THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE

The Royal Treasure:

Muslim Communities Under the Crown of Aragon
in the Fourteenth Century
John Boswell
Chapter 1
The Mu!"ar #opulat$on% Its Const$tuents an Rulers
&'() Nonetheless, the persons of Muslims -- male and female -- in regard to any of the
things so far mentioned, may not be held by any lord or any person except with the consent
of the king or his bailiffs, because it is certain that all Muslims, wherever they reside,
belong to the king, except for slaves and those whom the lord may bring to dwell on his
lands from areas which are not under the jurisdiction of the Crown, in which case such
Muslims and their descendants should by law belong to the lord and his family. Fueros of
rag!n" #$$.%&&.
lthough for the sake of convenience Mud'jares are fre(uently spoken of as being either the king)s
Muslims, or a noble)s Muslims, or subject to ecclesiastical jurisdiction, these designations do not
correspond to any clear distinction in the reality of fourteenth-century life. All Muslims were in a sense
royal Muslims" the Crown of ragon claimed ultimate jurisdiction over every Muslim living in lands
under its rule, and described them as *our royal treasure,* *subject to our whim,* *servants of our
household.*
+,-
.here was, in fact, a constant tension between lords and ecclesiastics who exerci/ed
immediate, local control over large segments of the Mud'jar population and a monarchy which saw
itself as the protector and lord of all Muslims living in its domains.
0ince it was the Crown which had contracted with falling Muslim governments for surrender and co-
existence, there were substantial grounds for its claims to ultimate authority over all Mud'jares.
$ndividual monarchs, however, displayed a general tendency to alienate these rights by granting away
financial or judicial prerogatives &'1) over aljamas and individuals either as rewards, bribes, or
payment of debts, and eventually a large segment of the Muslim population had passed out of direct
royal control into the hands of nobles and churchmen.
1recisely what authority was delegated and what authority was inalienably royal remained a perplexing
(uestion throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and was further aggravated by the
importation of Muslims from areas still under Muslim control, who thus had no clear relation to the
ragonese monarchy. welter of conflicting claims and jurisdictions resulted, and there was no static
reality at any moment which can be accurately described. $nstead, there was a variegated pattern of
constantly shifting authority and jurisdiction, in which the figure of the Crown assumed more or less
importance as royal power waxed or waned, but which ultimately resolved by the development of
absolute monarchical power. .he consolidation +or re-consolidation- of royal control overer Mud'jares
can be seen most clearly during the reign of 1eter the Ceremonious, and particularly during the
disruptive era of the war with Castile when the Crown sei/ed upon the opportunity to extend wartime
powers, taxations, and judicial arrangements and make them permanent, and when Mud'jar aljamas
which were con(uered or defected to the 2ing of Castile came back into ragon as vassals of the king,
regardless of whose vassals they had been previously+see p.,33-.
more detailed discussion of the effects of the war with Castile and the resulting changes in Mud'jar
lifestyles comprises &'*) part of the final chapter of this study. 4hat is at issue here is the general
meaning of a Muslim)s being subject to the king as opposed to nobles or churchmen. 5iven that the
reality was fluid, certain general observations can nevertheless be offered. ll Muslims, no matter how
effective local rule or control might be, had recourse to royal officials for notarial services and for final
appeal in criminal cases.
+%-
Most, if not all, taxes were collected from all Mud'jares, regardless of their
relation to a lord other than the king. 6n the other hand, there was separate legislation for *royal*
Muslims, i.e., those living under no authority except that of the king" an example of such legislation in
regard to minor criminal penalties is produced in the ppendix of 7ocuments at C 898"%%%, where the
king prescribes in minute detail what fines and punishments are to be exacted for various offenses
committed by Muslims in his aljama at :icla. 4here the king did not enjoy sole jurisdiction, he might
still set or prescribe the penalties, but did not usually receive the entire fine collected, so that, for
instance, Mud'jares under the jurisdiction of the monastery of :oda paid part of any fines to the
monastery, even though subject ultimately to royal justice.
+;-

Muslims subject to the king received much lighter fines for violating dress codes +a privilege which
nobles could sometimes purchase for their Muslims-, but were also subject to taxes, such &'') as the
besant, which other Muslims did not regularly pay, so it is (uestionable whether they were significantly
better off economically.
+<-
.hey were generally free to transfer to areas subject to clerics or nobles,
+=-

but no gross trends in such mobility are discernible during the fourteenth century, except a slight shift
away from lands held by clerics or orders towards those of the king. .here was, however, no theoretical
fluidity of property" Mud>jares who changed lords lost all real property and all but personal movable
goods. 4hen the king sold property to which his Muslims were bound, they were transferred with the
property.
+3-
.he property of Muslims subject to the king who died could not be inherited by Muslims
living under noble or ecclesiastical jurisdiction, nor could royal Mud'jares inherit from the latter.
+&-

6bviously, the looseness of the system would create problems in adjudicating disputes about such
matters as inheritance? the complexities involved were enormous. No one seems to have been certain,
for instance, whether the Muslim aljama of lgar +in #alencia- was royally or ecclesiastically ruled,
neither the Muslims, who claimed to be but could not prove that they were royal, nor the monastery of
rguinis, which asserted but could not establish conclusive &'+) lordship, nor the king, who finally
foisted the whole matter off on subordinate officials.
+8-
.he issue was further complicated by three
subsidiary points of confusion" various towns legislated on the matter independently of the king and
sometimes in conflict with him?
+9-
some towns had two or more separate aljamas?
+,@-
some Muslims
appear to have fallen under no jurisdiction.
+,,-
Arom ,;=9 on, moreover, the position of royal aljamas
became even more confused due to the transfer of numerous aljamas to the (ueen)s household, which is
discussed at some length under Chapter #$. .his very important fact has been overlooked by many
historians, especially in regard to the fifteenth century.
+,%-
$t probably made relatively little difference
to the Mud'jares themselves, since they were still *royal,* but it made bookkeeping enormously more
intricate for the Crown, and left records for the historian which &',) often confusing and misleading.
+,;-
.he primary distinction between noble and royal Muslims as, in the long run, the fact that the former
owed their feudal
+,<-

service -- i.e., specified term of seigneurial labor, some military duties, and certain agricultural taxes --
to the lord rather than the king. Bven in these matters the lord)s jurisdiction was not supreme" while
there is no doubt that he could demand some military service Muslim dependents,
+,=-
the right of
Muslims to bear arms was regulated by the Crown, and the king could demand service from any
Mud'jar in the country when he wished. .he right to collect major &'-) taxes, such as the peyta, was
enjoyed by the lord of an aljama only when specifically granted him by the monarchy,
+,3-
and all
efforts by lords -- even the powerful counts of .rast>mara
+,&-
-- to obtain criminal jurisdiction over
their Muslim vassals failed utterly. Bven in matters where all agreed that the lord enjoyed theoretical
authority, such as the regulation of mobility of Muslim vassals, the actual exercise of such authority
was dependent on the king)s will, since he could not only ignore such privileges by virtue of superior
might, but was also the final arbiter of any disagreement about them.
.he king could also simply confiscate any Mud'jares he wished to have, by right of ultimate judicial
authority. .he entire Muslim populace of many areas of the kingdoms came under direct royal control
when the 2ing of Castile occupied and then abandoned such areas" the 2ing of ragon was then able to
grant them back as a sort of largesse to those +previous- owners who had been faithful to him during
the war.
lthough both for the castle of rtana and for your own persons you have submitted to us
and sworn fealty and homage to our noble and beloved counsellor and majordomo, the
knight Bn 5ilabert de Cencelles CD0cintillesE, acting in our stead, acknowledging that you
are our men and our own vassals,.. .nevertheless, since in the Corts we recently convoked
among the #alencians we agreed to return to them those castles and places which were
sei/ed by the 2ing of Castile and since among others we have ordered returned to our noble
and beloved knight, Bn :odrigo 7iaF, the said castle and valley of rtana, we therefore
absolve you of all homage and duties of fealty which you have sworn to us.... 4e direct and
command you that henceforth you have as lord the said Bn :odrigo 7iaF, and that you do
homage to him and Crender to himE such other things as you were liable for before the castle
was occupied. by the 2ing of Castile.
+,8-
Mud'jares as individuals or in communities came under ecclesiastical authority in various ways. Many
clerics in the Middle ges were, of course, feudal lords in their own right, and as such might have
Muslim serfs as well as Christian ones. Military orders were often granted Mud'jar communities in
areas which they con(uered or defended. 6rders of all types obtained Muslim slaves through
confiscation for violation of laws or dress codes, either directly in their own jurisdiction +though this
was rare and of dubious legality -,
+,9-
or indirectly through royal concession.
+%@-
6rders also fre(uently
bought slaves.
+%,-
.he most common method of ac(uiring Mud'jares as serfs, vassals, or slaves was
undoubtedly through be(uest of the faithful, although there seems to have been a marked tendency on
the part of the ragonese faithful to be(ueath only a portion of Mud'jares &'.) or their holdings rather
than their whole interest? so that, for example, one finds the Aratres Minores with one-third interest in
Muslim vineyards, the monastery of 0t. 1eter being the lord of a portion of the Muslim population of
Calatayud, the (ueen and the 0orores Minores sharing e(ually the rights over the Mud'jares of
Gartaxell and Hirillent, and the monastery of 0an Cugat del #alles owning one-half of a Muslim whose
other half was unclaimed +res vacans-
+%%-
$t is probably accurate, in fact, to say that the majority of
cases of ecclesiastical jurisdiction over Muslims overlapped with some other type of authority and. that
in relatively few cases -- such as the Iospitallers in Mon/!n, :ipoll, and 1uig
+%;-
-- did they have sole
authority.
+%<-

Muslims living under the authority of a secular bishop appear to have come under the delegated
authority of local priests by virtue of this arrangement, although this was occasionally disputed.
+%=-

s with the Muslims subject to nobles, there were no hard and fast rules about fiscal obligations of
those subject to clerics. Most clerical holders of Mud'jares received some income from the Muslims,
&'/) but there was enormous variation.
+%3-
Mud'jares belonging to the Iospitallers, for example, were
exempt from war taxes, while those belonging to the 6rder of Calatrava were not.
+%&-

Macho y 6rtega considered that Mud'jares *almost always preferred clerical lords,*
+%8-
and it is true
that some clerics, such as the rchbishop of Jarago/a, were traditionally patrons and protectors of
Muslims in general, as well as those under their immediate control,
+%9-
but it is e(ually common to find
prelates who made it a habit to harass and oppress Mud'jares" the Gishop of .ortosa, who had Muslim
dependents as far away as Bslida,
+;@-
tried to force Muslims to pay tithes in defiance of established
practice to the contrary, was involved in the illegal enslavement of more than thirty Muslims whom he
had personally pardoned, and tortured and extorted money from Mud'jar officials.
+;,-
.he Gishop of
#alencia was best &+() known to the Muslim population there by his jail, in which very large numbers
of Muslims were kept awaiting trial or sale as slaves.
+;%-
.he convent of 0t. Clare, also in #alencia,
invoked royal authority to prevent the Muslims from building a new meat market, since the nuns
owned the sole rights over the existing one.
+;;-

.here seems, in fact, to have been a tendency for Mud'jares to flee ecclesiastical jurisdiction when
possible" the Muslim vassals of the bbot of #alldigna, including the officials of the aljama, defected
en masse to surrounding nobles in ,;3=, and repeated letters by the king threatening harsher and
harsher penalties against the Muslims and those who harbored them failed to get them back.
+;<-
.his
may have been due to the fact that while the monarchy was anxious to intervene against and override
nobles who abused their Mud'jar dependents, it displayed considerable reluctance to meddle in the
affairs of the Church and its Muslim vassals and serfs? the (ueen flatly refused, for instance, to force
the Gishop of #alencia to act against the rector of the church at 0eta, who was abusing the Muslim serfs
of the parish.
+;=-

lthough the term exaricus is generally employed in 0panish documents to designate Muslims in land-
holding servitude, it &+1) should not be understood as indicating a distinction in status between Mud'jar
serfs and Christian ones.
+;3-
Aor the most part the exarici occupied positions of traditional servitude"
they passed with the land when it was alienated or sold, their servitude was hereditary, and they were
mentioned in documents in the same terms as Christian serfs. .he distinction drawn by Gurns and
others between free farmers as exarici and those in servitude is not apparent in the documents of the
fourteenth century, when the +very few- Muslims not in some form of servitude were ambiguously
called *franchi.*
+;&-

s Gurns points out, during the thirteenth century free Muslim farmers lived under conditions generally
similar to those they had known under the weak and shifting Muslim rule of the previous century, and
the maintenance of a prosperous class of free farmers was still possible. .he ragonese monarchy,
however, was markedly more stable and its power more consolidated and better exercised than that of
the crumbling lmohad dynasty which had preceded it in #alencia, and it was not long before the
untidy remnants of the *free* Mud'jar population were swept aside into one category or &+*) another of
feudal servitude. Kords, kings, and clergy collaborated in this effort, and the hapless Muslims were in
no position to resist. $ntricate codes of dress and behavior were established which they might violate,
thereby becoming slaves or incurring ruinous fines. .he fines themselves could lead to loss of freedom,
since a Mud'jar who could not pay might either be confiscated by the Crown or be forced to put
himself into the service of a lord to gain protection from creditors. .he Crown and local nobles,
moreover, made servitude as attractive as possible by offering free land, remissions of taxes and rents,
and protection from creditors or legal penalties to those who would inhabit their lands. Bven other
Muslims conspired against Mud'jar liberty, as the insolvent aljamas, pressed by the king to meet
steadily increasing tax payments, reached further and further into the hinterlands to establish their tax
base and used royal power to constrain *free* Muslims to contribute with the aljama.
Gy the mid-fourteenth century, a large class of free farmers was a fond memory. $n the cities,
Mud'jares were gathered into moreras, where they could be easily taxed and regulated by local and
royal officials. .he only Mud'jares who enjoyed anything like broad personal liberty were foreign
mercenaries and the wealthy 'lite in the king)s service. .he class of Muslim military aristocracy
described by Gurns for the thirteenth century had vanished without a trace. 6nly a prosperous
commercial class survived in the cities, and, at the very top of the Mud'jar social scale, the civil
service.
&+')lthough it is possible to detect the presence of an 'lite stratum of Mud'jar civil servants in the
king)s employ, only a few personalities emerge with clarity" braham benxoa, meneschal of Lueen
Bleanor, envoy to 5ranada, and qadi of M>tiva, Blche, Crevillente, 0eta, 5ranadell, Gartaxell, and
Hirillent? his cousin, also braham benxoa, meneschal of the (ueen)s son, lfonse? li bencomixa,
ambassador to Morocco and 5ranada? Naat lcafaF, purveyor to the Crown and qadi of the kingdom)s
largest aljama? the Gallistarius family, masters of the work on the royal residence in Jarago/a.
+;8-

Ondoubtedly the most powerful Mud'jares under the Crown of ragon were the Gelvis family. Aaraig
de Gelvis
+;9-
had been intimately &++) associated with 1eter the Ceremonious since well before the
accession of the latter to the throne of ragon.
+<@-
Iis brother, Mahia de Gelvis, was a wealthy and
prominent Mud'jar in Castile,
+<,-
and his son 6vechar was a member of the household of 1eter)s eldest
son, Mohn.
+<%-
Aaraig himself was married to Aatima Auster, the daughter of one of the wealthiest
merchants in #alencia and widow of another prominent Muslim, li lasrach, a relative of the
benxoas mentioned previously.
+<;-

Aaraig was extremely wealthy in his own right. Ie fre(uently lent the Crown large sums of cash, for
which he received various privileges or land-grants" a female Muslim slave in ,;3<, l@,@@@s worth of
property in ,;3=.
+<<-
Ie also maintained at his own expense &+,) a number of horses in the royal
cavalry? since he was ultimately reimbursed for this outlay +nearly ,,@@@s in ,;3= alone- by the Crown,
it must have been a type of indirect loan rather than a service.
+<=-
Ie apparently displayed his wealth in
his clothing" five #alencian Christians went to an inordinate amount of trouble +drilling a hole through
one building to another- to steal his wardrobe from an inn where he was staying in Mon/!n.
+<3-
.he
source of his wealth is not apparent? undoubtedly he earned considerable money in fees from his
various judicial posts -- l,@=@s from one case in 7aroca
+<&-
and the king occasionally granted him some
income from the royal revenues. Arom ,;;3 on he received ;@@s annually from the cena of Gorja,
which was to belong to his son 6vechar after his death, and which was still collected when Gorja
changed lords in ,;33.
+<8-
.his is a rather modest income, however? the bulk of the Gelvis fortune must
have been inherited or derived from rents and salaries. lthough Aaraig)s father-in-law, Maymo Auster,
was a merchant, there is no indication of any member of Aaraig)s own family engaging in commerce.
.he Gelvis were specifically exempted from codes regulating Muslim appearance, and from all feudal
duties of hospitality, even to the royal family.
+<9-
:oyal officials and even officials of &+-) religious
orders were instructed by 2ing 1eter to favor the affairs of the Gelvis family *so that they may praise
you and your kindness Cto themE, since in this you will give us pleasure and service, and since the
contrary would displease us greatly.*
+=@-
.he king, moreover, personally oversaw the well-being of
Aaraig and his family. 4hen a procurator mismanaged Aaraig)s Gorja property, the king personally
appointed a prominent Mud'jar judge from Jarago/a to handle the case?
+=,-
when Aaraig was unable, as
qadi, to bring charges against the present lieutenant-qadi and former qadi of #alencia regarding
property belonging to his wife Aatima, the king placed Naat lcafaF in charge of the case and granted
him the full vices of the Crown.
+=%-
7uring the war with Castile, the Crown issued a safe-conduct for
the Castilian fianc'e of 6vechar de Gelvis and her party, and when the bride-to-be hesitated before the
final plans were made, actually forbade her to marry anyone else.
+=;-
4hen she defied him, he had her
se(uestered and ordered the qadi of Grea to decide what should be done about the promised dowry, but
thought better of this and decided to rule on the case himself, taking the qadi as counsel.
+=<-

&+0) Aaraig united in his person an astounding number of official positions in the most important
aljamas of ragon and #alencia. $n Gorja he was the faqi +from ,;;9-, royal notary, and abiala
+=imm, or prayer leader-.
+==-
$n Iuesca he occupied the positions of qadi, amin, royal notary, and
cavalquinus, the latter three for life.
+=3-
Ie was the qadi of M>tiva and #alencia -- the first and second
largest aljamas of the kingdom -- for life, and the royal notary of M>tiva, as well.
+=&-
Ie held all of these
offices in absentia, appointing substitutes to do the actual business. 4hile this was not unusual in itself,
it did cause problems in some areas, such as #alencia, where the king had to intervene almost
constantly to protect Aaraig)s interest against encroachment by his substitutes and others.
+=8-
.here is,
moreover, evidence that Aaraig sometimes obtained these positions through somewhat dubious means.
$n ,;3= Aaraig bluntly asked the king for the offices of qadi and notary of M>tiva, which the monarch
had only recently granted another Mud'jar notable, Naat lcafaF.
+=9-
Casting about for some pretext to
eject lcafaF, the king decreed that if cafaF was not actually resident in M>tiva he would grant the
offices to Aaraig on grounds of being *more competent.* lcafaF, in fact, lived in #alencia, so Aaraig
&+.) was granted the office a month later. Aaraig -- who naturally exercised the office in absentia
himself -- then appointed. lcafaF as his deputy. $t is difficult to understand how this maneuver was
justified to the Muslim population of M>tiva, which was already upset about having incompetent or
absent qadis appointed for it.
+3@-

Aaraig de Gelvis was also the *alcaydus sarracenorum totius regni ragonie,* i.e., qadi of all the
Muslims of ragon.
+3,-
.he exact prerogatives of this position are never specified, but it seems likely
that it was principally the ultimate appeals court for ragonese Mud'jares. .here is evidence of this in
the fact that Aaraig regularly heard cases in localities where he occupied no official judicial position,
such as K'rida and Gorja, and that cases could be removed from his jurisdiction only by the king
himself, and usually only at Aaraig)s own re(uest.
+3%-
Macho y 6rtega describes such a position in
fifteenth-century ragon as well, noting that the post was still associated with the Gelvis family. Ie
termed the office the *tribunal del alcadi general de los reinos de rag!n y #alencia y principado de
CataluPa.*
+3;-
$n #alencia Aaraig exercised this authority under the simple designation alcadius reis,
+3<-
as did his fifteenth-century descendants, who inherited the life-time position along with the name.
+3=-

t the opposite end of the social scale of Muslims living under the Crown of ragon in the fourteenth
century was the slave. Gecause excellent studies of slavery in general, and of ragonese Mud'jar
slavery in particular, already exist, no attempt will be made here to examine the (uestion in great detail.
+33-
Certain aspects of the enslavement of Moors during the particular years covered by this study,
however, deserve mention, and one or two findings which conflict with those of earlier scholars cannot
be &,()passed over.
0laves were extremely numerous in the lands under the ragonese monarchy during the fourteenth
century? so numerous, in fact, that the Crown felt constrained to limit their number during the latter half
of the century, when individuals were known to hold as many as sixty male slaves in their households.
+3&-
$t is impossible to determine with accuracy the provenance of such large numbers of slaves. Arom
Muslim times there had been a thriving slave trade throughout eastern 0pain, and this trade simply
changed hands when Christians recon(uered coastal cities. $n ,;=3 all foreign Muslims except subjects
of the 2ing of 5ranada were considered de bona uerra, i.e., fair game for slave traders.
+38-
$n ,;3@
the subjects of the 2ing of .unisia were put *off limits* by virtue of a treaty signed by the ragonese
Crown with that king, but other Muslims remained legally enslavable..
+39-

#erlinden believed that *the enslavement of free nationals within the realm was no longer encountered*
in the fourteenth century,
+&@-
but this was manifestly not the case. ny Muslim found by Christians who
could not or would not identify his lord or owner was automatically &,1) enslaved by the Crown"
....a certain 0aracen captive called bdulla was sei/ed by some pilgrims in our realm and
detained for a long time in the village of (ualet by the local bailiff as an unclaimed object
and a lordless person. 7uring this time, although a public announcement was made, no one
came forward to claim any rights over him, as a conse(uence of which he belongs to us and
to our Court as an unclaimed object or lordless person...
+&,-
Bven a free Mud'jar who was not an *unclaimed object* could be slaved for violating laws or dress
codes.
+&%-
.his sort of enslavement was so regular that, as #erlinden himself notes,
+&;-
it was common
practice to grant to a favorite *the next 0aracen confiscated to the Crown* for such-and-such a reason"
...we therefore direct and command you to grant and release to the said 0tephen one of the
first female 0aracens to be confiscated by you for our Court in the manner mentioned
before, with which 0aracen he may do as he wishes...
+&<-
&,*) t least =9 Mud'jares can be shown to have been enslaved for no stated reason between 6ctober
of ,;== and 6ctober of ,;3=, in all three kingdoms and by all classes of society.
+&=-
4hile it is true that
in one instance the king fined a number of Christians very heavily for illegally selling into slavery in
$bi/a two free #alencian Mud'jares, his attitude was far from clear-cut on the issue, and there is some
reason to believe that after the captors and their collaborators in this case had paid fines in excess of
3@@s at least one of the enslaved Muslims was not released.
+&3-

.he king did have a certain interest in the freeing of slaves, since freedmen paid an annual tax of =s in
Catalonia, and a sort of licensing fee called the dobla in #alencia +see below, pp.%@%-%@;-, &,') but
:oca .raver)s contention that all slave-related legislation reflects *the Crown)s preoccupation with
fomenting the personal liberty of his Mud'jar subjects* is unconvincing.
+&&-
Not only the Crown)s
actions +as described above- but the economic facts as well argue indisputably against this. .he prices
for Muslim slaves rose steadily throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Aor thirteenth-
century prices, #erlinden suggests a range of from <=s to ;<@s, and for the fourteenth century from
%3@s-<@@s at the opening of the century to 3@@s-8@@s at the end.
+&8-
Chancery documents for the period
,;==-,;3= indicate an average price for a Muslim slave of about ==%s. +Male slaves were more
valuable than females, the former averaging about 3<9s as opposed to =,3s for the latter. -
+&9-
Considering that the monarchy received at the very least one-fifth of the sale price of every 0aracen
sold, and in many cases the whole value, it was obviously in the king)s interest to see as many Muslims
possible confiscated and enslaved.
$n view of the rising value of such slaves, it seems, in fact, &,+) remarkable that they had any
opportunity at all to become free, but it is certain that very many Muslim slaves were allowed to buy
their freedom, either by working or begging alms, and that free Mud'jares considered it their pious
duty to give money to those trying to gain freedom through begging.
+8@-
Bscape was relatively
common, and even though aiding or abetting runaways was often severely punished, very prominent
Mud'jares and even some Christians did cooperate with escaping slaves,
+8,-
possibly preferring
7euteronomic law +*Non trades servum domino suo (ui ad te confugerit* %;",=- to ragonese
ordinances.
#erlinden was convinced that Mud'jares could not themselves own slaves, either Muslim or Christian,
and critici/ed :oca .raver for implying the reverse. None of :oca .raver)s documents, he averred,
demonstrated the existence of slaves owned by Mud'jares, and several of the #alencian Furs
specifically prohibited this.
+8%-
$n fact, however, the particular Furs adduced by #erlinden +,.8.,-%-
only prohibited Muslims) owning Christian slaves, and said nothing about their possessing non-
Christians. .his was generally the case with medieval 0panish law codes" the Costums of .ortosa, for
instance, prohibit absolutely Mews and Muslims having Christian slaves or servants +$.9.,-, but strongly
imply that Muslims might own other &,,) Muslims +#$.,.,8- .he earliest ragonese and Catalan
treaties laws +e.g., those of fonso with .udela, or of :am!n Gerenguer with .ortosa- proscribed Mews
owning Muslims, but were silent or ambiguous about Muslims owning Muslims.
$n fact, though #erlinden attempted to explain away one document he published which cast doubt on
his theory +p ;,&, n %3<-, he unwittingly used another document which categorically disproved his
assertion" on pp 83;-< he reproduced a grant by the ragonese Crown of a Muslim slave to Aaraig de
Gelvis, apparently unaware that Aaraig de Gelvis was himself a Muslim +this fact is, indeed, often
excluded from Chancery materials relating to the Gelvis family" see p<3, n=@-.
+8;-

0everal members of the Gelvis family owned Muslim slaves" Aaraig)s brother, Mahia, who was in the
service of the 2ing of Castile, purchased a Muslim slave in 7aroca for the exorbitant price of &@@
morabetns and used him extensively to conduct his business affairs in lands under the ragonese
Crown. 4hen this slave was captured by Christians and illegally sold again in Garcelona, Aaraig
intervened, and -- with the help of royal officials -- had the slave returned to his brother in Castille.
+8<-

Aaraig himself was granted another female Muslim as a slave by the king in ,;3<,
+8=-
and the king even
granted a Mewish favorite in #alencia a Muslim slave.
+83-
Aoreign dignitaries &,-) from Muslim
countries often purchased Muslim slaves in Garcelona, and sometimes Muslims captured by pirates had
slaves with them whom they had themselves bought from pirates.
+8&-
.here is, in short, no doubt at all
that Muslims under the Crown of ragon not only could but did possess other Muslims as slaves.
+88-

$n addition to civil service, local government, and butchering,
+89-
Mud'jares appear to have engaged in
every possible profession except the priesthood. 6utside the aljama most were farmers andQor serfs. $n
#alencia they raised mostly grain and fruits, generally for sale. $n ragon and Catalonia they were
subsistence farmers. 4ithin the aljamas in all three kingdoms a thriving urban culture demanded
craftsmen, laborers, and professionals of all types.
+9@-
&,0) .he table appended to this chapter presents
the occupations most fre(uently encountered in the documentation for this study. $ts variety speaks for
itself and for the economic sophistication of the aljama. No document contains specific figures relating
to the percentage of Mud'jares who engaged in any profession or trade. Nevertheless, cautious
inferences can be drawn from wide reading a archival material. .he most common occupation of all
aljama Muslims was retail merchandi/ing. 0econd to it, in #alencia, was the pottery industry, which
was wholly run by the Muslim community.
+9,-
$n ragon the second most common occupation was
probably construction. .he al!aferia +royal residence- of Jarago/a was a converted Muslim stronghold,
and it was built and maintained entirely by Mud'jar craftsmen, stonemasons, carpenters, laborerers, etc.
rtistic consistency was probably not the only motivation for some reason Muslims dominated the
construction industry in ragon. .he adverse effects of the war on the Mud'jar population, in fact,
created a critical shortage of construction workers, and hence, of housing.
+9%-
Muslims were crucial in
other areas also" they were major arms-makers in ragon, and were forcibly recruited during the war
years to ply &,.) their trade.
+9;-
ragon also depended on Muslims for the importation of salt, so much
so that the king protected the personal safety of the Mud'jares involved in the trade.
+9<-
#alencia
depended on Mud'jar skill and labor for grain, salt, and, of course, the maintenance of the systems of
irrigation developed +if not invented- by the Muslims. .he paper the royal Chancery used was provided
by #alencian Muslims exclusively.
+9=-

Muslims formed *companies* recogni/ed by the Crown, and it was not at all uncommon for Christians
and Muslims to co-operate in business ventures as e(ual partners.
+93-

Muslims and Mews seem to have played an important -- perhaps disproportionate -- role in the practice
of medicine under the Crown of ragon in the fourteenth century. .he practice of medicine was strictly
regulated by the Crown and Curia. 1hysicians were re(uired to have studied medicine for three years,
and to display a thorough knowledge of standard medical textbooks +*libros ordinarios scientie
medicine*-. Christian aspirants to the profession were examined by a board of Christian physicians to
make certain they met these re(uirements.
Mewish and 0aracen physicians, however, are to be examined by physicians of their own
law and sect, if any are available, but with one Christian physician present at their
examination. $n the absence of physicians of their own law and religion they shall be
examined by two Christian physicians? after this examination, &,/) if they are found
acceptable, they shall have to swear publicly to practice well and legally before they are
admitted to the profession.
+9&-
.hough the provisions of this edict appear to place Muslim physicians on a slightly lower plane than
Christian ones +a Christian must be present at examination of Muslims and Mews-, such was manifestly
not the case, and some purely religious concern must have prompted the disparity in procedure.
Muslims were permitted to treat Christians on an e(ual footing with Christian physicians, even though
foreign +Christian- physicians were not,
+98-
and both the king and (ueen had Muslim physicians in their
households, in the case of the former a noted eyesurgeon.
+99-

&-() Mud'jares also seem to have been disproportionately represented in the entertainment industry of
the northern lands" the royal household employed Moorish !onleurs, dancers, and musicians? Muslims
were used on board ships as trumpeters, !onleurs, and jesters? references to Muslim troubadors,
musicians, and jesters of both sexes and all conditions abound.
+,@@-
1ossibly the Christian majority
found such positions unappealing and gladly left them for the Mud'jares.
.GKB 6A MO0K$M 6CCO1.$6N0
.he following table lists occupation found in various Chancery, documents of the fourteenth century.
Geside the occupation is a letter corresponding to the kingdom in which the trade or profession was
practiced" i.e., ** for ragon, *C* for Catalonia, *#* for #alencia? the number represents the
document in which the reference is found. 1reviously published documents are included only where
they shed some light on the material in unpublished ones" the list is intended to be indicative rather than
exhaustive. 6nly one reference is given a particular occupation, even when there are many in the
registers. 0econd or third references indicate information about different aspects of the trade, not the
fre(uency of its occurrence in charters and letters. Civil servants are included only where the evidence
indicates civil service was their profession rather than a civic duty or a temporary position. Nearly all
Mud'jares outside the morera were farmers, and this profession is listed only as a reminder of this
fact.
accountant +- C ,,&@"3%
archer +-C-#- C 388"9,, 9@="9&%, 9@8"&9
arms maker +- C ,@&="9,
bailiff +#- C &@%"=9
brick maker +-#- C 39%"%@=, :1 ,&@8"=@
cableman +C- C ,<@%",=;
carpenter +- C 899",9=
civil servant +- C 983"<8, ,%@;",;=
contracter +- C 38&"&
cooper +- C 98%"==
dyer" general cloth +#- :1 ,&,@" <&-8
silk +#- #erlinden, "#$sclavae, p. 8&&.
farmer +-C-#- C 383"%,8, &%,",;=, ,=&;",<8
inn-keeper +- C &,,",9<
ironworker +- C &@%",9=, &,;",3@
jester +C- C ,<@%",=<
jongleur +-C-#- C ,<@%",=<, 5on/ale/ Iurtebise, "ibros, p. %;;
kiln owner and operator +C- :1 99<"<@
*machine maker* +- C ,@39"=, ==
merchant" general +#- C &,<",3=
grain +#- C &,<"93=
leather +- C 388",3@
salt +- C ,<@%" ,<&
paper miller +#- :1 ,&@8",8
potter +#- :oca .raver, *On 0iglo,* p. =<
sheep shearer +- C 9@8"%;;
shoemaker +- C 388",3@
silversmith +#- :1 ,&@3",8
stonemason +- C ,@39"=, ==
surgeon" general +-C- C 9@9",=<, 98="&@, ,=&;"%9
eye +C- see note 99, above
tambourine player +-C-#- C ,<@%",=<
tanner +- C &@%",9=
tax collector +- C &@;",%
transporter +C-#- :1 ,&,,";<
trumpeter +- C ,<@%",=<, 5on/ale/ Iurtebise, "ibros, p. <@%
vintner +- C 38<",93
Notes for Chapter 6ne
,. *. . .thesauri regii speciales.. .* C 9,;";; +0ept.,3, ,;33-? *...son nuestro tresoro e estan a nuestro
voler. ..* C ,%,@"8; +pr. %<, ,;3=-? *. . .judei et sarraceni servi sunt camere nostre...* C 399",3,
+Aeb.,,, ,;3@-. Cf. for later in the century C ,%;9"&; +Muly %,, ,;&3-" *. . .fur d)rago diu generalment
(ue los corsos de los moros son nostres propris....*
%. C 398"=@ +pr. &, ,;3%-. Cf. C ,@&;"9= +Muly 8, ,;3,- and ,@38? =3 +7ec. <, ,;==-.
;. C 38&"8< +Muly ,%, ,;=3-.
<. 6n the besant, see C ,%@9"<, +,;3=-? on dress codes, see Chapter #$$, pp.;;@ss.
=. 6r viceversa, subject to general limitations on mobility, for which see Chapter #$, pp.%83ss.
3. C 39<",%& +May 8, ,;=8-.
&. 0ee Chapter #$, pp.%&;ss.
8. C &,;",8% +Mar.3, ,;3;-.
9. B.g., from the Fuero of Calatayud +,,;,-" *Bt vicino de Calataiub (ui poterit tenere homines in suo
solare, christianos aut mauros, aut iudeos, ad illo respondeant, et non ad nullo alio seniore* M.M. :amos
y Koscertales, *7ocumentos para la historia del derecho espaPol" Auero concedido a Calatayud por
lfonso $ de rag!n en ,,;,,* A%&$, $ +l9%<-, p.<,@. Cf. the early fourteenth-century edict of #alls
prohibiting change of jurisdiction, in Arancesch Carreras y Candi, *6rdinacions urbanes de bon govern
a Catalunya,* '(A'", H$$ +,9%3-, p.;&@.
,@. B.g., Cuarte and Cuadrete, which each had two +Macho y 6rtega, *Condici!n,* p.,=&-.
,,. .hey were sometimes called *franchi,* although this had other connotations as well" see C 38;",,<
+Aeb.%<, ,;=3-.
,%. Macho y 6rtega, for example, completely ignores it in his treatment of fifteenth-century royal
aljamas, although he publishes in two of his studies documents which clearly allude to the transfer
+*Condici!n,* p.,33, n.l, and. *7ocumentos,* pp.,<8, ,=3-.
,;. .his fact might explain, for instance, the otherwise bewildering se(uence of events described in
Macho y 6rtega, *Condici!n,* pp. ,33-8. 4hen the same author lists, moreover, Jarago/a, Iuesca,
.eruel, 7aroca, Calatayud, Gorja, Gelchite, and .ara/ona as the only aljamas remaining to the king in
the fifteenth century, one wonders whether he is excluding from the royal patrimony 0agunto, lcira,
Morella, Montblanc, .arrega, #illagrassa, .orella, Gurriana, etc., simply because they do not appear in
records for the )in#s household, though they might be listed for the (ueen.
,<. $ am conscious of the looseness with which the words *feudal,* serf,* *vassal,* etc., are used in this
chapter, and that some historians may find this objectionable. 6ne of the aims of this study, in fact, is to
determine the extent to which such terms can be applied Muslims. :efraining from using the words
themselves until a rigid definition of them in context could be devised might well defer disccussion of
the place of Mud'jares in feudal society indefinitely, and there is urgent need for some guidelines in the
area, however general they may have to be at first. $t is well to bear in mind, moreover, that --
especially in 0pain -- fourteenth-century feudalism was not a rigid concept, but a flexible reality, and
one simply cannot find enough spaces in modern paradigms to accommodate neatly every class of
fourteenth-century person. *n eneral, the term *serf* as used in regard to Mud'jares should be
understood by the reader as connoting what it would in relation to a medieval Christian. .his discussed
in greater detail, below.
,=. C ,<@%",<& +Aeb. ,, ,;=9- Cf p ,8,.
,3. 0ee, for instance, C ,%@="38 +pril. %, ,;3=-? cf. Chapter #.
,&. C 9;8",88 +Aeb. %@, ,;=9-.
,8. C 983",<; +0ept.,@, ,;3=-, addressed to the Muslims of rtana? text in ppendix. $t was not at all
unusual for even minor knights to have Muslim vassals" Arancesch 7esplugues, described merely as
miles, was lord of Muslims in 6ndara, #erger, :eal, Geniharb, Big +DBjea-, Miraflor, 1amies, and
#inyals +C &%@",<= C0ept.%=, ,;3=E-. Aor other cases of property being returned to its pre-war owner,
see C &%@"89 +Bslida, hin, #ey!-, C ,%@,<"88 +lfara-, and C ,%@3",,& +Hinguer-, all from ,;3=, Aor
noble vs. royal aljamas and Mud'jar individuals in the fifteenth century, see Macho y 6rtega,
*7ocumentos,* p.,=;, and *Condici!n,* pp.,9,-;, %%8. Macho y 6rtega was somewhat confused by
the lack of concrete distinctions between the types of Muslims, but concluded that royal power became
increasingly extensive in the fifteenth century.
,9. $n C ,,<9"%; +Nov.,%, ,;=3- the king upholds this right, but this cannot have been typical.
%@. B.g., C 98;"%< +7ec.%@, ,;=8-, C ,@&@"%; +under Chapter #$$, p.;<8, and note &9-, and C ,%@9",,<
+May %,, ,;3=-.
%,. B.g., C &%@"<= +0ept.,<, ,;3=-.
%%. C 38<",93 +pr.%, ,;=3-? C &@@",<< +Man.;@, ,;3@-? C ,=3&",%< +0ept.,@, ,;=9-? C 388"3<
+0ept.,3, ,;=3-" the *unclaimed* half in this case was granted to a favorite of the Crown, who was then
obliged to buy the monastery)s half.
%;. C 39="8% +pr.l, ,;=9-.
%<. Cases of overlapping authority" C 98%";; +Mar.%,, ,;=&-? C 98;"= +7ec.;, ,;=8-? C ,@&;"9= +Muly
8, ,;3,-? C ,,8;",%< +Nov.%,, ,;3%-? C ,%@9"%= +Mar.,<, ,;3=-? C ,;8,";< +Mune %%, ,;=&-.
%=. C &,;",8% +Mar.3, ,;3;- and C ,%@9",@8 +May ,;, ,;3=-.
%3. .he monastery of 0t 1eter in .errer, for instance, received the le+da and pedaium of the Muslims
+C 83%"%,< C0ept.=, ,;;&E-? that of 0ta 5ratia received annually 8@@s from taxes on the MRd'jares of
CarFre +C ,@38",;9 CMune 3, ,;=3E-. Cf. :1 99@",; +,;=&-, B1 99%",= +,;=9-, and succeeding entries
for Catalan e(uivalents.
%&. Iospitallers" C 39="8% +pr.l, ,;=9-? Calatrava" C l<@l"3@ +pr.,@, ,;==-.
%8. *Condici!n,* p.,8@" *. . .los moros preferSan casi siempre a los investidos del sacerdocio....*
%9. C 9@@"<% +Mar.&, ,;=8-, C ,%@="38 +pr.%, ,;3=-. .he rchbishop of Jarago/a was still seen as a
Mud'jar patron in the fifteenth century" see Macho y 6rtega, *Condici!n,* p.l8@. .he Iospitallers of
Mabut interceded for Muslims over whom they had no jurisdiction in ,;3," see C &@="38 in the
ppendix? it was an official of an 6rder who saw to the protecting of the rights of Aaraig de Gelvis
against local Christians in Nabal +C ,%@3"<< Cug.%@, ,;3=E-.
;@. C ,%,@"<3 +Muly 3, ,;3=-.
;,. C &,,",3, +Aeb %&, ,;3;-, C 983",; +ug %;, ,;3=-,. C ,%@8 &8 +0ept.3, ,;3=-.
;%. C &%<",=& +Man.%@, ,;3=-, C 983",%, +6ct.,&, ,;3=-, and. C &%@"&&, in the ppendix.
;;. C ,,89"%,% +Muly ,;, ,;3;-? cf. C 38;"= +6ct.%&, ,;==-.
;<. .his included publishing a list of the names of the Muslims, offering them for sale, and threatening
a penalty of &,@@@s for harboring them" see C 983"9; +6ct.;, ,;3= Crepeat of order of Muly ,;, ,;3<E-,
and C ,%@&",<= +same date-.
;=. C ,%@9",@8 +May ,;, ,;3=-? cf. C &@<"=, +Muly &, ,;3@-.
;3. .he etymology of the word is uncertain, though it probably derives from the rabic s,ari)a, *to
share.* 6n the meaning of the term in Catalan law, see Costums of .ortosa, $#.%3.;;. Aor a more
general discussion, see Gurns, *slam, pp.l@%-,<.
;&. 0ee above, note ,,, for *franchi.* 6n the general status of exarici see the long dispute +beginning in
,%=@- chronicled in C 0 "9@="%,9 and C 9@="%;, +both of ,;3,- concerning the hereditary status of a
*free* Muslim and his family. 6n the e(uality of Christian and Muslim serfs, see, for example, C
9,%",<% +pr.%@, ,;33-. $n the fifteenth century the term exaricus was applied to Christians, too" see
Macho y 6rtega, *Condici!n,* p.,=@, note.
;8. braham +or brafim- benxoa +,;3;- was allowed by the king to have two wives" one in 6nda
and one in #alencia. law in #alencia prohibited anyone not residing in the city from inheriting the
property of deceased Muslims, but when benxoa died the Crown came to an agreement with the wife
in 6nda over a fair share of the estate for her and her child. .his unusual concession is clear
demonstration of the high regard the king held for his Mud'jar employees +:1 ,&,9"%= C,;3;E-. Aor
other material on benxoa the qadi, see C 9@=",&& +May ;,, ,;3,-, C 933",;9 +Nov.,,, ,;3;-, C
,%@8"8= +0ept.,%,,;3=-, C ,=39"8% +Aeb.,3, ,;3;-, and under Chapter $$, pp.8lss. Aor his cousin, see C
,%@8"8=, ut supra. Aor bencomixa, see C ,%,,"<, +pr.,<, ,;3=- and C ,<@<"=; +Aeb.,&, ,;3=-. Aor
the Gallistarii, see C ,%@="39 +pr.&, ,;3=-, and below, Chapter #, pp.%,<-%,3. lcafaF)s career
suffered as a result of charges brought against him by other royal favorites +C &@@"3@ CNov.,=,
,;=9E,and below-, but he retained some power in #alencia" see :1 ,&@8 and ,&@9, passim.
;9. Aaraig was the surname of a prominent Mud'jar family in Gorja +C 39%"%@= C0ept.,3, ,;=&E-,
where A. de Gelvis held his first official post. $ infer from this that he came from Gorja, but there is no
further evidence. .he name Gelvis belonged to Mud'jar families south of #alencia, but there is no
certain connection with the ragonese family, and numerous Christians also bore the name, including
the lieutenant-procurator of the southernmost #alencian province in ,%8< +:oca .raver, *On 0iglo,*
p.8<, n.l3-, and at least one other member of the royal household of 1eter himself +5on/>le/ Iurtebise,
"ibros, p.%< and passim-. $t was such a common Christian name, in fact, that #erlinden failed to
recogni/e it as belonging to a Mud'jar in a document relating to Aaraig himself" see below, p.=%. .he
fact that Aaraig)s brother lived in northern Castile also militates to some extent against linking the
family with the #alencian Gelvis.
<@. C =&=",<9 +Mune ,, ,;;%-.
<,. C 38="<<, in ppendix.
<%. C ,,8;",%< +Nov.%,, ,;3%-.
<;. Aor Aaraig)s marriage to Aatima, see C ,%@<"83 +pr.%<, ,;3=-? for her relation to lasrach, C
39;",@@ +Man.%%, ,;=8- +two documents-? for her relation +through her first husband- to the benxoas,
see C ,%@<"83, ut supra, C ,%@3"8< +0ept.,%, ,;3=-, C ,%@8"8= +0ept.,%, ,;3=-. $t was a second
marriage for Aaraig as well" his first wife was Mahometi d)la/era. 0ince there is no clear indication
that Mahometi died between the last mention of her +C 9@<"%;% CNov.,;, ,;3@E- and the first mention
of Aatima +,;3=-, it is conceivable that Aaraig had more than one wife at a time? Mews were fre(uently
allowed to take more than one wife, as was a Mud'jar relative of Aaraig himself" note ;8, above.
<<. .he slave +one of several the Crown gave the Gelvis- is mentioned in C ,%@;",&8 +ug.%@, ,;3<-
as being worth ;@@s. .he property, granted in C ,%,@"8= +pr.%=, ,;3=-, was sei/ed from Muslim
traitors in 7aroca. Aaraig rented it out, since he travelled with the Court, end it was twice sei/ed by
local Christians +C ,%@3"<< Cug. %@, ,;3=E, C &%;",=8 C7ec.%@, ,;3=E-, who ejected the Muslim
renter.
<=. +May ;@, ,;3=-,:1 ,&,@"<& +,;3=-.
<3. C &,,",9< +Mar.,<, ,;3;-.
<&. C ,,8;",,8 +Nov ,8, ,;3%-.
<8. C ,=,8"3 +Mune ;@, ,;33-? cf. C ,,38",%9 +Man.8, ,;3@-.
<9. C 98,"%% +Aeb.,%, ,;==-? C 9@<"%;% +Nov.,;, ,;3@-.
=@. *...de guisa (ue ellos se puedan loar de vos et de vuestras favores, sabiendo (ue en esto nos faredes
pla/er e servitio, e el contrario nos despla/eria muyto.. .* C ,,8;",%,< +Nov.%,, ,;3%-. Note that in this
document, as in the vast majority of those dealing with Aaraig and his family, there is no mention
whatever of their being Muslims.
=,. C 39%",8% +ug.,8, ,;=&-. .his judge is the only Mud'jar addressed in any royal letter as *vos.*
=%. C ,%@<"83, ,%@3"8<, ,%@8"8=, as above, note <;.
=;. C 9@,"%88 +Aeb.,3, ,;=8-, C &@@",88 +Mar.3, ,;3@-.
=<. C &@@"%,< +pr.8, ,;3@-, C 399"%@& +pr.ll,,;3@-.
==. C 93="%;; +May 8, ,;=<-,C 933",@< +ug.%@, ,;=&-. 0ee pp.=,@-,l.
=3. C 938";& +Nov.%8, ,;3@-, C &,="=3 +6ct.,=, ,;3;-.
=&. C 933",;8 +7ec.%8, ,;3;-.
=8. C 38="3, +6ct.,3, ,;==-, C ,,8;",,9 +Nov.,8, ,;3%-, C &,,",3, +Aeb.%&, ,;3;-.
=9. .his se(uence of events is recorded in C ,%@9",@3 +May ,,, ,;3=-.
3@. 0ee Chapter $$, pp.8=ss.
3,. C ,@38"=3 +7ec.,<, ,;==-.
3%. B.g., C 399",;, +Mune ,;, ,;3@-, C &@;"<; +Man.,;, ,;3@-. Aor other examples, consult the table
under Chapter $$$, p. ,<9.
3;. *Condici!n,* p.,&8. Macho y 6rtega describes the Gelvis family as being from Jarago/a, but does
not support this, and $ am inclined to believe he is mistaken" there is as much reason to believe the
family lived in #alencia in the fifteenth century as in Jarago/a.
3<. C 38="3, +6ct ,3, ,;==-.
3=. B.g. , li de Gelvis" 1iles :os, $studio, p ,=&, T,=@ +,<%<-, p %;8, T=@, +,<;%-, p %<,, T=,3
+,<;;-.
33. $n particular, the reader is referred to Charles #erlinden, "#$sclavae dans l#$urope m-di-vale
+Grugge, ,9==-, $, and Mos' MarSa :amos y Koscertales, $l cautiverio en la Corona de Ara.n durante
los silos xiii, xiv, y xv +Jarago/a, ,9,=-. .he study by :amos y Koscertales is, unfortunately, only
concerned with prisoners of war, and is therefore of more limited value than it might have been had the
author applied his considerable talents to considering servitude in general. $t is nonetheless extremely
useful, despite this limitation and a rather disproportionate reliance on the Costums of .ortosa.
#erlinden)s study, too, relies generally on laws rather than indications of actual practices which
undoubtedly accounts for some of the differences between his findings and my own. #erlinden was, of
course, covering an enormously broader area -- both geographically and temporally -- than the present
en(uiry, and could hardly be expected to consider the (uestion with the same degree of detail. $t is
nevertheless a bit disappointing that his comments on the fourteenth century are so limited, and based
entirely on judiciary and published documents. .he fifteenth-century material is largely derived from
primary sources, but these are predominantly from the Galearics, which were, by #erlinden)s own
admission, atypical in their extraordinary dependence on slaves .he most disappointing aspect of this
indispensable study is the author)s grouping of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries together and
treating them as a whole, skipping back arid forth through two hundred years as if there were no
important historical trends intervening.
3&. #erlinden, "#$sclavae, p.<;<. 0laves were most numerous in Majorca and Catalonia.
38. C ,<@;"3 +undated, presumably ,;=3-.
39. C &@;"%= +May %8, ,;3@-. 0ome recently sold slaves were even sent back to .unisia in fulfillment
of the terms of this treaty.
&@. "#$sclavae, p.<%3.
&,. *ttendentes (uidam CsicE sarracenum captiuum vocatum bdaylla in dominio nostro per (uosdam
peregrinos captum fuisse, et in villa (ualate per baiulum eiusdem ville tam(uam rem vaccantem CsicE
et sine domino per longum tempus detentum extitisse, infra (uod licet preconit/atum extiterit, nullus
comparuit ius habere asserens in eodem, et per conse(uens nobis et curie nostre tam(uam rem
vaccantem et sine domino ut prefertur pertinere. . .* C 899"38 +Muly ,=, ,;=3-. 6ther Moors confiscated
as res vaccantes are mentioned at C 388"3< +0ept.,3, ,;=3-, and C ,@38",<& +Muly ,%, ,;=3-.
&%. B.g., for violation of dress code" C &6;"== +,;3@- +cf. Chapter #$$- ? for failure to pay back a debt"
C 9@,"%3@ +,;=8-? for hiding Muslims accused of some crime" C ,,=<"=3 +,;=3-? for rebellion" C
,%@="9, +,;3=-? for an unspecified crime" C ,=39"%3 +,;=9-.
&;. "#$sclavae, p.<%;, adduces two instances in the early ,;;@)s? cf. note &%@.
&<. *$deo vobis dicimus et mandamus (uatenus unam de primis sarracenabus per vos ut premittitur
nostre curie confiscandis detis et liberetis 0tephano predicto, de (ua suas proprias voluntates facere
"yaleat* C ,,8;",=9 +7ec.l, ,;3%-. Cf. Chapter #$$, pp.;<3ss.
&=. Gy order of documentation" one Muslim by a noble in #alencia, C 38;",,< +Aeb.%<, ,;=3-? one by
peasants in ragon, C 38=",<< +6ct.,<, ,;==-? one by a noble in #alencia, C &@;"%<, +7ec.%<, ,;3@-?
ten by a noble in #alencia, C &@8";& +6ct.,;, ,;3,-? one by an official in ragon, C 9@8",=< +Mar.%;,
,;3;-? thirty-odd by a noble in Catalonia, C 983",; +ug.%;, ,;3=-? one by knights in #alencia, C
,,88";@ +6ct.;, ,;3;-? two by unspecified Christians in #alencia, C ,%@8"9= +0ept.,8, ,;3=-? two by
mercenaries in #alencia, C ,%@8",=@ +6ct.,<, ,;3=-? seven by *townsmen* in ragon, C ,=;&"33
+7ec.&, ,;3;-? cf. :1 ,&,@"%, +,;3=-.
&3. .he men who actually captured and sold them were fined ,,,@@s jointly? the merchant who bought
them was fined 33@s? various collaborators were fined amounts of ,,@s and %%@s? the man who
transported them to $bi/a paid ,,@s +:1 ,&,@"%, C,;3=E, cf. C ,%@8"9=-. Gecause entries in the (eal
/atrimonio are not dated by month, and because the corresponding entry in the Chancery register was
sent long after the event, it is impossible to be certain exactly when this incident took place. $n Muly of
,;3=, however, a #alencian Mud'jar woman was given permission by the Crown to remarry because
her husband, a slave in $bi/a, was effectively *dead* +C ,%@&",%<-. 0ince the most likely date for the
enslavement of the two Muslims was the summer of ,;3=, it seems possible that the woman)s husband
was one of the two, and that he was thus allowed to be kept by the new owner. $bi/ans had been
granted a special commission to enslave persons of any religion who were at war with ragon on a
*no-(uestions-asked* basis" C ,<,;" ,, +Mar.,@, ,;<9-, published in K!pe/ de Meneses, &ocumentos,
p ==.
&&. *On 0iglo,* p.=9. Aor the Catalan tax, see :1 99<",; +,;3;-? or the dobla, see :1 ,&,,",, +,;33-.
&8. Aor the thirteenth century, see #erlinden, "#$sclavae, pp.%8%-< and cf. prices given in :oca .raver,
*On 0iglo,* p.=8, n.l3@? p.3;, n.,83? and p.8;, n.l<. Aor the fourteenth century, see "#$sclavae, <<9.
&9. sampling of such prices, in order of documentation" C 38="<< +,;==-" a male sold for &@@
morabetins C 39&",<, +,;=9-? a female sold for U;;? C &@;"%,, +,;3@-" a black male sold for =%s? C
9@;",@& +,;=9-" a male sold for U;&? C 983"=9 +,;3=-" a male sold for U3@. Gy way of perspective it
seems worth noting that horses were often worth more than Muslim slaves" see C &%@"=; +0ept.8,
,;3=-, where trade is effected to the disadvantage of the party receiving the Muslim slave +*estimatio
facta de dicto e(uo est major precio dicti sarraceni....
8@. B.g., C 388"9& +7ec.,&, ,;=3-? :1 ,&@8",8 +,;3%-.
8,. B.g., the faqi of Gorja" C &@=",=@ +Mune %3, ,;3,-. Aor Christians, see C &%@"<= +0ept.,<, ,;3=-.
.welve Mud'jares were pardoned for helping runaways in ,;3=" see C ,%@9"l&L +Mun; ,&-. Cf. C 98;"
%,< +7ec.%@, ,;=8-.
8%. 0ee "#$sclavae, pp.;,&, n.%3,< =;;? =;<, n.l@@;. .he Furs are published in :oca .raver, *On
0iglo,* p.<=, n ,,<.
8;. .his document is C =&=",<9 +Mune ,, ,;;%-? the Muslim woman had been confiscated for sleeping
with a Christian.
8<. C 38="<< +6ct.,<, ,;==-,. in ppendix.
8=. C ,%@;",&8 +ug.%@, ,;3<-, in ppendix.
83. C 9@&"3, +pr ,@, ,;3%- *Cum nos in excambium et permutationem 0alamoneti bbu, iudei
civitatis #alentie, et ad (uorundam familiarum nostrorum supplicationem, (ui pro infrascriptis nobis
humiliter intercesserunt, dari et tribui concesserimus Macob bbu, iudeo #alentie, bdalla lminxar,
sarracenum regni Castelle, ipso Macob dante et solvente precium pro (uo emerunt CilluinE illi penes (uos
erat dictus sarracenus.*
8&. :1 ,@@%"<@ +,;3@- +*...Na xa, (ue compra 0cidi Goltaciin, moro missatger del :ey de .uniF, (ui
le s)en mena...*-? C 398",%8 +6ct.%, ,;=9-.
88. Cf. B1 99&"38 +,;33-. though in the early fifteenth century Muslims could still own Muslim
slaves +see 1iles :os, $studio, p.%<;, T=%;-, this was absolutely prohibited shortly before the close of
the century +ibid., p.%8=, T&;@-.
89. 0ee Chapter $$, pp.9=ss.
9@. .hese professionals apparently organi/ed guilds comparable to those common among medieval
Christian merchants and skilled craftsmen, with obligations to oversee the burial of members, etc." *...
collectores illius juris (uod exigitur et levatur in dicta civitate C#alentieE ab omnibus confratriis ipsius
civitatis in auxilium guerre Castelle. . . compallere nituntur dictam aljamain et singulares eiusdem ad
solvendum certum jus confratrie, vigore cuiusdam ordinationis et statuti inter sarracenos facti (uo
cavetur in efectu (uod si(uis sarracenus menestralis ipsius civitatis decessenit, per alios sarracenos, (ui
sunt illius officii (uo utebatur dictus decedens dum vivebat, haberi sepeliri sub incursu certarum
penarum. ..* C &,<",,= +ug %9, ,;3;-.
9,. :oca .raver, *On 0iglo,* pp. =<ss.
9%. C ,@39"== +cf =- +Man %@, ,;=&- $n the fifteenth century, ragonese Muslims travelled as far as
5ranada to do construction no one else could +or wouldV- do" see the safe-conduct issued by the
5eneral Gailiff of #alencia to %8 ragonese Mud'jares who were on their way to repair the lhambra
of 5ranada in ,<9% +1iles :os, $studio, p.;,<-.
9;. C ,@&="9, +Aeb.,=, ,;3;-? cf. C ,,&@",3@ +May 9, ,;3@-.
9<. C ,<@%",<& +Aeb. l, ,;=9-.
9=. :1 ,&@9"=@? ,&,9"3@? %<39"=8? see also the table on occupations p.3%, under *paper miller.*
93. :1 ,&,,";< +,;33-? cf. C ,,&@",3@ +,;3;-.
9&. C 98="&@ +Mar.8, ,;3;-. *Mudei autem et sarraceni medici examinari habeant per medicos eiusdem
legis vel secte, si(ui fuerint, uno tamen medico in eorum examine adhibito christiano Bt medicis
eiusdem legis vel secte non existentibus, habeant per duos medicos christianos, (ua exaininatione
habita, si sufficientes reperti fuerint, iurare publice habeant bene et legaliter practicare, ante(uem ad
praticam admittantur.*
98. C 9@9",=< +,;3<-. 6n foreigners not being allowed to practice medicine, see Kope/ de Meneses,
&ocumentos, pp.,<-l=. 6n e(uality before the law, see also the regulations about Christian, Mewish, and
Muslim physicians in the ordinances of #alls, in Carreras y Candi, *6rdinacions,* H$$, pp.%@% and %8,.
.he Gishop of Moncada had inveighed against Christians who employed Muslim or Mewish physicians
in the late thirteenth century +#illanueva, 0iae, #, pp.;,<-,=-, but there was in general no official
opposition to this form of convivencia1
99. *d supplicationis instantiam ali(uoruin domesticorum et faimiliarum nostrorum cum presenti
carta nostra recipimus te, bdarramen Muhameti, sarracenum cirurgicuin, in familiare nostrum, et
aliorum familiarum et domesticorum nostrorum consortio liberaliter agregamus. #olentes et tibi
specialiter concedentes ut illis de cetero honoribus et favoribus gaudeas, (uibus alii domestici et
familiares nostri potiri vel perfrui dinoscuntur. Ceterum (uare te ut cirurgicus CsicE ad diversas mundi
partes et loca declinare contigit...* +ordinary safe-conduct for members of royal household follows- C
,=&;"%9 +May ,, ,;3<-. Note that bdarramen is to continue his regular practice. 6n the king)s eye
surgeon, see M. :ius, *Mes documents sobre la cultura catalana medieval,* $studis universitaris
catalans, H$$$ +,9%8-, p.,3%. .he king also had a Mewish physician, Master Goniuda, who attended his
soldiers and knights +C 38;"%<@ Cug.8, ,;=3E-. Aor fifteenth-century Muslim medicine, see 1iles :os,
$studio, pp.,&%, ,8<, %%3 +n.b. the Muslim here described as *moro negro*-, and passim.
,@@.C ,<@%",=;-< +,;=9-? C l9=8"%% and %= +Mune ,, and 0ept.9,,;89-? 5on/>le/ Iurtebise, "ibros,
pp.%;;, <@%? Macho y 6rtega, *Condici!n,* pp ;@8-;@9.