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The rule of rotation in office applied specifically to the ayuntamientos of Spanish cities. In the visita procedure oidores were instructed to undertake their duties "por su turno, come yo, yo" in the cabildo of. Mexico city, the alcaldes were instructed to perform their duties. "Por s su turno" or "como su turno,".
The rule of rotation in office applied specifically to the ayuntamientos of Spanish cities. In the visita procedure oidores were instructed to undertake their duties "por su turno, come yo, yo" in the cabildo of. Mexico city, the alcaldes were instructed to perform their duties. "Por s su turno" or "como su turno,".
The rule of rotation in office applied specifically to the ayuntamientos of Spanish cities. In the visita procedure oidores were instructed to undertake their duties "por su turno, come yo, yo" in the cabildo of. Mexico city, the alcaldes were instructed to perform their duties. "Por s su turno" or "como su turno,".
Rotation of Alcaldes in the Indian Cabildo of Mexico City
Author(s): Charles Gibson
Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 33, No. 2 (May, 1953), pp. 212-223 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2509657 . Accessed: 15/04/2014 15:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Duke University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Hispanic American Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ROTATION OF ALCALDES IN THE INDIAN CABILDO OF MEXICO CITY CHARLES GIBSON* That the "fondness ... for a system of rotation in office,"' evidenced in Spanish communal government of the high Middle Ages and early Renaissance, should have been transmitted to the Hispanic colonies of the New World will occasion no surprise. A standard rule of municipal governments in the colonies, ex- pressed in the laws of the Indies, forbade immediate reelection of officeholders and established two and three-year intervals (de- pending on the circumstances) between years of incumbency by the same alcalde or regidor. The rule of rotation in office applied specifically to the ayuntamientos of Spanish cities and was ob- served in America with fair consistency long before the Recopila- cion ordinance of 1609.2 Roughly similar rotation is to be found in the institution of viceroyalty in the limitation (not always ob- served) of viceregal tenure to periods of three, five, or six years and in the frequent transfers of incumbents from one viceroyalty to another.3 Again, in the visita procedure oidores were instructed to undertake their duties "por su turno, comenzando por el ma's antiguo."4 Many additional instances of alternation in office and in other functions will occur to the student of Hispanic-American institutions.' The phenomenon is in keeping with the general atmosphere of bureaucratic mistrust; it allowed for an equitable distribution of administrative labor among qualified officials; and it recurs with sufficient frequency to justify its characterization as one of the standard operational procedures of Hispanic im- perialism. The purpose of the following paper is to identify a systematic periodicity in the Indian cabildo in Mexico City, consistent witb *The author is associate professor of history at the State University of Iowa-Ed- 'The quotation is from Roger B. Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and the New (4 vols., New York, 1918-1934), I, 187. 2 Recopilaci6n de eyes de los reysnos de las Indias (Edici6n facsimilar de la cuarta im- presi6n hecha en Madrid el aiio 1791) (3 vols., Madrid, 1943), II, 31 (Lib. IV, tit. ix, ley xiii). ILillian Estelle Fisher, Viceregal Administration in the Spanish-American Colonies (University of California Publications in History, XV) (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 7-9. 4Recopilaci6n de leyes, I, 482 (Lib. II, tit. xxxi, ley ii). 5 Rotation in the discharge of labor obligations was a fundamental principle of the repariimiento, in which groups of Indians alternated in the performance of work. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ROTATION OF ALCALDES IN THE INDIAN CABILDO 213 these more widespread practices. The aboriginal area of the former Tenochtitlan was organized politically into a subordinate government closely analogous to those of lesser Indian communi- ties and not to be confused with the better-known Spanish cabildo in the same city. Local native governments depended upon the two great traditions whose convergence informs and gives mean- ing to early colonial Mexico: the elaborate ritualistic social heri- tage of Aztec times and the humanistic Catholic imperialism of sixteenth-century Spain with its objectives of education and con- version. For present purposes the political hispanization only is relevant. That it existed, that colonial officials took the task seriously, and that Indian governments were created in local com- munities are incontrovertible facts. Seemingly without excep- tion these governments retained elements of pre-conquest political organizations-e.g., the vigesimal classifications, the office of te- quitlato-and subtle harmonies of Spanish and Indian institu- tions were repeatedly realized.6 This also was in accordance with imperial policy, which insisted that Indian practices were to be preserved so long as they did not conflict with Hispanic ethical, social, or religious preconceptions.7 The original intention of Charles V had been that Indians were to be introduced gradually into the Spanish cabildo of Mexico City in order that they might gain political experience through observation and imitation.8 In July, 1530, cedulas were sent in blank to the Mexican audiencia so that the names of native officeholders might be inserted "para que los indios se entiendan mas con los espafioles y se aficionen a la manera de su gobierno."9 Although an instance is known in Puebla in 1561,10 direct ap- pointment of Indians to the cabildos of Spanish towns was rare in sixteenth-century New Spain, for the Spanish officeholders failed to share fully the humane attitude toward the Indians. Direct association of the two races in a single governing body 6 Frangois Chevalier, "Les municipalities indiennes en Nouvelle Espagne 1520-1620," Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espanol, XV (1944), 352-386. * "Los Gobernadores, y Justicias reconozean con particular atencion la 6rden y forma de vivir de los Indios, policia, y disposicion en los mantenimientos, y avisen a los Vireyes 6 Audiencias, y guarden sus buenos usos, y costumbres en lo que no fueren contra nuestra Sagrada Religion . . ," Recopilaci6n de leyes, II, 120 (Lib. V, tit. ii, ley xxii). 8 Vasco de Puga, Prouisiones, cedulas instrucciones de Su Magestad, ordenangas de difuntos y audiencia para la buena expedici6n de los negocios y administraci6n de justicia y gouernaci6n de esta Nueua Espana, y para el buen tratamiento y conseruaci6n de los indios dende el ano de 1525 hasta este presente de 63 (2 vols., Mexico, 1878-1879), I, 164-166. 9 Colecci6n de documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizaci6n de las antiguas posesiones espanolas de ultramar (25 vols., Madrid, 1885-1932), XXI, 322. 10 Archivo Municipal, Puebla. "Cartilla vieja" (MS), fol. 54. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 214 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW in the manner contemplated by Charles V was moreover con- sidered impracticable in most communities because Spaniards were so few in number. In the great Indian towns no Spanish cabildos appeared. Rather the cabildos that came into existence in these places were operated exclusively by Indians, and it was the boast of Viceroy Mendoza that he had ordered the creation of a cabildo in every Indian town." The normal Indian cabildo consisted of one gobernador, two alcaldes, and two or four regidores.'2 An examination of the re- sponses to the royal questionnaires of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries will reveal some but not many exceptions to this customary ordering of Indian government.13 Single alcaldes and three regidores are occasionally to be discovered, but rarely (so far as our information goes) was the number of alcaldes more than two or the number of regidores more than four. The special instance of the Mexico City government, with its two alcaldes and twelve regidores (reduced to eight in 1559),14 was one of the very few that exceeded the ordinary number. In the literature of the Relaciones geogrdficas one also finds sporadic references to rotational systems in the communities of New Spain, as in Ama- tlan where the cacique of 1609, Don Fernando de la Cueba, "y algunos deudos suyos alternatiuamente gouiernan el Pueblo."15 The composition of the cabildos was fixed by Philip III in 1618 according to the population size of the communities, measured vigesimally. The maximum cabildo established in the early seven- teenth century contained two alcaldes and four regidores, and these officers "han de elegir por afio nuevo otros, como se practica en Pueblos de Espafioles."16 The legislation of 1618 thus pro- 11 "Fragmento de la visita hecha a Don Antonio de Mendoza," Joaquin Garcia Icaz- balceta, ed., Colecci6n de documentos para la historia de Mexico (2 vols., Mexico, 1858- 1866), II, 139. 12 Two alcaldes and four regidores were customary also in Spanish cabildos in New Spain. Cf. Cortes' ordenanzas of 1525, Ap6ndice al tomo primero, Documentos raros o indditos relatives a la historia de Mejico (Biblioteca de autores mexicanos, XXXV) (Mexico, 1901), p. 125. 13 The question respecting the form of Indian government was asked directly only in the later interrogation. Hence the responses of 1579-1580 often fail to provide informa- tion on this subject. See Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, ed., Papeles de Nueva Espaha (9 vols., Mexico, 1905-1948) IV, 1 ff., 273 ff. 14 Luis Chavez Orozco, ed., C6dice Osuna, Reproducci6n facsimilar de la obra del mismo titulo, editada en Madrid, 1878 (Mexico, 1947), pp. 130-131 (hereinafter cited as C6dice Osuna). 15 Paso y Troncoso, op. cit., IV, 317-318. 16 Recopilaci6n de eyes, II, 210-211 (Lib. VI, tit. iii, ley xv). This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ROTATION OF ALCALDES IN THE INDIAN CABILDO 215 hibited the retention of office by an Indian alcalde or regidor for longer than one year. A number of problems arise respecting the system of election of the alcaldes and their relation to the barrios of the towns. Notices of systems of election reveal variant procedures. In Miahuatlan the new cabildo officers were chosen by the old and the choice was subject to the confirmation of the Spanish co- rregidor.17 In Ameca the Spanish alcalde mayor"8 selected the two Indian alcaldes directly.19 In the very interesting instance of Toluca three alcaldes were chosen so that the three Indian lan- guages, Nahuatl, Matlatzinca, and Otomi, might each be repre- sented by one alcalde.20 Elsewhere, traditional elections by the "naturales" were interfered with and illegally influenced by co- rrcgidores and other Spaniards.21 In Tecamnachalco an interval of three years was fixed prior to which Indian officers might not be reflected.22 In Ahuatepec the interval was fixed at two years.23 These notices expressly or tacitly assume a rotation in office, but in most instances they fail to indicate the systematic procedure whereby rotation was to be achieved. In this respect Mexico City manifests characteristic problems. The Indian portion of the metropolitan capital was divided into four barrios, Sant.-, Maria, San Sebastian, San Juan, and San Pablo. The number of alcaldes in the mid-sixteenth century was two. Several notices provide information on the manner of their election. (1) "Los dichos alcaldes y regidores tienen de costum- bre cada afio, al tiempo de elegir los alcaldes nuevos que an de ser de aquel afio, y regidores y alguaziles, los escogen entre ellos secretamnente, sin entrar sobre ello en cabildo, y escogen los que son de la condici6n dellos, ombres que saben beber... ." (2) I. ... antes que se haga la elecci6n, los regidores andan por los barrios persuadiendo a los naturales dellos, para que nombren para aquel afio, a los yndios que tienen entre si acordado, que 17 Paso y Troncoso, op. cit., IV, 294. 18 Consistent with a common practice in sixteenth-century Hispanic political termi- nology, the word alcalde is used in this paper in reference to the alcalde ordinario, whether Indian or Spaniard. The alcalde mayor, a Spaniard, occupied a totally different office. 19 Jesds Amaya, Ameca, protofundaci6n mexicana, el origen de su propiedad rural (Mexico, 1951), pp. 4849. 20 The Otomi alcalde appears to have been added ca. 1575. Archivo General de la Naci6n, Mexico, Ramo de General de Parte, I, fol. 90. 21 Ibid., I, fol. 88; II, fol. 83. Ramo de Indios, II, exp. 61, fol. 15; IV, exp. 183, fol. 56. 22 Ibid., Ramro de General de Parte, VI, fol. 370. 23 Ibid., Rarno de Indios, IV, exp. 182, fol. 56. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 216 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW sean alcaldes o alguaciles o regidores aquel afio."24 These state- ments, which are accusations of illegal election methods, are in- formative but imprecise; mention is made of the barrios, but noth- ing is suggested respecting a formal patterned rotational system involving alcaldes and their barrios. Another notice of the 1560's states, however, that the four barrios began "to have order and system in the election of gover- nor, alcaldes, and regidores" in 1555.25 Of the offices mentioned, one, that of gobernador (or juez), had a continuous existence in the succession following the death of Montezuma.26 The election of judges alcaldess) and regidores (as well as of alguaciles, escri- banos, and other officers) was ordered by a royal cedula of 1549 which thus implied that a full cabildo institution was to be or- ganized.27 Indian alcaldes in Mexico City are known by name at least from 1550 and regidores at least from 1555. Probably the full functioning cabildo should be dated first in the latter year, when "order and system" began. The names of known alcaldes in the period 1550-1554 appear to be totally lacking in order or system, and in any case the barrio affiliations of most of the officeholders are not recorded.28 But for a decade after 1555 the complete, or almost complete, list of Indian alcaldes in Mexico City is available in a document in the Archivo General de la Naci6n, Ramo de Civil, Volume 644. The document has been published by Luis Chavez Orozco in con- nection with the C6dice Osuna29 and used by him as the principal basis for an important and pioneering study, Las Instituciones democracticas de los indigenas mexicanos en la epoca colonial (Mexi- co, 1943). It is the thesis of the present paper that this docu- ment contains information warranting further conclusions respect- ing the office of alcalde and strongly suggesting the existence of a systematic rotational office related to the barrio affiliations of the native officials. The Ramo de Civil manuscript indicates the following persons as alcaldes during the period 1555-1565: 24 C6dice Osuna, pp. 15, 19. 25 Luis Chavez Orozco, Las instituciones democreiticas de los indigenas mexicanos en la 6poca colonial (Mexico, 1943), p. 6. 26 J.-M.-A. Aubin, ed., Histoire de la nation mexicaine depuis le depart d'Aztlan jusqu'4 l'arriv& des conqudrants espagnols (et au dei& 1607) (Paris, 1893), pp. 148 if. This is the Codex of 1576. 27 See Juan de Sol6rzano y Pereyra, Politica indiana (2 vols., Madrid, 1776), I, 200, 202. On the other hand, for Mexico City, this order may have authorized an already effective institution, without creating any new body. 28 Aubin, op. cit., p. 92: (C6dibe Osuna, p. S1. 29 See note 14. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ROTATION OF ALCALDES IN THE INDIAN CABILDO 217 TABLE I 1555 Miguel Diaz, alias* Miguel Cuautli, Miguel Quauhtli, Miguel Diaz Qualotle Alonso de San Miguel, alias Alonso Temuc 1556 Don Crist6bal de Guzman (?) t Miguel Sanchez Yscatl, alias Miguel Ytzcatl, Miguel Yscac 1557 Don Luis de Santa Maria, alias Don Luis Zipac Tomas de Aquino Yspopulac, alias Tomas Huixtopulcatl 1558 Don Pedro de la Cruz, alias Don Pedro Tlapaltecatl, Don Pedro Tlapaltecal Martin Cano 1559 Don Lucas Cortes Tenamaz Pedro Garcia Tenylotl, alias Pedro Temilotli 1560 Miguel Sanchez Ystecal, alias Miguel Itzac Melchior Diaz Suchipepena 1561 Don Luis de Paz, alias Luis Huehuezaca Toribio B:asquez, alias Toribio Tlacuscalcal 1562 Martin Cano Don Pedro Tlapaltecal, alias Talpaltecal de Myguel 1563 Lucas Cortes, alias Lucas Tenamaz Tomas de Aquino, alias Toma's Huixtopolcatl, Tomas Ytztopulcatl 1564 Don Antonio de Santa Maria, alias Antonio Mexicaytoa, Antonio Momexuiaytoa Don Martin de San Juan, alias Martin Ezmalin, Martin Tezmali 1565 Don Pedro Dionisio Toribio Vasquez *The alternative names are samples only. No effort has been made to list all aliases or spelling forms. tSee Note 33. The names as given reveal the common orthographic irregu- larities of sixteenth-century nomenclature both in their Spanish and in their Nahuatl versions. It was entirely customary for individuals of sixteenth-century Mexico to bear names in both languages: the Christian first names served as evidence of Chris- tianization and baptism, the Christian surnames gave evidence of a degree of hispanization, and the native surnames preserved the record of noble Indian families, an important criterion for Indian social status and officeholding. Variations in the written forms of the names may of course be ignored: Toribio Ba'squez and Toribio Vasquez are versions of the same name and represent a single individual. Similarly the names Miguel Sanchez Yscatl, This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 218 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW Miguel Ytzeatl, Miguel Yscac, Miguel Sanchez Ystecal, and Miguel Itzac all refer to the same person, alcalde in 1556 and 1560. Six of the persons occur as alcaldes twice in this period: Martin Cano (1558, 1562), Miguel Sanchez Yscatl (1556, 1560), Tomas de Aquino Yspopulac (1557, 1563), Lucas Cortes Tenamaz (1559, 1563), Pedro de la Cruz Tlapaltecatl (1558, 1562), and Toribio Basquez Tlacuscalcal (1561, 1565). The Spanish honorific title Don, as would be expected, is attached to some of the names but not to all. Elsewhere in the same document, where certain of these indi- viduals appear as witness or in other connections, their barrio affiliations are sometimes indicated. Of the sixteen individuals who served as Indian alcaldes in the years 1555-1565 the affilia- tions of thirteen may be ascertained as follows: TABLE II Name Affiliation Page* Alonso de San Miguel "del barrio de San Pablo" 88 Miguel Sanchez Yscatl "vecino de San Sebastian," 42, 45 "del barrio de San Sebastian" Luis de Santa Maria "vecino de San Joan" 43 Tomas de Aquino Yspopulac "del barrio de San Pablo" 46 Pedro de la Cruz "del barrio de Santa Maria" 43 (Tlapaltecatl) Martin Cano "del barrio de San Sebastian" 43, 46 Lucas Cortes Tenamaz "vecino de San Joan," 44, 46, 86 "del barrio de San Joan" Pedro Garcia Tenylotl "vecino de San Pablo," "de la 44, 92 parte de los indios de San Juan" Melchior Diaz Suchipepena "del barrio de Nuestra Sefiora 45 la rredonda" Luis de Paz (Huebuezaca) "vecino de San Pablo" 45 Toribio (Basquez) "vecino de San Joan" 45 Tlacuscalcal Antonio de Santa Maria "del barrio de Santa Maria," 101 (Mexicaytoa) "alcalde de la parte de los indios de San Juan" Martin de San Juan "de la parte de San Sebastian" 100 (Ezmalin) *Page references are to the published edition of the Ramo de Civil document, Codice Osuna. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ROTATION OF ALCALDES IN THE INDIAN CABILDO 219 These notices seem for the most part sufficiently straight- forward. There appears to be no significant difference between the forms "vecino de" and "del barrio de," for both indicate a relationship to the barrio given. The barrio noted as Nuestra Sefiora de la Redonda (Nuestra Sefiora la rredonda) in the in- stance of Melchior Diaz Suchipepena is simply Santa Maria under another name.30 Only in the instances where double affilia- tion is indicated does a question arise: Pedro Garcia Tenylotl and Antonio de Santa Maria (Mexicaytoa), respectively "vecino de San Pablo" and "del barrio de Santa Marla," are both indicated also as "de la parte de los indios de San Juan." At first glance each of these two individuals appears to represent two barrios, San Pablo and San Juan in the one case, and Santa Maria and San Juan in the other. A correct reading of this text, however, reveals quite another situation. The parte (partido or parcialidad) of San Juan was not the same as the barrio of San Juan. The parte was so called to distinguish Tenochtitlan-Mexico from the parte (partido or parcialidad) of Santiago (Tlatelolco) on the same island.31 Tlatelolco had a separate Indian government, and the references here to San Juan simply identify these persons ad- ditionally as belonging to Tenochtitlan-Mexico rather than to Tlatelolco.32 The collection of all pertinent information in a single chart yields the following: 30 See, for example, Diego Dur6n, Historia de las Indias de Nueva-Espafa y islas de tierra firme (2 vols., Mexico, 1867-1880), I, 42. The name is sometimes written Santa Maria de la O. 31 It is true that in loose usage both Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco were frequently termed barrios of the same city. See, for example, Juan de Torquemada, Prirnera (Segunda, Tercera) parte de los veinte i vn libros rituales i monarchia indiana (3 vols., Madrid, 1723), I, 93 (". . . hasta que se dividieron, en los dos Barrios, que aora son Mexico, y Tlatilulco"), or Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, Cr6nica de la Nueva Espafa (Madrid, 1914), p. 300 ("Estaba la ciudad repartida en solos los dos barrios que dixe, que al uno liamaban Tate- lulco y al otro Mexico"). Loose usage was responsible at other times for references to the barrios as partes. See for example C6dice Osuna, p. 100. 32 Silvio Zavala and Maria Castelo, eds., Fuentes para la historia del irabajo en Nueva Espafia (8 vols., Mexico, 1939-1948), I, 94-95, refers to the "gobernador, alcaldes, y regidores de la . . . parte de Santiago" (1576). See also C6dice Osuna, p. 303, and Jos6 Antonio de Villa-Sefnor y Sanchez, Theatro americano, descripci6n general de los reynos, y provincias de la Nueva-Espania, y sus jurisdicciones (2 vols., Mexico, 1746-1748), I, 58, which comments upon the continued separation of the Tlatelolco from the Tenochtitlan- Mexico Indian government in the eighteenth century. Villa-Sefnor refers to the former as the parcialidad of Santiago and to the latter as the parcialidad of San Juan. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 220 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW TABLE III San San San Sebas- Santa Date Alcalde Pablo Juan tidn Maria 1555 Miguel Diaz Alonso de San Miguel X 1556 Cristobal de Guzman (?)* Miguel Sanchez Yscatl X 1557 Luis de Santa Maria X Tomas de Aquino Yspopulac X 1558 Pedro de la Cruz (Tlapaltecatl) X Martin Cano X 1559 Lucas Cortes Tenamaz X Pedro Garcia Tenylotl X 1560 Miguel Sainchez Yscatl X Melchior Diaz Suchipepena X 1561 Luis de Paz (Huehuezaca) X Toribio Basquez (Tlacuscalcal) X 1562 Martin Cano X Pedro (de la Cruz) Tlapaltecatl X 1563 Lucas Cortes (Tenemaz) X Tomas de Aquino Yspopulac X 1564 Antonio de Santa Maria (Mexicaytoa) X Martin de San Juan (Ezmalin) X 1565 Pedro Dionisio Toribio Basquez (Tlacuscalcal) X *See Note 33. Placed in this form, the barrio affiliations appear to provide testimony that a rotational system of alcalde officeholding by barrios was in effect in the Indian cabildo of Mexico City. The pairs of barrios emerge as San Pablo and San Juan on the one hand, and San Sebastian and Santa Maria on the other in annual alternation. At no time, so far as these indications go, did an alcalde from San Pablo or San Juan serve simultaneously with an alcalde from San Sebastian or Santa Maria. Two alcaldes, one each from San Pablo and San Juan, served regularly in odd- numbered years; two others, respectively from San Sebastian and Santa Marla, served in even-numbered years. The lack of in- formation respecting three persons appears insufficient to dis- prove the system, given the perfect regularity of the thirteen for whom the barrio connection is ascertainable. One may postulate with a fair degree of certainty the affiliations of two of these three: Miguel Diaz of San Juan, and Pedro Dionisio of San Pablo. Con- This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ROTATION OF ALCALDES IN THE INDIAN CABILDO 221 cerning the third, whose name is given as Crist6bal de Guzman, proper identification of the man and office remains problematic.33 Several significant conclusions may be drawn from this po- litical system. It is possible, perhaps even probable, that the regidores of the cabildo were also affiliated with the barrios in a systematic way. One may hazard the guess that three regidores from each of the four barrios composed the annual complement of twelve regidores.34 The hypothesis remains unproved, for re- gidores were normally persons of less consequence than alcaldes; hence less is known of their individual biographies, and although the barrio connections of many are known the sum of this infor- mation is still insufficient to indicate equality of representation. The hypothesis is supported, however, by comparison with the practice in sixteenth-century Tlaxcala, where each of four cabe- ceras contributed three regidores to form an annual cabildo of twelve.35 A second conclusion relates to the order in which the two alcaldes of a given year were listed in the sixteenth-century rec- ord. This order seemingly bore no relation to a rotational form.36 In odd-numbered years, as seen in the above tables, the name of the alcalde from San Juan preceded that of his colleague from San Pablo on four of six occasions. In even-numbered years the name of the alcalde from Santa Maria appeared before the name of the alcalde from San Sebastian on two of four occasions. These positions seem arbitrary and their unsystematic character is con- sistent also with regidor lists of the same (and other) periods, where no uniformity may be discerned. In fact alternative list- ings of the alcaldes themselves occasionally transpose the order. Finally the question may be asked whether the political so- phistication evidenced in this rotational cabildo was derived from Spanish municipal procedures or whether it derived from pre- conquest Indian political history. The question does not admit of a simple or absolute solution. With the Indian governments 13 Our texts give the names Don Cristobal and Don Crist6bal de Guzmdn for one of the alcaldes of 1556 (C6dice Osuna, pp. 42, 82, 93, 124). He is identified as del barrio de San Juan. The identification may be an error, may represent an exception to the system in this year, or may refer to the parte. It is contradicted by the Codex of 1576, which names Crist6bal de Guzm~n as gobernador beginning January 6, 1556 (Aubin, op. cit., p. 98). 3 The hypothesis assumes that when eight regidores formed the cabildo, as in 1559, two were chosen from each barrio. 35 Charles Gibson, Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century (Yale Historical Publications, Mis- cellany, LVI.) (New Haven, 1952), pp. 111 ff. 36 The order appears to be arbitrary. It may, of course, reflect some now unknown system of seniority or priority. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 222 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW the student is confronted with a composite institution the com- bined elements of which stem from both sources. The terminology of the main offices of the cabildo-gobernador, alcaldes, regidores-was of course Spanish. The judicial functions of the alcaldes were likewise Spanish, although the judicial sys- tems of Aztec society37 undoubtedly facilitated the transition to Spanish forms. The principle of rotation in office was, as has been suggested, a common one in Spanish and Spanish colonial administration. That the systematic rotation of alcaldes by their barrios derived directly from procedures in the mother country is evident from a number of documents of medieval Spanish munici- palities. An example is the thirteenth-century fuero of Soria in Castile. Here the sub divisions (colaciones) of the municipality numbered thirty-five, of which one (Santa Cruz) was privileged to provide an alcalde every year. The remaining thirty-four, divided into two equal groups of seventeen each, alternated an- nually so that in one year one group of seventeen colaciones furnished seventeen alcaldes whereas in the next year the other group of seventeen colaciones furnished another seventeen al- caldes.38 In the Mexico City system no barrio was privileged, as was the colacion of Santa Cruz in Soria, to provide an alcalde every year. Rather all four of the barrios of Mexieo City were functionally comparable to the thirty-four lesser colaciones of Soria, for each one provided one alcalde for a term of one year every other year.39 It has sometimes been asserted that the division of the Indian area of Mexico City into four barrios, a division persisting through colonial times, was an act of the post-conquest Spaniards for 37 Carlos H. Alba, Estudio comparado entre el derecho azteca y el derecho positive mexicano (Ediciones especiales del Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, III.) (Mexico, 1949), pp. 27-28. 38 Section 51 of the fuero of Soria reads as follows: "Los alcaldes deuen sseer dize ocho con el juez, por que la collation Sancta Cruz cadanno ha de auer un alcalde, & delas otras treynta & quatro collatjones, las XVII collationes dan un anno sendos las otras dize siete el otro anno sendos alcaldes. Et por esta gracia que ha la collation de Sancta Crux demas delas otras, non ha derecho njnguno enel yudgado." See Galo Sdnches, ed., Fueros castellanos de Soria y Alcala de Henares (Madrid, 1919), p. 22. 39 Equally precise instances of rotation in office are difficult to discover in pre-conquest Mexican society. The many examples of dual governorship in aboriginal political life appear not to be historically related to the dual office of alcalde in colonial times. Atten- tion may be called, however, to the system employed in Mixtec officeholding, as described by Herrera. A Mixtec priest rose in rank, occupying each position for a period of four years, and then "se salia del Monasterio, porque no le quedaba otro Oficio que servir, i el Cacique lo tenia por bien, i era de su consejo, y si se queria casar, podia" (Antonio de Herrera, Historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas y tierra fire del mar oceano [4 vols., 8 decades; Madrid, 1726-1730], Dec. III, lib. iii, p. 99). This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ROTATION OF ALCALDES IN THE INDIAN CABILDO 223 purposes of religious conversion. It is true at least that Santa Maria, San Sebastian, and San Pablo were parroquias of the regular clergy in the sixteenth century.40 But the four-part divi- sion of the city is to be found also in texts relating to the pre- conquest period, and there can be little doubt that as in Cholula, Tlaxcala, and other Mexican areas the four parts of Tenochtitlan antedated the coming of the Spaniards. Their Nahuatl names- Cuepopan or Tlaquechiucan (Santa Maria), Atzacualco (San Se- bastian), Teopan or Zoquipan (San Pablo), and Moyotlan (San Juan)-suggest at least a pre-conquest origin. Textual sources close to sixteenth-century Indian informants and reflecting oral or written Indian traditions, speak of the division into these four quarters as an event of the period immediately following the foundation of Tenochtitlan.41 Indications are numerous, further- more, that in the socio-political life of the pre-conquest capital these barrios, as calpulli, served important administrative, reli- gious, and political functions.42 Thus the exact number of urban barrios participating in the rotational office of alcalde may prob- ably be identified as an Aztec survival.43 The number four, as is well known, had many applications in Aztec pre-conquest society. It fit precisely the Spanish dictum that two alcaldes were to serve annually in Indian (as in Spanish) municipal governments in America. The adjustment of Indian to Spanish number was achieved through the equal division of barrios and the annual alternation of barrio groups as in the thirteenth-century fuero of Soria in C(Tsdtile 40 Manuel Carrera Stampa, "Planos de la ciudad de M6xico," Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, LXVII (1949), 318. For a list of metropolitan parroquias, see Jos6 Bravo Ugarte, S. J., "La parroquia del sagrario metropolitano y su compafifa de cocheros y lacayos del santfsimo sacramento," Memorias de la Academia Mexicana de la Historia, VIII (1949), 51. 41 Duran, op. cit., I, 42; Hernando Alvarado Tezozomoc, Cr6nica mexicana, Manuel Orozco y Berra, ed. (Mexico, 1944), pp. 17, 19, 260. 42 Agustin de Vetancurt, Teatro mexicano, descripci6n breve de los svcessos exemplares, hist6ricos, politicos, militares, y religiosos del nuevo mundo occidental de las Indias (2 vols., 4 parts; Mexico, 1697-1698), II, Part IV (Chr6nica de la provincia del santo evangelio de Mexico), p. 40. Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, Oputsculos varios (Biblioteca de autores mexicanos, I) (Mexico, 1896), p. 369; Manuel Orozco y Berra, Historia antigua y de la conquista de Mexico (4 vols. and atlas, Mexico, 1880), III, 163-165; atlas, P1. 19; Tor- quemada, op. cit., I, 295. 43 The four-part division of a city is, of course, a widespread and not a uniquely Aztec form. The English word quarter defines both a section of a city and a fourth part. On the four-part division of Tenochtitlan-Mexico, prior to the conquest and in colonial times, see S. Linne, El valle y la ciudad de Mexico en 1550, relaci6n hist6rica fundada sobre un mapa geografico, que se conserva en la universidad de Uppsala, Suecia (Stockholm, 1948), pp. 33-34. This content downloaded from 168.96.255.82 on Tue, 15 Apr 2014 15:27:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions