama-coat is marked by many delicate wrinkles and folds, and his patka-
sash is tied at the waist without any hanging ends206.
T he faces of the two dozing young watchmen are mask-like; they appear unarmed,
and seem to be asleep, wearing a casual (night-dress). Unlike in most of the Pahari illus-
trations of this theme, there are no watchdogs that appear by their side.
Of the two versions of the same episode that exist in vertical format, one is in the
?w.J. ,.,Bhuri
Singh Museum at Chamba (PI. 147a) and the other in the H imachal State Museum,
Shimla (PI. 147b). Both of them conform more to the conventional (and Bhagavata Pu-
rana
inspired) iconography of the scene: armed
guards accompanied by dogs, keeping
watch. But, in respect of similarities with the Devi-Kothi mural, we do find, in the Shimla
*':H :
painting,
the
parted
curtain in Devaki's chamber and,
in the Bhuri
Singh
Museum version,
the cupolas, vertical windows with latticework, and battlements.
SCENE 4: T H E EXCH ANGE OF T H E BABIES
Outside the palace, (PI. 148) in a tract of open land marked by two trees, Vasudeva
-
bearded and white-clad
-
appears
twice. First, one sees him
walking swiftly
towards the
confinement chamber, holding
close to his chest with both his hands a fair
complexioned
baby; then, one sees him
wading through a river that cascades down, diagonally across
the scene. H is body submerged up to the knees in the water and staff in hand, Vasudeva
now carries Krishna, rendered blue of complexion, on his right shoulder. H is legs are bare
and his jama tucked in at the waist. A tiger follows him to the river on the other bank
where a large snake appears suddenly, close to a tree.
Ei - ?
T he H arivamsha deals with the
exchange
of the babies in
just
a
couple
of sentences207:
( Vasudeva
picked up
his
glorious
son and with divine assistance went out of the barred
quarters, coming finally
to where Nanda and Yasoda were
camped nearby.
Without their
:S
+ knowledge, Vasudeva substituted one newborn infant for the other.
~i
4 Vasudeva then returned the way he had come and placed Yasoda's infant daughter
'a^^
beside Devaki.))
On the Devi-Kothi-mural we also encounter Vasudeva twice, as noted before: when
he is seen facing right, he is heading towards Nanda's home with Krishna clinging to his
1-
*
shoulder, a
tiger
-
possibly representing
the
power
of the Devi
-
behind him and a snake
facing; when he faces left, he is obviously on his way back from Nanda's home, the little
girl born to Yashoda in his arms.
119
F'
c
P-1.1 ? I 11 .
---
148
of babies
T he H arivamsha-text mentions neither night nor rain, and says nothing about Va-
sudeva's passage through the Yamuna river with the ((serpent Sesha (closely) following
him, warding off the rain-water with his hoods spread over his head)), as the Bhagavata
Purana does208. Obviously, the muralist is aware of this iconography209 but prefers a sim-
pler version of the events. Nevertheless, he does bring in the tiger and the snake, without
following the Purana text literally. T he sex of the tiger, one notices, is not indicated (as it
is not in the Devi murals either, where the tiger is Devi's male vehicle) and the snake, its
tongue flicking out of its fangless mouth, is rendered with no hood. Presumably because
the H arivamsha-text mentions no rain, the painter eschews the detail of the snake spread-
ing its hood like an umbrella. Or is it perhaps that the snake is a reference to the next scene
where, in the scene of jubilation, one of the musicians plays upon a ((snake-shaped)) horn?
T he baby Krishna is beautifully depicted in this scene; his face is truly lovely, with
dark hair and luxuriant side-locks. H e clings to his father's shoulder with one arm hang-
ing down his back; the baby girl in Vasudeva's arms, on the other hand, looks at him in-
tently. Vasudeva's tucked up jama
-
appropriate to the act of moving with swiftness
-
re-
minds one of the depiction of marching retainers and courtiers210 who wear long trousers
but tuck their jama-coats into their waists in identical fashion. H owever, while the royal
retainers almost always carry a dagger in their girdles, Vasudeva, having only temporar-
ily escaped from prison, is unarmed.
T he trees seen here are interestingly shaped with forked branches and twigs shin-
ing through the light-green foliage. T hey can be seen at the edge of the river, on the base
line of the register, or in the (distance), seemingly floating in the air, growing out of a brown
patch of earth with a (formerly) green edge. No tufts of grass are seen211.
SCENE 5: T H E CELEBRAT IONS AT KRISH NA'S BIRT H
T he tree with the serpent leads on to the next scene: six musicians forming a naubat-
group212 celebrate the auspicious event of the (birth) of Krishna, just outside a palace-like
compound. T hey perform on instruments that are typical of the Pahari region213: the mu-
sicians kneeling
in the upper row play turhi, the s-shaped horn, ransingha, the great trum-
pet, and the third musician at the back plays on the dho/-drum. T he men in the lower row
blow on the kaha/-trumpet and a shehnai-clarinet214, and play nagara, the pair of kettle-
drums. T he musicians sport various types of turbans and moustaches, and some of them
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are rendered of dark complexion. All of them engage in their work with intensity, lending
an air of jubilation to the atmosphere.
Beautifully rendered are the postures and features of the musicians, which are well
studied. T heir eagerness to perform joyously is so evident that one can almost hear their
120
vibrant tunes. T hese men are all treated as individuals,
each with his own
beard-style
and turban; their jama-coats are, however, all white, apparently following contemporary
fashion.
149
T he celebration of
Krishna's birth
149 a
T he marriage of
Bharata (detail), San
Diego Museum
of Art (T he Binney
Collection)
T he H arivamsha doesn't mention any musicians performing at the birth of a boy in Nanda's
household. It is likely that the muralist has availed himself here of the description in the
Bhagavata Purana of the celebrations at Krishna's birth215. T he Purana (X. 5. 5.) says:
((Brahmanas... uttered auspicious blessings; musicians sang; drums and kettledrums
were frequently sounded >.
T he depiction of the (country) orchestra or ensemble on this mural compares well
with the contemporary picture of court musicians by Laharu in his (horizontal) Bhagavata
Purana-series216. H ere, the shehnai-player is shown in three-quarter profile to draw at-
tention to his puffed cheeks; another performer sits with one knee tucked under him while
the other knee is raised. Another rendition
-
from the Chamba Ramayana-series
-
is pos-
sibly closer to the Devi-Kothi mural as far as the musicians' postures and dresses (their
sashes, for instance) are concerned, compare (T he Marriage of Bharata and Mandavi) in
the Binney-collection, San Diego.
SCENE 6: YASODA RECEIVES KRISH NA
Inside the palace (s. PI. 150), a child is handed over to a woman
-
obviously Yashoda
-
lying on a bed. T he setting is very similar to that of the confinement chamber seen be-
fore (scene 3): the painter allows one a look inside the room with a drawn curtain and a
lady lying on a couch. H ere, she extends her arms towards the man, who clearly is Va-
sudeva whom one has seen in the earlier episodes. H e hands the baby Krishna over to
her. (T he child is, however, rendered here in such a way that it could either be a boy or a
girl; if the complexion of the child were originally blue, indicating Krishna, that pigment
has now faded, leaving an element of uncertainty.
121
150
Yashoda receives
Krishna
T he H arivamsha-text is rather short and narrates the episode thus217: (Without their (i.e.
Yasoda's and Nanda's) knowledge, Vasudeva substituted one newborn infant for the other.
Vasudeva returned the way he had come and placed Yashoda's infant daughter beside
Devaki. )
Architecturally, Nanda's home is rendered on a slightly smaller scale than Kamsa's
palace218, than Devaki's confinement-mansion. T he brick walls are set on a white plinth219;
the entrance is an arched stucco doorway rendered with delicate details, and the back-
drops of the interiors are again pinkish grey. H ere, all the turrets are marked by horizon-
tal projections under the cupolas, and the curtain has been drawn to one side. Yashoda's
face, one notices, is very similar to Devaki's. T here is no attempt to differentiate between
the two ladies despite their contrasting social backgrounds; likewise, their dwellings do
not differ much, even though Devaki's should be part of a prison inside a palace, and
Yashoda's a modest countryside residence.
It may be mentioned that Pahari-mothers, after giving birth, customarily tied a band
of cloth around their heads, a detail which appears for instance in the (vertical) Bhaga-
vata purana paintings from Mankot220, but surprisingly, not in the Devi-Kothi mural.
122
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T he second register: T he baby Krishna
SCENE 7: DEVAKI BEFORE KAMSA
On a striped carpet, under a shamiana-canopy with six silver poles, a
royal figure is seated
on a small but richly patterned rug leaning against a large bolster, both textiles provided
with brocaded borders. T he ruler is greeted respectfully by a lady with folded hands, her
neck bent and her head covered modestly with a shawl. She is richly bejewelled,
has hen-
naed feet, and wears a cho/i-blouse, a long ghaghra-skirt, and a patterned odhani-veil. A
courtier, dagger tucked into his patka-sash, points towards her as he
(presents)
her. Be-
hind him two more noblemen or courtiers are seated as if in attendance.
T he king's red coloured jama221 is richly decorated with a leaf pattern. H is turban is
of the same cloth and is topped by an aigrette to which a garland of white flowers is tied;
the cloth-band fixed around the turban has a distinctive shape. T he raja has a command-
ing air; his left hand is raised as if in question; as he places his left leg across the
right
knee which is laid flat against the ground, the pink of the trouser of his leg and a bare foot
are revealed, something to which he seems to
pay no attention. H is full but
well-kept
beard, painted with the stippling technique, is meant to set him
apart from the other
courtiers and nobles, all of whom appear with either clean-shaven faces, or
showing only
traces of a beard along the jaws.
After having accomplished the exchange of the babies, Vasudeva, according
to the H ari-
vamsha222, went to Kamsa to inform him of the birth of a
daughter. Immediately after-
wards, Kamsa met Devaki in her room and wanted to get hold of the child. Devaki
pleaded
in vain for her (daughter). T he Bhagavata Purana text
describing the scene is similar al-
though more elaborate.
It is likely that this scene depicts Devaki in the presence of three courtiers223 im-
ploring king Kamsa to spare her daughter's life.
T he arrogance of Kamsa is vividly captured by the muralist, picking as he does the
detail of his bare foot and the crossed
leg exposed
in the presence of a related
lady.
It is
not easy to think of many Pahari paintings where a ruler sits thus, in a manner
entirely
in-
appropriate to his rank and formal status. T he face of the lady who stands before the
king
in an attitude of submission is now so tarnished that its details are no longer visible. T he
thin cloth draped over her left arm perhaps has a
meaning which
escapes
us at the mo-
ment224.
151 :
Devaki before Kamsa
123
T he form of the canopy225 under which the ruler is seated is known from pictures
generally associated with a Bilaspur-based workshop of the last quarter of the 17th cen-
tury, and is seen also in a painting by the Mankot master226. H owever, the one in the lat-
ter is fixed only with two poles and four ropes, and is stretched out freely.
It is worth mentioning here, that in this mural the regal attitude of the king and the
haughty face of the courtier standing erect are most impressive, the work revealing the
hand of an artist of marked abilities. T he graphic lines seen on the eyebrows and the con-
tours of the faces are remarkably crisp and well drawn.
152
T he attempt to kill
the girl i.e. the Devi
152 a
Yogamaya appears
(detail), Bhuri
Singh Museum,
Chamba
SCENE 8: T H E AT T EMPT T O KILL T H E GIRL (I.E. YOGAMAYA)
In front of the canopy, the newborn-child is seen being handed over to an executioner by
a courtier under royal orders. T his man of lowly status appears three times: first, he re-
ceives the baby bundled in a piece of red cloth; then, he tries to dash the now naked baby
on a brown rock; and finally, he looks up
in amazement and sees that his two arms have
turned into stumps! H is hands are still raised to the sky, holding onto the baby's legs, for
he should be dashing her again against the rock that still appears close to his feet. But
the baby girl has leapt up into the air, transformed into a Goddess. H igh up, within an
arrangement of flames, she stands
-
two-armed, crowned and bejewelled like the God-
dess she is
-
leaning forward, wielding a shield and a sword. T he forearms of the exe-
cutioner, torn off his body, one notices, remain clinging to her feet.
T he faithful courtier, charged with carrying out the royal orders to have the child killed,
is dressed properly like a court functionary: in red trousers, an ankle-long white jama with
a red sash, and a turban dyed in a similar colour. T he executioner, however, belongs to an-
other social stratum227. Strongly built and shorter in size, he appears with his torso bared,
amulets tied to the upper arms. T his vulgar looking man wears only plain white and loose,
knee-long trousers and is barefoot. H is chest is full and fleshy and the navel prominent.
T he mural is now greatly faded with and the blue in the sky barely visible; dark grey
clouds swirl around as an effective backdrop to the orange flames within which the God-
dess stands.
T he H arivamsha narrates the episode228 thus: < Kamsa's servant... seized her (i.e. the girl-
baby) determinedly by the leg, lifted her up high, and dashed her against a rock in the
courtyard. But instead of being crushed to death, she sprang into the sky transformed as
a Goddess adorned with garlands etc.))
-
In the Bhagavata Purana229, however, it is Kamsa
124
himself who ((snatched the baby away from her (Devaki)... and seized his sisters new-
born daughter by her feet and dashed her against the surface of a slab. Flying off his hands,
she rose up to the sky... manifesting herself as a Goddess (Yogamaya) with eight mighty
arms wielding weapons.)
T he muralist follows the version of the H arivamsha with the servant being ordered
to kill the baby girl. But neither text mentions that his forearms are uprooted and continue
sticking to the girl-Goddess's feet as she flies off in the air, and this may well be a splen-
did invention of the Chamba workshops. T he muralist also departs from the texts, by not
showing the Goddess with four or eight arms, and paints her as having only two. But the
Devi is nevertheless wonderfully rendered by the Devi-Kothi painter, matching the H ari-
vamsha-poet's words (in the translation of Francis H utchins): ((H er face was like the
moon, bright as lightning in colour, her eyes brilliant as the morning sun. Dancing, laugh-
ing, her voice like thunder, glowing with defiance, savagely quaffing strong liquors, she
moved through the night sky.)>
A nearly identical scene can be seen in the (vertical) Bhagavata purana-series as-
cribed to Laharu's workshop (c. 1750/75 A.D.). In this folio (s. PI. 152a), now in the Bhuri
Singh Museum in Chamba230, it is also an executioner who tries to to dash the girl on a
rock, losing his forearms when the baby changes its form and flies up into the sky as a
Goddess. T here, the executioner shown with a dark complexion is depicted twice: once
grasping the two-armed, un-crowned but fully dressed Devi with fire emanating from her,
just when he tries to smash her; and then, in his second appearance, when he is already
handless, the Devi has become four-armed, is equipped with mighty weapons, and is float-
ing in a circle of fire amidst whirls of clouds.
T he crown and the weapons of the Devi, who is commonly referred to as Yogamaya,
clearly correspond to the divine emblems depicted, for instance, by Mahesh of Chamba
in his Dasavatara series. But on the Devi-Kothi mural (s. detail PI. 174, pg. 153), it is note-
worthy how the end-piece of the Devi's odhani-veil231 is rendered. Obviously, the mural-
ist lavished special care upon this image and rendered it with great imagination: the red
ghaghra-skirt of the Goddess is translucent enough to let the right hand of the execu-
tioner shine through, whilst its white border is not.
T he flames and clouds depicted in this mural are rather unique and do not adhere
to the conventions followed generally by the Chamba workshops of the mid-eighteenth
century. Usually the flames are rendered in two shades and develop spiral-like forms232,
while clouds are normally painted as round spirals or s-shaped double-spirals with white
outlines and dark centers. T he nearest to the Devi-Kothi cloud-forms are those seen in a
much earlier Ragamala-painting, supposedly
-
but arguably
-
from a (Bilaspur workshop)233
and dated c. 1695.
SCENE 9: LIFE AT T H E H ERDERS' CAMP
T he obliquely flowing river runs though this register and separates the preceding scene
from the one that follows. On the bank of the Yamuna River, a water-fountain
-
water
gushing out
-
is seen (s. PI. 153), built along the slope of a rocky hillock under the shade
of a tree's branch. T he pilaster-like brick structure is decorated in an (urban) way with pin-
nacle and frieze; the spout is formed like a makara-monster's head. A woman fills water
from the fountain into a large brass pot she has placed under it on the ground. H er move-
ment is well studied, for she can be seen putting the pot in place under the falling stream
of water, without getting wet herself. One of her knees is bent and her left arm
-
a tar-
era-grass ring-support in hand -is stretched out behind her as if to balance herself. She
is poised to lift the heavy pot and place it on her head, her right hand grasping the pot by
its rim. It is the same woman whom one sees once more, walking back to her compound
where a large iron cauldron is placed on an earthen fire stove; a second pan, empty and
yet unused, rests on the ground close by.
125
It is likely that the scene visualizes the H arivamsha-description of the flourishing rural com-
munity of Vraja where Nanda lives with his family and Krishna is being reared as a baby.
T he text234, abridged, says: oVerged by the deep woods and cooled by breezes from the
Yamuna river... everything here (in Vraja) seemed graceful and charming.... From home
to home the sounds of churning filled the air.... Young women wearing blue and yellow
breast cloths and with their ears adorned with wild flowers were returning from the river
bearing jars of water on their heads.... T he sun-like baby Krishna, Vishnu brought to earth,
was accepted there simply as a child of Nanda and Yasoda.?
Besides giving the pastoral atmosphere, the environmental perspective may well
have been introduced to acquaint the viewer with the next scene, showing how Krishna's
mother, Yashoda, was pre-occupied, like any other householder, with her daily chores
which included having to go and fetch water, leaving her baby-boy alone.
Filling a vessel with water at a fountain is something rarely seen in Pahari paintings,
and might therefore, have received attention earlier having been photographed and pub-
lished235; but it is not within our awareness. A detail that requires to be pointed out is the
border of the odhani-veil of the lady at the fountain, for it bears a distinctive design and
falls in gathers at her back; the shoes with pointed ends are also uncommon in work from
the Chamba workshops.
T he combination of a rocky hillock, a tree with stumps and branches, and a *naun-
panihar-fountain seen here appears to be without a precedent, and peculiar to the reper-
toire of the Chamba painter's workshop, although the makara-shaped spout236 of the foun-
tain is very close in respect of detail to the makaras painted by the Chamba master,
Mahesh237. T he household implements
-
brass water-vessels, iron frying pan, wooden
mortar (as seen in the next scene), and clay hearth
-
depicted here are all a common
sight in the Chamba region.
SCENE 10: KRISH NA IS T IEDT O T H E MORT AR
T his must definitely be viewed as a direct continuation of the last scene: next to the cook-
ing-stove, a heavy wooden mortar lies overturned on the ground. Baby Krishna is tied to
it with a rope (s. PI. 154), but, as he crawls away across the background space, he fells
two trees, dragging the heavy mortar behind. T he mortar is meant to have got stuck be-
tween the trunks of the trees, but, miraculously, here the trunks appear as if they have
153
Life at the herders'
camp
126
153 a
At the well (Kumbha
raga putra) Bhuri Singh
Museum, Chamba
154
Krishna is tied to the
mortar
been axed though the middle; the tops of the trees now lying at an angle, side by side in
the space above (see PI. 144).
T he episode of Damodara, Krishna as the ((Rope-Sashed )), i.e., the boy tied by a rope at
his waist, recalls one of the amazing deeds he performed while still a baby among the
herders of Vraja. T hus designated, the story is narrated by the H arivamsha238 (abridged):
((Each day (Krishna) seemed livelier and more determined than ever to crawl out of
sight... (Once) Yashoda became so annoyed that she took lotus-eyed Krishna out into
the courtyard, scolded him soundly, and tied him by a rope round his waist to a heavy
wooden mortar used for husking grain.... (T hen) she returned to her housework. As soon
as her back was turned, Krishna crawled out of the courtyard... the heavy mortar behind
him. Before long he passed between two closely spaced trees, which held back the mor-
tar. But the baby Krishna kept right on going, pulling the mortar behind him, until he had
toppled those two ancient trees. None of the herders saw the mysterious infant mani-
fest his divine energy in this way... (But) all the herders were soon crowding round to
see this amazing sight.))
T he episode in the Bhagavata Purana239 emphasises and reinforces the miraculous
aspect of the story, bringing in the element of salvation, as it often does, by introducing
two celestial men, who
-
owing to a curse by Narada -were doomed to the form of two
arjuna-trees. Most Pahari illustrators of this event240 show the two figures as princely fig-
ures standing with folded hands, thanking Krishna for their release from the curse.
Like other household equipment, the knotted rope241 and the heavy wooden mor-
tar with a finely carved design are carefully depicted here; the crawling movement of the
infant is also well captured. One notices in this panel, faint pentimenti next to Krishna's
form: initially his contour was larger than one sees in the final version.
SCENE 11: KRISH NA KILLS T H E WH IRLWINDDEMON T RINAVART A
T his scene (see PI. 155) comprises of two oval shaped forms, meant to be dust clouds,
floating in the air, more or less above the baby-hero of the last episode who was still crawl-
ing on the ground.
As the story unfolds, the oval at left is meant to be taken in first. Encircled by large,
spiralling clouds, and stretched on a bed of smaller ones, an ageing demon is seen, hold-
ing tightly in his arms the child Krishna whose hand rests on his neck. T he horned demon
has white curly hair and whiskers, large bulging eyes, animal ears, human arms with
hands and uncut fingernails, a furry body with a long hairy tail, and bird's claws, possibly
.~~~~~~ ~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ X~ '..-. - . .-. _, .!:,:,,
_ L a
? .; ..... . . .
, ...
127
2 j '
suggesting the power he has to fly. H e wears short drawers with a sash tied to the waist,
a bell-string, armlets, bracelets, and bell-chains as anklets. Krishna
-
but a boy of four or
five years, naked but bejewelled
-
presses down firmly upon the demon's torso, gazing
intently into his enemy's face.
T hen, the situation changes, and one moves towards the climax. T o the right of the
first oval, the same pair of adversaries appears again as if seconds later: the formation
somewhat larger but now floating slightly lower in the air. Krishna, still pressing down,
has moved on to the demon's shoulder. With his foot behind the demon's ear, he grabs
his opponent's horn with his left hand and delivers a stunning blow to his face with his
right fist. Instantly, the demon shows signs of approaching death: his body, marked by
fine strokes, indicating hair or swelling veins, his tongue hangs out, his eyes seem to be
closing, the arms thrash about, and the fingers have turned stiff.
155
Krishna kills the
whirlwind T rinavarta
T his episode of the infant Krishna subduing the whirlwind-demon,T rinavarta, does not
appear in the H arivamsha, only
in the Bhagavata Purana (X.7.20-33). T he narrative
speaks of King Kamsa sending this demon to whisk the child away and kill it. o(T he de-
mon) enveloped the whole of Gokula (Vraja) with a cloud of dust and blinded (thus) the
eyes (of the inhabitants)... T he whirlwind carried away Krishna to the skies. But since
he was compelled to bear the stupendous weight of Krishna, he could not proceed fur-
ther and was (suddenly) gripped at the throat by... that wonderful child with extraordi-
nary pressure, he was rendered motionless. H is eyes came out of their sockets. With
a indistinct groan the demon fell dead on the ground at Vraja, with the child dangling
from his neck.))
T he painter of this mural introduces this episode here
-
with the iconography of
which he must have been familiar from earlier Bhagavata Purana illustrations242 from
Pahari workshops
-
possibly to embellish the empty background space above the
Damodara-event with
(meaningful fillers). T rinavarta's face and body are clearly modelled
on the asura-demons as they appear in the Dasavatara-sets by the Chamba painters, an
iconography which was also available to Mahesh when he produced the two splendid
ones that are known243.
128
q
f,.:..,...- Ak
47.
156
Krishna kills Putana
156a
Krishna killing Putana,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
SCENE 12: KRISH NA KILLS T H E DEMONESS PUT ANA
A ravishingly beautiful wet-nurse
-
the demoness Putana in disguise
-
arrives at Krishna's
parental home and offers to feed the baby at her breast. One sees her seated on the floor
at right, with the child placed on her thigh, the right knee raised and the left resting on
the ground. T he innocent looking naked boy caresses her breasts with both his hands.
Putana, in this form, is possessed of beautiful, truly bewitching features, and is elegantly
dressed, the tips of her hands and the soles of her feet neatly hennaed.
But suddenly, Putana is in the throes of death as she appears again at left. H ere,
she is to be seen in her (true)), demoness form. H er face is now crude, with a large
mouth, exposing two rows of teeth and fangs; a long thin tongue dangles out; the eyes
slant, the eyebrows raised. Putana's body is racked by pain: her arms with her hennaed
fingers are spread out, legs and feet awkwardly twisted, her belly exposed. T he dry,
stretched nipple of her right breast on which Krishna was feeding before, now hangs
down. Krishna, naked as before
-
dressed only in a gold-bell chain around his waist and
a silver chain across his torso
-
now sits on her hip holding up her left breast with both
hands and sucks with great intensity, as if to draw out Putana's very intestines through
her breast, and then to spit them out like pieces of string.
One of the most awesome of stories of Krishna's childhood
-
the killing of the demoness
Putana
-
is what the painter depicts here. T he episode, here slightly condensed, is told
thus in the H arivamsha244: ((T he demon wet-nurse Putana came to (Nanda's) camp in the
middle of the night... Putana offered the little baby her poison-heavy breast, and Krishna
sucked and sucked until he had ripped off her breast. H e sucked away her very life and
then began to cry. T he whole neighbourhood awoke... and found Putana lying senseless
on the ground.))
In the Bhagavata Purana245 version, Putana is a ((terrible infant-killer... (who) as-
sumed the form of a young beautiful woman... moving into any house she pleased...
adorned with jasmine flowers (etc.)... wearing a blooming lotus in her hands... both the
mothers (Yashoda and Rohini) were stupefied with her effulgence and stood gazing. T he
terrible demoness placed Krishna on her lap and suckled him at her breast.... T hereupon
129
the Lord squeezed hard her breast with his hands and sucked it along with her life. Be-
ing crushed in all her vital parts, she cried out (let me go, enough of it, leave me). With
her body drenched in perspiration, and with her hands and feet thrown in convulsions and
with distended eyes, she wailed loudly.... (T hen the demoness) fell dead, reverting to
her original form with her mouth agape and her hair, hands and feet stretched.))
T he muralist seems to have known both versions of this celebrated episode well.
T he event has a major significance in the narrative, for it is through this that Krishna re-
vealed to his parents his superhuman qualities and strength for the first time, but sur-
prisingly, renderings of it are only rarely seen246 in mid-18th century (or earlier) Pahari
work. It is only later that it becomes popular, as one sees in the following decades in the
work produced by the Guler based workshops of the Nainsukh-Manaku painters' fami-
lies.247
It may be mentioned that the rendering of Krishna's many miraculous deeds as a
baby in Vraja
-
the killing of Putana and T rinavarta and his exploit as Damodara, uproot-
ing the two trees
-
does not follow the sequence of events as given in the texts (see
p. 145f).
T he third register: Young Krishna
SCENE 13: KRISH NA SUBDUES T H E SNAKE-DEMON KALIYA
T he third register starts again at the left-hand side. H ere, Krishna appears as an icon
seated cross-legged on a lotus flower in full bloom placed upon the hood of a serpent,
holding a lotus bud in his right hand, the left one closed in a fist. Wearing a gopa-cap,
Krishna is dressed in an orange dhoti-waistcloth and a fluttering scarf. H is (lotus-throne)
is placed on the ten heads of a nagaraja, the snake-king who lies coiled up in the middle
of a lotus pond. Like the serpent, his four queens emerge from the water, half-women
half-snakes, their human heads covered with colourful odhani-veils. One sees them ador-
ing Krishna, with lotus buds held in their folded hands.
T he water is patterned like the water in the Yamuna River but is studded with lotus
flowers and large leaves shown in profile.
T he painted scene is quite simple, reducing the narration of ((T he Expulsion of Kaliya?
which,
in the H arivamsha-text248 starts with an eulogy of the beautiful Yamuna river and
v-'''.
157
Krishna subdues Kaliya
130
the forests and rivers nearby. T he waters having suddenly turned noxious, had already
been explored by young Krishna, who suspected Kaliya, the dark snake-king, to be hiding
in a pond. Now, Krishna wants to fight with him. ((T he serpent king rose up quickly out
of the water, his eyes wild with rage.... H is upper body coiled about in the air like mass-
ing clouds. H is mouths were fiery, with tongues flicking, and his five hoods were spread
wide.... Kaliya angrily breathed forth streams of smoke and flame.)> T he duel is fearsome,
but Krishna remains in the role of a small boy up to the very moment of the climax, when
witnesses to the battle realise that he is no ordinary boy, but a superhuman being. T he
H arivamsha, incidentally, does not mention Krishna ever sitting like a deity on the snake
king's head: it speaks only of his dancing on the spread out hood of the snake. Only when
Krishna had jumped back on to the bank, according to it, he was greeted
with wonder
and ((honoured by (people) worshipfully walking around him.)>
-
In the Bhagavata Pu-
rana249 too, Krishna dances on Kaliya's head, crushing with each kick one of nagaraja's
101 heads. Kaliya finally collapses under Krishna's weight. T he nagini-snake-wives then
come forward to worship Krishna as the ((Lord of the Universe )) with all kinds of gifts, in-
cluding ((a grand wreath of blue lotuses)?.
In the painting of the quelling of Kaliya, Krishna's figure has the aspect of an icon,
seen here
-
for the first time in the mural (as is the case with the H arivamsha-text250)
-
as being identical with Vishnu. T o bring this out seems to matter more to the muralist
than rendering yet another episode from the life of Krishna as a herdsman. T here is little
doubt that he sees Krishna here as Vishnu, albeit with two arms instead of four.
Of special interest is not only the image of Krishna here
-
fairly common as this
form is in Chamba251
-
but the appearance of the nagaraja, with his massive reptile-
head on which nine other small ones have been piled, as also the naginis in this pecu-
liar form: T he wide open mouths of the serpents from which the women's torsos
emerge, their fronts, backs, and heads covered by a scarf, the ends falling in a manner
somewhat different than the Devi's odhani (on PI. 119), the bottom fold here always
being rounded.
SCENE 14: KRISH NA MOLEST S A GIRL/KRISH NA REST RAINING YASH ODA
On the banks of the Yamuna River adjacent to the lotus pond, Krishna frolics with his gopa
cow-herd friends and playfully teases a young maiden (s. PI. 158). H e seizes her firmly at
the arm and even attempts to twist it, while bringing his left foot close to her body, touch-
ing it. In doing this, he seems to have gone a bit too far, and Balarama
-
the cowherd
standing closest to the scene in front of the other two boys
-
is seemingly shocked. Yet
another companion of Krishna's, the fifth cowherd, dressed like the others in short draw-
ers, a turban, and a scarf, has dived into the water.
T he time of Krishna's adolescence is poetically described in the H arivamsha252 (in
H utchins's translation): ((With a young, new moon sailing untroubled through the balmy
autumn nights, Krishna felt playful and exuberant. Some days he pitted one lusty bull
against another... sometimes he urged the strongest herders to wrestle against each
other.... And sometimes, stirred by pleasurable emotions, he sported with girls from the
camp through the dark, warm nights.... T hey pressed their full, swelling breasts against
him, their eyes darting about.)> According to these texts, it was the girls who ran after
Krishna, not he who resorted to
any means
-
other than playing upon his irresistible flute
-
to draw them to himself. T he action of Krishna, forcibly holding on to the maiden as
seen here, thus
appears
out of character, but then one wonders if this
figure is really that
of Krishna ? Or is it
perhaps
some other
grown-up herdsman who is
restraining the young
lady?
T he reference
may
be to the
description: ((Eluding the restraints of mothers, fa-
thers, and brothers, the
pleasure-drunken girls dashed
through the night to his side.?
131
158
Krishna molests a girl
Krishna and the gopis,
n ~~ ~~~~~ 'i~~~~~~~~~ ~Bhuri Singh Museum,
Krishna teasing and tormenting the maidens of Vraja
-
pulling their arms, reaching
out for their bosoms, snatching eatables from their baskets (see also scene 20)
-
is not
a subject that is unknown in Pahari painting, nor unfamiliar from the folk songs woven
round the subject of such amorous <dalliance). But is there a reference here perhaps to
such things happening to young girls when they leave their homes without their elders'
permission?
Yet another, very plausible interpretation has been offered
-
verbatim
-
by B. N.
Goswamy: Could this possibly be a rendering of Balarama trying to restrain Yashoda253
from jumping into the water to save Krishna, when she learns that he has entered the
pond to fight Kaliya and not one of Krishna teasing a gopi? T he texts speak of some
cowherds having been (poisoned) by drinking the water of the river contaminated by
Kaliya, and the figure lying in the water might be that of a fainting or dead gopa-boy.
SCENE 15: KRISH NA KILLS KAMSA'S WASH ERMAN
Where the muralist lets the Yamuna river diverge, somewhere near the center of the paint-
ing, an episode that belongs to a considerably later part in the Krishna story (s. PI. 159) is
brought in. A washerman
-
his figure massive
-
lies sprawled out next to his washing
block on the river edge, dying. Engaged as he was in his work
-
standing in the water
half-clad, wearing only knee-length shorts and a white turban
-
he was pounced upon by
the boisterous lads from Gokula, led by Krishna. T he washerman's turban has come loose
and trails on the ground, a sign that he is unconscious, perhaps even dying: his eyes are
angled with pain, the eyebrows raised, worry-lines along the temples, fingers stretched
out, as blood gushes out from his mouth, chest, shoulder, and elbows. Krishna, spring-
ing on to the man's thighs, is the one who has delivered him the lethal blow using his
stick and fist. Meanwhile, the gopas seem to make merry with the clothes they have
(looted) from anothe washerman's pilem trying on some garment or the other:
paijama-trousers, turbans, jama-coats, shoulder cloth etc.
T here is wit in the rendering of the gopa boys' endeavours: the dark-skinned lad
standing next to the pile of clothes, for instance, is trying to don a jama sticking his right
arm into the left sleeve, apparently unfamiliar as he is with the garment. Another boy is
tying a loincloth, an urban man's undergarment, over his short drawers. T o the extreme
right of this group (overlapping the next scene) a boy even exchanges his own underwear
for the fresh ensemble taken from the
king's
washerman whose bundle of clothes, meant
to be taken back to the king, now lies empty on the ground.
132
159 159 a,b
Krishna kills the Krishna kills
washerman the washerman,
Bhuri Singh
Museum, Chamba
When Krishna comes to Mathura to participate in a feast where a wrestling match is to
take place, he sets out in the evening along with his gopa friends, to see the local sights
first. T he H arivamsha narrates254: ((n the gathering dusk, the two brothers (Krishna and
Balarama) quickly set out, as excited as two young bull elephants straining their posts and
aching for a fight. Coming upon a man dyeing (or washing) clothes, they wanted to acquire
some of his freshly gleaming garments. But the dyer said angrily: (Where are you idiots
from? T hese are for the king. Iam colouring these expensive fabrics with rare and exotic
dyes brought from various foreign lands... What jungle have you been roaming about in
all your lives? May be you're not bandits, but you certainly are not very bright if you think
you can afford to buy clothes like these.) Krishna got enraged.... With his lightning fist,
Krishna struck him on his head. T he dyer fell back, his head shattered. Seeing him dead...
the two youths now splendidly decked (themselves) out in the king's own clothes.))
It might be mentioned that in the Bhagavata Purana (X.41.37), the description of
this episode is fairly similar, except that it says that Krishna (( severed with his finger-tips
the washerman's head from his trunk)).
T he spread out arms and fingers and the distorted facial features of the dying wash-
erman use the same (iconography of dying), that the painter used in the Putana episode.
Both the dying figures are shown in three-quarter profile, have the same kind of raised
eyebrows, wrinkles at the temples etc. T he washerman's moustache, one notices, has a
short gap in the middle, a style favoured among the Muslims.
T his episode is depicted in different ways by various Pahari painters: sometimes
the washerman is rendered strangled by his own turban; in another rendering, Krishna
ties the battered body of the washerman to a bundle of clothes, using a girdle cloth as a
string255. But those paintings do not catch the callous nature of the boys from
Vraja,
or
the arrogance of youth that is reflected in their action, in the manner that the Devi-Kothi
painter does here.
SCENE 16: KRISH NA KILLS T H E GIANT PYT H ON AGH ASURA
Next to
-
in fact protruding into
-
the last scene (PI. 160), one sees an enormous python
swallowing Krishna and three of his cowherd friends. T hey seem to be walking thought-
lessly into the giant reptile's agape mouth, taking his stretched out and trailing tongue as
a path leading to a cave. But we see them again emerging from four openings
-
wounds
they have in fact inflicted on the reptile's writhing form. T he feet of some of the boys are
133
still stuck inside the body of the snake-demon as he still manages to raise his head, but
most of the gopa-boys rush out, holding their sticks triumphantly aloft.
T he python is superbly rendered, with elongated white scallops marking his under-
belly and cloud-like dark spots on his back. T he head is rounded
-
similar to the principal
one that belonged to Kaliya,
-
and one sees flared nostrils and an upper eyelid over the
eye. In the monster's mouth, his unforked tongue and two pairs of large white fangs within
the rows of small teeth are visible.
Depicted is the episode of Krishna killing the python-demon, Aghasura. T his incident in
Krishna's life as a five-year-old boy is not narrated in the H arivamsha, but occurs in the
Bhagavata Purana, (X.12.13-39) which says in (an abridged version of) T agare's transla-
tion: ((T he wicked demon Agha assumed a gigantic body of a boa constrictor, eight miles
in length, stout like a big mountain, and with the desire to swallow (Krishna and his
friends), he lay motionless on their path, with his flabbergasting cave-like mouth wide
open. H is lower lip lay on the earth, while the upper lip touched the clouds... his tongue
was like a broad road... (Now) the children along with their calves entered into the bow-
els of that demon... (T herefore Krishna followed them and inside the monster) Krishna
instantly increased himself in huge dimensions into the throat of that demon... and all
the passage of breath of that huge-bodied monster was choked, and his eyes shot out of
their sockets. H is breath... forced its way through an aperture in the crown of his head....
(Krishna) revived to life... all his friends and calves who were as good as dead, and came
out of the mouth of the demon again, along with them. )
T he muralist's depiction of Krishna slaying the python-demon, Aghasura, does not
follow the text closely, but incorporates what is commonly seen in Pahari paintings: the
mouth of the python being a (path) leading inwards and the boys reappearing through
the wounds or through an opening
in the belly of the monster256. Now that the pigments
have faded and the blue of Krishna's complexion cannot be made out, it is difficult to de-
160
Krishna kills the python
Aghasura
160 a
Krishna kills Aghasura,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
134
161
Krishna kills the crane,
Bakasura
161 a
Krishna kills Bakasura,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
e*,iii
cide which boy is actually Krishna (could it be the last one?) since there are no marks of
distinction like a peacock-feather crown or a yellow scarf, that one sees in other painters'
works.
T his very episode was painted by Laharu's workshop in Chamba (mid-17th century)
in the (vertical) Bhagavata purana-series257 (s. PI. 160a). In that rendering, the young herds-
men and their calves enter the mouth and reappear coming out of all kinds of wounds in
the snake's body, and Krishna is seen dancing upon the monster's head, having broken
through its skull from inside. H owever, with ears and nostrils but no fangs, the giant in
the version on paper is much less of a python than he is in the Devi-Kothi mural. Another
mural of this theme one finds in Gand-Dehra; it was probably painted a generation ear-
lier. T he episode, it seems, must have interested the local audience greatly.
T he outline of the python on the Devi-Kothi mural, it is to be noticed, was altered dur-
ing the painting process, as were the stances of some of the gopa-boys in the last scene.
SCENE 17: KRISH NA KILLS T H E GIANT CRANE, BAKASURA
Larger than a tree, a demon in the form of a giant white crane (or stork) arrives to swal-
low Krishna and his gopa-friends. Simple-mindedly, the boys enter the long straight beak,
the smallest one being the first in line, holding on to the giant's beak by his hands, whilst
others, standing a bit further back although also inside the open, scissors-like beak of the
bird, use their sticks, raising them over their heads, to prevent the monster from closing
its mouth. T he crane still expects to survive, as there is no suggestion of blood or other
sign of its inevitable death.
T he white crane has been drawn superbly with a perfect plumage, strong feet, and
a very straight beak, although one does not see any plume or aigrette on its small head.
T he four boys are very alike in gesture and appearance, differing from one another only
in respect of their complexions and size.
T he killing of Bakasura, the giant crane, finds no mention in the H arivamsha, but does in
the Bhagavata Purana (X.11.47-52) among the many episodes from Krishna's boyhood.
135
T .-.--At
......,,' ........
-.--~-~:,~:...-,f,,. ,..
v,""
:*; ;
'
-
,.-;-"
; . . . :
~~~~~~~~~~~~. .
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.?.
T he incident is placed between Krishna's felling of the two arjuna-trees and his slaying of
the python. T he text in T agare's translation (shortened here) says:
(( (Once at the well)
the boys saw there standing a monster creature... and got terrified. It was verily a pow-
erful demon called Baka who assumed the form of a stork. Swooping down suddenly, the
monster swallowed up Krishna with a sharp beak.... (Everyone became stupefied.) But
Baka had to vomit Krishna... as Krishna burnt like fire the root of his palate. Finding him
unhurt, Baka again attacked Krishna with his bill to kill him.... (But) Krishna caught hold
of him by the two halves of the bill, and while the children were looking on, tore him up
like a blade of grass.))
T he Devi-Kothi-muralist departs, like other painters from Chamba from the Bhaga-
vata Purana narrative in respect of several details. Krishna, for instance, is seen climbing
into the bird's bill, as if using a ladder, and there is no ((tearing apart) of the crane that
one sees in other Pahari painters' rendering (see PI. 161 a)258.
SCENE 18: KRISH NA ANDT H E H UNCH BACK
T o the extreme right, in the last scene in this register, an old, grey haired, rather heavily
built woman with a bent back walks forward supporting herself on a staff. She is dressed
in a red ghaghra-skirt, pink blouse, and white odhani-veil with a simple dot design. T here
is a basket that she carries, from which a white jasmine flower garland, part of its fra-
grant contents, hangs out. T he woman chances upon Krishna and greets him, decorating
him with a garland. And then a miracle follows. In the second half of the scene, Krishna
-
being watched from the rear by a curious Balarama
-
embraces the woman. And as he
does so, he stands on her feet, holds her head up, and looks intently at her face, as if
about to kiss her. In fact, though, he has jerked her hunchbacked body up, making her
stand straight again. She is transformed, turning into a beautiful woman, the face young
and her hair black. T ouched and thrilled, she closes her eyes as if ready to surrender to
playful Krishna, holding the garland in her right hand close to his body, her left arm wrapped
around his middle.
In the texts, this episode, generally referred to as the (redemption of Kubja or T rivakra)
-
she who is deformed in three places, a woman born with a hunchback
-
follows the killing
of the washerman. T he story does not have the disagreeable element of uncalled for vi-
olence that belongs to the washerman episode and is told in the H arivamsha259 (as it is
Fi.~
.|I
~
w30~~~~~~''-i1~':~
~'"-":
...::.:.:.~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
;A..,.
,
-Ol~~~~~~~~~~
162
Krishna and the
hunchback
136
in the Bhagavata Purana) broadly, thus: (((When Krishna and Balarama strolled
through
the streets of Mathura) they encountered a hunchback woman laden with all sorts of pre-
cious pastes and oils. (T he lads call her ( lotus eyed )>?, which flatters her, and she instantly
wants to give some of her ointments to Krishna and his brother.) With her oils the broth-
ers happily rubbed their splendid bodies until they glistened like two bulls emerging from
the Yamuna all smeared with mud. Suddenly Krishna grasped her hump with his two
skilled hands and pressed. H e raised her body up as readily as if it had been a
drooping
vine. Realizing her hump had disappeared and that her body was now flawless, she gasped
for joy. She became like one possessed, maddened with love for Krishna.... (But) Krishna
begged off, and quickly fled (with Balarama) from the aroused former hunchback. ?
T he Bhagavata Purana (X.42.3-12)260 brings in some more details that the muralist
puts to use. T he text says that by ( pressing on the front part of her feet with his own
feet, he (Krishna) held her chin up with two fingers of his raised open palm and made her
body perfectly straight.? But also brought in is the fact of her
rejuvenation. Instantly, at
the very touch of Krishna, it says, she became (<the loveliest young damsel with all limbs
straight and proportionate and shapely, with big buttocks and heavy breasts.? In fact, now
passionately in love with her hero, the rejuvenated lady tugged on <(the end of Krishna's
upper garment?, asking him to join her on her way to her house, a visit that <<will relieve
the pangs of hearts of men))?.
Krishna, his mood festive
-
as it is in the scenes at Mathura that follow -, crowned
with peacock-feathers adorning his cap, stands on
Kubja's feet to jerk her body up with
his right hand under her chin, gazing at her closed eyes. One finds similar images of this
scene in other Pahari paintings of this, but the rendering in the Devi-Kothi mural with the
extraordinary treatment of Kubja's gestures, and the manner in which the hunchback first
appears as an old woman with grey eyebrows and is then transformed into a beautiful
young maiden, places it in a class apart.
T he bottom register: Krishna, the champion of Mathura
In the bottom register, suddenly the order of the narrative shifts. Not only is the eye in-
vited to move from right to left, the first scene is completely out of context, having been
brought in
by a compositional need, at least as perceived by the painter, something to
which we return a little later, below.
SCENE 19: CH URNING BUT T ER
T he setting is urban, if not exactly palatial
-
a large pillared and arched hall of a mansion
with turrets, an entrance gate with multicoloured stucco-walls decorated with iris motifs
-
and here one finds a lady churning butter whilst a small boy, almost certainly the blue
complexioned Krishna, dips his hand into the pot, takes a handful of cream in his left hand,
and puts it into his mouth with his right hand. H e is still a crawling baby, and gazes at his
mother who seems not to mind at all his little antic. T he decorated wooden churner is
fixed to a pillar by two rings and ropes; the pot is steadied on the floor on a cotton base
ring.
H ere, the painter clearly goes back in point of time and sequence, for we find Krishna
again as a
crawling baby stealing butter being churned by Yashoda, one of the child
Krishna's earliest and most celebrated pranks. Why he does so, is not easy to determine.
It is possible that the thought of introducing this episode here might have come to the
artist's mind, together with the other (pranks) he brings in, like his teasing the young maid-
ens that forms the subject of the next, adjacent scene.
It is, however, also possible that the painter became interested in starting the bot-
tom register, where Krishna's deeds in Mathura are depicted, by starting with a fine build-
137
163
Churning butter
ing and some household activities, and while doing this, this simple, domestic scene
might have crossed his mind. T he Bhagavata Purana (X.41.20-32, T agare's translation)
recounts: (((When Krishna) saw the city of Mathura with high gate-ways and entrances
made of crystal, with huge doors of gold beautified with gold arches... (Krishna found
Mathura) beautiful because the entrances of houses were decorated with artistic pitch-
ers full of water.)> H earing of Krishna's arrival in town, the local women (were so over-
joyed that they set aside their dishes while taking meals, ... rose from sleep, while moth-
ers suckling babies hurried forth.))
In this context, it is not unlikely that the muralist decided upon bringing this
episode
in here to draw attention again to inattentive mothers absorbed by their house-
hold chores, as much as in Mathura as was Yashoda in Gokul. Or, a simile might have
come to his mind: the way the women of Mathura were distracted by Krishna's charm
when he entered their town was like Yashoda constantly distracted by the charms of
her baby boy.
In addition, there is
-
as B. N. Goswamy has pointed out
-
certainly also the possi-
bility that some line of a local folk song, celebrating Krishna and tracing his career in a syn-
optic manner from a crawling baby to the killer of Kamsa, might have been at the back of
138
the painter's mind as he painted this scene. And that might be the simplest explanation
for the inclusion of this scene at this point!
In the scene as it has survived, nearly all the details of the painted architecture ap-
pear reasonably intact, and one can see all kinds of decorative patterns used in the man-
sion. T he plinth, for instance, is decorated with a third variation of the twisted cord de-
sign that now looks more like an undulation. T he housewife's veil with the dotted pattern
has a short border and ends in a simple, nearly horizontal, wavy line. T hus, it is rendered
again slightly different than the other odhanis.
SCENE 20: T AKING OF T H E T OLL
Somewhere, probably on the streets of Mathura, Krishna (harasses) two cowherdesses
as they pass by with large baskets filled with various pots, possibly making their way from
their camp to sell their products in the market of the town T he contents of a basket, bro-
ken in the process, are being relished by Krishna's gopa-friends, while their owner is not
having an easy time with the amorous hero herself.
T here is much commotion. Krishna holds one of the maidens back by pressing her
foot down with his own and makes as if to embrace her, drawing her to himself, and wrap-
ping his right leg around her body. T he girl seems to protest, but Krishna goes on to draw
her face towards his own, his hand under her chin, forcibly. H er basket has, meanwhile,
slipped from her head and the pots are seen scattered on the ground, some broken, and
others being picked up by Krishna's gopa-friends.
Dressed in horizontally striped ghaghra-skirts, with their veils falling down their
backs, hugging their slender waists, and their well-formed busts in tight fitting choli-
blouses, the milkmaids come across as true village belles.
Krishna has now changed his dress from that of a country lad to an urban young-
ster, wearing not only a peacock-feather in his cap but also a yellow dhoti-waistcloth. H is
village friends, however, continue to wear their usual garments.
Krishna's playful (assaults) on the maidens of Mathura find no mention in the H arivamsha;
the Bhagavata Purana, however, speaks of Krishna's radiating charm being so over-
whelming that he felt there was no need to force his attention261 upon any one, even if it
does not specifically mention his <playfulness) while in Mathura.
,,','-~
?'?: . .
" '
, ,,-'"-,-';'-:''Y-"."'''',":"
-'; ' -:..---'-'-..
164
T aking the toll
139
T he themes of <<Krishna taking the toll)) or ((Krishna distracting a herder girl)262
seem always to have held great fascination for audiences everywhere. In this register of
the mural, again, this scene might have been inducted for drawing attention to the rough
atmosphere that generally obtains in any busy market place, and especially so when a big
festival is being celebrated.
In respect of detail, the manner in which Krishna's raised leg is depicted, reminds
one of the way in which the vanquishing of his enemy by Parashurama, or the lifting of the
bow by Rama are depicted by Chamba workshops of the 18th century when rendering the
Dasavatara263 sequence.
-
T he white and red horizontally striped ghaghra-skirts of the milk-
maids are also seen, incidentally, in Yashoda's dress in the earlier, Gand-Dehra mural.
SCENE 21: MARKET ACT IVIT IES
T here is a shop and a cooking establishment that one sees next, evidently suggesting
preparations in progress for the wrestling-feast about to begin in Mathura, for which
Krishna and his friends have come from their camp.
A shopkeeper is seen seated on a raised floor, under a simple shamiana-tent with
five poles and pieced-together fabrics with fringed ends. A brick platform serves as a bar-
rier between him and his goods, and the customers. With a scale in his left hand, he is
in the process of making a sale, his face turned towards a well-dressed townsman
-
dressed in a long, now faded, jama-coat and an elegant turban
-
who pays for his pur-
chase with a coin, resting his shod foot on the platform. T he shopkeeper's merchandise
(sweets?) are evidently in the pile of baskets and pots behind him with two spoon han-
dles sticking out. What is represented here of course is a temporary market stand, in-
stalled on the special occasion of a fair.
Next to this shop two Brahmins are seen cooking on a large clay stove in two big
vessels with narrow necks, as more utensils lie on the ground that are lined up in front.
T he cook to the right tests the consistency of the rice with his fingers; he has cooked
the grains in the charua-pot generally used for this purpose, whilst the other one stirs a
curry dish with a long ladle. Both men wear the usual dhoti-waistcloths and have cloths
thrown over their shoulders. T heir heads are shaved, leaving small choti-top knot hair.
Across the torso of one of the cooks a sacred-thread is visible.
T he Bhagavata Purana (X.42.13 ff., T agare's translation) mentions that Krishna ((
proceeded
165
through the commercial area of the town... (where he) was received with various pre- Market activities
140
sents, betel-leaves, garlands etc.... As they roamed along, they were delighted to see
the affluence of the city.... After washing their feet, they partook of rice boiled in milk.))
Sweetshops are, however, not directly mentioned, neither in the Bhagavata Purana nor
in the H arivamsha.
T his delightful genre scene, taken by the painter evidently from the life around him-
self, has no direct relevance to the narrative, it seems, but serves a purpose similar to
the one served by the woman at the fountain being brought in (see scene 9): to make
the viewer aware of the character of a site. H ere it is Mathura, an affluent town with cit-
izens under the control of a (demon) king, but not directly involved in his evil plans.
T he depiction of routine, daily activities
-
market scenes, workshops, and the like
-
is not all that is commonly seen in 18th century Pahari painting; and when it is found at
all it is generally related to scenes of processions moving through towns264, or later, as a
backdrop to a nobleman's urban mansion.
T he depiction of fire is always of interest, because it generally follows a convention
specific to a workshop tradition. T he rendition closest to the one in the Devi-Kothi mural
is to be found perhaps in a folio of the (horizontal) Ramayana-series from Laharu's fam-
ily workshop (c. 1760 A.D.), the flames seen as here265 with red, parallel and curling lines,
small at the sides, pointed at the top.
SCENE 22: T H E WREST LING MAT CH
Krishna and Balarama are engaged in a bout with the two professional court-wrestlers or
killers of Mathura. T o the left Krishna is seen, the younger of the two brothers (his turban
still crowned by a peacock-feather) throwing a ((mountain of a wrestler)) to the ground,
one hand gripping his ankle, the other around his neck. At his side, Balarama tosses his
opponent around, grabbing his adversary from his beard and arm.
T he massive bodies of the wrestlers are portrayed with remarkable details: the nip-
ples prominent, body hair meticulously drawn, each stroke of the brush clearly visible.
T heir faces are endowed, unexpectedly, with fine and noble features, such as fine eye-
brows and whiskers, trimmed beards, and heads shaved except around the ears, and the
choti-topknot hair lock at the vertex. T hey wear striped shorts and their turbans, originally
pre-tied perhaps, lie on the ground, either having been removed before the bout, or now
fallen.
Four gopa cowherd-boys point in astonishment towards the exploit of their victori-
166
ous friends. One notices that they, too, have adopted urban fashion and now wear their
T he wrestling match scarves more stylishly, draping them over their arms and torsos.
141
Information and discussion
T he muralist has taken a liberty again with arranging the sequence of events, for the
scene that follows this one should have, according to the text, come earlier. T he H ari-
vamsha narrates266 (in H utchins's translation, here abridged) the wrestling event in which
Krishna killed Chanura and Balarama, his brother, the wrestler Mushtika: ((As Krishna
leapt around the ring, the excited spectators roared their approval.
At a signal of (king)
Kamsa, Chanura, red-eyed with rage, rushed to the center of the ring
to
challenge
Krishna.... H e danced forward furiously like a cloud frantic to discharge its water.... (Some
spectators opposed the match saying:) (no wrestler is ever permitted
to
oppose
some-
one of a different age and weight
-
Krishna is still a youth and Chanura a full
grown giant
of a man.) (But Krishna accepted
the uneven fight willingly. T hen) Chanura and Krishna
fought like two wild elephants. T hey tangled together, legs and arms flying, pounding away
as if determined to grind each other up. Shaking
and
snorting
like wild boars, they gouged
with their fists, elbows, and fingernails, they kicked each other savagely, and they dug
their knees into each other's sides. T hat was what this so-called sporting
bout was like.
-
Krishna struggled with Chanura for a very long time. At last Chanura began
to weaken,
and Krishna hurled him on the ground....
Chanura bounded
up,
but
again
Krishna threw
him down, this time also smashing Chanura's head with his fist and
crushing
a knee into
Chanura's chest .... Chanura's eyes
were driven from their sockets and
hung
down... H is
lifeless body loomed like a mountain in the huge arena.
-
After Chanura fell, Mushtika
rushed out. Balarama struggled with him for a time as they rolled and twisted about. T hen,
with a thundering blow of his powerful fist, Balarama shattered his skull... ))
T he wrestling depicted here follows the text closely, the champions fighting
with
bare hands (((with fists, elbows, and fingernails))),
not
using
the tusks267 that Krishna and
Balarama had prized out of the court elephant's mouth shortly
before. (T he Bhagavata
Pu-
rana also states that the fight was without any weapons!)
T he (vertical) Bhagavata pu-
rana-series by Laharu268 includes a similar wrestling scene, although,
in Pahari paintings269,
generally,
the lethal blow is inflicted on the court wrestlers with the tusk.
166 a
SCENE 23: KRISH NA VANQUISH ES T H E MADDENEDELEPH ANT
Krishna at Kamsa's
Krishna triumphs over the elephant let loose upon
him in front of the
palace.
T he beast,
court, Jagdish
shown relatively small, is hurled up and thrown on its back, as Krishna jumps
on it, and and Kamala Mittal
Museum of Indian
pulls off one of his tusks. H e then deals a
heavy
and fatal blow to the
elephant's
head
Art, H yderabad
with this very tusk and extracts the other tusk with his left hand. T he animal's eyes
are
closed and the tongue hangs
out.
Once again,
Krishna is dressed in a
yellow dhoti-waistcloth, a sash, a
fluttering
red
scarf and a cap topped by
a band and a
peacock-feather.
T here is an intense look about
his face, and a side lock of hair cascades down behind his ear. H is
posture
with the left
leg raised reminds one of his appearances
in the danalila-scene.
C. il
H ow Krishna killed the maddened
elephant Kuvalayapida
in front of the arena or Kamsa's
palace is recounted in the H arivamsha (H utchins' translation, here
abridged)
in these
words270: ((T he elephant rushed forward, Krishna leaped
into the air and
clapped
his hands.
Kuvalayapida tried repeatedly to wrap his trunk around Krishna's chest, but time after time
Krishna eluded him... T hen, placing one foot on
Kuvalayapida's head, Krishna
uprooted
one of his tusks and struck him in the face with it. T he
elephant, pierced by
his own thun-
derbolt-like tusk, roared with pain, releasing
urine and excrement in his
fright.
Blood
gushed
from his shattered temples.... (T hus) Krishna had killed that
mighty
beast with
one blow of his own tusk.))
In the (vertical) Bhagavata purana-series by Laharu, there are two
pictures (PI. 166a
and 167a) where the
elephant Kuvalayapida
is killed in front of Kamsa's
palace271.
T he sad-
142
_____
-- Ni
167
Krishna vanquishes the h t
maddened elephant ;e
167 a
Krishna kills Kuvalaya- 1: . . .:
pida, Bhuri Singh J s ti .hea wit
Museum, Chamba
dled animal, having perhaps stormed out of the royal gateway, falls to the ground on his
front legs, hitting his forehead on the ground. Krishna removes both his tusks, handing one
over to Balarama; he then jumps from the elephant's trunk on to his forehead, and it is
then that not only the life of the elephant but also that of his driver leaves them (on PI. 167a).
SCENE 24: KRISH NA KILLS KING KAMSA
In the darbar-hall of King Kamsa's palace (PI. 168), the finale of this drama is reached. T o
the left, Krishna grasps the king from his tuft of hair and delivers a blow to his head with
the elephant tusk. Kamsa -dressed in an decorated jama-coat
-does not even get the
opportunity to draw his dagger; his turban falls to the ground, trailing across the edge of
the register and dangling in the water seen at the base of the mural. Krishna places his
foot upon Kamsa's knee, pressing him down into the seat of the silver throne shown here
standing in profile on a striped carpet.
T here is great turmoil that is seen between the two columns and arches of the royal
chamber: four courtiers have drawn their enormously long swords or reach for their dag-
gers,
in defence of their
king.
T he scene is quite dramatically rendered and must have looked splendid when
painted. Even now, however, after all the loss of pigments, it looks magnificent, for one
is still able to see the quality of the composition and the outlines.
143
"' ",:;:':*;.^>' ;::..'..._
T he palace looks like a late Mughal structure with arches272, turrets, screen win-
dows, crescent-shaped roofs, pinnacles and cupolas, and architectural forms character-
istic of the mid-17th century273. T he lime-plaster surface of the walls appears richly deco-
rated, and on the floor of the reception hall a splendid carpet is laid out.
With the triumph of Krishna over his arch enemy, Kamsa, the narrative here comes to an
end in the bottom left corner. T he H arivamsha274 places this climactic event inside the
wrestling arena that Kamsa had built for himself and his household,
? a free standing plat-
form... embellished with octagonal columns, exquisitely carved windows, and stout
doors.... with bright turrets.. .and glittering festoons and flapping curtains. Kamsa's own
platform with its columns ornamented with splendidly worked gold leaf, (was) heavily
draped with garlands of flowers.))
T his is the setting where Krishna kills Kamsa. T he H arivamsha narrates275:))T hen
with one lion-like leap, all conquering Krishna bounded up from the arena floor towards
Kamsa's high seat.... T aking Kamsa's hair in an iron grip, Krishna dragged him down into
the dirt. H is diamond studded crown crashed to one side. H eld by the hair, gasping for
breath, Kamsa could not see his tormentor's face. T he king's mind was deranged, his body
disfigured as Krishna... tossed the lifeless corpse to one side.... Between them Balarama
and Krishna had dispatched every foe, because Balarama had crushed Kamsa's villainous
brother with his bare hands. T he two brothers... had freed Mathura completely from
Kamsa's thrall.?
From the narrative, the painter of the Devi-Kothi-mural chooses as the final scene
the dramatic moment when Krishna siezes Kamsa's hair and lifts his arm to deliver the
deadly blow with the elephant's tusk. H e leaves Balarama out of the scene, but does hint
at the fight that ensued with the dying king's courtiers276.
When Laharu of Chamba depicts this event (PI. 168a)277, he includes three scenes
in one painting: Kamsa is grabbed by Krishna and thrown to the ground; his head receives
the blow by the tusk; and finally, he drags the lifeless corpse out of the palace by the hair.
168
Krishna kills Kamsa
168 a
Krishna kills Kamsa
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
144
T H E NARRAT IVE SEQUENCE IN AT IME ANDPLACE FRAME
If we (read> the portrayed events correctly, the following sequencing
is seen:
T he top register:
1. At Kamsa's court
2. T he order is conveyed
3. Krishna's birth
4. T he exchange of the babies
5. T he celebration of Krishna's birth
6. Yashoda receives Krishna
In this register the narration starts in the top left corner with the evil King Kamsa: Krishna
will be born to kill him in Mathura. And it ends with Krishna's birth and his safe passage
to Gokula. From the point of view of the sequence in the narrative, scenes 5 (birth) and
6 (celebration of birth) should be interchanged.
T he second register:
7. Devaki before Kamsa
8. T he attempt to kill the girl/Devi
9. Life at the herders' camp
10. Krishna is tied to the mortar
11. Krishna kills the whirlwind-demon T rinavarta
12. Krishna kills Putana
H ere, the recounting of events starts from the time when Krishna was a baby. First,
Kamsa's cruel intentions come in, such as ordering the death of the baby-girl; then,
Krishna's early deeds as an infant follow. Only one episode is out of place in the sequence:
in the texts, Putana, (scene 12) suckling the baby, appears before the Damodara-episode
(scene 10); here she is brought in also before Krishna's encounter with T rinavarta
(scene 11).
T he third register:
13. Krishna subdues Kaliya
14. Krishna molests a girl
15. Krishna kills the washerman
16. Krishna kills the python Aghasura
17. Krishna kills the crane Bakasura
18. Krishna and the hunchback
In this register, it is chiefly Krishna's boyhood deeds that are represented. According to
the Bhagavata Purana, the killing of the two asura-demons in animal form, Agha and Baka,
(scenes 16 and 17) happens early in his childhood, before the struggle with the snake
king, Kaliya, takes place (scene 13). Activities such as swimming in the lake and molest-
ing the girls (scene 14) relate ordinarily to his later childhood or even puberty years. Killing
the washerman (scene 15) however, as well as curing the hunchback (scene 18) are
episodes from Krishna's first encounter with urban life in Mathura.
T he bottom register:
19. Churning butter
20. T aking the toll
21. Market activities
22. T he wrestling match
145
23. Krishna vanquishes the maddened elephant
24. Krishna kills King Kamsa
In this final register, the narrative moves differently (as listed above): from right to left.
Everything builds up to the climax, to the final scene of Kamsa's death (scene 24) with
the preparatory events (scenes 22 and 23). T ime-wise, these are interchanged: the ele-
phant is killed (scene 23) in the narrative before the bout with the wrestlers (scene 22).
T he other three episodes (scenes 19-21) might have been introduced to show the fes-
tive atmosphere in the town when a great event takes place. But, obviously, the scene
of (churning butter> (scene 19) accords with the iconography of < Krishna, the butter thief),
an episode related to Krishna's childhood.
From this listing of themes it is evident that the Devi-Kothi-muralist does not adhere
faithfully to the sequence of the episodes as given in the texts, but makes slight modifi-
cations. One can think of several reasons for his choosing to do so. T he entire mural might
have been meant to be seen as a (map> of Mathura and Vraja, the region where Krishna
spent his childhood and youth: the Yamuna river shown flowing diagonally across the pic-
ture from the top to the third register where it diverts and then disappears, serves virtu-
ally as a border between the two regions (see also PI. 169 a, b). It would seem as if the
painter had planned to depict the town of Mathura with King Kamsa's palace and Devaki's
confinement mansion, with its wrestling arena, the market place, and living quarters to
the left of the river, in other words its right bank proper. On the other side, i.e. to the right
of the Yamuna river as we see it
-
the river's left bank proper
-
is the countryside of Vraja,
the region
where Nanda lived and Krishna spent
his boyhood. T his geographical pattern
obtains throughout,
with only three minor exceptions:
the subduing of Kaliya
-
which
takes place
in a pond next to the Yamuna river, possibly
in some kind of (enemy land)
-
is
placed on the (Mathura-side> of the river, whilst the washerman is killed on the river bank
on the (Vraja> side; again, the hunchback episode
has been moved to the extreme right,
thus extending the (Mathura side) to the right
border. T here
might
be aesthetic reasons
behind these decisions: the
Kubja
scene consists of two sequential parts, as does the
episode of Krishna suckling Putana, placed above them. Both stories complement
each
other well, not only compositionally,
but also thematically.
T his (geographical pattern) would open up the possibility
of (reading)
the scene-or-
ganization
in another order: 1-2-3-7-8-15-18-22-23-24 for Mathura based pictures,
and
4-5-6-12-11-10-9-17-16-14-13 for episodes taking place
in
Vraja.
But the option
of
reading the sequences thus still does not explain the shift from right-to-left to left-to-right.
It is self-evident that the Devi-Kothi Master
-
undoubtedly a highly skilled man, a
really great muralist
-
invested much thought in the composition of the mural as a whole,
not content simply with placing one scene (as learned from workshop-owned sketches)
next to the other278, and following a time-and/or place-frame dictated by the narrative
text, familiar with the various episodes as all the viewers must have been279. T here are
compositional concerns, and these concerns become evident in details such as his posi-
tioning the sequential parts of an episode to make full use of the available space. T he
whirlwind and hunchback episodes both start at the left and end at the right. T he Putana
scene, the exchange of Krishna in Nanda's house, and the celebratory music following
his birth, are on the other hand turned around, starting at the right and finishing at left.
A few compositional principles employed by the muralist are also obvious: in all the
four corners of the mural, he has placed some sort of architectural setting: King Kamsa's
palace and his pavilion at the top and bottom left, Nanda's and the (butter churning lady's)
mansion at the top and bottom right. T hese, and the diagonally flowing Yamuna, would
have become fixed points and given the lines he may have started with when sketching
his composition on the wall. Since the bottom register was reserved for events in Mathura,
the flow of the Yamuna is stopped above the point where the river has been diverted to
146
169 a, b
Diagonally flowing river
Chamba-rumal,
embroidery (fragment),
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
Ramayana-painting,
Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba
Kaliya's pond on the left. T he washerman and demons appear close to the water-source
on the river's bank, which again is indicated on the panel above by the fountain scene at
Nanda's camp. H ere, at the well, the camp-kitchen represents the center of Vraja around
which Krishna's childhood episodes are located.
It is rewarding to see what the painter has depicted in this unique mural, but it is
also revealing to ponder upon what he has omitted, and to speculate about his possible
reasons. Most astonishingly, (Krishna lifting Mount Govardhan) and the following (Sub-
mission of Indra)
-
long chapters, both in the H arivamsha and the Bhagavata Purana
-
are episodes that don't figure in the mural at all. Ordinarily, these are regarded as highly
important events in which Krishna establishes his supremacy even over the gods who
have powers over the forces of nature, like Indra, from whom Krishna forcefully wrested
his right of being worshipped by the herders and their families280. T he theme is treated
with great prominence in nearly all visualisations of the Bhagavata Purana narrative by
painters of Pahari workshops (like Mankot281, Basohli282 and, certainly, Guler283). But what
was happening in the Chamba workshops we know little about, for there are no early ver-
sions of this scene on paper that have come down. Archer, writing284 about the one that
was available, remarks that it is ( listed by Vogel as part of the Bhagavata Purana-series285
of about 1745-50 (of Laharu's workshop, but (it is) clearly either a later interpolation or
from a separate series. In style (it is) an obvious continuation of the Guler strand in Chamba
painting...)) T he only representation of (Krishna lifting Mount Govardhana> from an 18th
century Chamba workshop known to us, is the simple rendering thereof in the circum-
ambulatory mural in Gand-Dehra.
Minor themes not picked out by the Devi-Kothi-muralist, even though narrated in
the H arivamsha at length, include, for instance, (T he beauty of the landscape), (T he send-
ing of wolves), (Krishna's slaying of the ass Dhenuka, the bull Arishta, and the horse
Keshin>, (Balarama killing the demon Pralamba), and, of course, Krishna's other en-
chanting deeds like (Krishna playing the flute), (Krishna dancing to delight), or his
amorous play with the women of Vraja leading to their (finding pleasure in Krishna's
arms))286: a theme to which the Bhagavata Purana devotes so much space under the ti-
tle, (Lord Krishna's rasa with Gopis>287. From the later part of the narrative, the entire
story of (Akrura fetching Krishna) has been left out; and the Bhagavata Purana holds many
more stories in petto which the muralist could have rendered: among them, the (Res-
cue from the forest fire) and the (Swallowing of the flames), the (Pilfering of the gopis'
clothes), (Krishna and the Brahmins' wives) etc., themes quite common in Pahari paint-
147
ings in general, but also available in the form of drawings and paintings of the Chamba
workshops of earlier times.
All this can only lead one to the thought that the Master of the Devi-Kothi planned
his large composition with great care, making a very personal selection of themes288 and
placing them in a visually meaningful sequence. T o what extent the patron would have
had a say in these decisions of his shall always perhaps, remain unknown. No prepara-
tory sketches or drawings after the completion of the mural that might have been kept
in the muralist's family workshop seem to have survived, or at least have come to light
yet. And,
most unfortunately, we do not know of even a single painting on paper done in
this master's personal style.
Note on
pigments, technique
and the muralist
Unfortunately,
it has not been possible
to carry out a scientific analysis of the plaster, sur-
face treatment, or colours used in the Devi-Kothi murals. We were not equipped or pre-
pared for taking samples or examining painting materials on the spot. What is stated be-
low therefore is based on visual examination, and we have of course drawn upon what
we know from academic work and the painters' traditions in Chamba289.
It is likely that the cella walls of the Devi-Kothi temple were built using roughly
dressed local stone and a small amount of mud-mortar: all the houses in the village
are
built that way.
On the outsides of the walls, two layers of a specially prepared plaster
have been laid, one over the other, starting
with plaster comprising chuna-lime290,
surkhi-
powdered
burnt clay291, and fibres from the dhamman-tree (Grewia vestita). T hese fibres
were prepared using twigs soaked in water for months until they disintegrate; hemp
fi-
bres could also have been used. T he result is a hard, pinkish
but still slightly
malleable
plaster,
which was applied
about 12 to 16 mm thick. T his appears
then to have been given
a 3 mm thick coating of umedgi292, consisting essentially of lime in preparation
for the
murals. T raditional craftsmen in Chamba293 testify to the use of calcium-rich cowry shells,
curds and mash-or
mung-lentils together
with the customary lime; but this time they
omitted sand, fibres, and surkhi. Making umedgi,
the material is first ground
to a fine paste
by using a grinding
stone and then allowed to rot for three to four days. Proper slaking
takes a period
of at least three weeks. T his
plaster
is then carefully pressed
to the wall
using trowels and finally
burnished with a
pebble.
T he surface becomes white, smooth,
and lustrous.
Seen against other mural-grounds
in the Pahari region, the plaster prepared
in Devi-
Kothi seems to be one the finest294: shining, hard, and surprisingly strong, it has survived
all these centuries with hardly any cracks or deterioration.
We did not find a third layer serving as a general priming
of the ground before the
first sketches were prepared.
In fact, even when photographs
taken of the details where
the pigments
had deteriorated and the blank ground reappeared
were enlarged, we did
not find any compositional drawing.
In a few cases we saw pentimenti,
but it seems that
the first compositional sketch on the walls was done
-
if at all
-
with a fugitive material,
such as charcoal or very thin geru-red
ochre.
PIGMENT S ANDAPPLICAT ION OF PIGMENT S
It is likely that the muralist worked on the Devi-Kothi temple with a limited palette, using
only eight to ten colours295. Four earth pigments
can be identified: geru-red ochre296, pili
mitti-yellow ochre, singraf-or hungu/-vermilion297 (cinnabar) and hirmichi-red298. In addition
sindur-red lead299, safeda-white lead300, and kajal-black lamp soot were used, and proba-
bly also, harital-yellow orpiment301.
T he blue is by now nearly completely gone, but it is
likely that nil/-indigo and not lapis lazuli or azurite302 was used. It is unclear whether zinc
white was available.
148
169 c
Chamba-rumal
embroidery (detail),
Bhuri Singh
Museum, Chamba
In general, the colour-scheme of the Devi-Kothi murals seems to have consisted of:
black, blue, grey, dark red, crimson, pink, brown, yellow, and two kinds of white, with some
mixtures also used. In the donor's portrait, for instance, traces of gold shine when re-
flecting sunlight and in some spots we felt that a silverish pigment303 had been used al-
beit sparingly, for enhancing the lustre of royal garments. We do not know how the Devi-
Kothi muralist prepared these pigments304, or wherefrom all the raw materials were
obtained.
T he painted layers are quite thin, the colours therefore often appearing translucent.
Only the red and white pigments have a stronger opacity than the others. Large areas
have remained off-white, being of the same tone as the surface plaster coating.
It is unlikely that the muralist would have wet the ground slightly with a sponge be-
fore starting painting: experience shows that finely ground pigments305 do not penetrate
the (lime) base on damp ground. Gum
-
less likely, glue
-
was always required as a bind-
ing material for murals as in Devi-Kothi306.
We do not know much about how the painter proceeded when producing the Devi-
Kothi mural. What kind of compositional drawing or cartoon he used, in other words, what
he had first sketched on the wall, in which sequence he painted, how he laid the colours,
how he added details, drew the final outlines, added details of jewellery, gave life to the
figures by painting in the eyes etc..
Obviously, the muralist gave some kind of wash using a broad brush for the bands,
and other larger areas indicating ground and grass with green307, and water with grey. But
he worked ordinarily with a fine, pointed brush, which enabled him to draw thin, crisp lines.
It might finally be remarked that all the three murals bear the general look of mon-
umental, oversized rumals
-
decorative textiles that one knows well from Chamba: off-
white cotton cloths embroidered with variegated silk threads
-
permanently fixed to the
wall. T he colourful floral border with its trellis patterns, flowers and bell-shapes, the white
background, the singled-out, figures with an accent on the contours, are all characteris-
tics which endured in these embroideries long after the style of pictures had changed,
and atmospheric backgrounds, complex and realistically rendered scenes had become
fashionable in the painters' workshops of Chamba as well (see PI. 169 a and c).
T H E MURALIST
While working at Devi-Kothi and, later, with the photographs taken there, we tried hard
to figure out how many masters or hands were involved in working on the murals. Since
the inscription (see p. 157ff) speaks of two tarkhan-carpenters, Gurdev and Jhanda, there
is clearly the possibility that the two masters (together of course with members of their
respective workshops) divided the work between themselves, and were responsible both
for the wooden relief-work as well as the painting of the murals. It is also possible at the
same time that one of them took charge of the two Devi-murals, while the Krishna-wall
was allotted to the other one, together with the space at the entrance. A tarkhan-chela
-
carpenter's apprentice
-
may also have been involved in the work, in
painting for instance
the borders and doing simpler tasks on the murals, even though the inscription makes no
such mention. But we did not find enough evidence for such division of labour (except in
the lower red-brown border, clearly work of lesser quality, which could well have been
done by a less skilled person). Whatever the work-organization between the masters
mentioned in the inscription was like, we are not yet able to conclude anything about the
pattern of labour-division that might have obtained.
149
170 171
T he aristocratic T he beautiful
king Kamsa demoness Putana
150
172
Krishna is born
to royal parents
151
i
U1 V 0x
-
t
173
T he tiger, representing
the presence
of the Goddess
152
-. .. ---.. -.-- - .. - . -- --'. .. - -4 .,,- -.- . -. --- .. _1W.. ."e. -.- - ..
'.- .. - ;,w
174
T he goddess Yogmaya
emanating flames
153
175
A market scene
176
Wrestling match
154
177
T wo arrogant courtiers
178
Rural musicians
,.~. .~:,~~,,. " .
~'--'--
,---'' '.'!"
:';
-
"',:.">~;~-;.~k,":"
155
179
T he fight in king
Kamsa's darbar-hall
156
T he
inscription
r<- .> ;llr
t'
$
Ae.*ewr..- z; l
:;
':
S..;
.
. : -
-%~i:-,-
r ,.....i_l
Above the heads of the two monumental dvarapala figures at the entrance two lines of
a T akri inscription are to be found, chiselled in and coloured red on a white background.
T he words in the inscription are clear and legible, and were transliterated by Vogel
(1911:207) thus:
(Right panel)
((S. 30 bhadro pra.
21 nagayata atha je sri maharaje umed singhe
sri devi chamunda da
dehar paya. dehare da sirdar sri miyan bisan singh.
(Left panel)
(H ajari nilhedi ghaya suglal jhagdu. trakhan gudeva jhada.
batehda helu debu gathir dyal.
poh pra. 29 savat likhya. subham. )
T his reading was corrected by Vogel himself later to read:
(Right panel)
( S. 30 bhadro pra.
21
lagayata
atha
je
sri maharaje umed singhe
sri devi chamunda da dehra
paya. dehre da sardar sri miyan
bisan singh.)
180 a
T he Devi-Kothi
inscription (part 1)
180 b
T he Devi-Kothi
inscription (part 2)
(Left panel)
(
H ajari nilheri ghamyam sunglal jhagru. trakhan gurdevjhanda.
batehda helu debu gathir
dyal. poh pra. 29 samvat likhya. subham.?
T his inscription was first translated by Vogel (1911: 207), and then slightly
modified
by
Ohri
(1976: Appendix II), thus: ((ln the (Sastra samvat) year 30 (and the month of) Bhadon
157
- .
:11.- . -7; .
.
04%,:.
'.
: IP
ik-
41
. :: z,
-"' A
': --'
.1 ..% 0
00-
"":
(Bhadro) 21, on that date the illustrious Maharaja Umed Singh has built the temple of the
Goddess Chamunda. T he Superintendent (sardar) of the temple (was) the illustrious Mian
Bisan Singh, the stewards (were) Ghamyam the Nilheri, and Jhagru of Sungal; the car-
penters were Gurdev and Jhanda, the stone mason Debu of H ail, and the chela (oracle)
Dyal. Written on the 29th of Poh(sh).
-
Bliss.))
Discussion
T he identity of the donor
-
Raja Umed Singh of Chamba (ruled A. D. 1748 to 1764)
-
and
the date given308
-
A. D. 1754
-
are clear and undisputed. From it, Raja Umed Singh of
Chamba emerges as the builder of this temple on the outskirts of his domains, and is re-
ferred to with the more grandiloquent title309 of a (Maharaja).
T he person placed in charge of the construction was a (Mian), a Rajput noble, by
the name of Bisan Singh310 of whom nothing else is known. H e must have assigned the
actual work to two hazari stewards: Ghamyam, who is called <<the Nilheri31)), and Jha-
gru, <<a man of the village Sungal)), a place in the area of Saho, about 4 km away from
Chamba town, inhabited mainly by Gaur-Brahmins. Nothing further is known about these
men from the historical documents that have survived.
T he last person mentioned in the inscription is the chela-oracle, but surprisingly, not
the priest in charge of worshipping the idol in the Devi-temple. A chela is the man who
becomes possessed and acts as the (voice) of the Goddess (see p. 167). Unfortunately,
we do not know where this Dyal hailed from312, or how and if he is related to the oracle
officiating at the temple nowadays.
Among the craftsmen involved in the building of the temple, the names of two car-
penters and one mason are given313. T he mason was called in from the village H ail, which
is situated in the vicinity of Devi-Kothi along the path leading via the Sach-pass to Pangi.
At this point, no information other than this is available about this craftsman and his fam-
ily. T he two tarkhan carpenters
-
responsible in all likelihood for all the woodwork, as
also, possibly, for the paintings
-
named are Gudevor Gurdev, and Jhada or Jhanda. Un-
fortunately, their sub-caste or gotra is not mentioned. But through the work by
B.N. Goswamy (1989:187) on the genealogies of Chamba painters' families, and his re-
construction of the family tree of the Manikanth tarkhan caste, in particular their Sandal
branch, the name of one carpenter by the name <(Gurdas >>
emerges. H is father was Gan-
gadas, his grandfather Sarup, the youngest brother of Nathu (who flourished in c. 1686
A.D.), Fattu, and Gorakhu. T he last mentioned also had a son, Nathu, and a grandson,
Mahesh. It is this name that we connect with quite a number of paintings prepared in
Chamba in the Raja Umed Singh period314 and it is quite possible that the tarkhan Gurdev
mentioned in the Devi-Kothi inscription is the same person as Gurdas315, the younger
cousin of Mahesh. If it is he who was responsible for the murals or the ceiling-reliefs, his
work was clearly contemporary with Mahesh's. T his looks fairly probable, even though
stylistically, the Devi-Kothi murals are
slightly
more
(Mughalized), more in tune with the
times than Mahesh's ceuvre.
No carpenter named Jhanda, from a Chamba based tarkhan family, however, was
within our awareness. T he name does not find mention in the genealogies
-
documented
... . . ......
.-'~~, :
'...
.4~~~_
-
,
--
::: ~.~ Kothi temple
158
182
Bahi-pilgrim-register
of Pandit Ram Raj o ,* .i .
of Pehowa mentioning
the carpenter-painter
Jhanda (photo .and ,r/, fi
Vijay Sharma, 2001)
..
by B. N. Goswamy -of the Chamba-based workshops, with their family-center in the small
town Mehla. Fortunately, Vijay Sharma was recently able to consult the bahi pilgrim-reg-
isters of Pandit Ram Raj of Pehowa (in H aryana), while looking for painters' names from
the former State of Chamba. H e found (s. PI. 182)a group of tarkhan-chitehre
-
carpen-
ter-cum-painters -who had settled (in the 18th century) in the village Chachiha near
Palampur in the Pathiar area, which then belonged to Chamba State316. Even though the
name of that village is not indicated in this brief inscription, this can be assumed, for all
the names recorded on this page of the bahi are of people settled in the village Chachiha.
T he entry runs:
((T rakhan-chatare: jhanda, thakru, joravaru bete kusyal ke pote bholu ke//Ramsahayi, shib-
dyal, harjas jahru ke pote bhulu ke//Kudu thakru ka, pota kusyal ka. ))
In translation, this would read:
((Carpenter-painters: Jhanda, T hakru and Zorawar, sons of Kusyal and grandsons of
Bholu.//Ramsahayi, Shibdyal and H arjas, sons of Jahru and grandsons of Bhulu [Bholu].//
Kudu, son of T hakru and grandson of Kusyal. )
T here was thus at least a carpenter-painter by the name of Jhanda, son of Kusyal and
grandson of Bholu, settled in Chachiha, a village at the border of Chamba and Kangra, lo-
cated in a region much contested between these two kingdoms. But we know nothing
more than this about him. It might be useful, however, to keep two art-historical details
in mind: (1) T he glossy stucco of the Devi-Kothi mural is quite different from the one usu-
ally seen in 18th century wall coating used for painting in Chamba, and it is well possible
that this knowledge travelled from Kangra/Guler with a painter like Jhanda of Chachiha
from the periphery of Chamba to the capital; (2) Portraits prepared for the court of Raja
Umed Singh and his successor were made by a variety of artists trained in different work-
shop idioms and styles317; it can be assumed therefore that, in this period, painters from
a number of villages from the border region of Chamba (and beyond), and not necessar-
ily belonging to the Gujarati manikanth group of Chamba painters, tried to establish them-
selves at the Chamba court.
Since, in the Devi Kothi inscription, Gurdev
figures first, and Jhanda after him, Gur-
dev must have been considered the senior of the two, receiving perhaps
even a
larger
reward from the patron for his efforts. T he stone-mason Debu is described as coming
159
from a village
-
H ail
-
and not from the capital
town of Chamba from where all the offi-
cials and, even the carpenters perhaps came, or else their places of origin would have
found mention in the inscription too.
T here is no mention in the inscription of which craftsman was in charge of which
work. We do not know therefore who carved the
fagade
or the reliefs of the coffered-ceil-
ing, or who painted the murals. T he (( mason)) must of course have been responsible for
work on the foundation, the platform, the cella: everything involving (stone)-work in other
words. And it is well possible that the rough joining of the roof construction, not the (artis-
tic work), was also done by him. In the Pahari area, generally, members of the tarkhan-
carpenter caste do all kinds of wood work (from the production of household utensils to
furniture, from the construction of doors, railings, and windows to turning and lacing, re-
lief cutting and gilding). (Painting) on wood, walls and, finally, on paper became, only over
time, a matter of specialization among tarkhans, or carpenters318, in many parts of India.
It is therefore likely that the carpenters here
-
Gurdev and Jhanda
-
were in charge of
the (embellishment> of the temple in its entirety, comprising both of relief-work in wood,
and of murals. But we still do not have any indication of who did what. On stylistic grounds,
it may be possible in general to distinguish the hands of different masters; but here, to
whom these ((hands)> belonged can only be a matter of speculation.
160
T he life and times of
Raja Umed Singh,
builder of Devi-Kothi
Raja
Umed Singh (born A. D. 1725), the builder of the Chamunda Devi temple in Devi-Kothi,
had to face, after the death of his father, Raja Ugar Singh, in A.D. 1735, great adversity
for a long period of time319. Dalel Singh, an uncle of the young prince, became the ruler
of Chamba State with the help and intervention of the Raja of Jammu and the Mughal
183
Raja Umed Singh
of Chamba
(Museum Rietberg
Zurich)
161
Governor at Lahore, Zakaria Khan, who was favourably inclined towards Dalel Singh, and
kept Umed Singh and his younger brother Shamsher Singh320 detained in political con-
finement at Lahore. T he two princes remained there until A.D. 1748, and it is well possi-
ble that during this period Umed Singh turned, in utter despair, to the saviour-goddess,
Chamunda, worshipping her and asking for her divine help. Zakaria Khan died in the year
A.D. 1745 and Umed Singh's well-wishers at Chamba won the governor's successor, Mir
Mannu, over in 1748, offering him
-
it is said
-
the sum of one lakh rupees in payment
for freeing Umed Singh and having him installed as the Raja of Chamba. 1748, inciden-
tally, is the year in which
-
according to an inscription on a Balwant Singh painting by Nain-
sukh321
-
Mir Mannu ((defeated the Pathans). It is not known if Umed Singh played any
role in that battle, but it is entirely possible that he was then in danger of his life (see also
p. 171). T he recitation of the Chandipath was therefore begun at Chamba under royal or-
ders. H ermann Goetz mentions322 that, in 1748, conditions were already so bad in the
plains that this special recitation of the sacred text had to be resorted to as a prayer for
the raja's safe return from Lahore. One knows of a copper-plate grant, dated January 22,
1749, which was issued323 by Raja Umed Singh
-
soon after attaining his freedom, and
the gaddi-throne of Chamba
-
in favour of Pandit Chakrapani Sharma <<as honorarium for
the recitation of the chandi (path by him)... on the occasion of (the king's visit to/return
from) Lahore.))
Later in life, Raja Umed Singh built two palaces at Chamba in the then contempo-
rary style of (Mughal) architecture, and a third one at the village Rajnagar, where his son
Raj Singh was born in A.D. 1755. T his palace was destroyed in A.D. 1775 when Raja Am-
rit Pal of Basohli attacked Chamba. T he two town palaces, however, can still be seen
(PI. 184) though much in them has been altered. One of them is referred to as the Rang
Mahal in Chamba: built in the style of that period, its walls were sumptuously decorated
with murals324. T he other palace is known as Akhandachandi ( Khanchandl), meaning
(( con-
tinuous recital of the Chandipath), i.e. the palace where the sacred text extolling the God-
dess Chandi (or Chamunda) was recited without any break325. Interestingly, it was a hymn
to the Devi and not to the state deity Vishnu (Lakshminarayana), which was considered
of the greatest efficacy in those dire times.
184
T he old palace of
Chamba, built partly by
Raja Umed Singh
(2000)
185
Courtyard inside the
old palace of Chamba
(in 2000)
185 a
Raja
on a balcony
attributed to the
painter Mahesh
(Alice Boner collection)
Museum Rietberg
Zurich
162
e7 lw~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:
Raja Umed Singh (ruled A.D. 1748-1764) ((who was a just ruler and an able ad-
ministrator)) (H utchison-Vogel, 1933: 313) and ((whose first years were comparatively
peaceful)) reigned at a time when, (Goetz, 1969: 118) ((after the cession of the Panjab to
Ahmad Shah Durrani in A. D. 1752, the central (Mughal) administration collapsed in the
hills.... T he disappearance of foreign overlordship and new conquests aroused (in Raja
Umed Singh) feelings of self-confidence)) and ((the initiative for new construction of
palaces and temples alike...: In Mehla, a shikhara stone shrine, decorated with archaic
Mughal ornaments... at Devi-Kothi in Churah A.D. 1754 the wooden Chamunda temple
was erected..., in Chamba town the Khanchandi Palace was built..., the (foundations of
the326) Rangmahal... and the
Rajnagar
Palace at Nada, both in provincial Mughal style,
were completed in A.D. 1755..., to the State Kothi in Brahmor a wing covered with fig-
ural reliefs in a Mughal style was added)) etc. It seems that up till A.D. 1758 Raja Umed
Singh was fortunate as a ruler and very active as a builder, but in the following years he
became more and more involved in armed conflicts forced upon him by many of his neigh-
bours. When Raja Umed Singh died in A.D. 1764, ((39 years old and in the 16th year of
his reign, he left orders that no rani was to become satiat his funeral. ))327
163
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)# ~ ~tA ~ i I
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.,
l
,
- "
_
H
-
I CD
s o
o '
0 0
0I
0
0
. I,
.', I
*A.-i
I#.1
..,-
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,
rvq /
Chamunda or Kali temples
T he worship of the all-powerful goddess, Kali, i.e. Chamunda, has always been very pop-
ular in the Pahari region. Scores of surviving temples, often unassuming structures, ded-
icated to this goddess in the erstwhile kingdom of Chamba, bear testimony to the faith
of the rulers and the people in her.
In the 18th century, the state of Chamba was divided into 84 administrative units
-
or into 72 around 1846328-known as parganas329. T heir number fell to 52 in the beginning
of the 20th century. Each such sub-division had a (State kothi) as headquarters: to serve
as the office of the pargana-officials, known as kamdars or kardars, for the collection of
revenue in kind, and to serve for the stay of the touring State officers. Apart from the
Chamunda-temples in most of the villages and towns, each state-kothi had a small shrine
for the Goddess Chamunda-Kali, or, in some cases, just a niche in the wall, where the
Goddess was offered daily worship.
A shrine to Chamunda-Kali in another state building, provides a telling example of
the purpose behind setting up such shrines in state buildings. T he Chamba State passed
under the control of the British in the year 1846, and, in the last quarter
of the 19th cen-
tury, barracks were constructed towards the southern side of Chamba town for the
State forces. But even here, in the building housing the office of the Commandant of
State Forces, a small portion was set apart to be used as a shrine for the Goddess Kali:
the building is now used as the office of the Superintendent of Police, Chamba District.
T he shrine of the Goddess still exists there and is quite popular amongst the staff of
the police.
In the case of this Bhalaie-Kothi, the stone idol of Kali under worship there is more
than two centuries old, even though the kardar kothi-revenue office which existed there
till about two decades ago, has now disappeared altogether without leaving a trace. A
(modern) temple has been constructed, with the entire former
Kali-temple's campus serv-
ing its various requirements.
T here is no gainsaying the fact that the worship of the Goddess Chamunda (Kali)
was, and continues to remain, popular
in Chamba. A temple to the
goddess was built in
Chamba town on the southern side, on a ridge, in the early 18th century. Raja Raj Singh,
the son and successor of Raja Umed Singh rebuilt this, because the former
-
Vogel
writes330
-
paid special veneration to Chamunda Devi, and she promised him an addition
of twelve years of life and the honour of dying in battle, as he desired. A series of illus-
trations of the Devimahatmya was painted in
Raja Raj Singh's time by local painters in
Chamba331 (see PI. 143 e-h).
All the major temples of Chamba State and those popular with the local people, in-
cluding the temple at the village Devi-Kothi, were owners of substantial agricultural land
which had been transferred to them by the rulers on various occasions. T he income from
these lands, and the offerings made by the worshippers, provided enough funds for the
suitable maintenance of the shrines, as also for the expenses necessary for the daily rit-
uals, as well as the periodical functions, held at them. Some people, generally those who
were issueless, also used to transfer the title of a part of the land owned by them to the
temples332.
T he overall management and the supervision of accounts and the properties of
these major or popular temples in the State of Chamba, were entrusted to a Manager of
165
T emples who held office in the premises of the
Lakshminarayana-temple
at Chamba town
and worked with a small staff of assistants. A senior officer of the State Secretariat usu-
ally worked part-time as the Manager of
temples. Accounts in
respect
of various
temples,
and the particulars of the properties and precious objects owned
by them, were
kept in
the office of the Manager of T emples.
Offerings at the temples received in the form of ornaments of gold and silver, not
required on a daily basis, were also deposited for safekeeping with the Management at
the
Lakshminarayana-temple. Devotees usually offer silver or brass parasols called chhat-
tar at the Devi-temples. Whenever the numbers of such chattars
pile up
at a
temple, they
are sent to the
Manager of the
Lakshminarayana-temple333.
T here was another fund for the temples, which was administered
by the
Manager
with the sanction of the State Government or
according to the seals and purposes ap-
proved by the State. T he State used to charge a cess called dharmartha, calculated at
the rate of two paisa per rupee of the octroi levied on merchandise at the
entry points
of major bridges. T he rate of octroi was fixed per pack-pony and the rate for a cloth-loaded
pony was double that of the other goods. One recalls that the incidence of octroi in all
hill states was usually high. T his consolidated fund could be used for all the
temples
being looked after by the Management according to their
needs, though the major part
of these funds was usually spent on the temple of Lakshminarayana, the premier temple
of the State.
T he share of the consolidated dharmartha-fund received, and the income of the in-
dividual temples through sources detailed above, ensured their efficient
functioning. T he
pujari-priests and other temple attendants, bearing designations according to the duties
to be discharged by them, and the musicians at the
temples were regularly given finan-
cial support. T he musicians serving the temples were known by the caste name of Bainsi,
and usually some agricultural lands owned by the temple were allotted to them.
T he Princely States falling in the hilly region of the Panjab and Shimla were brought
together and
integrated in 1948, to form the State of H imachal Pradesh in the Indian Re-
public. According to the Land Reform legislation introduced in H imachal Pradesh in the
1950s, the farmers could now become the owners of the land on which they were work-
ing, against payment of nominal charges. T he legislation soon deprived the original own-
ers, including the temples, of a regular source of income. Several changes in the day-to-
day functions of the temples in Chamba district occurred after the land reform laws came
into force, except in the case of those which were still popular with the people of a wider
area than just a village: temples such as the Devi-Kothi, for
example.
Even after Chamba ceased to exist as a princely state and became a district of the
state of H imachal Pradesh, the old arrangement relating to temple management contin-
ued, with some modifications. A management committee, headed by the Deputy Com-
missioner of the district, now exercises managerial control over the functions of the tem-
ples. T he Manager of T emples is now usually a retired government employee, possessing
some administrative experience and is a native as well as a resident of Chamba town.
And of course, he must belong to the Brahmin class! T he
committee, which has no funds
to administer other than those
belonging to the temples
-
usually a small income
-
is en-
trusted with the job of
ensuring their smooth
functioning.
T he
Archaeological Survey of
India,
or the State
Archaeological Department, now
undertakes the maintenance and repairs of most of the ancient temples. T he charge of
the upkeep of the Chamunda-temple of Devi-Kothi is with the latter department. For the
past
two
decades, this
department has
kept posted two <Monument Attendants> at the
place,
but far more care and attention are needed than two untrained and
uncaring at-
tendants can
possibly provide.
For this
temple,
it should be
realized, is no
ordinary build-
ing:
it is a structure without a
parallel
in these hills, and a monument that each genera-
tion should hold dear to its
heart, and take
pride
in.
166
T he management
of the Devi-Kothi temple
When the land distribution pattern was ascertained for the Census of India 1961 in Devi-
Kothi, Chamunda Devi was still the biggest landholder in the village334. Out of a total of
118 acres of cultivated area in Devi-Kothi, the Goddess owned 65,5 acres
-
the Goddess
owned another 26 acres of land, but in the villages of Sanol and
Chalaunj
-, which cus-
tomarily, had been given to local tenants for agricultural purposes. T his land was culti-
vated by members of all castes who could transfer their rights to their children, but the
land owned by the Devi could not be sold or mortgaged by these tenants. T herefore, about
half a century ago, less than 50 % of the land around Devi-Kothi was privately owned by
56 families. But the full rights over this temple-land were passed on to the agriculturists
soon after 1965, with Arya and Rajput families receiving the largest shares of these rather
productive fields. T he main kharif-crop is maize, whilst as rabi-crop, wheat and barley, are
grown along with vegetables and pulses. T he Census of India 1961 (p. 31) mentions that
the village ((is a surplus area and exports surplus food grains to Pangi
in addition to what
is sold
-
or bartered
-
to Gujjar buffalo breeders for milk and ghee.
T he worship of the Goddess takes place on a regular basis in Devi-Kothi every T ues-
day with a short puja performed by the officiating priest.
T he che/a-oracle may become
possessed, beat himself with chains, and make
predictions.
While doing this, the chela
gives the reasons for any misfortunes or disease etc. that have befallen, and offers ad-
vice on how to counter these negative influences.
T raditionally, four Brahmin families share amongst themselves the right to perform
puja
at the Devi-temple. T he Census of India 1961 informs us that one family was always
in charge for six months, whilst four families were in
charge for the other half of the year,
giving no further information about how this division or distribution pattern had come into
being335. T hese religious functions performed by
the priests apart, a temple committee is
formed, consisting of the secretary-cum-president called lakhaniara, and the char, who
distributes the work among the temple servants; both functionaries are Brahmins. T hen
there are two messengers-cum-watchmen called chaukidars who come from the lower
castes. All the four offices or duties are hereditary, and persons can be removed only by
the Lakshminarayana T emple Committee in Chamba town, which has an overarching role
in these matters.
When we visited Devi-Kothi in 2000, the names of the priests given to us were as
follows:
1. Pandit Shivsharan Sharma, of the Kalya gotra
2. Pandit T rilochanram Sharma, of the Gigyan gotra
3. Pandit Jagatram Sharma, of the Gigyan gotra
4. Pandit Jaisingh Sharma, of the Padhiar gotra.
T hese priests informed us that each person performs his duties for one year and then re-
sumes duty after four years, when his turn comes again. If two sons of a priest inherit
the rights, then they share. In such a case, they have to wait eight years until they can
resume their temple-duty again. As far as financial compensations are concerned, the an-
nual April fair and the visit to Chamba is the most rewarding. Fourteen men go there, and
each one is said to receive 5'000 Rupees . In
addition, there are the offerings and dona-
167
tions made by the devotees, which are equally distributed among the right-sharers. Every
year the same musicians from Devi-Kothi
-
all of them belonging to the lower castes
-
travel to Chamba. T he che/a-oracle forms part of the group as well.
T here is only one che/a-oracle who can serve the Devi at one time: no second is al-
lowed in any circumstance. H e is always from the same family, with the son of the old
one taking over most of the time. If there is no son who is suitable for the task, a relative
is adopted for the purpose, but this does not happen often.
T he offerings made to the Goddess of Devi-Kothi are, in the main, agricultural prod-
ucts (ghee and grain) and animals that are sacrificed on the spot. T raditionally, <(fresh ghee
is not consumed by a villager for the first 15 days unless a seeror so has been offered to
the Goddess)) (Census 1961:35). T his offering is called ghiar. In addition, the devotees
purchase votive offerings and dedicate them to the Goddess. We were shown (see
PI. 188-191) two old wooden chests in the local godown of the Goddess's temple336, in
187
T he transportable
cult-image from Devi-
Kothi (in Chamba
at Dusserah, 1984)
168
188
H ouse of the Brahmin
family serving the
Goddess in Devikothi
(in 2000)
189
Opening the treasure
box of the Goddess
(in 2000)
190
Votive offerings
in wood and clay and
copper belonging to
the Goddess of Devi-
Kothi (in 2000)
191
Votive offerings
in brass and copper
belonging to the
Goddess of Devi-Kothi
(in 2000)
which are kept, always in the custody of the temple priest, the following objects that have
been donated to the temple over the last 30 years or so: (a) jhari-brass vessels with a
spout, (b) gadua-round copper vessels with narrow necks, sometimes with an attached
chhatri-umbrella (for the embellishment of the ridge of the temple roof), (c) dhuri-iron in-
cense burners, (d) ghanta-brass bells with or without handles, (e) ransinga-curved cop-
per horns for blowing on, (f) kahal and karnal-small copper tubas, straight and undeco-
rated. In addition there was (g) a small carved lion and a wooden spoon for yajna-sacrifice,
locally called arghu or sarupa or saru.
169
Names and
legends
of the Goddess of Devi-Kothi
Locally, the goddess of Devi-Kothi is referred to as (Chaund mata), Mother Chamunda: a
vernacular version of the classical term. When people speak of her in Devi-Kothi, other
names are used as well such as (Devi) or (Bhagavati). In the Chamba District, she is called
(Bairbali),
(Bairavali) or (Baira mata>, the One (Lady) from Baira (valley), or the Mother
from Baira (valley).
During our stay at Devi-Kothi in the year 2000, we made inquiries about the origin
and the traditions related to the Devi enshrined in the temple. T here was no coherent
myth, no historical or oral account, that seemed to be currently known or transmitted. In
the early sixties, however, in Devi-Kothi, Ohri was given a detailed account by Sri Devi
Dyal, at that time president of the local Gram Panchayat, which is very similar to what
was published in the village survey report of the Census of India 1961, and which we re-
produce below (with minor abbreviations and changes):
(Devi-Kothi was founded by a Goddess of the Pangi valley.
Once, seven Goddesses who were sisters lived and ruled in Pangi, and there was pros-
perity. But these sisters did not get along with each other in Pangi and wanted to leave
the valley. T hey gathered at Mindhal (the largest village of Pangi) and decided to draw up
a partition of what they owned
-
miraculous powers, land, and other wealth
-
before they
left to settle in other areas. On an auspicious day, six of the sisters sat together and
divided their belongings. T hey did not wait for the seventh sister, thinking that she might
have already gone to some new land without caring about getting her share. But it turned
out that she was only a bit late, as she had gone to a nearby jungle for a walk. When she
returned she found that most assets had already been divided between her six sisters.
Naturally, she was very annoyed and exclaimed that this was not acceptable to her. Either
the property should be re-distributed or the sisters must face the consequences. T he six
knew that incurring the wrath of the seventh sister could be disastrous, but they were
equally reluctant about going through with a re-distribution, which would have diminished
their shares. Fortunately, however one patara-box which contained 36 bahans, a collection
of thousands of miraculous powers, still had to be distributed. T he sisters requested the
seventh to have these 36 bahans as her share and then not insist on a re-distribution. T he
seventh sister agreed and so the issue was settled.
T he sisters then bade each other farewell and departed. One remained in Mindhal
in Pangi, one settled in Luj; the others went to Chhatrari, Brahmaur, T isa, Chamba, and
Jwalamukhi. (All versions do not give the same names; other centers of Devi worship in
the Chamba District and nearby are mentioned as well.)
T he seventh sister, however, started towards the Chaini Pass. She had not gone far
before she met two rakshasa-demons. One was Chand who was ruling the village
Chandyot and the other Mund from the village Mundaipoder. T he Goddess knew she had
to kill them to proceed further, and the demon kings knew that they would lose their rep-
utation if the Goddess succeeded in crossing their village boundaries. T hus, a fight started.
T he Goddess was far more powerful than the demon kings as she possessed 36 bahans.
After a fierce battle she succeeded in beheading both Chand and Mund.
After this battle the Goddess disappeared from the battleground and re-appeared
in Kulsaru-Satar in the shape of seven natural springs. T his village is eight miles away
from Devi-Kothi, and the Goddess remained there for a brief period.
192
T he oldest historian
and story-teller in Devi-
Kothi (in 2000)
170
After a while, a farmer from H ail saw the Goddess in a dream where she told him
that she was a Goddess and that he should come to her. Early in the morning the villager
started towards Kulsaru. T here he saw the Goddess and bowed before her. T he Goddess
blessed him and narrated her story. T he villagers accompanying him were very happy and
asked for her commands. T he Goddess expressed her desire to settle in a calm atmos-
phere with hills surrounding,
but had not yet decided where. So she told the farmer that
he should carry her to any place of his choice that he should consider suitable for her res-
idence, and at which spot he would feel her weight to be the heaviest.
T he farmer placed the Goddess in a basket and covered her with a red cloth. H e
had hoped that the Goddess would settle in his village. So he undertook a journey to-
wards his village. After stopping at various places to rest he reached a point from where
he could not lift the load again: the Goddess had selected that spot for her permanent
residence. So he placed the Goddess on the grassy land and constructed a room around
her. T his was the first temple ever built for Chamunda. T he place became known as Devi-
Kothi, (H ouse of the Goddess.)>)
T his legend narrating the origin of the Devi-Kothi temple avails of mythologems
well
known in the entire Pahari region: the seven-sister-Goddesses, their living first in one an-
cestral home and then setting out to establish new shrines, their combat with indigenous
(male) godlings or demons, their readiness to make an appearance
in a local man's dream,
the selection of a temple-site by
the Goddess suddenly making
her icon heavy, fixing
her-
self to the ground
of a new locality.
All these are motifs common to so many oral tradi-
tions related to temples
in the Pahari region. H ere, however, they are combined well to
form a consistent local legend.
In addition to the usual elements in Pahari narratives, the names of two vanquished
(demon-kings>,
Chand and Mund, figure
here: these clearly
refer to the classical tradition,
to the Devimahatmya
in fact, in which Chamunda slaughters
these two asura-demons,
Chanda and Munda. Interestingly,
the names of two hamlets of the valley, Chandyot
and
Mundaipodar, are referred to as the headquarters
of (classical) demons: possibly,
the pro-
nunciation of the names is even changed to make a folk-etymology plausible.
But the story does not end here. No date is
given
to these (early) events, but the
local (historians> of Devi-Kothi are well aware that the present temple belongs
to an his-
toric period,
and it is generally accepted
in the village
that the Raja (i.e. Umed Singh)
of
Chamba built it. T he Census of India 1961
-
probably
still based on the narrative of Sri
Devi Dyal of Devi-Kothi
-
reports:
((T he Goddess could not remain in such a (simple, ancient or rustic?) temple
for-
ever. In those days,
the Raja of Chamba (i.e. Raja Umed Singh)
had been taken captive
by the Raja
of Lahore. H e was imprisoned
there in a cell. One had to cross eight gates to
reach his cell. So the Raja had lost all hopes of ever being free again.
One night the Raja saw Chamunda appear
in person
before him. T he Goddess
asked: (Why don't you go
to Chamba, the land of Gods, instead of rotting in this prison
cell ? You should take care of your state. Brave Rajputs
never idle away their time as cap-
tives and prefer death to life in a prison.)
T he Raja felt ashamed and explained:
(1 am un-
der chains and locked in the cell. H ow can Igo when Iam locked behind eight bars? Dogs
and guards are sleeping outside. On seeing me they will tear me to pieces.)
T he Devi told
him that all the doors had been unchained and the guards were sound asleep. H e should
leave immediately and go to Chamba. When the Raja was still reluctant, the Goddess
said: (H ere is my lion, shed your fears and come, sit upon
him next to me.) T he Raja
obeyed.
T he very next day the Raja was missing from the prison cell. H e was at Chamba
and was happy and promised
to take up a pilgrimage
to Devi-Kothi. H e went over on an
auspicious
occasion and built a beautiful temple
for Chamunda. T he other Rajas of
Chamba came also, and they installed brass and gold images of Chamunda. T he original
one was of stone.)>
171
T his part of the local (oral tradition) of Devi-Kothi is based on accounts and stories,
which floated about in Chamba and came from different sources. It seems that historical
facts from different periods (and relating to different
generations of Chamba-rulers) got
mixed up and the accounts came to concentrate upon
one
personage, Raja
Umed
Singh,
the founder of the Devi-Kothi temple. According to
H utchison-Vogel (1933, vol. I: 312),
Raja Dalel Singh had the two ((relatively young sons )) of his predecessor Raja Ugar Singh,
Umed Singh and Sher (Shamsher) Singh, (placed under lock and key
in Lahore where
they remained for thirteen years.)) T his happened around A.D. 1735 and only in A.D. 1748
did Umed Singh return to Chamba where he was immediately enthroned.
T he (official story) of how Umed Singh escaped from Lahore is however, too de-
lightful not to be reproduced here. H utchison and Vogel (1933, vol. 1: 312) record this, with-
out citing their source: ((n spite of every effort (by many friends and supporters) it was
found impossible for some time to effect their (i.e. Umed Singh's and Shamsher Singh's)
release, but at length this was secured through a servant of Umed Singh belonging to the
Katwalu family of Chamba. T his young man was of the same age as his master, and
strongly resembled him in
appearance; and the two having exchanged clothes, Umed
Singh escaped, and the servant remaining
in his place. When the
deception was discov-
ered the man was brought before the Mughal Viceroy, who asked him why he had thus
forfeited his life. For answer he said that he had only done his duty to his master, and was
ready to bear the penalty. T he Viceroy was so pleased with the reply, and with the man's
fidelity and devotion, that he ordered his release, and dismissed him with presents.)?
But the story did, again, not end here. H utchison and Vogel continue: ((But Umed
Singh did not succeed in
escaping after all, for he was recaptured and brought back to
Lahore. On enquiry, however, the Viceroy became acquainted with the fact that he was
the rightful heir to Chamba gaddi-throne, and a sanad-document was therefore granted,
along with armed forces, to enable him to recover his territory.?
T he entire story sounds quite different in the version of Goetz337: H ere, it is Ugar
Singh who gets the Mughal governor of the Panjab, Zakaria Khan, to imprison Dalel Singh
in Lahore; later, however, the Mughal forces brought Dalel Singh back to Chamba and in-
stalled him as the Raja.
<
H owever, in A.D. 1748 also Dalel Singh was deposed. H is pro-
tector Zakariya Khan had died in A. D. 1745 and three years later... the new viceroy Mu'in-
ud-din Mir Mannu (i.e. Muin-ul-Mulk) became interested in Udai Singh's two sons, now
grown up, though still political prisoners. When prince Umed Singh returned with a Do-
gra escort, Dalel Singh offered no opposition but diligently handed the administration
over.) T he imprisonment of the young prince is seen as being equivalent to (education
at the Mughal court) by the same author.
It is interesting that the involvement of the Devi as
Raja
Umed Singh's protectress
should also emerge from another account: according to it, in A.D. 1748, after the battle
of Manupur338, when
Raja
Umed Singh had to visit the new Mughal viceroy Muin-ul-Mulk,
i.e. Mir Mannu in the Panjab plains, a ((special recitation of the Durgasaptasati (i.e. the
Durgamahatmya) had to be instituted for the Raja's safe return from Lahore.? T his fact
is known from the so-called (Lahore-da path), a copper-plate-grant issued by Raja Umed
Singh in
January 1749, relating to the preceding year. On the way from Lahore to
Chamba,
Umed Singh is said to have visited Jasrota and Basohli in order to obtain further help.
T hese different events
-
confinement of the Chamba-rulers or pretenders, staying
as hostages of the heirs-to-the-throne at the Mughal viceroy's court at Lahore, the reci-
tation of the Durgamahatmya in Chamba, when the ruler travelled to Lahore and suc-
cessfully returned, visibly
under the
protection
of the Goddess Chamunda
-
must have
been the stuff
Chamba-story-tellers liked to draw
upon freely, when
addressing a local
audience. And to the
villagers
of
Devi-Kothi, the owners of this fine
temple, the
story had
become consolidated to the version narrated in 1960
by
the local Gram
Panchayat presi-
dent.
172
Fairs and pilgrimages related
to the Devi-Kothi Goddess
T raditionally, related to Chamunda Devi at Devi-Kothi, there have been two major fairs
-
one held locally, the other at Bairagarh
-
and there is the annual yatra-pilgrimage from
Devi-Kothi to Chamba town. Lately, however, the Goddess of Devi-Kothi has also started
making an appearance at other festivals in Chamba.
T he Baira-jatar fair always begins on the fourth day of Shravana (which generally
falls in the third week of July) and lasts for three days. T he (face of the Goddess), i.e. a
brass mask serving as her icon (see Pl. 187), covered with a red cloth, is carried on a man's
back from Devi-Kothi to Bairagarh to the accompaniment of music. T here, the Goddess
193
T he Goddess from
Devi-Kothi is blessing
young men in Chamba
(in 1984)
194
T he Goddess from
Devi-Kothi is blessing
girls in Chamba
(in 1984)
173
... . 'r - . : . :
.;:}I}Pr(ri-
e -;
*^
z
?
:::t'. :4...i..' .'
_r . _ 7,
r
Â
-
. .... ::.
"
'?'~
~~~~~~~~~~...... ~'t
. -
^ ;'
j.;
~, -:
f
t
a^^
'
*
..l .
?1_~ '0~
'~-
| x T he villagers of
l_.~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ J ! S l
Bairagarh dancing
on the roofs of
-_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~their village (in 1984)
is
temporarily
installed in a shrine, for devotees who include
people
often
coming
from
far
away places
in Churah tehsil to have her darshan.
During
the
following
three
days
nat-
circular dances are
performed by
men and
ghurai by
women to the music of a small lo-
cal ensemble (see PI. 195)339.
T he main fair at Devi-Kothi itself takes
place
in the
temple-compound during
the Jan-
mashtami festival
days
in the month of
Bhadrapada
or Bhadon (which falls
mostly
in Au-
gust).
T he Census of India 1961
reports
that a
(golden)
icon of the Devi is
brought
from
the
village
(((where it is
kept
in a house which
belongs
to the Goddess))) to be
worshipped
(in the temple)). It is more
likely
that it is the
golden-looking
and
shining, highly polished,
brass mask whichs in Churah tehsiln front of the
temple
in the
yard.
A number of animals are
offered as sacrifice, and
slaughtered;
food and alcohol is consumed340; and men dance
in the
temple yard
whilst women
perform
their ghurai-circular dance in the
village only.
All tenants
working
on the land
belonging
to the Devi
temple
are under an
obliga-
tion to
accompany
the Devi on her visits to
Bairagarh
and Chamba. In these
processions,
Rajputs carry
the Goddess, men from the lower castes
perform
on musical instruments,
and the Brahmins cook food for the entire
troupe.
All the raw materials traditionals mostly re-
quired
for the
purpose
come from the
offerings regularly
made
by
her tenants, or from
gifts
received from devotees.
T he
yatra-pilgrimage,
when the Goddess of Devi-Kothi
goes
to
Chamba, takes
place
in the month of Vaishakha or Baisakh (which begins
in
mid-April).
On the
way, stops
are
made traditionally in
Bairagarh, T isa, Kalhel, Sarol, and, finally,
in the
palace
at Chamba; the
Goddess
proceeds
then to the local Chamunda
temple
in
Chamba, ((to visit her sister)).
About the institution of this
yatra,
it is saidn3 that a
daughter
of
Raja
Charhat
Singh
of Chamba (r. A.D. 1808-1844) was taken
seriously ill, with the illness not
responding
to
any
treatment.
Slowly,
the
princess
became
very
weak. H er worried
parents
invoked the
divine
grace
of the Goddess Chamunda of Devi-Kothi, praying
to her to save their
daugh-
ter from this
mysterious
affliction. It was arrangedarh and
party
from the Devi-Kothi tem-
ple, comprising
of a
pujari-priest,
an
oracle, some musicians and attendants,
visit Chamba,
bringing
with them the idol of the Devi342. Members of the
distraught royal
family offered
devout and intense pigrimage,rs
twhen the Goddess ofr
Devi-Kays on end.othi An to Chambira, takes
ply,
tace
devout and intense prayers to the Goddess for days on end. And then, miraculously, the
princess slowly began to recover, regaining her health within a couple of months.
T his resulted in the princess then
becoming
a devout worshipper of the Goddess
of Devi-Kothi, popularly known in Chamba as Baira-bali. T he
grateful Raja,
in fulfilment of
his daughter's wish, issued a grant through which an annual visit of a party from Devi-
174
196
T he musicians *
from Devi-Kothi in
Chamba ; -
;..-
j'
Kothi, bringing the idol of the Goddess to Chamba town, became possible. T he time of
her visit was set in April, keeping in mind the usually temperate climatic conditions that
prevail during that period, and the fact that villagers get a respite for a few days then from
their agricultural labours. T he scales of the expenses and the daily allowances for the in-
dividuals were also fixed343. It seems, however, that this event, and the grant that ensued
from it, only helped make the event more formal or regular for, even before Raja Charat
Singh's period the Goddess of Baira, together with a few temple-attendants, used to visit
Chamba town on some occasion or the other: traditionally, references to such visits are
sometimes made344.
After arriving in Chamba, the idol (i.e. the mask) that is brought from Devi-Kothi is
kept throughout the period of the yatra in the sanctum of the local Chamunda which is
located on the shoulder of the Shah Madar hill overlooking the town.
T he Goddess Baira-bali, i.e. Chamunda from Devi-Kothi, arrives with her party in
Chamba town annually on the fourth day of the month of Baisakh (i.e. c. 16th of April) and
leaves the town on her return journey on the seventeenth of the same month (i.e. around
29th April). During the days that the Goddess Baira-bali is in town, members of all H indu
households, especially women and girls, come to the temple, bringing offerings. T he
number of people visiting the temple becomes truly large. Around the 28th of April, a day
before Baira-bali is set to leave for Devi-Kothi again, a fair is held at the Chamunda tem-
ple and the town people gather there in large numbers. T he atmosphere turns quite fes-
tive; hawkers selling eatables and children's toys flock to the ground, setting up stall or
carts behind the temple.
Both the pujari-priests of the Chamba and the Devi-Kothi temples share the offer-
ings made at the temple on this occasion in equal measure. Around four o'clock in the af-
ternoon, some of the offerings and a banner are brought from the Lakshminarayana tem-
ple, the presiding deity of Chamba, to Chamunda. T he che/a-oracle from Devi-Kothi sits
in a formal, ceremonial manner in the front compound of the temple and, when pos-
sessed by the spirit of the Goddess, makes predictions while music is performed on
shehnai, horns, and drums by the group that has come from Devi-Kothi. T his music is
played regularly everyday in the early morning and in the evening by musicians and the
village-men dance at the temple premises too.
Local observation speaks of the fact that the day Baira-bali sets off on her return
journey, a dust-storm, accompanied by a short spell of rain in the afternoon
-
believed to
be unleashed by the Goddess
-
always appears. Gales and dust-storms are of course a
175
197
Procession of
" " "' .. '
"
::",-1,' : .
;
::' ...... :.:.. ' :.. ..
,
at
Du s s e ra h (in 1 9 8 4 )
feature that marks this season in the hills, but elders of the town always say that a rain
shower like this inevitably occurs on that particular day for a short time, and always con-
tinues till after the party from the temple returning to Devi-Kothi has departed.
On the way to and from Chamba, the party from Devi-Kothi spends the nights in dif-
ferent places, the journey being usually performed in short stages. On the way back, the
first stop-over each year is at the village Sarol, only four kilometres from Chamba. Well-
to-do families consider it a matter of honour and divine favour, if they are able to play host
to the party, which also gives them the opportunity to worship the Goddess in their own
home. Relatives, friends, and other people from the neighbourhood also assemble and
join in the feast that the host organizes.
T he times have changed. Princely rule came to an end in Chamba in 1948 and, with
that, a certain decline in the fervour with which the Goddess Chamunda used once to be
worshipped -with the support of the royal household over centuries of time -is clearly
noticeable. With all this, however, a large number of people still retain an abiding faith in
the Goddess from Devi-Kothi, even in urban Chamba. A tradition that way long back into
the past, thus, lives on. In fact, for the past few decades now, a party from Devi-Kothi
bearing the idol (mask) of the Goddess visits the town also on other occasions than the
annual yatra: for participating, for instance, in the celebrated Minjar fair held in the month
of Sawan (July/August), or during the Navratra and Dussehra festivals (September/Oc-
tober) held in Chamba town. T he Municipal Committee of Chamba associates itself with
some organizational matters and even bears a part of the expenditure connected with the
visit of the Devi-Kothi Goddess to her sister in Chamba even if it is for reasons other than
faith: one eye is also on the need, not surprisingly, to add to the district headquarter's
power as a centre of commerce in the region.
On .the-...
way
.... and-fro Chmb,.the
pat
fr.om Devi-Koth
.......
th ihsndf
ferent -
place,
,,,,~- the
journe
bein usal_efre nsotsae. ... the
wybc,th
first
top-oer
eac
yearis
at he
vilage arol, nly
fur kilmetre from hamba Well
to-do~ faiiscnidri...tr..hnu n dvn aor i
hyaealetlyhs
to~~~~~~"
the
-
paty
whc
logvste
h
potnt owrhpteGdesi
hi w
home. Reatives,friends and othr
peopl
from te
neighburhood
lso assmble"an
join
in the feast that the
host~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~"':~ _
-
orgaizes
176
Notes
Bibliography
Map
Notes
Introduction
Devi-Kothi-place and name
1 Postel-Neven-Mankodi, 1985: 50-58.
2 T he word kothi is derived from Sanskrit koshthika,
square.
3 T he use of this designation continues in these hills
as rana, but only for denoting a now-a-days (Rajput)
caste.
4 Vogel, 1911: 23, with an illustration.
5 Brahmins and Rajputs traditionally intermarry and
inhabit the upper part of Devi-Kothi. But some
houses have been purchased by other communities
like Batwals and Lohar, who have also built new
houses here on empty grounds.
6 Many Lohar, traditionally blacksmiths, are farmers
with their own land holdings. In fact, several Lohar-
families of Devi-Kothi are reasonably prosperous be-
cause apart from farming, they are often employed
for house-construction work. T hese two communi-
ties
-
Batwals and Lohar
-
intermarry
7 T he Batwal are local farmers
-
their caste name
lit. means (message-carriers)), and they were, in
former times, servants of the Devi, the rana, the
local chief, or the kardar, revenue official in state
times
-
but some of them still act as retainers of the
temple.
8 T he Arya living in the lowest hamlet, Dhariala,
were
-
according to the Census 1961
-
Chanal or
Chamar in former times, i.e. specialists in working
with animal hides and in tanning. Currently they farm
the lowest situated terraces.
9 Vogel, 1911: 207.
10 Vogel, 1911: 206-216.
11 Goetz, 1954, Marg VII: 27-29.
12 Goetz refers to Devi(-ri-)kothi in most of his arti-
cles on Chamba art, mostly emphasizing the strong
influence of provincial Mughal art visible there. But
it seems that Goetz did not take any photographs in
Devi-Kothi and later, when writing about the temple,
had no visual documents at his disposal but only his
field-notes.
13 First published 1962 in the Journal of the Baroda
Oriental Institute 11, 3: 217ff, this text was reprinted
in Goetz, 1969: 151-166, the edition we quote.
14 But the drawing published by the 1961 Census re-
port on Devi-Kothi (p. 3), titled (Approach Road)), a
path leading towards Devi-Kothi along a long and ver-
tical precipice, is, to say the least, curious, for it has
nothing to do with reality and could only have suc-
ceeded in discouraging all potential visitors to the
place.
15 It is more likely that this photograph was taken
at a completely different site and has nothing to do
with Devi-Kothi, as is the case with most plates of
this monograph.
16 T his is rather misleading, because the murals il-
lustrated in this monograph are, for instance, not
from Devi-Kothi at all, but from various other hill
places. No other place-name is, however, mentioned.
17 Ohri, 1975: Fig. 79 ((Krishna killing Kamsa's
washerman ))); Ohri, 1991: 26f (with plates 24 and 25)
is dedicated to Devi-Kothi.
18 Archer, 1973, Vol. I: 75 quotes at length Goetz,
1962; but here, the themes of the wooden reliefs and
the murals have been mixed up.
19 See Mittal, 1989: 202.
20 Vogel, 1911: 23.
21 Chhabra, 1957: 148; Khanna, 1989: 39.
22 Chhabra, 1957: 145.
23 Rajanaka Nagapala's inscription of the twelfth
century records that, on the death of her husband, a
rajanaka, the widow wished to become sati but her
son, Nagapala, prevented her from doing so. She
then, gradually reduced her body to meagreness
through fasting and devoted the rest of her life to the
upbringing of her two sons and to works of piety and
religion. It is noted that she increased her compas-
sion for the poor and her devotion to Krishna. Naga-
pala's mother's faith in Krishna as the supreme God,
is, in this period, i.e. the twelfth century, living at the
far off and difficult to reach hilly region of the H ima-
layas, not without special significance. It suggests
that during this period, the route passing through the
barony of Baira was frequented by a rather large num-
ber of travellers from the plains who brought both
prosperity and new (religious) ideas to the place.
24 Vogel (1911: 207ff) suggests that the author of
the inscription was from Kashmir where a distinct
philosophy on Shaivism had developed. T his is evi-
dence that Nagapala was able to afford the services
of a learned Kashmiri Sanskrit Pandit.
25 T he mutilated but well carved Vishnu with his
completely defaced consort Lakshmi is mounted on
Garuda who lifts his master's feet in his own palms.
Garuda's stylized pair of lower wings hang down, his
upper ones are less visible but placed next to the
thigh of Vishnu, see Ohri, 1989: fig. 27.
26 See Ohri, 1991: pl. 4.61, 4.62.
27 See Ohri, 1991: 100 and pl. 4.61.
28 See Ohri and Khanna, 1989: plate 29; or see Ohri,
1991: 100 and plate 4.62.
29 Now in the Bhuri Singh Museum, Chamba.
30 T his stone lintel was found fixed in masonry work
of a private residence in Devi-Kothi. When it was dis-
covered by Ohri during his visit to Devi-Kothi in 1963
it was removed from there to the Bhuri Singh Mu-
seum in Chamba.
31 Archaeological fieldwork in this village would be
most revealing. More reliefs of the old temple(s)
would add to our knowledge of the Kashmiri Shakti
system, for the available evidence related to this sub-
ject is still scanty.
32 Recently, this ancient shrine was shifted from its
original location to a place a couple of meters to the
east: all the stone slabs and reliefs were numbered
to ensure their correct placement; on top of this rec-
tangular stone structure, a pagoda-like roof made of
slate has now been placed.
33 T here are several more neglected fragments of in-
terest in this Shivalaya such as a Vaikuntha image and
a mutilated male four-armed deity carrying a banner.
34 See Ohri, 1989: fig. 28. T he icon was already pho-
tographed by Vogel in 1908 and is mentioned by
Goetz, 1969: 137, who calls it a <pinnacle with 16-
faced Shiva head)>.
178
T he structure of the wooden temple
35 T hese stone lions are of good sculptural quality,
similar but much smaller in size compared to the one
placed in front of the Chamunda temple in Chamba
town. T hey seem to be of an early date, possibly
ante-dating the Umed Singh period.
36 It is worth noting that there is no mandapa or an-
tarala, i.e. hall or covered space in front of the sanc-
tum for performing rituals as found in the Chamunda-
temples of Chamba and Gand-Dehra.
37 Why this preventive measure has recently been
removed from the east side with its Krishna-mural
cannot be explained.
38 T his room cannot be entered without permission
of the Goddess, which would involve a full ritual.
T herefore we cannot provide any information about
the roof construction.
39 Most of the ancient offerings and the small brass
mask representing the Goddess on a pilgrimage are
kept by the priests near their homes.
T he woodwork
40 Such deep-cut ornamentation is already found in
the Krishna temple in the Nurpur fort (see Ohri, 1975:
pl. 31-33, p. 155) and may well be a ((trade mark)) of
the Western-Indian craftsmen who built it.
41 T his iconography could denote Vayu as well.
42 Garuda is depicted with two pairs of wings, two
upper and two lower ones (under the scarf).
T his iconography of Garuda with the tail-feathers
spread apart as to form lower wings is also found in
the Garuda-pillar in front of the Lakshminarayana-
temple in Chamba town, and in the fragment of a
fine 15th century stone-torana preserved in the Bhuri
Singh Museum, Chamba (see Ohri, 1989: fig. 44).
T his iconography appears on paintings in the Parijat
harana-series in the Chandigarh Museum, probably
painted in a Chamba (or Nurpur) based workshop.
43 T his icon on a pedestal compares well with Vishnu
as Buddha in the (second) Dasavatara-series painted
by Mahesh (c. 1750/75), H orst Metzger Collection,
now at Museum Rietberg, Zurich.
44 Ketu is sometimes shown in fish-shape, some-
times in the form of a fish with half human figure.
45 T he planet Budha can be represented sitting on
Garuda.
46 Rahu is often shown over a crescent moon. T he
carver may have changed that shape to that of a
bird.
47 We are aware of the observation, that ((certain
avataras of Vishnu are also manifested as grahas) ac-
cording to Liebert, 1976: 97.
48 Wessel-Mevissen (2001: 113ff) states that Kartti-
keya can replace Yama, and Surya has been included
as a dikpala in Western Indian temple architecture
since the 8th century.
49 Wessel-Mevissen (2001: 96ff) mentions the ve-
hicles of dikapalas, from pre-10th century (Western)
Indian sculptures thus: elephant (Indra), goat (Agni),
buffalo (Yama), unspecified four legged animal (Nair-
rta), makara or goose (Varuna), horse or antelope
(Vayu), various (Kubera), deer (Soma/Chandra), and
bull (Ishana).
50 See Goetz, 1969: 155.
51 In painted Dasavatara-sets from Chamba work-
shops, we find the Buddha depicted as the ninth in-
carnation of Vishnu, seated in meditation on a plat-
form, cross-legged with folded arms, and being
worshipped like an icon by priests. See Goswamy-
Fischer, 1991: 184.
52 Goetz 1954: 27.
53 T his term is used by Goetz, 1954: 8, when refer-
ring to reliefs in Mehla and the Brahmor-Kothi.
54 T he figures were re-painted several times in re-
cent decades in various colours.
55 See Goetz, 1969: 147 and pI. XXXIII, (Pandava)
statue in the Khaji Nag T emple, Khajiar.
56 Similar, but slightly more refined and possibly
two decades earlier, are the pillars at the Shakti
shrine of Ganda-Dhera.
57 T hese reliefs are mentioned by K. P. Sharma -
S. M. Sethi, 1992: 63.
58 T his reminds one of the Vishnu image in the cen-
tre of the door lintel.
59 T he local name is chhajja. T he word kapota is de-
rived from kapot-pigeon.
60 Goetz, 1954: 29 counted ((115 panels arranged in
such a manner that two horizontal and three vertical
ones alternate stepwise >. T his does not correspond
with our divisions.
61 One can well argue that its form is based on the
elongated star-motif.
62 T he instrument may well be the do-patra musical
instrument (with (two gourd-vessels), the old or lo-
cal type of the vina, called a tantri
baj
or kingri-da-
baja. ((T he instrument is used as an accessory for
warding off the effect of black magic... (and is)
played by the Garadis who belong to the Jogi sect.
(T hey worship) the mythical bird Garuda and chant
Gard-vahan mantras to purge the human body of all
kinds of poisons and impurities.)) (K. P. Sharma -
S. M. Sethi, 1992: 19). T hey further state that the
Natha and Jogi sects sing the praise of their Gurus
and Saints and accompany themselves on this do-pa-
tra instrument.
63 Krishna is represented here as a crawling infant,
not as a small boy pilfering butter.
64 Krishna's appearance in this relief is very similar
to that seen in the depiction of Krishna in the Kailya-
damana episode on the mural.
65 T he figure represented is probably a Vaishnava
mahanta of Damtal (near Nurpur) or Pindor. It is also
possible that it is a priest of the Mirkula Devi temple
of Udaypur in Lahul, whom one sees here.
66 A dakini is ((a witch attending on Kali (feeding on
human flesh))), see Liebert, 1976: 64.
67 A very similar image is to be found on the west-
ern mural of the Devi in combat, upper left corner.
T he details match, except for the long tail.
68 Shani, the planet Saturn, usually thought to be
(the son of Surya and Chaya)?, is of black complex-
ion, his vahana can be a crow or vulture, see Liebert,
1976: 252. For a representation of (male) Shani,
seated on a corpse, painted by a Nurpur-based work-
shop, c. 1700, see Goswamy, 1999: pl. 59C.
69 Possibly because of the limitations of space
within the vertical cartouche, the legs of the corpse
are bent downwards.
70 T he iconography corresponds with the monu-
mental Kali on the back wall of the sanctum, who is
also only two-armed.
71 T hese Sidh jogis were distinguished from other
types of renouncers by ((external attributes)) like the
kan phata or split ears, in which they wore charac-
teristic rings called mundra, kundaland darsana, see
Sharma, 1993: 66.
72 ((T he jogis were characterized by a sacred thread
to which a cylindrical ring called pavitriwas attached,
furthermore a whistle, sinnsad, and a single rudrak-
sha bead. In addition, they used dhuni, fire, khappar
begging bowl, chimta tongs and chilam, a cannabis
pot or pipe. A bamboo staff, goraksha danda, an
achal, crutch, and a conch shell were their property)),
see Sharma, 1993: 67. But the same author also
quotes the description of a royal jogiwho was, in ad-
dition, equipped with a tiger skin, a patchwork-coat,
an umbrella and red attire.
179
73 T he old jogi might be a preceptor of the order, a
person like Gorakhnatha.
74 Gorakhnath is considered
-
especially in Nepal
-
as ((an avatara of Shiva)), see Liebert, 1976: 96. For
stories about Gorakhnath and the jogis as known in
the Panjab and the H ills, see Ibbetson, 1883: 388-410.
75 T his loincloth is called langot. Some jogis (wore
a thin black thread on their waist, lit. metanga, made
of cotton thread)), see Sharma, 1993: 66.
76 Some stories about jogis narrate that they could
acquire all kinds of shapes including those of birds.
In bhajans, their devotees sing: "Sidh Balaknath,
converted into a peacock, has flown away. We shall
find him.)) Sharma, 1993: 206 recorded this song in
the Chamba District.
77 Dhol drums are used in processions and jatara-
pilgrimages, but were favoured as well by Sufi mys-
tics; see Sharma-Sethi, 1992: 35.
78 T his lute could well be a rubab, locally called
rubana. T his six-stringed wooden instrument plucked
by using a plectrum was favoured at the Mughal
courts, but has been popular in Kashmir and the en-
tire Panjab for a long time. In Chamba it is only played
in the ghorai-formation by a (low peasant))-couple
called *gandharva vidya), singing narrative texts
from the Ramayana or Puranas; see Sharma-Sethi,
1992: 18 and 56.
79 Ram-fights were an entertainment at the Pahari
courts.
80 T his might not be a pet-bird but a disturbing in-
truder, similar to the monkey in the forth panel.
81 Ibbetson, 1883:398 mentions, (the parrot is des-
ignated <panditu).
82 ((T hese Kanphata jogis commonly used rudra-
ksha rosaries of 32, 64, 84 or 108 beads)), see
Sharma, 1993: 66.
83 T he term used for this image is sadya snata, the
one who has just bathed.
84 A Muslim family, known by the name of mahaus,
still lives in the Kashmiri mohalla of Chamba town.
85 T he hands clasped over the head can indicate a
stretching posture as well, often depicting the mo-
ment after awaking (see as example Ragaputra Vi-
hagada, for instance from a workshop in Bilaspur or
Chamba, c. 1725/50, in the Alice Boner collection,
see Boner et al., 1994: 117, no. 378), as a yearning for
the beloved (see in Randhawa, 1962: fig. 17 and 18
or, more commonly, a dancing posture, especially
when the heroine stands on the tip of one toe (as de-
picted for instance in a Padshahnama page; see
Beach, 1992: fig. 98).
86 What is rendered perhaps is a virahini nayika.
87 It may be mentioned that this posture is similar
to the one rendered conventionally when Krishna is
lifting Mount Govardhana.
88 T he face of the aristocrat resembles
-
strangely
enough
-
the physiognomy of the Mughal emperor
Shahjahan.
89 T he iconography of this relief is very similar to
that seen in acomparable scene in the Krishna-mural,
see p. 130.
90 ((A Kinnara is represented with a bird's figure (the
lower part of the body)>), Liebert, 1976: 137. An early
representation can be seen above the capital of a
wooden pillar in the temple of Lakshana Devi in Brah-
mor, see Ohri, 1989: 15.
91 T hat this is ( a motive very characteristic of Umed
Singh's reign)) has already been noted by Goetz,
1954: 27. H e argues that this form is based on ((star-
shaped tiles)) which were produced in Iran in the
13th-14th centuries and were again used in the early
Mughal period in India.
92 H ere we reproduce a detail from the drawing, de-
picting the same scene.
93 See Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: no. 58.
94 A fine, earlier representation of Brahma is found
on the ((Churning of the ocean ) by the ( Master at
the court of Chhatar Singh) in Goswamy-Fischer,
1992: no. 57. For a Brahma-image
-
seated on a
white goose
-
by the painter Mahesh of Chamba,
c. 1725/50, see Boner et al, 1994: no. 291.
95 Details such as the lotus seat, the garment-folds
and beautiful border-strip of Vishnu, the articulation
of the male breast, the water treatment etc. are typ-
ical for the early 18th century repertory of Chamba-
workshops and can be compared with works by the
(( Master at the court of Chhatar Singh ( in Goswamy-
Fischer, 1992: nos. 53-57.
96 See Fischer, 2000: pl. 9.
97 It must be mentioned that the famous Shakti
Devi of Chhatrari also holds a coiled snake (indicat-
ing death and time) in her left front hand, see Goetz,
1955: 88 and pl. VII. -It is possible that the crowned
Shakti Devi is intended to represent Lakshana Devi
of Brahmor,: compare the icon in Goetz, 1955: pl. VI
thus depicting here ((sisters)) of the Chamunda Devi
of Devi-Kothi.
98 T he shape of the damru has some similarities to
the ghanta bells carried in the upper left hands by
Lakshana Devi and Shakti Devi.
99 Several stone iconsof Vishnu from the 12th cen-
tury onwards are available in Chamba town. Several
samples have been preserved at the Bhuri Singh
Museum (see Ohri, 1989: fig. 23-27, 44).
100 In the Lakshmidamodara temple within the Lak-
shminarayana temple complex in Chamba town,
Vishnu as a Vaikuntha murtiis seated on Garuda who
is holding snakes in his two rear hands, see Ohri,
1989: fig. 45.
101 See Mittal, 1989: fig. 59.
102 See Ohri, 1975: fig. 50. For the Guler painter see
Bhatia, 2000: pl. 3.
103 Only the image of the male Yama in a set of
astral images attributed to Mahesh of Chamba, c. 1725
/50 at the Alice Boner collection in the Museum Riet-
berg comes to mind (see Boner et al., 1994: no. 289).
104 T hese represent (Ohri, 1975: 181) ((different
gods and Goddesses, animals (vahanas of gods),
scenes from life etc.)), usually isolated images, vi-
suals easy to grasp, which were shown by fortune-
tellers to their clients for recalling their dreams (see
Goswamy, 2000: 218ff).
105 A large portion of a late 18th century svapa-
nadarshana-set of thirty such paintings is in the Bhuri
Singh Museum, Chamba; another fine set of c. 80 fo-
lios from a Chamba based workshop of the 19th cen-
tury belongs to a private collection; single folios are
widely dispersed. Ohri, 1975: 180 draws attention to
this kind of paintings.
106 See Goswamy, 1999: 216 and 225. More paint-
ings from this series are in the Museum of Fine Arts
in Boston.
107 See Fischer-Goswamy, 1992: no. 57.
108 Developed in Mughal art, the Persian motif of a
peri with bird-wings can replace the iconography of
celestial beings like flying Gandharvas, Vidyadharas
and Kinnaras.
109 Flying figures with bird-wings appear already in
the 8th century wooden lintel of the Lakshana Devi
temple in Brahmor (see Ohri, 1989: fig. 14B).
-
T he
earliest 17th century peri-depictions as wooden re-
lief panels were found in the Brahmor-Kothi, not far
away from the Lakshana Devi temple.
110 See for instance Aijazzuddin 1977: pl. 32, Cham-
ba 10, 11; Mittal, 1989: fig. 60 is cautious: ((Drunken
musicians, Chamba or Jammu School, c. 1730)).
111 A court dancer playing kartalis depicted in (Raja
Balabhadra Varman on the throne)) (first half 17th
180
cent.) in the H imachal State Museum, Shimla: see
Ohri, 1991: col. plate B; or Goswamy-Fischer, 1992:
129, fig. 35.
112 H er standing posture is identical to that of
the drummer seen in Laharu's Bhagavata Purana-
folio "(Ugrasena is re-installed)) (dat. A.D. 1758), see
Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 58.
113 A smoking courtesan is depicted with a similar
choli in an unpublished sketch from a Chamba work-
shop of c. 1720 in the H imachal State Museum,
Shimla (see Ohri, 1976: pl. XIII, fig. 34 and footnote
51 in Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: 137).
114 It reminds one of the owl in a set of omen/
dream interpretation pictures from a Nurpur work-
shop, c. 1725, publ. by B. N. Goswamy, 1999: fig. 59e.
115 For a crested
-
though not flying
-
peacock,
painted by Laharu, c. 1750/60, in the N. C. Mehta col-
lection, see Archer, 1973, I1: 55 (Chamba 15).
116 For the drawing of lions by a member of an 18th
century Chamba workshop see (Yashoda with in-
fants)) in Archer, 1992, I1: 54 (Chamba 13).
117 T he animal reminds one of the large stone sculp-
ture of the Devi's vahana, facing the Chamunda tem-
ple above Chamba town, see Goetz, 1969: pl. XXXIV.
118 A well painted running boar is depicted by La-
haru in the already quoted painting ))T he forest fire)),
c. 1750/60, in the N. C. Mehta collection, see Archer,
1973, II: 55 (Chamba 15).
119 On a scroll in the Bhuri Singh Museum depict-
ing a mahant accompanied by a caravan of ascetics
on its way to H aridwar, several dromedaries are ren-
dered (see Pl. 100a).
-A marvellous painting of Sassi
and Punnu with the drunken youngster being carried
away on a dromedary, from a Chamba workshop of
c. 1760/70 is in the National Museum, New Delhi (un-
published, in Ohri 1976: 23).
120 For a similar elephant mounted by the god In-
dra, painted by Mahesh of Chamba, c. 1725/50, see
Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: no. 70.
121 T here is great similarity between this image and
the one of Shukra riding a horse, in )(T hree Astral Fig-
ures)) by Mahesh of Chamba c. 1725/50 in the Alice
Boner Collection; see Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 70.
122 When we photographed the coffer-ceiling for
the first time in 1984, we noted that two panels were
missing. T hey have been re-installed in the mean-
time. But this kind of ((restoration ) could easily have
led to arrangments over the years.
123 For the nine bhava-emotional states
-
corre-
sponding to nine rasas, see Goswamy, 1986: 21.
124 T his is generally the work of a trained painter. It
is very unlikely that wooden reliefs and ((wooden
sculpture)) of this quality (represent a form of art
earlier to the introduction of the art of miniature paint-
ing in Chamba... (and) such wood sculpture had con-
siderable influence on the art of miniature painting.))
(Khandalavala, 1989: 9). No great reliefs could have
been made without developed and practiced draw-
ing skills.
125 Unfortunately, much woodwork in Chamba has
been demolished and become a prey of flames in
various conflagrations and modernizations.
126 Only two kinnaras and two demons appear
twice in rather identical form in Devi-Kothi.
127 It might be mentioned that all over the world
wooden constructions were often fabricated as mod-
ules, the elements being produced by specialized
workshops in cultural or political centers and trans-
ported to the place where the palace or temple was
to be erected. T his was very common in China as
well as in Norway (with stave churches in the me-
dieval period). It is recorded, for instance, that William
the Conqueror took an entirely pre-fabricated
wooden fortress with him when he invaded England.
T he murals
128 T his motif is based on the kangara bell-shape
common in Mughal architectural decorations.
129 Gray water at the bottom and blue sky at the top
are often incorporated in paintings produced in
Chamba workshops (and other Pahari areas).
130 T his wall is exposed to strong sunlight for a long
period of the day and therefore the pigments have
deteriorated. Moreover, there is much wear and tear
and scrataching on this wall.
131 T his is a very common convention in Chamba
based painters' workshops; compare for Mahesh's
work of c. 1750 A.D., Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pi. 70
-73.
132 A drawing <Shiva and Parvati) obtained from
the descendents of Chamba painters by Jagdish
Mittal, is published by Khandalavala, 1958: no. 180.
H ere, Shiva, two-armed, is bending down to kiss
Parvati.
133 Similar features are common in the Ganda-
Dehra murals. T he end of the odhani is depicted in a
similar way in paintings prepared one or two gener-
ations earlier in Chamba. See Goswamy-Fischer,
1992: no. 55.
134 T hat this Mian Shamsher Singh was interested
in painting we know from the (horizontal) Bhagavata
purana-series, painted and inscribed by Laharu,
which is dedicated to him in 1758, see Goswamy-Fis-
cher, 1992: no. 58.
135 British Museum 1923.7.16.01 (see also Gos-
wamy-Fischer, 1992: fig. 45B).
136 It seems that Raja Umed Singh gained weight
in the later years of his life.
137 Goetz, 1969: 161 is of the opinion that Raja Jit
Singh and his son Charhat Singh were portrayed on
the entrance sides in A.D. 1796, i.e. more than 40
years later than the date of the shrine. But Goetz had
no photographs of Devi-Kothi to check this rather im-
probable idea. T he turban style had completely
changed in Chamba by the end of the 18th century
and the physiognomies of the two Rajas differ sub-
stantially.
138 Inscribed on the front in a clumsy hand as ((Sri
Umed Singh Chambial) and on the back (Sri Raja
Umed Singh Chambial), ((Sri Raja Umed)) and
) Umed Sinh Chamba ko Raja ?. It is possibly a post-
humous portrait by a painter not belonging to the
Manikanth-workshops. But it characterizes Umed
Singh's personality well.
139 Archer, 1973, vol. 1: 83, vol. 2: 57 (Chamba 21);
the full painting with the inscription in Aijazuddin,
1977: pl. 30 (Chamba 2).
140 See Ohri, 1989: fig. 78.
141 Archer, 1973, vol. 1: 83; vol. 2: 57 (Chamba 22).
142 Such bells and leaves were described in detail
as ornaments of the wooden embellishments of the
Brahmor-Kothi, see Vogel, 1909: 35.
143 T he floral creeper with heads shown inside
flowers is an ancient motif called grasapattior rahur-
mukher mala.
144 One is reminded of the frontal Narasimha face
of Mahesh's dasavatara-sets, see Goswamy-Fischer,
1992: pl. 65. Probably the form was derived from the
kirttimukha heads in scrolls of relief-panels; see a
fine example from Swai, in the northern part of
Chamba District, dated c. 9th. Century in Ohri, 1991:
pl. 4.60; a much later one was photographed in
Chamba at the fac,ade of the Bajreshvari temple. It is
significant that such an ancient motif has been used
in the decorative border, something that was not
done by Mughal artists. But it appears on the facade
of the stone-temple at Mehla (c. A.D. 1650/0) and
at the ruined Krishna-temple in Nurpur (early 17th
181
cent.). A border is considered (the entrance to the
painting )); therefore a garland of chopped-off demon
heads is most appropriate for a Devi-painting.
145 As Agrawala (1963: 5) says, the (asuras repre-
sent ayajna, disorder, anarchy, riotous movement)).
146 T he Markandeya Purana (chapter 81) says, they
(came out from the eyes, mouth, nostrils, arms,
heart and breast of Narayana) (1.68-69) and were
((of evil mind but of great heroism and power, with
eyes red in anger and endeavoring to slay
Brahma... but were killed by Vishnu slaying them
when the earth was covered by water on his own
thigh)), playing on the similarities of the Sanskrit
words uru-thigh and urvi-earth, see Coburn, 1984:
215.
147 We quote in the following, the verse-numbers
of the Devimahatmya according to V. S. Agrawala
(1963).
148 Mahishasura's features remind one of the splen-
did relief-panel on the ceiling, of a female hybrid-fig-
ure, half human, half bull (s. PI. 90).
149 In the Pahari region, (late) Mahishasuramardini
icons represent the Goddess 16-armed; compare (A
Devi temple) by Sajnu, c. 1810/20 in the H orst Metz-
ger Collection, now in the Rietberg Museum Zurich;
see Bautze, 1991: pl. 13.
150 See Devimahatmya 2.19-31.
151 T he Great Goddess, too, is sometimes con-
ceived as the daughter of H imachal, the Parvatara,
and thus named (Shailaja), daughter of the Great
Mountain. In view of this belief, Pahari painters of-
ten show the Goddess seated on a hill.
152 T he muralist
-
it may be pointed out
-
has the
manner of drawing very short thumbs, a detail well
visible here.
153 It may be remarked upon how Shiva counts the
beads with the forbidden index finger.
154 T he eye-pattern had appeared on Indra's body
by having been being cursed by the sage Gautama
as he had tried to deceive and seduce the sage's wife
Ahalya.
155 See Dani6elou, 1963: 323.
156 T he translation is by V. S. Agrawala, 1963.
157 See Liebert, 1976: 136.
158 T he Markandeya purana probably dates from
the 5th or 6th century A.D., see Agrawala, 1963: iv or
Coburn, 1984: 1.
159 T his earliest hitherto known illustrated Pahari
manuscript is in the H imachal State Museum in
Shimla; for a discussion see Goswamy-Ohri-Singh,
1985: 9-21; Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: 15-27.
160 See Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 7-12; Dahejia,
1999: pl. 27-42.
161 For a typical and superb examples compare
Archer, 1973, vol. 2: pl. 17 (Basohli 2, 3).
162 Kramrisch, 1986: pl. 101, )(Basohli school at
Mandi ).
163 For ((Durga slaying a demon ))
by a Nurpur work-
shop c. 1720/30, see Archer, 1973, vol. 2: pl. 18; for
"
Durga killing Mahishasura ) by a Nurpur or Chamba
workshop, c. 1760/70, see Archer, 1973, vol. 2: pl. 316
(Nurpur 35).
164 See for instance Boner et al, 1994: nos.341
(Devi), 343 (Goddess Chamunda), 360 and 361
(Durga).
165 Compare Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 85.
166 Another excellent Kali-painting, produced by a
workshop in Mandi, is in the collection of the H i-
machal State Museum in Shimla.
167 See Bautze, 1991: no. 14 ("Guler, c. 1760)). As
in the Devi-Kothi mural, the arms of the Devi emerge
from the shoulders and not from the elbows. A rather
early 8-armed Devi of this kind, possibly from a Nur-
pur-based workshop, is illustrated in Ohri, 1991: pi. 20.
168 In the four or five known Devimahatmya-series
from the Pandit Seu family workshop(s), the Devi al-
ways rides on a lion, not on a tiger.
169 It is thus very likely that the Devi-Kothi muralist
had (refreshed) the Chamba workshops' conven-
tions with (Guler) idioms.
170 Several folios are in a private collection in Cali-
fornia. We thank Prof. B. N. Goswamy for providing
us with slides from this hitherto unpublished illus-
trated manuscript.
171 T he 22 paintings (partly gifted in 1908 and partly
acquired later locally) have been published with only
nine illustrations, in V. C. Ohri -
Ajit Singh, 1981.
172 It is likely that it is this painter's family, which
was granted land by the Chamba ruler in the village
Chari, now a days in the Kangra District.
173 T his is a relatively late device, common in 19th
century paintings from Kashmir and the Panjab. It is
a convention of Bikaner painters as well, compare
for instance the Durgapuja image by Ustad Ahmad
Shah, dated A.D. 1823, in the H orst Metzger collec-
tion, see Bautze, 1991: 72, pl. 21.
174 See Ohri, 1981: pl. 1.
175 T he major portion of this most important illus-
trated Devimahatmya-manuscript is published by Ai-
jazuddin, 1977: 29 (Guler 40). Based on these paint-
ings, Bautze (1991: 60ff) has reconstructed the order
of this and similar series. An excellent painting from
one of these series is in the Bhuri Singh Museum, a
slightly later one in the Shimla Museum.
176 Compare Fischer, 1999: pl. 28 and 29.
177 Drawings preserved by the Shimla Museum, ex-
ecuted c. 1800/1825, indicate the popularity of the
theme.
178 It was published as a facsimile edition for Mu-
seum Rietberg Zurich by Karuna Goswamy, 1989.
179 T his H arivamsha has become part of the Ma-
habharata. It should not be confused with the H ari-
vamsha purana nor with hymns by the poet H ita H ari-
vamsha. T he standard Sanskrit edition is by P. L.
Vaidya.
180 We use the beautiful translation by Francis G.
H utchins, 1980; one may as well compare the French
translation by Andre Couture, 1991.
181 For various Pahari Bhagavata purana-series see
Archer, 1973: index; Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: espe-
cially 334-339. For the painter Laharu of Chamba,
see Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: 151-159.
182 For the (Chandigarh) H arivamsha-series (the
widely dispersed (Nadaun) Bhagavata purana-series
according to Khandalavala) see Goswamy-Fischer,
1992: 378-165.
183 Interestingly, when Vogel catalogued the Bha-
gavata purana-paintings of Laharu for the Bhuri Singh
Museum (1909: 15ff.) he identified the narrative by
Premsagar-chapters, probably because this bhakti-
text was popular in Chamba during his time.
184 Khanna, 1989: 43: ((At several other occasions,
which are mentioned in these (Chamba-) charters, ....
land-grants were made as dakshina for reciting the
H arivamsa Purana or Durgasaptasati. )
185 In the Bhagavata Purana, the events in Mathura
start with Vasudeva's wedding. It is ((an incorporeal
voice from the sky) which addresses Kamsa and
foretells his future. It is then that Vasudeva pleads
with Kamsa, see T agare, 1978: 1258f. (X. 1.34 and 36).
Narada as an advisor of Kamsa appears later in the
Bhagavata purana (X. 1. 61ff.).
186 H utchins, 1980: 22.
187 According to the Bhagavata Purana, Devaki is
Kamsa's sister, making her son Krishna the tyrant's
nephew. T his has become common view in India.
T he Puranic Encyclopedia byVettam Mani(1975: 210)
states, however: ((T he statement that Devaki and
182
Kamsa were sister and brother is not fully correct...
T hus it is equally correct to say that between Kamsa
and Devaki there was brother-sister relationship as
also uncle-niece (sic) (nephew-aunt?) relationship.))
188 According to the H arivamsha (Couture, 1991:
134; H utchins, 1980: 22) the Sanskrit-word to denote
their relationship is pitrsvasah, sister of the father,
i.e. aunt, because Devaki is
-
here
-
the daughter of
Devaka who is Ugrasena's brother, and Ugrasena is
Kamsa's father.
189 H utchins (1980:115, pl.3) illustrates the episode
of Kamsa meeting Narada in an excellent painting by
a Nurpur artist, dated c. 1690 A.D. H ere both men sit
on thrones facing each other (as the H arivamsha-text
recalls) and Narada wears a crown, but is clad in a
dhoti and scarf, holding a lotus flower and the vina.
190 Compare with the earlier portrait in Aijazuddin,
1977: pl. 30, Chamba 1 or 2.
191 Compare the kneeling courtier in Nainsukh's
painting of his patron viewing a picture (see Gos-
wamy, 1997: no. 39).
192 Compare the Rasamanjari-painting of c. 1690 in
Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: 142, no. 55.
193 Compare the
(Raja
at a window) in the painting
attributed to Mahesh of Chamba, c. 1725-50, in
Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: 179, no. 69.
194 T hese <curved roofs) are common in the (Rajput
palace style) of the late 17th century (anticipated,
however, by the Shahjahan period palace in the Agra
Fort) and appear on chhattris, top crown pavilions and
over shallow balconies all over Rajasthan, see T illot-
son, 1987.
195 Compare (A Fireworks Display) attributed to
Nainsukh c. 1730/40, in Goswamy, 1997: 62, no. 8. It
appears in (Krishna in Durbar), possibly by Nikka,
c. 1775/80, see Aijazuddin, 1977: pl. 31 (Chamba 4);
in (Raja Jit Singh of Chamba with his Rani), c. 1800,
see Archer, 1973, vol. II: pl.64 ( Chamba 47).
196 Compare (Rama and his brothers are born) at-
tributed to Mahesh c. 1750-75, in Goswamy-Fischer,
1992: 161, no. 62. Similar in shape are the turrets and
domes depicted on palace roofs of the (Latifi)-Raga-
mala paintings, generally attributed to a Bilaspur/
Kahlur workshop, c. 1730/40 (but more likely from a
Chamba workshop), see Archer, 1973, vol. II: pi. 179
(Kahlur 31(ii) and 33(ii)) or from the (Kahlur)-Nala-
Damayanti-series, c. 1760/70, see Archer, 1973, Vol. II:
PI. 186 (Kahlur 43 (viii)).
197 It may be of interest to note that all the plinths
of buildings on this mural are differently shaped.
198 Compare (( Rama and his brothers)) in Goswamy-
Fischer, 1992: 161, no.62.
199 T ransferring embryos is a common mythologem
of ancient India; compare e.g. the Jaina accounts of
several T irthankaras.
200 We have, however, no other evidence that this
type of earring denotes a eunuch of a royal palace in
the Pahari region. For the depiction of an old eunuch
see Kramrisch, 1986: pi. 115 (here, however, identi-
fied as (Pandit Dinamani Raina)).
201 H utchins, 1980: 26.
202 Compare T agare, 1978: 1271.
203 A simpler version of this type of walled palace
with brick walls and stucco portions is found in (T he
first encounter), the (Kahlur) Nala-Damayanti-series
by a Bilaspur (?) workshop, c. 1760-70, see Archer,
1973, vol. II: pl. 184, (Kahlur 43(v)).
204 Compare T agare, 1978: 1277.
205 Interestingly, his features correspond well with
those of the aged Nanda in the (horizontal) Bhagavata
purana-series of Laharu, see the painting (Akrura's
vision of Krishna as Vishnu) in the Bhuri Singh Museum.
206 T his may indicate his readiness to go out; com-
pare the participants (except for the seated bride-
groom) of ((T he marriage procession)) by a Chamba
workshop c. 1735-40, in Archer, 1973, vol. II1: pl. 54
(Chamba 14).
207 See H utchins, 1978: 26.
208 See T agare, 1978: 1277.
209 Exceptionally beautifully rendered by the
Mankot Master, see Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 43;
the snake acting as a shelter for Vasudeva, appears
on the Ganda-Dehra mural by a Chamba workshop
c. 1725/40.
210 Compare with (T he marriage procession) of a
Chamba workshop, c. 1735-40 in Archer, 1973: pl. 54
(Chamba 14).
211 T hese trees are a fine development of the con-
ical ones depicted in the (horizontal) Bhagavata pu-
rana-series by Laharu, dat. 1757 A.D., in the Bhuri
Singh Museum; compare with Goswamy-Fischer,
1992: pl. 59. H owever, here all the trees are a dark tri-
angular shape filled with light green foliage.
212 T his ensemble is based on the Mughal na-
qarkhana orchestra and consists -
according to
Sharma-Sethi, 1992: 39f -of the nagara and dhol
drums, the shehnai, turi, kahal, ransinga etc wind in-
struments. Introduced to Chamba by Raja Prithvi
Singh after it was granted by emperor Shahjahan,
naubat-dachhani (dakhni) ((announces the temporal
power.... Later this naubat orchestra became asso-
ciated with various deities like Devi, Naga, Vishnu
and Shiva)).
213 T he instruments are depicted and described
by K. P. Sharma
-
S. M. Sethi, 1992: 25 using the
Chambiyali words turi, karnal, ransinga, kahal, nagara
and dhol.
214 T he local term is saihna.
215 T he most impressive depiction of this theme is
by the Master of Mankot, see Goswamy-Fischer,
1992: pl. 51. (For a vertical version, see Ehnbom,
1985: pl. 100).
216 See Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 58 or Archer,
1973, vol. II: pl. 56 (Chamba 18 and 19).
217 H utchins, 1980: 26. -In the Bhagavata Purana,
Nanda and his group are all sleeping and Yasoda is
unaware of the exchange of the babies, see T agare,
1978: 1277.
218 An excellent drawing of Yasoda's and Nanda's
home, prepared by a Manikanth master of c. 1725/50
shows a square structure with turrets and cupolas
but the open entrance porch is surrounded by a cow-
fence, see Mittal, 1955: fig. 1.
219 T he boundary wall enclosing the chamber is de-
picted as a triangle above the entrance gate in the
extended portion, compare this with the much ear-
lier Ramayana-drawing from the Manikanth painters'
workshop of Chamba, see Mittal, 1955: fig. 5 or
Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: fig. 45.
220 For a painting from the Mankot workshop, see
H utchins, 1978: pl. 5.
221 It is well possible that Kamsa's jama is tied un-
der the right armpit, which would correspond, again,
to Muslim fashion.
222 H utchins, 1978: 26.
223 T he man standing behind Devaki cannot be Va-
sudeva because he sports no full beard.
224 It could be the white cloth strip the mothers of
newborn babies wear for a while in the Pahari cus-
tom.
225 A quite similar scene -the ruler under a canopy
-
is seen on ((T he raja receives a visitor) by an early
Bilaspur (?) workshop, see Archer 1973, vol. I1: pl. 170
(Kahlur 5 (I)).
226 See Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 41.
227 T he executioner appears to be depicted as a
washerman because of his typical dress with the
short
pyjama.
H e uses the washing stone beside the
183
river to thrash the infant girl. (Possibly, this is a
hint to comprehend why Krishna later kills Kamsa's
washerman.)
228 H utchins, 1980: 27.
229 T agare, 1978: 1278f.
231 T his and other forms appear in this mural sev-
eral times. Compare this Devi with PI. 143c!
232 Compare ((T he forest fire )> attributed to Laharu,
c. 1740/50 A.D. in Archer, 1973, vol. 2: pl. 55 (Chamba
15). More related to the Devi-Kothi idiom is (( Krishna
swallowing the forest fire)) by a Chamba workshop,
c. 1760-65, in Archer, 1973, vol. 2: pi. 59 (Chamba 29).
233 Aijazuddin, 1977: colour pl. XVI, ((Ladies fright-
ened by lightning) (Kahlur/Bilaspur 1), c. 1695. It is
well possible that a Chamba-based painter produced
this picture.
234 H utchins, 1980: 30f.
235 In 1965, a picture postcard was produced by the
Bhuri Singh Museum.
-
Ohri, 1976: pi. 45B, 46; Seth,
1978: figs. 59 and 60.
236 Spouts for water fountains formed as makara
heads were common in Chamba town and can still
be seen for instance in this town near Suhi da Marh
(Rajnaun)
and at T atwani (below the chaugha-parade
yard).
237 Compare Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: figs. 51 and
52.
238 H utchins, 1980: 36f.
239 In the Bhagavata Purana, this episode fills the
entire chapters X. 9 and 10 (a total of 66 verses), see
T agare, 1978: 1305-1315.
240 See Archer, 1973 vol. 2: pl. 289 (Mankot 25(i));
or H utchins, 1980: pi. 8.
241 T his reminds one of the knotted rope of a tent
in another 18th century Chamba painting, (T he agony
of Bharata); see Ohri, 1983: pi. 2.
242 We are, however, unaware of this episode be-
ing rendered by Chamba based painters of the 18th
century like Laharu and Mahesh. In the Pahari con-
text, the finest version with quite a distinct iconog-
raphy comes from the Mankot-Master's workshop,
see Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 44.
243 See Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 65, 66 and 72,
73; respectively Fischer, 1998: pl. 5-8; for a painting
by Laharu, see Goswamy with Bhatia, 1999: no. 159.
244 H utchins, 1980: 34.
245 T agare, 1978: 1287-1290.
246 For the (vertical) Bhagavata Purana series by La-
haru, see Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 60.
247 See for instance Ehnbom, 1983: PI. 121 or
H utchins, 1980: pl. 7 and Beach, 1992: pl. 159.
248 H utchins, 1980: 46-49.
249 T agare, 1978: 1358ff.
250 H utchins, 1980: 10.
251 Seated on a lotus flower, Krishna is often de-
picted as Vishnu in the centre of rumal embroidered
textiles. T he golden breastplate of the icon of Lak-
shminarayana in Chamba is engraved as well with a
superb image of Vishnu seated cross-legged on a lo-
tus flower.
252 H utchins, 1980: 68.
253 A H arivamsha-illustration depicting this scene
by the Kangra based painter Purkhu (c. 1810) is in the
Museum Rietberg, Zurich; see annual report for the
year 2000.
254 H utchins, 1980: 86f.
255 Compare the pictures by the Master of Mankot
in the H orst Metzger collection at Museum Rietberg
in Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: no. 47 and by Laharu of
Chamba in Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: no. 59.
256 A fine example from the Mankot based work-
shop is in the Goenka collection, see Goswamy with
Batia, 1999: pl. 170.
257 See Archer, 1973: vol. 2: pl. 56, (Chamba 17).
258 Compare the Bakasura-incident painted by the
first generation after Nainskuh of Guler where the
crane demon appears twice: Once ((he squashes
Krishna between his beak)), the second time Krishna
seizes the beak and pulls it apart whilst the other
boys belabour the dying bird with their crooks, see
Archer, 1973: vol. 1: 294; vol. 2: pl. 210 (Kangra 36 iii).
259 See H utchins, 1980: 88.
260 See T agare, 1978: 1510f.
261 One can, however, argue that this also is (a de-
scription of divine activity that is anarchical in its
freshness and tumult)), see Kinsley, 1975: 17.
262 T he body-movement of the girl carrying milk
pots and being assaulted by Krishna is very similarly
rendered by a much later Pahari workshop in a paint-
ing reproduced by H utchins, 1980: pi. 19.
-
A superb
painting of the same theme from a late 18th century
Chamba workshop is in the H imachal State Museum
in Shimla, see Ohri, 1975: 171.
263 See Boner et al., 1994: nos. 278, 296, 297.
264 T he finest scene is a mid 17th century Mandi
painter's town-vista, ((A marriage procession in a
bazaar)) in H oward H odgkin's collection, see T ops-
field-Beach, 1991: pl. 15.
265 < Rama and Lakshmana guard Vishvamitra's
yajna
from attacking demons), in the Bhuri Singh Museum,
Chamba (unpublished), s. PI. 92a.
266 H utchins, 1980: 95f.
267 T he Master of Mankot has used this image, see
Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 49.
269 For the
-
now very damaged
-
mural ((Kansa ka
akahara)) with the wrestling scene possibly painted
by Golu c. 1730 in the Brij Raj Swami temple of Nur-
pur, see Goswamy, 1964: 62.T he wrestling champi-
ons are depicted several time in the form of a con-
tinuous narration.
270 H utchins, 1980: 94f.
271 T his excellent painting
-
in the Jagdish and
Kamala Mittal Museum of Indian Art in H yderabad
-
compresses three episodes, showing Kamsa's
end, and the wrestling and the killing of the ele-
phant Kuvalayapida in sequence, see Fischer, 1998:
pl. 2.
272 It is a typical Chamba workshop convention to
depict three arches for a palace structure.
273 T o find a plantain above the palace-entrance wall
in a Chamba painting comes as a surprise, remind-
ing one as it does of the Ramayana and the (Siege of
Lanka)-series produced by the Guler artists Seu and
Manaku c. 1725 A.D.
274 H utchins, 1980 93.
275 H utchins, 1980: 97f.
276 T he Mankot-Master has chosen the same mo-
ment, however there is no battling inside the palace,
see Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 50.
277 See Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: pl. 61.
278 Even such a small learner's sketch from a Cham-
ba-workshop
-
now in Museum Rietberg Zurich
-
could mix up the sequential episodes.
279 A very detailed and stimulating analysis of the
Ramayana-murals in Buguda's Surya-temple (Orissa,
c. 1800 A.D.) has been published by Joanna Williams,
1996. According to her, here too, the painter did not
strictly follow the narrative sequence but instead
mixed the scenes to make his composition ((more
lively ).
280 See H utchins, 1980: 55-68.
281 See from the (second vertical) Bhagavata pu-
rana-series, c. 1700-10 A.D., in Archer, 1973: vol. 2,
pl. 292, Mankot 26.
282 See the beautiful (votive)-picture by a Basohli
or, more likely, a Nurpur-based painter (Devidasa
184
related?), c. 1690 A.D., in Aijazuddin, 1977: pi. IIor
Archer, 1973, vol. 2: pl. 28 (Basohli 12).
283 See Fischer et al., 1994: 47.
284 See Archer, 1973, vol.1: 86 and for an illustration
in vol.2: pl.61, Chamba 36.
285 Vogel, 1909:16 (Bhuri Singh Museum, Chamba,
No. D, 24).
286 H utchins, 1980: 68.
287 T agare, 1978: 1431-1458.
288 Unfortunately, we know practically nothing
about decision-making processes in Pahari work-
shops and have no definite information on any pa-
trons' personal involvements.
289 T his is mostly based on interviews. T he infor-
mation is published in detail by Ohri in his mono-
graph, T he T echnique of Pahari Painting (2001).
290 T hese terms are general H indi expressions used
in the H ills.
291 T hroughout the Panjab plains powdered bricks
are used in its place.
292 T he term is derived from the Persian umdagi,
finesse, used here in the sense of (the best coat).
293 T his corresponds with assertions in the classi-
cal shilpashastra texts.
294 It is far superior than plaster used in the 19th
century in the manikanth-painter's family house in
Chamba town
-now destroyed
-
or in the Shakti
temple of Ganda-Dhera, which was constructed ear-
lier than Devi-Kothi and generally is of less refine-
ment. T his high-quality plaster can be taken as a hint,
that this technique was introduced by a craftsman
from another tradition and who only would have
worked in Chamba since the mid-18th century.
295 Mittal, 1955: 42 and 97 mentions six mineral-,
four chemical-and two organic colours that were
used in the 19th century murals of the rang mahal
palace in Chamba town.
296 Available in various shades, the stone is pow-
dered, and washed to remove impurities and mixed
with gum, see 0. P. Agrawal, 1972: 26.
297 Cinnabar (mercury sulfide) is pounded by adding
limejuice or sugar water; the pure material settles
and is bound with gum, see 0. P. Agrawal, 1972: 26f.
298 H irmichi-made from dark red clay and used for
shading the borders
-
is derived from H ormuz, an is-
land in the Persian Gulf.
299 Roasted white lead turns into a shade of red.
300 T his pigment when used as a watercolour tar-
nishes black fast <(by sulphur gases in the air)) (Moti
Chandra, quoted by) 0. P. Agarwal, 1972: 30.
301 Mineral arsenic sulfide is powdered, cleaned and
mixed with gum, see 0. P. Agarwal, 1972: 28.
302 0. P. Agarwal (1972: 29) mentions that azurite,
though not mentioned in Sanskrit texts, has often
been detected in Indian murals.
303 Mittal (1955: 97) suspects the rare use of tin for
the silver colour.
304 Regarding the preparation of colours in Jaipur,
see Sumahendra, 1990.
305 T he preparation of pure pigments was a work-
shop-secret. When Mittal lived in Chamba he got
some information from the traditional painters. H e
was informed that for grinding singraf and sindur,
sheep milk and later lemon juice were added to re-
move any impurities. For harital, cactus milk was
used.
306 Mittal (1964: 42) records that the murals of the
digo in varying proportions. Sky blue was made by
mixing white with indigo. Flesh colour or (chehrai>
was obtained by mixing orpiment, red led and
white)).
T he inscription
308 T his method is generally employed for calculat-
ing )the corresponding year of any of the centuries
of our own era )) by adding 24, see H utchison and Vo-
gel, 1933: 7.
309 On contemporary portraits Umed Singh's title is
only araja), see Aijazuddin, 1977: 16.
310 It is possible to read this name as (mian Nidhan
Singh)).
311 We are unable to interpret this term.
312 T he local oral tradition speaks also of the village
H ail.
313 It is interesting to note that no new icon of the
Goddess was cast at that time.
314 See Ohri, 1967: 50 who first drew attention to
the painter Mahesh and distinguished his work from
his contemporary Laheru's ceuvre. See Ohri, 1967
and Goswamy-Fischer, 1992: 166-187 or Fischer,
1998: 28-45.
315 In Prof. Goswamy's family trees no Chamba
tarkhans' names are registered with the word <dev)
affixed. But Gangadas may have called his son Gur-
das, who in later years may well have changed the
name to Gurdev.
316 Since stylistically the Devi-Kothi murals do not
conform to works by the Manikath-painters of
Chamba, it is well possible that this outsider, Jhanda,
was involved in the production of the murals.
317 Unfortunately, none is signed, but it is likely that
the painter Fauju of the village Chari painted Raja
Dalel Singh of Chamba.
318 Even when painters claim a higher caste-status,
their marriage connections are usually within the
tarkhan carpenters' community.
T he life and time of Raja Umed Singh
319 Most historical information is based on H utchi-
son and Vogel, 1933 (reprint 1982): 313f and Goetz,
1969: 116-120.
320 Shamsher Singh
-
another son of Raja Ugar
Singh
-
is mentioned as o Sher Singh )) by H utchison-
Vogel, 1933: 312.
321 Goswamy, 1997: no.32. )<...then this painting
was painted by Nainsukh at Jasrota. In those days
Mir Mannu had come to Lahore having won victory
over the Pathans in battle... )
322 Goetz 1969: 118.
323 Chhabra, 1957: 161.
324 T he structure of this palace is more or less intact.
Its top most storey was dismantled when the slate
roof was replaced by corrugated iron. sheets. T he
paintings in the Rang Mahal were stripped from the
walls for preservation and are now on display at the
National Museum, New Delhi, the H imachal State Mu-
seum, Shimla, and the Bhuri Singh Museum, Chamba.
325 Several alterations and additions were made in
this palace in the last quarter of the 19th century.
326 T his is the opinion of H utchison and Vogel,
1933: 314.
327 H utchison and Vogel, 1933: 314.
rangmahal in Chamba were (probably) varnished af-
ter a lapse of a month or so, <(a necessary precau-
tion against heavy rains and moisture of the hills....
T his varnish was made with sandarac, turpentine and
raw linseed oil. )
307 Mittal mentions (1955: 97) that "shades of
green... were obtained by mixing orpiment with in-
185
Chamunda or Kali temples
328 T he revenue system of Chamba with wizarats
and parganas is described at length by H utchison in
the Punjab State Gazetteer, 1904, vol. 12, Chamba
State p. 261-266.
329 T he term was adopted along with the revenue
system from the Mughals.
330 Vogel 1947 (Artibus Asiae, X,3: 200-215).
331 22 leaves of the series are preserved at the
Bhuri Singh Museum, nineteen of them registered by
Vogel in 1909: 26f, three acquired later, see Ohri,
1981: 14.
332 In Chamba town and in some other places, own-
ership of properties such as shops and houses were
also transferred to the local temple and the rent be-
came a source of additional income.
333 Once, Ohri saw such a large collection of silver
chhattars of various sizes at that office in Chamba,
which had been transferred from temples in the Chu-
rah division, particularly the Devi-temple at Devi-
Kothi. We were shown brass chattars in the temple
go-down in Devi-Kothi itself.
Name and legends
of the Goddess of Devi-Kothi
337 Goetz, 1969: 117.
338 T hese events of A.D. 1745-48 in the Panjab are
-without reference to Chamba and its ruler -de-
tailed by Bakhshish Singh Nijjar, n.y.:
124-135.
Fairs and Pilgrimages
related to the Devi-Kothi Goddess
339 See Census of India 1961, Fairs and Festivals of
H imachal Pradesh, 1967: 90. It is said that men do not
sing while dancing, whereas women do. -
When
Barbara and Eberhard Fischer visited Bairagarh in
1983, men and women sometimes danced together
as well.
340 It is a time when latent feuds become manifest
and revenge can destroy harmony.
341 Information supplied to V. C. Ohri by the pujari
of the Devi-Kothi temple in 1989.
342 I.e. the (face of the deity).
343 T he rates are revised from time to time.
344 Local information from Chamba town, recol-
lected by V. C. Ohri.
T he management
of the Devi-Kothi temple
334 It was the local temple that owned the land, not
the Chamunda Devi (temple) of Chamba (town) as
one could think when reading T hakur, 1996: 130 who
misunderstood the Census 1961 village report
-
his
only source of information.
335 T he right to perform in the temple is hereditary.
T hus, several sons may inherit equal shares and in
time, different family branches have un-equal num-
bers of rights.
336 Some decades ago, Ohri saw hundreds of silver
chhattar umbrellas in the store of the Lakshmina-
rayana temple, which had been sent from the Devi-
Kothi temple to Chamba.
186
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The Temple of Devi-Kothi: Wall Paintings and Wooden Reliefs in a Himalayan Shrine of the

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