Goal Characteristics in Youth of a North American Plains Tribe:

The Relationship between Cultural Identity and Goal Motivation

Quentin Cui
Stephanie E. Bachtelle, B.S. & Walt Scott, Ph.D.
Department of Psychology
University of Wyoming
July 19, 2013
Summer Research Apprentice Program
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
Abstract
Few, if any, studies have been conducted in the areas of cultural identity and goal
motivation, especially among Native American youth. This study examined whether White or
Native American cultural identity affected the goal motivation tendencies among youth of a
North American Plains tribe. The Cultural Identification Scale and the Personal Strivings Listing
were completed by 52 adolescents in grades 5 through 11. Results indicated that extrinsically
motivated goals were negatively correlated with a strong Native American cultural identity.
These findings run counter to common beliefs concerning a strong Native American cultural
identity producing extrinsically motivated goals. Implications of these findings are further
discussed.
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
Goal Characteristics in Youth of a North American Plains Tribe: The Relationship between
Cultural Identity and Goal Motivation
An individuals psychological membership in a specific culture or ethnic group is often
considered ones cultural identity (Matsumoto & Juang, 2008, pp. 341-342). This concept of an
individual belonging to a certain cultural identity is integral because it allows one to affiliate
with a specific social group, which has been associated with better physical and psychological
states, while ostracized individuals may demonstrate many distress behaviors if not considered a
member of the in-group (Baumeister, Ciarocco, & Twenge, 2005).
How cultural identity develops in American Indian youth
Globalization has recently been defined as the transmission of persons, processes, and
products from one part of the world to another, sometimes accelerated by the aid of technology
(Prilleltensky, 2012). The concept of globalization plays a major role in the formation of cultural
identity. For example, the influence of globalization has spurred the creation of many
movements that advocate indigenous rights and cultural preservation. These movements may
promote and advance a sense of indigenous identity and belongingness between native peoples
throughout the world that share the common goals of resisting globalization and Westernization
while simultaneously promoting their own culture (Markstrom, 2010).
However, globalization does pose potential risks for the formation of cultural identity,
such as poverty/socioeconomic status (SES). According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2006), the
poverty rate in America among the general population is 12.6%; however, the poverty rate
among American Indians and Alaskan Natives is 25.3%, nearly double that of the total American
populations poverty rate. Poverty and SES generate many deterrents and obstacles that may
stunt social and economic exploration, which may subsequently influence goal formation and life
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
outcomes for American Indian youth (Markstrom, 2010). Another potential risk of globalization
in the formation of cultural identity is prejudice and discrimination. The roles of ethnicity, race,
and/or nationality may limit American Indian youths future employment opportunities and
success, thus further impacting their goal perceptions and motivation. Simply put, globalization
can strengthen cultural identity among indigenous groups, but can also limit social and economic
mobility for indigenous peoples (Markstrom, 2010).
How cultural identity relates to goal formation
As stated before, cultural identity is crucial in the formation of social bonds and
affiliation (Baumeister, Ciarocco, & Twenge, 2005). Thus, it stands to reason that goals may
naturally be formed to coincide with an individuals cultural identity, with that individuals
inherent pursuit of societal connectedness and acceptance if in a more collectivistically-oriented
society. However, an American Indian child or adolescent may report a lack of a specific cultural
identification (i.e., collectivistic or individualistic), resulting in a partially or completely absent
cultural identity. Thus, American Indian youth may form goals absent of a certain cultural
identification; this may, in turn, lead to their resulting goals having different charactersitics than
a culturally-identified individuals goals.
One may form different goals based on ones collectivistic or individualistic identity.
According to Hartung, Fouad, Leong, and Hardin (2010), collectivists will grant more
importance to their respective in-groups goals and interests than their own, whereas
individualists will pursue goals that correspond to their own personal ambitions and interests.
What has yet to be established is whether a strong Native American or strong White cultural
identity will influence the goal orientation (collectivistic or individualistic) of the youth of a
North American Plains tribe.
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
Goals may also be defined as extrinsically or intrinsically motivated, with extrinsically
motivated goals (EMGs) set by others (e.g., parents and friends), and intrinsically motivated
goals (IMGs) considered self-ascribed goals. Additionally, Klinger & Cox (2011) strictly define
EMGs as goals that are set as stepping stone[s] toward some other goal, such as aiming to
marry to raise ones social status, while IMGs are defined as goals that satisfy an immediate
goal, such as intending to marry for love (Klinger & Cox, 2011, pp. 6-7). Within this study, it is
possible that American Indian youth with a strong Native American cultural identity will possess
goals with more extrinsic motivation, or others-driven motivational characteristics. This study
will examine whether a strong Native American or White cultural identity will be related to
EMGs or IMGs.
It is often believed that Native American cultures tend to be collectivistic, while White
cultures are predominantly more individualistic (Manson, Bechtold, Novins, & Beals, 1997).
Thus, a strong Native American cultural identity may be related to an individuals goal
preferences similar to the youths in-group. However, if Native American children or
adolescents report having a strong White cultural identity, their personal goals may be more
intrinsic, or self-based.
Present study
This present study examines the general role of cultural identity in the formation and
motivation of goals in the youth of a North American Plains tribe. Within a narrower view,
cultural identity suggests a certain collectivistic or individualistic goal orientation, associated
with a Native American and White cultural identity, respectively. At this point in the literature,
there does not appear to be a study assessing the relationship between cultural identity and goal
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
motivation in American Indian youth. Thus, this study aims to demonstrate how cultural identity
may influence goal motivation and formation.
Hypotheses. First, this study aimed to determine whether stronger Native American
cultural identity in American Indian youth will be correlated with more extrinsically motivated
(others-driven) goals. Past research has been conducted on the relationship between cultural
identity and depression in Native American youth (Scott et al., 2008), yet few, if any, empirical
studies have investigated the association between cultural identity and goal formation and
motivation in a similar population of children and adolescents. Thus, due to the strong
collectivistic association with Native American culture, it is predicted that a stronger Native
American cultural identity will be associated with more EMGs, or others-driven goals.
Furthermore, this study sought to ascertain whether the American Indian youth that are
non-culturally identified (no strong association with either Native American or White culture)
will attribute less importance and report having fewer thoughts about their goals. Thus, the lack
of a cultural identity is predicted to correlate with less importance ascribed to goals and fewer
thought frequency concerning them.
Methods
Participants
Participants of this study included 79 American Indian children and adolescents who
attended elementary, middle, and high schools on an Indian reservation in the Northern Plains of
the United States; however, only 52 of the participants filled out their goal preferences surveys
completely and correctly. Thus, the total sample size consisted of 52 children and adolescents.
The participants included 5
th
through 11
th
graders, with 55.8% (29) of the participants in 5th
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
grade, 26.9% (14) in 6th grade, and 17.3% (9) in grades 7 through 11 (see Figure 1). Of the 52
participants, 53.8% (28) were female and 46.2% (24) were male.
Figure 1. Grade breakdown of the participants.
Measures
Personal Strivings Listing. An abbreviated version of the Personal Strivings Listing
(PSL; Emmons, 1986) assessed various goal characteristics by asking participants to identify
four personal goals they believed best describe what they were typically trying to do every
day. Each of these goals was rated on three dimensions, (two items each) on a 1-7 point Likert
scale. These dimensions were goal orientation (reliability .59), goal importance (reliability .63),
and goal activation (reliability .73). The goal orientation dimension measured the degree to
which the participants goal is extrinsically motivated (others-driven) or intrinsically motivated
(self-driven), the goal importance dimension appraised the self-ascribed goals
significance/importance, and the goal activation dimension assessed the extent to which the
participant thinks about their respective goal.
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
Cultural Identification Scale. The Cultural Identification Scale (CIS; Oetting &
Beauvais, 1991) was utilized to assess whether participants identified with an Indian or
White way of life, based on the participants answers to questions regarding traditions,
religion, activities, beliefs, languages, etc. The Cultural Identification Scale also included
questions concerning familial and personal perceptions on the Indian and White ways of life.
The Cultural Identification Scale (CIS) consists of a total of 16 items, and total scores
range from 8 to 32 for each subscale. Higher scores on the CIS indicate higher levels of Native
American cultural identity relative to White cultural identity. The CIS has demonstrated high
internal consistency (Cronbachs alpha coefficient = .83) with other Native American samples
and minority populations. The CIS has been successfully used with Native American cohorts in
the past, as well as other minority populations.
Procedure
Study approval and consent. This study has been reviewed and approved by the
Institutional Review Board at the University of Wyoming. In addition, the superintendents and
principals of the reservation schools agreed to the carrying out of the study at their respective
schools. Passive consent was obtained from the parents and/or guardians of the participants of
the study; descriptions of the study were provided to the parents and/or guardians via a monthly
newsletter mailing. In addition to this, a form was sent home with each participant. Parents
and/or guardians had two ways to indicate non-consent: phone numbers to call and a signature
form to mail. Active consent was obtained from the students.
Study administration. Clinical psychology PhD graduate students described the study to
the students, and students had the option to complete the study surveys if they were interested.
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
The study surveys were administered by the classroom teachers and by graduate students at an
elementary, middle, and high school on a North American Plains reservation.
Results
The initial hypothesis concerned strength of Native American cultural identity and
extrinsic goal motivation. As such, higher levels of American Indian cultural identity were
hypothesized to be related to higher levels of others-driven, extrinsically based goal motivation.
A bivariate Pearsons correlation was used to assess the relationship between the average level of
cultural identity, measured by participants average scores on the CIS, and the amount of
extrinsically motivated (others-driven) goals, measured by ratings of goal importance within the
PSI. A significant negative correlation was found between these two variables, indicating more
intrinsic goal motivation associated with higher levels of American Indian cultural identity, r =
-.306, p = .033.
A scatterplot was generated to demonstrate the negative relationship between American
Indian cultural identity and extrinsically motivated goals (see Figure 2). Overall, a relatively
strong, negative correlation exists between the average level of American Indian cultural identity
and the level of extrinsically motivated goals among the Native American youth that were
surveyed, counter to the initial hypothesis.
Additionally, when levels of White cultural identity were compared to levels of intrinsic
goal motivation, there was no significant relationship between the two variables, r = -.043, p >
.05. Thus, an individuals levels of White cultural identity do not appear to be related to their
goal motivation, regardless of intrinsic or extrinsic characteristics.
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
Figure 2. Graph of the relationship between average American Indian cultural identity and
extrinsic (others-driven) goal motivation.
For the second hypothesis, participants levels of cultural identification were measured
and subsequently designated as either low (scores lower than one standard deviation below the
mean), medium (scores within one standard deviation below and above the mean), or high
(scores higher than one standard deviation above the mean) on both American Indian and White
cultural identification (see Table 1). A majority of the study participants (N = 23) displayed
medium levels of both White and American Indian cultural identity. Fewer participants (N =12)
displayed high levels of either White (M = 2.20, SD = .57) or American Indian cultural identity
(M = 3.33, SD = .58), with only 3 individuals reporting non-cultural identification. No students
reported having both high White and American Indian cultural identity. Thus, due to the overall
small sample size, and especially the very small amount of non-culturally identified individuals,
an independent samples T-test could not be conducted. Thus, no valid relationship or association
can be drawn concerning the second hypothesis at this time.
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
Table 1. Number of participants that displayed levels of White and American Indian (AI)
cultural identity (CD).
Discussion
The relationship between cultural identity and goal motivation was examined in Native
American youth living on an American Indian reservation in the North American Plains.
Interestingly, there was a relatively strong, negative correlation found between an individuals
level of American Indian cultural identity and their corresponding level of extrinsically
motivated goals. Thus, as an individuals American Indian cultural identity increased, their level
of extrinsically-motivated goals subsequently decreased. In other words, an individuals self-
based, intrinsic goal motivation increased with American Indian identification. Overall, the
results of the study ran counter to the first hypothesis, which stated that a strong, others-driven
goal motivation would be associated with a stronger American Indian, or collectivistic, cultural
identity.
Additionally, the relationship between non-cultural identification and goal characteristics
(e.g., thought frequency and importance ratings) could not be analyzed due to the small amount
of non-identified individuals. Thus, specific goal characteristics and potential differentiations
among individuals of varying levels of cultural identification are still unknown. That said, the
majority of students surveyed reported moderate levels of both White and American Indian
Low White CD Medium White CD High White CD
Low AI CD 3 7 0
Medium AI CD 7 23 8
High AI CD 1 3 0
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
cultural identity; this, in turn, possibly inferring that many American Indian youth are
simultaneously influenced by both the Indian and White ways of life.
A number of limitations existed in this study. First, the sample size was small, with only
52 American Indian youth participating in the study. As such, a valid conclusion could not be
drawn concerning non-culturally identified American Indian youth, goal significance, and
thought frequency. Additional replications of the study are recommended with larger sample
sizes to better enable appropriate statistical analyses.
This was one of the first, if not the only, empirical study assessing American Indian
cultural identity and its impact on goal motivation. Future research concerning individual
differences, including goal motivation, drive, importance, and inspiration, would be very
beneficial to the field. Additional focus should also highlight the potential reasons as to why a
higher level of American Indian cultural identity, traditionally known as having a collectivistic
nature, is associated with intrinsic, as opposed to extrinsic goals. Future studies should also
venture into areas of goal attribution and varying levels and types of cultural identity, especially
concerning ethnic minorities.
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
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CULTURAL IDENTITY AND GOALS IN AMERICAN INDIAN YOUTH
Acknowledgements
This research project would not have been possible without the invaluable assistance and willing
patience of my mentor, Stephanie Bachtelle. Furthermore, I would like to offer my
gratitude to Dr. Walter D. Scott, for his original, groundbreaking data and his seemingly
ageless kindness. The SRAP staff of Lisa, Justin, Leo, and Mariah yielded interminable
tolerance and generous attention to each and every one of the SRAP members as well.
And, of course, I would like to thank the SRAP program, the National Science
Foundation, and the University of Wyomings EPSCoR program for making this unique
summer experience possible.
Much love and regards to my parents, who have bestowed unconditional love and support upon
me throughout my life. Without them, nothing would be.