Issues in Special Needs and Inclusive Education

University of Exeter
Doctorate in Education (Ed.D) Special Needs & Inclusive education

Issues in Special Needs and Inclusive Education
The Cultural Appropriateness of Inclusive Education in Saudi Arabia: How Useful are Western
Ideals or Concepts?

Submitted 2
nd
January 2014

Joseph Pears Brown Special Needs and Inclusive Education 23 October 2013

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The Cultural Appropriateness of Inclusive Education
in Saudi Arabia: How useful are Western ideals/concepts?

Introduction
Inclusive education, as stipulated by the Salamanca Statement (UNESCO, 1994), which has been
endorsed by 92 countries and 25 international organisations, states that [e]very child has a
fundamental right to education, and must be given the opportunity to achieve and maintain an
acceptable level of learning and [t]hose with special educational needs must have access to
regular schools, which should accommodate them within a child-centred pedagogy capable of
meeting their needs. In other words, every child has the right to a level of education that will
accord them the opportunity to attain their fullest academic potential, in the same learning
environment as their peers with appropriate intervention and support.

In an attempt to fulfil their commitment to the Education for All (EFA) global initiative, many
countries have reformed, or are in the process of reforming their education policies (Mittler,
2000). But to establish an inclusive education system requires more than just reforming and/or
developing a few policies. It requires a complete upheaval of the system, as well as a change in
social and cultural perceptions regarding disability. Therefore, it is therefore incumbent upon all
parties involved in the process to understand the issues and ramifications that such reformation
entails (Thompkins & Deloney, 1995). Perhaps it is this oversight that has left many Arab states
struggling to attain that purported Western ideal of inclusive education. According to UNESCO
(2010), most education indicators were lower in many of the Arab States than in countries of
Latin America and the Caribbean or East Asia and the Pacific. Or perhaps the problem is
precipitated by the conceptual complexity, and the varied manifestations in practice that has
blurred the concept making it difficult to systemise and implement (Lindsay, 2003).
Nevertheless, many Arab states are striving to achieve this ideal, but in order for this to be
accomplished, there needs to be a clear understanding of the concept of inclusive education in
the cultural context in which it is developed (Miles & Singal, 2010, p,8).

The purpose of this research is to examine the concept of inclusive education with respect to the
context of Saudi Arabia. This paper will examine the notion of inclusion in relation to the UK;

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present a historical overview of SEN as they relate to the context of Saudi Arabia from a cultural
and religious perspective; highlight the current situation regarding SEN in Saudi Arabia, as well
as the cultural appropriateness of inclusive education as a practice within the context of Saudi
Arabia. The term SEN shall be used in this paper to refer to the needs of individuals with learning
difficulties and physical disabilities.

Key words: SEN, disability, inclusive education, inclusive education system, Education for All
(EFA)

The concept of inclusive education in the UK
The concept of inclusive education within the UK can be traced back as far as 1928, when the
Wood Committee called for the unification of ordinary and special education. Similarly, the
Education Act 1994 expressed a desire for inclusive education with the then Parliamentary
Secretary, Chuter Ede, stating that Whilst we desire to see adequate provisions in special
schools, we also desire to see as many children as possible in the normal stream of school life
(Lindsay, 2003, p.4). In like manner, the Warnock Report (Warnock, 1978), also expressed a
desire to see special needs children learning in a more inclusive environment. However, the
concept of inclusive education, whilst a noble one, is a complex and contested concept [whose]
manifestations in practice are many and varied (Lindsay, 2003, p.3). It is a concept that has
generated a great deal of discussion, confusion and questions within the corridors of education.
What does inclusive education really mean? Are there varying degrees of inclusion? And what
does establishing an inclusive education system entail? (Thompkins and Deloney, 1995).

What does inclusive education mean?
For many, the concept of inclusive education is somewhat vague. What exactly does it mean?
And what are its manifestations? In England, the term is frequently used to describe practices in
special schools, and in some UK contexts it is associated with school attendance or behaviour, as
opposed to disability or special needs (Miles & Singal, 2010). In the US, the concept of inclusive
education has been related to, and/or used interchangeably with terms like progressive inclusion
(Reynolds, 1998), normalization, deinstitutionalisation, desegregation, and integration
(Thompkins & Deloney, 1995). All these terms vary to some degree in meaning and practice, and

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as one looks askance at the situation, is it a wonder then that the lens through which the term is
defined has become blurred. When one examines the relevant literature on the subject, it soon
becomes apparent that there is no one definitive answer as to what constitutes inclusive
education, because conceptual interpretations abound (Miles and Singal, 2010).

According to the Salamanca Statement (UNESCO, 1994), the concept of inclusive education can
be understood to mean the following: the rights of the individual to an accepted level of
education; the acknowledgement of the uniqueness of the individual through individual learning
plans (ILPs); and access to regular schools that are capable of meeting the above mentioned
qualities. According to Ainscow et al (2006), inclusive education can be understood to mean: a
concern with SEN and disabled students; a response to groups vulnerable to exclusion, including
disciplinary exclusion; the Education for All (EFA) global initiative; or a principled approach to
education and society. Others like Erwin (1993) and Rogers (1993) understand the concept to
also mean: the educating of SEN and disabled students in the neighbouring school that they
would otherwise attend.

This myriad of interpretations, as expressed in the literature, is either indicative of a concept that
is flexible with the ability to be uprooted and replanted in any cultural context, or it is indicative
of conceptual confusion that can only serve to hinder its growth, development and subsequent
implementation. A global understanding as to what constitutes the core principles of inclusive
education is paramount, because [t]he extent to which more inclusive education practices are
promoted at country level will depend on the development of a clear understanding of the
conceptin the cultural context in which it is developed (Miles and Singal, 2010, p.8).

Are there varying degrees of inclusion?
When we engage with the literature, we come across terms like partial/full inclusion, and
partially/fully inclusive (Thompkins and Deloney, 1995). Likewise, we also find a disability
spectrum that ranges from mild to severe. Students with mild learning disabilities are fully
integrated into the learning environment of their non-disabled peers with some slight
modification to the intervention and/or curricula. Students with moderate learning disabilities
receive their learning in separate classrooms within a normal school setting, but share non-

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curricular activities with their peers such as lunch and break times; and students with severe
learning disabilities receive their learning in special schools or private institutions (Alquraini,
2011). In other words, those with mild learning difficulties are fully integrated; those with
moderate learning difficulties are partially integrated; and those with severe learning difficulties
are segregated. The degree to which an individual is integrated depends on the severity of their
disability.

What does establishing an inclusive education system entail?
According to Booth and Ainscow (2002), when seeking to establish an inclusive education
system, it is imperative to pay attention to the following three dimensions: inclusive policies,
inclusive practices and inclusive cultures. However, none of these dimensions can truly be
actualised unless there is active collaboration [and accountability] between policy-makers,
education personnel and other stakeholders, including the active involvement of members of the
local community, such as political and religious leaders, local education officials and the media
(UNESO, 2009, p.14).

Critical analysis of the concept of inclusive education
Inclusive education is indeed the buzz word within the corridors of education today. It is being
championed as the saviour of children with SEN, and the tool with which to breakdown social
barriers (DfES, 2001). However, after examining the literature, several discrepancies have
become manifest. Firstly, there are a number of ambiguities with regards to the definition. For
example, the Salamanca Statement (UNESCO, 1994) states that every child has a fundamental
right to an acceptable level of education. What is an acceptable level of education? What is
acceptable in one context may not be acceptable in another. What is attainable in one context
may not be attainable in another; and what is beneficial in one context may not be beneficial in
another. In other words, acceptability, attainability and benefit is subject to the existence of
external variables, such as active collaboration between domains on a governmental, educational
and social level; and adequate SEN practitioners, as well as specialised staff in psycho-therapy,
speech-therapy and physical education. The Statement also states that [t]hose with special
educational needs must have access to regular schools. Again the question is: what is a
regular school? A regular school in the context of the UK, for the most part, is unlike a regular

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school in Saudi Arabia. The lack of SEN practitioners, departmental collaboration and
cooperation, as well as a culture of unaccountability, makes it difficult to discern how inclusive
education can be effectively practiced in such a context. At the very least, its development and
implementation is going to be severely hampered. Another concern is the establishment of an
inclusive education system. There appears to be a dearth of information on how to establish such
a system. Can it be established piecemeal, or is it paramount that it be established whole? If
piecemeal, what variables are essential from the outset, and at what stage would it be considered
an inclusive education system? If whole, can it be considered an inclusive education system while
still lacking some of the essential variables? It is concerns like these that bring the whole concept
into question and continue to fuel the inclusive education debate.

Historical overview of SEN/disability in Saudi Arabia
Prior to 1958, individuals with physical disabilities in Saudi Arabia did not receive any kind of
support or provisions. It was not until 1958, that special needs schools were established in the
Kingdom. These schools became known as scientific institutes and were primarily established to
provide services for the blind (Salloom, 1995). In an attempt to improve learning and
rehabilitation services, the Ministry of Education (MOE) established the Department of Special
Learning in 1962 and extended provisions to include not only the blind, but also the deaf and the
mentally retarded (Alquraini, 2012). In 2000, the Saudi Disability Code broadened the definition
of disability to include those with visual, hearing, cognitive, motor, and learning disabilities, as
well as speech and language impairments, behavioural problems, pervasive developmental delay,
multi-disabilities, and other disabilities which required special care. The ratification of the Code
was to also ensure that people with such disabilities had access to free and appropriate education,
psychological, social, medical and rehabilitation services through designated public agencies.
This legislation further required these agencies to assist those eligible in areas such as welfare,
habilitation, training and rehabilitation, employment, health, complementary services, and other
areas (Prince Salman Centre for Disability Research). In 2001, The Regulations of Special
Education Programs and Institutes (RSEPI) was introduced to develop policies to implement the
Disability Code. Under the RSEPI, all children with disabilities were entitled to: free and
appropriate education in the least restricted environment (LRE), individual education
programmes (IEP), early intervention programmes, and transition services (Weber, 2012).

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However, since their inception, little if any of these policies are effectively implemented. In fact,
the situation has created a gap between the framework of these policies and the provision of SEN
services in Saudi Arabia (Gaad, 2011). In order to eliminate the disparity between policy and
practice, there needs to be a reformation of the entire education system (Thompkins and Deloney,
1995). It is only by investigating and eliminating the cause(s) of this phenomenon can the notion
of an inclusive education system be realised.

Cultural and religious perspectives regarding disability in Saudi Arabia
In most societies, culture and religion play a significant role in shaping peoples thoughts and
perceptions. Because Saudi Arabia is considered the bedrock of Islam, their cultural practices are
often mistakenly equated with the religion. Although there is a clear linguistic distinction
between the terms culture and religion culture meaning the social customs, arts and beliefs of a
class or community of people, at a particular period of time; and religion meaning a set of beliefs,
values and practices based on the teachings of a religious doctrine (Free Online Dictionary) at
times the terms are used interchangeably to mean one and the same thing. It is therefore
incumbent to emphasise the distinction between culture and religion when looking at issues
pertaining to Islam and Muslims, especially with respect to Saudi Arabia.

Cultural perspective
Historically the people of [the Gulf] region have not had a very open and accepting attitude
towards those with special needs and/or disabilities (Gaad, 2011, p.91). In many Arab societies,
persons with disabilities are a source of shame, a financial burden, even seen as a curse on their
families; the words used to describe or denote disability are derogatory and pejorative; people are
often identified by their disability, or their disability replaces their given name (Al-Thani, 2009,
cited in Weber, 2012, p87), In this male dominated society, tribal honour and prestige hinge on
the prowess of the male. In pre-Islamic times, warfare was the order of the day, and vendettas
would consume tribes for generations. Tribal conflict was a means by which a man could elevate
himself with his acts of bravery and heroism, and at the same time, those endowed with the
cognitive ability would eloquently recite poetry with which they would win prestige and honour
for their tribe (Najeebabadi, 2000). In such a society, there was no place for those with physical

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or cognitive disabilities, and so they would be isolated in their homes and excluded from
participating in public affairs.

Religious perspective
The advent of Islam brought about a change in the psyche of the Arabs, especially with regards
to the derogatory manner in which they perceived and treated those they regarded as inferior. The
Arabic word Islam is derived from the four letter root verb aslama, which means to accept, to
surrender or to submit (Al Mawrid Dictionary). In the context of the religion, it means to accept,
to surrender or to submit to the Will of Allah (God). The Quran, which Muslims revere and hold
to be the actual words of Allah (God), is the primary authoritative/legislative source in Islam,
while the sayings, actions and tacit approvals of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh
1
) is the secondary
authoritative/legislative source in Islam.

When Allah (God) revealed the following verse of the Quran: Oh mankind! We have created
you from a male and female [Adam and Eve], and made you into nations and tribes that you may
know each other. Verily, the most honourable of you with Allah is he who is most righteous
(Quran: 49:13), it revolutionised the thinking of the Arabs, and refocused the lens through which
they perceived their fellow human-being. No longer was respect, honour and dignity dependent
on ones wealth and notability, but rather, righteous actions and piety. In the light of Islam, all
people were regarded as equal, since all were descendants of Adam and Eve; and the best
amongst them were those who were most pious. This social reform brought in from the cold a
segment of the society that had been marginalised and excluded from most if not all societal
affairs solely on the basis of their disability.

Parallel
In much the same way as Islam brought in from the cold a segment of Arab society that had been
marginalised, so too did UPIAS
2
with respect to the disabled in the UK during the mid-1970s.
Consequently, out of this movement emerged the social model of disability, which was informed
by the idea that disability was actually a social imposition. (Thomas, 2004). The social models

1
Peace and blessings be upon him.
2
Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation

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conceptual separation of impairment from disability and [their] assertion that people with
impairments [were] disabled by society [and] not by their impairments (ibid, p.573), attracted a
great deal of criticism. Shakespeare and Watson (2001), critiques of the social model, argued that
[p]eople are disabled both by social barriers and their bodies. This is straight forward and
uncontroversial [and] [t]he British social model approach, because it over-eggs the pudding,
risks discrediting the entire dish (p.17). Nevertheless, it can be said that UPIAS was indeed the
catalyst that ignited the disability debate in the UK and fuelled social reform with respect to the
disabled, in much the same way as Islam brought about a transformation with respect to the
disabled in Arabian society.

The current situation with respect to SEN in Saudi Arabia
The SEN debate in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is very much in the rudimentary stages of
development (ElZein, 2009). Although ignorance of learning difficulties and negative attitudes
towards those with disabilities are not as prevalent as they once were, there still exist a
concerning level of ignorance and negativity (Weber, 2012). The following case studies, although
not indicative of extensive and conclusive research with respect to SEN in Saudi Arabia, they are
nonetheless, a reflection of the experiences of scores of families up and down the country.

Case study 1 I nterview with Mohammad Alqahtani
This is an account of an interview with Mohammad Alqahtani, the elder brother of Hamza
Alqahtani, a young Saudi boy living in Riyadh, who was diagnosed as having an autistic
spectrum disorder when he was eight years old.

At two years and six months, Hamzas family noticed that his speech was underdeveloped for his
age. As Hamza got older, it also became apparent that he could not go to the toilet on his own and
would often wet himself in public, nor could he clothe or feed himself properly. Despite the fact
that his level of learning was markedly below that of his peers, and he exhibited behaviours that
were cause for concern, these early indicators were dismissed and attributed to Hamza being
spoilt by other members of the family. For several years, the family, with the exception of his
elder brother, completely denied that something could be wrong with Hamza, choosing instead to
cling to the misplaced belief that because he was spoilt and not taught how to do these things,

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with time they would eventually be resolved. Thus Hamzas father obstinately refused to seek
professional help for his son, insisting that he was normal and should attend a regular mainstream
school. So at the age of seven, Hamza attended a regular mainstream school, where the teachers
noticed that his level of learning was markedly beneath that of his peers, and that he lacked
adequate social skills for his age. They suggested that he be placed in a special class, but the
family categorically refused and decided instead to remove Hamza from the school, after only 2
weeks, and kept him at home. At the age of eight, Hamza was again sent to a regular mainstream
school, where they too noticed the same issues. Eventually, at the behest of his elder son, the
father reluctantly agreed to the seeking of professional help. Hamza was taken to see a
paediatrician, who referred him to a team of specialist in behavioural and developmental
disorders, which consisted of a consultant paediatrician, a consultant child psychiatrist, as well as
a physical therapist and a speech therapist. After undergoing tests for 1 week, Hamza was
diagnosed as having an autistic spectrum disorder, and ADHD. The father, a physician,
completely denied the report and the mother refused to believe it thus the findings were not
acted upon. After completing the first grade of the academic year 09/10, at the age of nine,
Hamza still had not learnt the Arabic alphabet and was unable to read or write, despite the
additional help of specialist teachers. It was at that juncture, that the father conceded and
accepted the fact that something was wrong with his son.

In search of appropriate SEN provisions
Armed with an official specialist diagnostic report, the family embarked on procuring appropriate
SEN provisions for their autistic/ADHD son. To this end, numerous applications were submitted
to Autistic/SEN Rehabilitation Centres, but the outcome was always the same the centres were
completely full with literally hundreds on their waiting lists. Oftentimes, they would furnish the
family with contact details of other private centres in Saudi Arabia, but would caution against
using them because they were too costly, lacked specialist practitioners, and more often than not
the end result was zero (Sayel, 2012). It was even suggested that the family send Hamza to
Jordan where they would readily find appropriate SEN provisions, but it meant that he would be
away from home, communication would be via telephone, Skype or email, and they would only
see each other during vacations. After searching diligently for two months, an opportunity arose
when a centre in Riyadh doubled its intake from 40-80 with the completion of an extension to

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their existing premises. As a result of the familys connections, a place was secured for Hamza
ahead of the hundreds that had been languishing on the waiting list. Within 3 years of attending
the centre, Hamza changed dramatically. He became totally functional, and was now able to
dress, feed, and clothe himself, as well as read, write, and calculate. Such was his improvement
that the centre concluded he could now be placed in a regular mainstream school. Consequently,
his papers were submitted to the Ministry of Education (MOE), where he was given an aptitude
test and deemed suitable to enter elementary school for the academic year 13/14.

Result
In September 2013, Hamza re-entered mainstream education for the third time, and has continued
to make steady progress to the extent that he now has lofty aspirations of becoming a manager of
an airport or running his own business. However, it has to be said that had it not been for the
familys connections, Hamza would be languishing on several waiting lists like countless others
today (Alqahtani, 2013).

Case study 2 - Khalid
This is the case study of Khalid who was born on 19 October 1989. When Khalid was three years
old, his mother detected early indicators of what later transpired to be signs of autism.
Unfortunately, Khalid was misdiagnosed by several leading hospitals in Saudi Arabia as having a
mental disability. His parents were informed that he would not be able to attend a regular
mainstream school because his IQ was only 45. However, they were convinced that their son had
normal intelligence based on empirical data obtained from observing Khalid constructing
complex Lego structures and his extraordinary attention to detail. At the age of eight, Khalids
family was fortunate to meet Dr. Michael Nester, a consultant neuropsychologist in the
Department of Neurosciences at the King Faisal Specialist Hospital in Riyadh. Dr. Nester
diagnosed Khalid as having high-functioning autism, significant speech and language delay, and
social impairment. However, his cognitive ability was normal; that is, his IQ was average. Dr.
Nester went on to suggest that with the right support and intervention, Khalid could attend a
regular mainstream school, as his only issues were with his social and communication skills.


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Khalids high school experience
Khalids experience at a public mainstream school was fraught with problems. His family
regularly received complaints from the school regarding his challenging behaviour. His father
had to frequently visit the school to address the teachers complaints and their inability to manage
the situation. In addition, Khalid was being bullied by his peers, and due to his lack of social and
communication skills, was only able to express himself through drawings. The lack of anti-
bullying policies in schools at the time, and the inability of Khalids school to take effective
action, forced his parents to take matters into their own hands. However, despite his negative
experience, Khalid excelled academically from primary through to high school; and in 2008,
graduated with a 90% GPA that entitled him to be educated in the same learning environment as
his non-disabled peers.

Khalids higher education experience
Khalid was unable to secure a place in a public or private Saudi university for four years.
Consequently, he became extremely frustrated and isolated. His father, when interviewed,
expressed how Khalid had been left behind without an education, a job or friends. The Dean of
admission and registration at a public university in Riyadh indicated that the lack of rudimentary
SEN awareness among teachers and students, the lack of specialist practitioners/advisors, as well
as the need to modify the curricula and/or the infrastructure to facilitate such learners, meant that
many Saudi universities were inaccessible. On 5 September 2012, Khalid was finally accepted on
an undergraduate programme at King Saud University (KSU) in Riyadh, majoring in Computer
Science. However, it was not until assigned volunteers commited themselves to educating KSU
teaching staff and students with regards to Khalids condition that he was accepted.

Result
Khalid is now progressing very well academically and socially. He has just completed his first
year exams with excellent grades, and has two friends who share the same interest as him
(Almasoud, 2013).


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Discussion
Despite the increased level of awareness among the Saudi populous regarding SEN, there still
remains a sense of shame and social stigma, especially if the issue is close to home. As
highlighted in case study 1, Hamzas parents completely denied there was a problem, and for
several years, his father put up stiff resistance to the seeking of professional help. When they
finally accepted the stark reality, appropriate provisions were not readily available, as centres
were too few and completely full. Instead, the family were informed that such provisions could
be sought in Jordan. It was the familys connections that finally procured Hamza a place at an
autism centre in Riyadh, where he continued to make steady progress until he was deemed ready
to attend a regular mainstream school.

As for the case study of Khalid, who was misdiagnosed as having a mental disorder and an IQ of
45, his family was fortunate enough to meet Dr. Michael Nester, a consultant neuropsychologist,
who diagnosed Khalid with high-functioning autism, significant speech and language delay, and
inadequate social skills. Khalids high-school experience was difficult. The lack of understanding
regarding his behaviour resulted in him being perceived as troublesome. In addition, he was
bullied by his peers with the school unable or unwilling to take effective action. In short, there
was no support or provisions to facilitate Khalids special educational needs. After successfully
graduating from high-school, Khalid could not procure a place at a Saudi university, private or
public, as they were unable to facilitate his learning. After four years of trying to secure a
university place, he was eventually accepted at King Saud University, Riyadh, on the condition
of staff and students being educated regarding autism.

The appropriateness of the concept of inclusive education in Saudi Arabia
According to Engelbrecht et al (2006), the development of an inclusive education system is a far
reaching exploration that requires a moving away from practices and cultures that maintain the
status quo to one that promotes, supports and sustains change. Finding a framework within which
inclusive education and the development of a common understanding, as well as a shared vision
of change can occur in Saudi Arabia may prove to be challenging.


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The decision making process in Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia is a theocratic monarchy whose political, social, economical, and education policies
are inextricably underpinned by Islamic law, that is the Shariah, which is derived from the Quran
and the teachings of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh
3
). The decision making process is based on an
Islamic concept called Majlis as-Shoura; a consultative body wherein issues are discussed and
decisions are arrived at informed by the Shariah. The Islamic perspective on governance is that
ultimate authority rests with Allah (God), and all legislation must be underpinned by His divine
law. The Majlis as-Shoura acts as an advisory body to the leader, who has been invested with the
authority to enact legislation in accordance with the tenets of Islam. Unlike the democratic
principle of majority rule, the Islamic leader, after consulting with the Majlis as-Shoura, has the
authority to overturn any decision that contravenes the Shariah or ethical considerations, even if
it is a majority held opinion: and consult them in the affairs. Then when you [Muhammad]
have taken a decision, put your trust in Allah, certainly, Allah loves those who put their trust [in
Him] (Quran: 3:160). If developing an inclusive education system necessitates the relinquishing
of cultures and practices that maintain the status quo (Engelbrecht, Oswald & Forlin, 2006), it is
difficult to discern how such a concept could truly be established in a context whose values and
practices are inextricably underpinned by religion and/or cultural practices that date back
generations.

Gender-segregation: discrimination or inclusive education contextualised
Gender segregation is a fundamental aspect of Saudi Arabian culture that permeates most if not
all spheres of society. The education ontology with respect to Saudi Arabia and Western
countries is that gender-segregated institutes are an intrinsic characteristic of education in Saudi
Arabia, while co-education institutes have long since been a feature of Western education.
According to the Salamanca Statement, inclusive education is the most effective means of
combating discriminatory attitudes (UNESCO, 1994, p.11). If inclusive education - from the
myriad of definitions that abound - means education for all in the same learning environment
regardless of gender, can the education system in Saudi Arabia truly adopt a Western
definition/understanding of inclusion?

3
Peace be upon him.

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Cultivated inefficacy
Saudi Arabia, along with many other countries and organisations, endorsed the Salamanca
Statement (UNESCO, 1994) regarding special needs education, and since then, several education
policies have been modified and/or enacted by the Ministry of Education. However, there is a
concerned disparity between the framework of those policies and the provision of SEN services
(Gaad, 2011). The Supervisor General of Special Education in Saudi Arabia admits that current
programs are not fully servicing the estimated 5% of Saudi students with learning difficulties
(Weber, 2012, p.92). So what is the cause of this inefficacy? In reality, there is no one definitive
answer. However, adverse work ethics, practices and perspectives, which have become part of the
very fabric of modern-day Saudi Arabian culture, are a major contributor.

Levers that affect change
According to Senge (1989), there are two kinds of levers that affect change: high levers and low
levers. High levers are those things that bring about effective change and low levers are those that
bring about cosmetic change; that is, they tend to change the way things look but not the way
they work (Senge, 1989, cited in Ainscow, 2005, p.111). In order to affect change and cultivate
an environment that is completely conducive to inclusion, the appropriate levers need to be
identified and acted upon (Senge, 1989).

A contextualised definition of inclusive education
According to Miles & Singal (2010), the concept of inclusive education must be understood with
respect to the socio-cultural context in which it is being developed. It is imperialistic to think that
a Western definition/understanding of inclusion can be transported anywhere in the world
without the need to consider the socio-cultural context of the country in which it is being
deployed. To enable countries to effectively and efficiently fulfil their commitment to the global
Education for All agenda (UNESCO, 2000), there needs to be conceptual flexibility to
accommodate a contextualised definition of inclusion. That is, certain elements being defined by
the cultural context in which they are situated, while core elements of the concept remains non-
negotiable. To be more specific, a meaning and practice of inclusion that takes into account the
cultural and religious framework of Saudi Arabia.


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Discussion
At present, inclusive education in Saudi Arabia is still in the realm of theory and not practice
(Gaad, 2011, Weber 2012). Problems regarding policy implementation and an environment that
is not yet fully conducive to the concept of inclusive education suggest that full implementation
of such a practice may be currently unrealistic and counterproductive. According to Booth and
Ainscow (2002), when seeking to establish an inclusive education system, three dimensions need
to be cultivated: inclusive policies, inclusive practices and an inclusive culture.

Inclusive policies
Since 1994, the education system in Saudi Arabia has undergone significant policy changes
reflective of the Governments desire to restructure and reform their education system into one
that is more flexible and inclusive. However, these developments will eventually become
unsustainable if the policies that underpin them are rendered ineffective. Frequently, policies in
Saudi Arabia, especially on an institutional level, are either inconsistently implemented or not
implemented at all. It is imperative to have in place a scheme or series of steps through which
sound and workable policies can be formulated, and then, through effective planning, put into
effect, evaluated and redesigned (UNESCO, 1995, p.17).

Inclusive practices
The philosophy and pedagogy of a school is not reflected in its policies per se, but in its manifest
practices. According to Engelbrecht et al (2006), crucial elements such as: inclusive leadership,
structures, processes and values; collaborative partnerships between the school, the teachers, the
learners, the parents and the community; addressing learner diversity and behaviour; as well as
resourcing (special needs professionals), are all integral to the development and sustainability of
an inclusive education environment. Many learning institutions in Saudi Arabia lack one or more
of these crucial elements. According to Jiffry (2013), the Kingdom is suffering from a lack of
special needs professionals. [M]ost teachers are not qualified or at the very least, trained
enough to handle complex cases, let alone educate children with special needs (Sayel, 2012).
Proper management and leadership, collaboration and cooperation among departments, as well as
a culture of unaccountability are all issues that affect many schools and universities in Saudi
Arabia and hamper the development, implementation and sustainability of inclusive education.

Page | 16

An inclusive culture
An inclusive culture is one in which all are made to feel welcome. Management, staff, students,
and parents all collaborate and work well together to bring about the desired result. All students
are equally valued with high expectations for all (Booth and Ainscow, 2002). This ideal is by no
means an easy feat. It is one of the cornerstone of inclusion and from which permeates workable
policies, inclusive practices, a congenial environment, and as a result, manifest sustainable
efficacy. Establishing an inclusive culture requires active collaboration between policy-makers,
education personnel and other stakeholders, including the active involvement of members of the
local community, such as political and religious leaders, local education officials and the media
(UNESO, 2009, p.14).

Conclusion
Undoubtedly, inclusive education can be a useful means of reaching out to and empowering the
millions of educationally marginalised individuals globally. However, the concept has to be
treated like a pair of shoes; that is to say, one size does not fit all. Of course, the shoe will vary in
size, shape and colour, but it will always remain a shoe. The concept of inclusiveness must be
compatible with the socio-political/cultural context in which it is developed (Miles & Singal,
2010). Its presence should not be confrontational but complementary. It should not seek to
imperialistically impose the value system from which it was borne upon another, but should be
flexible enough to adapt while maintaining its core principles. In this way, it will better facilitate
the Education for All global initiative (UNESCO, 2000). Saudi Arabia is in the embryonic stages
of developing inclusive education as a system and a practice (Gaad, 2011, Weber, 2012).
Reforming the educational system and raising the standard of schools and universities
remains [one of] the biggest challenges Saudi Arabia faces today (Fatany, 2009).


Page | 17

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