KIE HINGOA: MATS OF POWER, RANK, PRESTIGE AND HISTORY

ADRIENNE L. KAEPPLER Smithsonian Institution

The most important and powerful objects in Tonga are kie hingoa named fine mats made of plaited pandanus
leaves in the long ago by unknown hands. They are heirlooms passed from generation to generation as
treasures, to'onga (such as vala to'onga or kofu to'onga), and are worn or presented during weddings, funerals,
investitures, and commemorative events by members of the Tongan monarchy and aristocracy, who trace their
ancestry to the god Tangaloa. That kie hingoa are still worn and used on the most important ritual occasions
illustrates that the ancestors, whose essence is contained therein, are living presences in a very real way and that
their ancestral mana (supernatural power) makes them tapu (taboo or prohibited) to ordinary people. What
makes kie hingoa valuable is that they contain the reproductive power of Tongan society. Some of them circulate,
while others have the status of crown jewels. They are not necessarily involved in reciprocal exchanges, they are
not involved in sociability, nor are they connected with land.
1
They are objects of prestige and power involved
with the bilateral inheritance of rank. People become attached to them and thereby intertwine their personal
histories with those of their illustrious ancestors and events. Their circulation does not create obligations for
direct return, but, rather, an expectation that when they turn up again, they will move along a slightly different
route. The social life of kie hingoa as ritual objects validates Tongan societal concepts of rank and prestige.
In an essay on inalienable wealth, Annette Weiner elaborated and extended a notion of Marcel Maussthat
certain objects remained attached to their original owners even when they circulated among other people
(Weiner 1985:210). In a similar yet different presentation system, kie hingoa make their appearances at
important events, and people become attached to them. Although these mats have some properties of
inalienability in that some are considered the property of certain lines of descent, their importance lies in their
use by specific people on specific occasions. Rather than giving priority to the people who possess them or once
possessed them, I would give priority to the kie themselves and how people and lines of descent are attached to
them. Like the Maori valuables and Samoan fine mats noted by Weiner, many Tongan kie can no longer be traced
to their original owners. However, myths, legends, and historical events, people, or places are associated with -
169 many kie hingoa, and may be mentioned when recounting the circumstances from which their name
derives, or during which they were used and by whom.
Some kie hingoa, usually of the type known as ngafingafi, are of Tongan fabrication, while others originated in
Samoa and have Samoan names.
2
The mats are rectangular, some as large as two to three metres long and ca.
one-and-one-half metres wide. Some are so finely woven (as many as 30 strands to an inch) that they look like
linen. Some named mats are not classified as kie but are treated and used in similar ways; for example,fala vala,
mats worn by chiefly men when taking part in important kava ceremonies or ktoanga (festive occasions). A few
mats have names that appear to be 'Uvean, although 'Uveans do not seem to have a tradition of named fine mats,
and the names may simply record the persons or events from which they derived. Ideally, each non-Tongan kie
hingoa has a story that explains how and why it came to Tonga, but these stories do not usually include the
histories of the mats before they found their way to Tonga. In the Tongan social and cultural system, these mats
seem to have an even greater value than their counterparts in other Polynesian societies, for in Tonga they are
intimately involved in the reproduction of political power and social prestige. The purpose of this essay is to
explicate this social involvement of these objects with power and prestige and to explore how the system works.
The focus of this article is ethnographic and historical; it deals primarily with oral tradition and the use of objects
in the present and traditional past.
3
Making the points to be stressed in this essay requires sometimes complex
genealogies. Although the individuals attached to the kie were delineated by my Tongan friends and mentors who
told me about specific mats, finding their genealogical links with others was considerably aided by consulting the
genealogies in Elizabeth Bott's book based on discussions with Queen Slote (Bott and Tavi 1982). Fine mats
are often mentioned in histories and ethnographies of Tonga, but except for the reference in Bain (1955:38,
1967:77) to one kie hingoa, names of specific mats are seldom mentioned, so that I had little help from published
works on Tonga. I became interested in kie hingoa and their histories in the 1960s when I resided with Halaevalu
Maile [Mataele], a descendant of the last Tu'i Tonga, and during my friendly interactions with Lavinia and Ati
Kalaniuvalu, who lived a few blocks from me. I wrote down names of mats and copied information about
genealogies and mats from their family ledger books. Over the years I asked countless Tongan women and men
about these important objects, their names and their histories. Most Tongans could only tell me that they existed,
but were affairs of the aristocracy. High-ranking individuals, such as Queen - 170 Mata'aho, went out of their
way to help me and give me specific information on specific mats. The often disconnected stories of these kie kept
confronting me in my fieldnotes. It is as if I became possessed by these powerful objects who wanted me to tell
their stories. As an anthropologist interested in the arts and material culture, through these mats I have come to
understand how objects are the ritual embodiment of social life. Kie hingoa embed these rituals and focus our
attention on the centrality of genealogy in Tongan culture.
The full history (and sometimes even the name) of a kie hingoa may be forgotten, just as full genealogies are often
forgotten if they are not written down. However, even if the name or specific history are not known, they are still
presented and treated in the same manner. Kie hingoa are the material, mystical manifestation of past events and
genealogies, which can be remembered, forgotten, or adapted to the current situation. Kie hingoa activate
genealogical relationships and cultural memory.
Kie Hingoa, Koloa, and Social Structure
Kie hingoa (i.e., kie a kind of mat, hingoa named) forms only one of several kinds of Tongan valuables which
are known collectively as koloa, valuables or wealth. Koloa is the complementary domain to ngue, products
derived from agricultural work, fishing and animal husbandry. Koloa, products made by women, are, like women,
prestigious. In contrast, products associated with men are considered work, and, like men, are powerful. The
ngue of men regenerates people physically, while the koloa of women regenerates people culturally. Both are
necessary, and together they regenerate and reproduce society. Thus, koloa as the complementary domain to
ngue is not a complementary or contrasting domain to objects made by tufunga craftsmen. The fabrication of
koloa is not a craft, but a fine art that creates valuables, an important distinction in Tongan cultural domains
(Kaeppler 1990:62-63). Kie hingoa, however, are no longer made, but are heirlooms of the sacred past. In their
conceptualisation as to 'onga, treasures, kie hingoa have the most elevated status of all objects.
An important distinction between ngue and koloa presentations is that ngue can be ritually presented to
equals, while koloa, especially kie hingoa, like the prestige they embody, should move upward to someone of
higher rank, or to someone whose rank should be recognised because of illustrious ancestral connections. An
example was given to me by 'Eva Ve'ehala. When discussing the future investiture of her son to the Ve'ehala noble
title, 'Eva told me that it was not necessary to present certain kinds of koloa (vala chiefly clothing) because the
Ve'ehala title is part of the Ha'a Ngata chiefs and there was no need for Ve'ehala to make himself low. It would
be - 171 necessary to present an 'afio'anga seat made of mats and barkcloth ('Eva Ve'ehala, pers. comm.). For
many investitures, however, both 'afio'anga and vala are presented, with kie included in the latter. This can also
be done to indicate that the investee's personal rank is inferior to that of the King or simply to show faka'apa'apa
(respect or deference) to him. Such a presentation is also an opportunity to record important events and previous
occasions in which the individual and his relatives were involved. The history of the kie hingoa would be recalled
in conjunction with the presentation and then held in memory to be recalled again when this kie hingoa made its
next appearance.
To understand how kie hingoa presentations work, it is necessary to summarise how rank operates and how it is
acquired in Tongan society. The Tongan social system is based on three principles of rank: (i) in ego's own
generation, sisters are considered 'eiki, high or chiefly, to brothers; (ii) in ego's parental generation, paternal
kinsmen are 'eiki to ego, while maternal kinsmen are tu'a, low, to ego; and (iii) elder siblings of the same sex are
'eiki to younger siblings of the same sex. It is primarily by the principle that sister outranks brother that prestige
rank is acquired; title, with its concomitant of power, is usually inherited patrilineally by males through the
principle of primogeniture. The Tongan chiefly houses trace their origin to the first Tu'i Tonga, 'Aho'eitu, whose
father, the god Tangaloa 'Eitumatupu'a climbed down from the sky on a casuarina tree and cohabited with an
earthly woman who descended from an earlier population derived from a maggot. I suggest that this elevation of
a woman from the lowly original population accounts, at least in part, for the importance of sisterliness and a
sister's elevation and prestige. That is, the brothers of this woman would consider themselves inferior to their
sister, who was the mother of the ruler, and, of course, to their sister's child'Aho'eitu, the demi-god ruler
himself. 'Aho'eitu could please himself with his mother's brothers and their descendants, to whom 'Aho'eitu was
above the law. In succeeding generations, a systemisation of this concept would result in sisters outranking
brothers. It is from this principle that the concept of fahu or above the law derives. A fahu is a man's sister's
child or a father's sister's childan important element for understanding kie hingoa, and to which I will return
below.
Through a series of collateral segmentations from the divine Tu'i Tonga line, a second line (Tu'i Takalaua) and a
third line of kings (Tu'i Kanokupolu) acquired more and more power, while the Tu'i Tonga line became more and
more sacred, aloof and prestigious. It was necessary for the lesser chiefs to present food and valuables to the Tu'i
Tonga during yearly 'inasi, first fruits rituals, to preserve the fertility of the land and society. It is likely that the -
172 presentations of 'Uvea, Futuna, and Samoa during the overlordship of Tonga included mats and women to
insure fertility of their islands, as this appears to be one of the most important functions of the sacred Tu'i Tonga.
Only with the acceptance of Christianity did the sacred power of the Tu'i Tonga wane, but, as I will note below,
the power of the Tu'i Tonga line over fertility has never disappeared. The warring chiefs of the 18th and 19th
centuries managed to usurp power by guns and Christian backing, but only through marriage and fertile offspring
could they acquire prestige.

Symbols of Sacred Sovereignty
In Tongan concepts of the body, the most important parts of the body are the headespecially the top of the head
and the eyes, which are sacred and the area between the waist and knees, the seat of fertility. As will be seen,
the names of kie are often associated with these body parts and their coverings. These body parts were especially
important for chiefs and their descendants, and were protected and decorated on important and dangerous
situations, including war, investiture, weddings, funerals, welcoming and entertaining visitors, and
commemorative events. The highest-ranking - 173 individuals had the most elaborate protective and
decorative garments, and the materials from which they were made were difficult to obtain and time-consuming
to work. Objects associated with the Tu'i Tonga line were the most elaborate and sacred.
During the time of the visits of Captain James Cook to Tonga (1773-1774,1777), the highest ranking objects were
(i) a feathered headdress (pala tavake), apparently worn primarily by the Tu'i Tonga, and (ii) a special kind of
decorative garment, called sisi fale, worn by the Tu'i Tonga, his sister (Tu'i Tonga Fefine), the Tamah (Tu'i
Tonga's sister's daughter), and perhaps other descendants of an incumbent Tu'i Tonga and previous Tu'i Tonga.
Sisi fale are overskirts made of small pieces of kafa (coconut fibre) intricately twined in a kind of basketry
technique. These small pieces, in the form of circles, stars, half-moons or rectangles, were covered with red
feathers, and incorporated shell beads, animal teeth and carved pieces of ivory (from whale's teeth), and were
sewn together to create an overall design (Fig. 2). These materials, especially coconut fibre, red feathers and

- 174
whaletooth ivory, were considered sacred materials throughout Polynesia, and their fabrication into chiefly
articles was considered to be a sacred act known to only a few specialised individuals. The name sisi fale may
derive from the fabrication of this intricate overskirt under a veil of secrecy, that is, in a house, thus sisi
decorated girdleand falehouse.
4

It is significant that shortly after Cook's visits the manufacture of sisi fale ceased. These ritual garments were
essentially replaced by kie, just as the power of the Tu'i Tonga was replaced by the Tu'i Kanokupolu. The reason
may have to do with an event that happened during Cook's visit on his third Pacific voyage. In the mid-18th
century, Pauthe Tu'i Tonga during Cook's visitshad a son, Fuanunuiava, by the high ranking Tupoumoheofo,
who insisted that her son be invested with the highest privileges.
5
This was the 'inasi ceremony witnessed by
Cook in 1777. It is said that in retribution, Pau conspired with chiefs of the Ha'a Ngata to give them more power
and authority. The Ha'a Ngata chiefs descend from Ngata, a son of Mo'ungtonga, the sixth Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua
(the second line of chiefs that had segmented from the Tu'i Tonga line at the time of the 23rd Tu'i Tonga see
Fig. 1). Ngata's mother was a Samoan, said to be the daughter of 'Ama of the Fale'ula
6
line from Safata on the
island of 'Upolu. Known as Tohu'ia or Limap in Tongan, she is said to have brought with her a Samoan fine mat
known as Maneafainga'a
7
as part of her wedding dowry. Their son became known as kano kupolu, the 'flesh of
Upolu, the Samoan island from which Tohu'ia came. It is said that her fine mat was worn by her son on
important occasions, including kava drinking ceremonies in which his kava was announced as Kanokupolu, thus
linking the title with the mat. 'Ie tga, the highest ranking part of a Samoan woman's dowry, have fertility
connotations and were imported as such into Tonga. As ritual defloration was not practiced in Tonga, they
became part of Kanokupolu-line ritual paraphernalia, and are still used to wrap the virgin blood for presentation
(tvai) to a bride's mother after a marriage has been consummated. Wearing a fertility mat as an investiture
garment would give it a double symbolic role in ensuring an heir to the 'flesh-of-'Upolu line and the
reproduction of the Kanokupolu political system. Kie are associated with the Tu'i Kanokupolu line, just as sisi fale
were associated with the Tu'i Tonga line.
Why the kie was called Maneafainga'a (or Manea-o-Fainga'a) is no longer remembered. It may refer to a
ceremonial attendant (named Faig) who accompanied Tohu'ia to Tonga and made the fine mat ritual
presentations. It may refer to a falef ceremonial attendant of the Tu'i Tonga line. It may refer to a custom
(mane) of Faig (that is, a custom associated with the Samoan chief Mlietoa Faig). According to the
Honourable Ve'ehala, the mother of Tohu'ia was Soli'ai, the daughter of Manefaig, - 175 the high chief of
Tutuila. However, the only correspondence that I can find in the genealogies of Tutuila is from Nu'uuli, the
black place known through its former cruel and cannibalistic orator chief Mageafaig, also called Lagafuaina,
who is often mentioned in the legends of Tutuila and Manu'a (Krmer 1994:442). In my view, the name refers to
a mat associated with the descendants of the Ama ia Fiam line who trace relationships to 'Ae Mageafaig of
Nu'uuli on Tutuila (see Krmer 1994:318, 327). In the Samoan style, this name could be bestowed on any mat
associated with this line of chiefs, as on the occasion of Tohu'ia's marriage to the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua of Tonga.
Naming it after a ferocious ancestor would give the mat a protective quality.
A Samoan fine mat as an investiture garment for the Tu'i Kanokupolu would be a fitting replacement for a sisi
fale, which I conjecture was the investiture garment for the Tu'i Tonga. After Cook's time, few sisi fale entered
museum collections and the lack of any remaining in Tonga, or indeed even any knowledge about them, attest to
their demise after the end of the 18th century. After the investiture of Pau's son, Fuanunuiava, during Cook's third
voyage, only two further Tu'i Tonga were installed. These were Ma'ulupekotofa (Pau's brother who served for a
few years) and Laufilitonga, who was engaged in warfare with the Tu'i Kanokupolu during much of his adult life
and died in 1865. No traditions concerning their investiture seem to survive, and because of the unsettled times, it
is unlikely that all the symbols of sacred sovereigntyespecially those of extreme difficult fabrication such as sisi
falewould have been produced. The name sisi fale, however, does survive. This term now refers to the
waistband that decorates the vala fakalala garment, which can be worn only by descendants of the Tu'i Tonga.
Modern sisi fale are made of squares of fine mat folded into triangles and attached to a belt interspersed with the
tail-feathers of the tropic bird (tavake) and especially the red-tailed tropic bird, tavake toto, a metaphor for a
man of Tu'i Tonga blood line. In any case, both the investiture and the investiture garments of the Tu'i Tonga line
became obsolete with the rise of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line and the Tupou dynasty. The investiture garment of the
Kanokupolus became Maneafainga'a, the Samoan kie that came in Tohu'ia's bedding. Her son, wearing
Maneafainga'a became the first Tu'i Kanokupolu 'flesh-of-Upolu. The present King, Tupou IV, who also used
Maneafainga'a during his investiture in 1967, is the 22nd Tu'i Kanokupolu. Maneafainga'a now has the status
of the crown jewels, used on only the most important national events such as the investiture or death of the Tu'i
Kanokupolu, i.e., occasions involved with the continuation of the Tu'i Kanokupolu system of government.
- 176
The Naming and Histories of Samoan and Tongan Fine Mats
There are numerous stories about the origin of important kie both in Samoa and Tonga as well as their naming
and histories. The German researcher Augustin Krmer noted that one of the most important Samoan fine mats
has a series of names: Lagava'a, Pipi'imale'ele'ele, Moeilefuefue, Matmaivai and Tasiaeafe.
8
Lagava'a
indicates that it was woven on board a boat from Pulotu (the afterworld) from Fiji; Pipi'imale'ele'ele indicates
that it was stuck to the soil; Moeilefuefue indicates that its owner slept with it in the creeping plants at the
beach; Matmaivai indicates that it was worn for bathing but remained dry; and Tasiaeafe indicates that
because it is from Pulotu, and therefore sacred, it is worth a thousand mats.
9
Eventually the mat reached
Salamasina, then went on to others, but by now the mat has long ago gone to pieces (Krmer 1994:31-32). But
this is not how Tongans see it. Tongans have four separate mats named Pipi'imale'ele'ele (today usually known
as Pipi'ima'ele'ele), Moe'ilefuefue, Matu'umaivai and Tasi'aeafe. All of these are very old and were listed as
separate mats when Queen Slote made lists from the Palace store of mats (see Appendix), and all four of these
mats were used at Queen Slote's funeral. A knowledgeable Samoan woman told me that Pipi'imale'ele'ele and
Moe'ilefuefue are names that can be bestowed on mats in acknowledgement of specific Samoan chiefs and that
it is likely that these chiefs gave fine mats during specific rituals in Tonga. These names have been retained over
the generations as the mats have been used in Tonga. The original Tasi'aeafe is not considered to be extant in
Samoa, but the Tongans believe that they have the original one, now part of the Palace mats.
Tauese Sunia, an orator of Manu'a, Samoa, explained the Samoan way of naming mats to me as follows. He noted
that the name of a Samoan fine mat is rather like a praise name for the chief or orator who has the right to give
it. Tauese gave me several examples: When the paramount chief of Tutuila gives a fine mat, it is known as Pulou
o le ola. There are eight orators of the Tui Manu'a linefour of these (including Tauese) can give mats that may
be called Puipui o le Fale'ula tangata and four can give mats that may be called Puipui o le Fale'ula tauaitu.
10

Chiefs of Mlietoa's family can give mats whose names include Lautamatafia, Lauao o Mlietoa", Lauao o
Taoa and Lauao o Tupua. The Tui Manu'a is associated with mats named Mat-mai-vai and Alava-tua-lua.
Other mat names are used for specific occasions. For example Nofova'a is a mat taken in a boat when a woman
elopes; however, even if a couple do not elope, one mat of the bedding is called Nofova'a. Fusita is a mat made
by a woman to be worn at a ceremony when her son's tattooing is finished - 177 and then given to the tattooer
(Tauese Sunia, pers. comm. 1994).
Thus, in Samoa, there can be numerous mats with the same name. In Tonga, however, the name of a mat refers to
one specific mat which is used in specific rituals, and people become attached to it. Each Tongan mat has its own
genealogy of events during which it was used. The only way that more than one mat can have the same name is if
that mat has been cuteach part might have a different history from that time on. Two such examples in Tonga
are Mata-o-Taone and Siukaufisi.
Besides this difference in the concepts of naming the mats, there are differences in use. For example, in both
Tonga and Samoa, weddings are important events during which named mats are used. In Samoa, as part of tga
women's objects they are presented by the bride's family and, in the wedding exchange, they go to the groom's
family. In Tonga, as part of koloa, they are presented by both the bride's and groom's families. As part of the
wedding distribution, they find their ways to the families of both bride and groom. For weddings at the highest
level in Tonga, some kie hingoa do not change hands. They may travel from the Palace for a specific event, but
they immediately return. Although the mats themselves may be materially the same or similar in Tonga and
Samoa, their uses are culturally distinct.
Krmer cites a story from the Samoan island of Tutuila about the invention of the fine mat.
There Tauoloasii, who was a granddaughter of Tuisamata in Lefutu, bore the taupou name Futa, and
Tuisamata's wife Maofa is credited with the invention of the fine mat. Those mats were reportedly called fala o
Futa after Tauoloasi'i Futa. It was she who was abducted by Tuitoga from her betrothed Fua'autoa at the time of
the Tongan invasion and who brought the first fine mat to Tonga, where it aroused much attention and saved the
life of mother and daughter. Fua'autoa however drove the Tongans out of Tutuila and slew them. Thus the fine
mats were henceforth called 'ie toga (1995:343).
An origin story of Tongan kie (POA/F13/2D) involves a woman, Fataimoeloa, from Felemea (in Ha'apai) who
exposed herself to the Sun, became pregnant, and had a son whom she named Sisimatala'. He was extremely
handsome and was chosen to marry the Tu'i Tonga's daughter, Fatafehi. After a series of adventures, he travelled
with his mother and they brought two packages (given by the Sun, and called mon and mala) and a kie made
by his mother, the first in Tonga. (Ko e me'a pe 'ae fa'e ko e kie Tonga na'a ne lalanga pe 'e ia pea ko e 'uluaki kie
Tonga ia 'i Tonga ni.) Fataimoeloa used the kie as the top layer of Sisimatala''s wedding clothing. Since that time
kie are worn for vala alafianga wedding clothes (pea talu - 178 ai tokua hono fai'aki 'i Tonga ni 'ae fungani
'ae Kie Tonga 'i he vala alafia). This mat became known as Sisimatala' and other stories have been related
about it. It may be the kie hingoa now known simply as La'.
It is significant that kie were not specifically mentioned in the journals from Cook's voyages. However, George
Forster on Cook's second voyage notes their elegant mats, which for workmanship and variety excelled even
those of Taheitee (1986:255). And David Samwell on Cook's third voyage, notes that the finest sort they use for
Cloathing & to sit upon on extroardinary [sic] Occasions (Beaglehole 1967:1037). As kie were often old and full of
holes, to a European they would not look valuable. None of these treasured fine mats are in Cook-voyage
collections. This may be because they were not seen, their importance was not recognised, or they were too
important to be given away.
Kie Hingoa and the Tu'i Tonga
Although the Tu'i Tonga probably wore sisi fale during his ritual investiture, that the Tu'i Tonga acquired and
used both Tongan and Samoan named fine mats is certainas a number of kie hingoa are historically associated
with the Tu'i Tonga and his line. In addition, after the rise in power of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line, the ranking
women of the Kanokupolu line, along with their kie, were traditionally brought to the Tu'i Tonga as moheofo
ranking wife and mother of the next Tu'i Tonga (hence the metaphorical references to the Tu'i Kanokupolu line
as Ha'a Moheofo the lineage from which the highest wife of the Tu'i Tonga derives).
Two kie hingoa said to have come directly from Samoa with the Tu'i Tonga are Valatau oe Tuimanu'a (war
garment of the Tui Manu'a) and V-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga (the gulf between the islands of Ofu and Olosega in
Samoa). These kie hingoa are said to have been acquired by the Tu'i Tonga Fatafehi during his tattooing in
Samoa. The Tu'i Tonga's person was considered sacred and dangerous to touch by Tongans, and it was necessary
to recruit outsiders for certain tasks such as hair cutting (the head of a Tu'i Tonga is particularly taboo and cannot
be touched), preparing the body for burial, and tattooing. The falef ceremonial attendants, who descended from
the sky with the first Tu'i Tonga, did many of these tasks for the Tu'i Tonga, but Tu'i Tonga were usually not
tattooed. Fatafehi, however, wished to be tattooed, and as no Tongan could do the work, Fatafehi made two trips
to Samoa for this purpose. His first trip was to Manono Island, where the first part of his tattoo was done; and his
second trip was to Manu'a, where the rest was completed. Fatafehi's nickname was Fakauakimanuka (twice, or
second time, to Manu'a) to commemorate his tattooing trips to Samoa. On both occasions the tattooer's bodies
are said to have swelled up and they - 179 ultimately died from wounding the Tu'i Tonga's sacred body
(POA/11/ 2B). The kie hingoa associated with his tattooing trips to Samoa are Valatauotuimanu'a [Vala-tau-
oe-Tuimanu'a] (POA/11/2B) and Vaofumoolosega [V-'o-Ofu-ma-Olosenga] (Queen Mata'aho, pers. comm.
1976).
11
As noted above, it is a Samoan custom for a fine mat to be given to the tattooer; here it appears that
Samoans gave fine mats to the Tu'i Tonga, perhaps to commemorate the event.
Halaevalu Maile [Mataele] (1899-1989), with whom I resided in 1964, was a granddaughter of Fakauakimanuka
II, a son of the last Tu'i Tonga, Laufilitonga. She believed that the first Fakauakimanuka may have brought
Samoan women with him to Tonga, although he was already properly married to the moheofo. Halaevalu felt that
the Tu'i Tonga, one or more Samoan women, and the kie hingoa are all associated with each other, and that a
metaphor for a high-ranking Samoan woman was a kie hingoa because this was the most important part of her
dowry.
The name of the second kie hingoa associated with Fakauakimanuka's tattooing in Samoa, V-'o-Ofu-mo-
Olosenga, refers to two islands in the Manu'a group, Ofu and 'Olosega. Today this name is used as a metaphor
for good relations between the traditionally-warring Samoa and Tonga resulting from intermarriages and their
offspring. The metaphor was used by Queen Slote (1900-1965) in her lament for the last 'Uluklala Ha'amea,
who died in 1960. She notes,
IX.
Pea tala ki he Tu'i Manu 'a And tell to the Tu'i Manu'a
Kaufaki atu ai ki 'Uta Brought by sea to the land
He Va- 'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga The V-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga
Manono e mo 'Apolima Manono and 'Apolima (Samoan islands)
To'o e kakapu 'o e Mo'unga
Take away the mist/fog of the mountain
12

Fili ai hano ta'ovala Sorted out from his waist garment
Kia Tung mo Tu'ifaleua To Tung (now Tupou IV) and Tu'ifaleua (Tu'i Pelehake)
Ko e fua 'o e kie hingoa. The fruit of the kie hingoa (i.e.,V-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga)
Queen Slote presented V-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga to the funeral of the late 'Uluklala.
Two further kie hingoa are associated with the Tu'i Tonga line and the story of the supernatural turtle, Sngone.
A synopsis of the story is as follows:
- 180
Hina of the underworld and a Samoan lived together in Tonga. The Samoan wanted to visit his relatives, and
Hina gave him her mother, a turtle named Sngone, to carry him home. Hina told him that the first thing he must
do on his arrival in Samoa was to get a coconut-leaf mat and a bunch of coconuts for Sngone to bring back to
Tonga. The Samoan did not do as he was told but went off to visit his relatives. The townspeople cooked
Sngone and buried her shell. A boy named Lafai who saw where they buried Sngone was told that he would
remain small (pana) and on the day that Sngone was found he would die. When the story reached Tonga that
Sngone's shell was buried in Samoa, the Tu'i Tonga, Tu'ittui, sent his brother, Fasi'apule, with a party to look
for Sngone's shell (Fig. 3). When they arrived in Samoa, they were served kava. Fasi'apule, speaking in riddles,
asked for several items. The people asked Lafaipana, who by this time was quite old but still a boy in
appearance, to interpret the riddles. He knew the references and Fasi'apule's requests were granted. Fasi'apule
then sent for Lafaipana and asked him where Sngone was buried. He showed the Tongan party the place and
they dug up Sngone. They wrapped the shell in two kie named Laumata 'o Fainga'a and Hau 'o Momo.

After other adventures
13
the mats remained with the Tu'i Tonga line and were used at the 1917 wedding of
Princess Slote and Prince Tung Mailefihi. After she became Queen in 1918, they went with Queen Slote to the
Palace and were used during the 1947 double wedding of her two sons. Tupouto'a-Tung (now Tupou IV) wore
Laumata 'o Fainga'a and Fatafehi Tu'i Pelehake wore Hau 'o Momo
14
(Fig. 4).
The pair of sons
15
were the outcome of bringing the pair of kie to her marriagethereby perpetuating the fertility
of the Tu'i Tonga line and bringing this line into the three royal lines now intermixed in Tupou IV (Figs 1 and 5).
The sons, like the ho kie (ho = pair), were themselves a pair in running the government as King and Prime
Minister for many years. The outcome of their wearing these fertility garments at their double wedding has been
numerous royal children and grandchildren starting with the Crown Prince Tupouto'a and Princess Siu'ilikutapu,
the daughter of Tu'i Pelehake, both born in 1948. Princess Pilolevu also wore Laumata 'o Fainga'a for her
wedding (1976); it did not become part of the ritual exchanges, but went immediately back to the Palace (Princess
Pilolevu and Queen Mata'aho,
- 181

personal communication). These two kie, descending through the Tu'i Tonga line are Palace mats (that is, they
are now Tupou dynasty mats as presently constituted) and do not circulate. If Crown Prince Tupouto'a were to
marry, these two mats would probably be used to ensure the continued reproduction of the Tu'i Tonga line in the
blood of future Kings. It is significant that although the Tu'i Tonga line lost its political power, it never gave up
the mats which gave this line its prestige.
16
The mana of the Tu'i Tonga line is a living presence at the Palacein
the person of Tupou IV and in his possession of these two mats.
The names of the mats reveal the Tu'i Tonga association. Hau is a word used to describe a champion, victor or
conqueror as well as meaning honour, attention, service, presents, entertainment, etc., customarily rendered to a
sovereign or a champion or other person due to receive such treatment (Churchward 1959:213). Hau in Hau 'o
Momo refers to the power of Momo, a Tu'i Tonga and father of Tu'ittui, on whose behalf his half-brother
Fasi'apule went to Samoa to search for Sngone's shell. Thus, the mat objectifies the power or mana of the Tu'i
Tonga line.Laumata 'o Fainga'a means eyelid of Fainga'a (at least that is how it is interpreted in present-day
Tongan). This Fainga'a may refer to one of the Falef, ceremonial attendants of the Tu'i Tonga.
Another kie associated with the Tu'i Tonga line is Lilomomu'a (the secret of Mu'a), which was used in weddings
of women of the Tu'i Tonga line (see below). According to Niel Gunson, Nanasipau'u (Tu'i Tonga Fefine and half-
sister of Pau) sent the mat The secret of Mu'a to Pau who was in - 182 exile in Vava'u. Gunson believes that
the mat was associated with esoteric knowledge not passed on to Fuanunuiava (Gunson, pers. comm.). This mat
may embed esoteric knowledge, but I would argue that it was the mat itself that was associated with the right to
the title, and Pau did not want it to fall into the hands of Fuanunuiava before his own demise. This would also be
an effort to keep this important mat within the Tu'i Tonga line, as Fuanunuiava's mother was Tupoumoheofo
(daughter of Tu'i Kanokupolu Tupoulahi, who was herself Tu'i Kanokupolu for a short time). In Queen Slote's
poetry (see below) Lilomomu'a is used as a metaphor for the essence of the Tu'i Tonga line.
Finally, various Tu'i Tonga received kie hingoa by virtue of their high rank when marrying daughters of the Tu'i
Kanokupolu line (the Ha'a Moheofo) who brought them in their bedding dowry. (This will be dealt with in the
section on weddings.) The Tu'i Tonga's sister, the Tu'i Tonga Fefine, and his sororal niece, the Tamah, also
received kie hingoa by virtue of their high rank and fahu relationship to the Tu'i Tonga, as will be noted in the
next section on fahu.
Fahu and Kie Hingoa
Before we move on to wedding, funeral and investiture rituals, and the place of kie hingoa in them, it is necessary
to explain how the fahu concept works. Fahu is still an important concept in Tongan social relations, especially
those that deal with traditional rank and privilege. The concept derives from the social principles that sisters
outrank brothers, and that the father's side is 'eiki or high. Thus, father's sister is 'eiki to specific kin and holds a
kind of supernatural power over her fakafotu children of her brothers.
17
Paternal aunts and their children are
fahu, above the law, to ego and can (and should) appropriate any desirable food or goods from their fakafotu.
This was institutionalised in the Tu'i Tonga line, resulting in the title Tamah for the highest ranking child of his
sisterthe Tu'i Tonga Fefine. The Tamah was fahu to the Tu'i Tonga. A fahu always derives from the sister of a
brother-sister pair and, for an important wedding or funeral, genealogies must be searched for the highest
ranking living descendant from a brother-sister pair.
Today, the royal family derives their fahu status from Tupou I's half-sister, Halaevalu Mata'aho (Fig. 5). King
Tupou IV does not have any sisters, nor did his father, Tung Mailefihi, or his grandfather Tupou II, thus there are
no fahu from sisterly descendants in these lines. However, the present King and his brother descend from a
woman (Slote) who descends from the sister of a brother-sister pair (Lavinia [Mhanga]
18
and Kalaniuvalu
three generations back) whose father was the last Tu'i Tonga, Laufilitonga, whose wife was Tupou I's half-sister.
This genealogy makes the King and his brother - 183 or their descendants fahu in almost any important
genealogy. That is, Tupou IV's great-great-great-grandfather's [half] sister's ranking descendant is himself.
Because of this relationship, the King, his brother, or one of their daughters (or occasionally a son) have been
fahu for nearly every important ceremony in living memory. Another great fahu of the royal family was Tupou
IV's father's mother, Mele Siu'ilikutapu. The fahu status is complex, but she was the fahu at the funeral of the
father of Tupou II, and could have activated this status for Tupou II's funeral as well; she did not, however, in
deference to her daughter-in-law, Queen Slote.

It is the fahu's prerogative, responsibility and duty to be given or to take the most important koloa at a wedding
or funeral. Indeed, it gives dignity and importance to an occasion if the fahu is the King, his brother, or one of
their children, especially daughters. If a kie hingoa is part of the koloa of a wedding or funeral, it is given to one of
these fahu. Although some individuals were considered by some to outrank Queen Slote, her descendants are
considered fahu because of the complexities of past intermarriages and Slote's own marriage with Tung
Mailefihi of the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line. Since Slote's birth in 1900, almost all kie hingoa have circulated to the
koloa of the Palace or to her descendants. These kie are often presented at a wedding or funeral of a high chief or
aristocrat, especially if the individual or his ancestor was attached to one of them, but on the next important
ceremony, they will circulate back again to one of the royal fahu and to the Palace, where most of them are today.
- 184
The King's brother, Tu'i Pelehake, his wife Melenaite, and their children also use kie hingoa and have several of
them. Some were worn for the coronation of the present King (see below). Tu'i Pelehake's third daughter, usually
known as Taone, was named by Queen Slote after the kie hingoa, Mata-o-Taone. One piece of this kie was
worn by Princess Mata-o-Taone for her Christian wedding ceremony, and the Christian wedding ceremonies of
Tu'i Pelehake's other children probably also included kie hingoa.
As will be seen, kie hingoa appear only rarely. Their appearance marks the occasion as one of note, and is a way of
recording the importance of the event which becomes attached to the kie. The kie hingoa then contains the
essence of the event and the person who wore or used it. They become chronicles of history embued with lives of
their own. Besides weddings and funerals of individuals of the aristocratic lines, such events include investitures,
opening of Parliament, and greeting and entertaining important visitors. Such an occasion was the visit of Queen
Elizabeth II in 1953, when Queen Slote wore Llanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea. The visit of Queen Elizabeth was a large
state ktoanga celebration, and Queen Slote gave it the dignity it deserved by wearing this kie hingoa (Fig. 25).
She also wore this kie at the official kava ceremony during which she received her title as Tupou III in 1918.
Subsequently, Queen Slote also wore this kie hingoa to commemorate her sixtieth birthday, and King Tupou IV
wore it the first

- 185
time he opened Parliament. According to Queen Salote, this kie was more than 600 years old and the Tongan
counterpart of the Coronation chair of King Edward I (Bain 1955:78). It is named after (or made by or for)
'Ulukilupetea, the mother of Tupouto'a, father of Tupou I. She was a descendant of Malup, chief of 'Uiha, a
descendant of a brother of the 20th Tu'i Tonga, c. 1400 (Bain 1955:38).
Ulukilupetea, known as the woman with the ivory stomach because she had so many important children, had at
least five partners. The one of importance in this genealogy is Tuku'aho, a Tu'i Kanokupolu, grandfather in the
Tu'i Kanokupolu line of Tupou I. A lakalaka text
19
used Llanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea as a metaphor for joining the
Tu'i Kanokupolu line to the Tu'i Tonga line (symbolised by the named flower girdle, sisi alamea):
Lalnga 'a 'Ulukilupetea The weaving of 'Ulukilupetea
Ke fungani 'i he hoko kumitea The top layer of chiefly clothing
Li ai hao no'o fakaheka Climbed onto and became
Ke fungani ki he sisi alamea. The top layer of sisi alamea.
Kie Hingoa and Weddings
Today, weddings are the most important rituals for the use and display of wealth and especially kie. If a family
possesses a kie and especially a kie hingoa, it will surely make an appearanceeither worn as the top layer
(fungani) of the ritual wedding clothes, called vala to'onga, or ritually presented as the fungani top layer of the
bedding, called kofu to'onga. Not all kie are kie hingoa in the accepted sense of the term. Many families,
however, have old kie which descend and circulate within their family in a similar way to what will be described
here. For example, the family of Sister Mary Tu'ifua (a high-ranking descendant of the chiefs of old) has a very old
and ragged kie known as Kie Monumonuka (kie that has been wounded). It was worn only for very special feasts
and other occasions. Tu'ifua's brother wore it for his wedding, and Tu'ifua wore it at several feasts when she was a
young woman. It derived from Tu'ifua's father's line because he had no sisters. As women usually inherit and look
after the kie and their histories, the specific history of this kie was lost, except that it came from Tu'ifua's father's
mother.
The practice of wearing fine Samoan mats during marriages of the chiefs was well established by the time of
William Mariner (1806-1810), but apparently they were worn only by women. At the wedding of Finau
'Uluklala's son, his two Tongan brides were dressed in the finest Samoan mats (Martin 1827:110), but the only
element noticed by Mariner for the groom was his donning of a white barkcloth turban ornamented with small -
186 red feathers (Martin 1827:111). In the wedding exchange, the groom, who also had a Samoan wife,
presented fine mats (Martin 1827:113). Also, according to Mariner, at the marriage of the Tu'i Tonga to Fnau's
daughter, she wore Samoan mats of the finest texture and as soft as silk. So many of these costly mats were
wrapped round her, perhaps more than forty yards, that her arms stuck out from her body in a ludicrous manner;
and she could not, strictly speaking, sit down (Martin 1827:97). The bride had five attendants who were also
dressed in Samoan mats. However, no mention is made of anything remarkable about the Tu'i Tonga's wedding
clothing, and the presentation he made consisted of large pieces of barkcloth, a wooden pillow and a basket
containing bottles of oil (Martin 1827:97). From this it appears that Samoan mats were worn only by women at
marriage rituals. It also appears that women controlled them. When Finau sent a present to Mafi Habe [Hape],
his contribution was a bale of barkcloth and strings of beads, while Finau's wife sent three valuable Samoan mats
(Martin 1827:267).
The Tu'i Tonga and the women of the Tu'i Tonga line were not usually associated with Samoan kie, except for
those brought in the marriage dowry by women of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line. A kie brought in such a marriage,
however, would likely then go to her daughterwho, of course, is also the daughter of the Tu'i Tonga and sister of
the next Tu'i Tonga (the oldest sister being the Tu'i Tonga Fefine), who would probably give it to her daughter, the
Tamah. Thus, although starting from a Tu'i Kanokupolu woman's bedding, within two generations such a kie
might end up with the Tamah. Women of the Tu'i Tonga line (and the descent lines associated with the Falefisi)
are associated with Tongan-made fine mats that were also named. The Tongan name for these mats is ngafingafi.
They are very finely plaited of the top layer of kie pandanus and are named. Although they are also heirlooms
made in the long ago by unknown hands, they are often associated with an historical person and/or a specific
place or event. For example, in a story in which high-ranking visitors went to the island of Tungua where the
Tamah lived, she brought out her valuable old ngafingafi known as Falatungua (POA 11/2B).
That non-Tu'i Kanokupolu women used Tongan named mats (ngafingafi) at their weddings is illustrated by the
following three examples from a book of traditions that descended to Lavinia and Ati Kalaniuvalu, the two
sisters of the present Kalaniuvalu (the title that replaced the Tu'i Tonga), from their mother Sislia, the daughter
of Melenaite Tu'itavake of a chiefly line from Ha'apai.
After explaining a method of presentation, the author notes that the women making the presentation are chiefly
women low to the person being married - 187 (e.g., they may be daughters of the brides's mother's brother,
or daughters of the bride's brothers). These women are called laufafa and they can present only named kie. The
author then proceeds to give three examples in which at least some of the named mats are Tongan ngafingafi.
The first example is LtTama, the daughter of the Tu'i Ha'ateiho, Fakatakatu (of the Falefisi line), when she
married the Tu'i Kanokupolu, Ma'afu'otu'itonga. The laufafa presentation included seven mats, five of which must
have been ngafingafi named after places (presumably where they were made) including Falatungua
20

(mentioned above), and six others: Llanga 'a Vaomotu (the weaving of Vaomotu place name?), Llanga 'a
Matuku (place name), Llanga 'a Houma (place name), and Llanga 'a'Utukaunga (from Tu'anuku, Vava'u,
see below). The other two mats were a palavalu (a fihu mat of a specific length), and a fihu tua (also a fihu of a
specific length). That is, a Falefisi line woman brought named Tongan mats (ngafingafi) to her wedding with a Tu'i
Kanokupolu not Samoan fine mats.
21

The second example is a Tu'i Tonga Fefine, Sinaitakala, whose wedding to F'otusia (a Tu'i Ha'ateiho) included a
laufafa of five named mats: Kie Tuku, Faka-hihina-o Savai'i-naea, Papaonfanua, Papaanga o Sinaitakala,
and Fala Lata. From their names these mats appear to be a combination of Tongan and Samoan mats.
22
Thus,
a Tu'i Tonga-line woman marrying into the Falefisi brought both Tongan and Samoan named mats, thereby
including the essence of her mixed parentage (she was the daughter of Tu'i Tonga Pau and Tupoumoheofo, the
daughter of a Tu'i Kanokupolu).
The third example is a Tamah, 'Amelia Fakahiku'o'uiha, whose marriage to Tuku'aho (a Tu'i Kanokupolu)
included five named mats: Fakate'ema, Aotapale o Tupou, Vakataukateaosi, Llanga 'a Vaovao, and
Lilomomu'a (which we have met above and will meet again below). As in the first example above, a woman of a
Falefisi line brought named Tongan mats to her wedding with a Tu'i Kanokupolu.
23

I make this point and give these examples because popular opinion suggests that kie hingoa are all of Samoan
origin. My research shows that this is not the case. Instead, the appellation kie hingoa indicates that it is a mat
of very fine texture made (usually) of kie (Freycinetia) pandanus, that is considered a treasure (to'onga) or
heirloom, which has come from long ago (tupu'a), and is distinguished by a personal name which often derived
from the place it was made, or on whose behalf it was made or presented, or an important occasion. The kie
associated with the Tu'i Kanokupolu line and lines closely associated with it, such as 'Uluklala and Veikune, are
usually Samoan. Those associated with the Tu'i Tonga line and its offshoot Fale Fisi (which includes Tu'i
Ha'ateiho), however, are (or were) often Tongan ngafingafi, sometimes named after a placeeither in which it
was - 188 made or was used on a memorable eventsuch as Llanga 'a Houma (weaving of Houma) and
Llanga 'a Vaomotu (weaving of Vaomotu) presented at the weddings mentioned above.
The intermixing of Samoan kie hingoa associated with the Tu'i Kanokupolu line into traditions associated with
the Tu'i Tonga line derives from the moheofo status of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line. That is, the daughters of the Tu'i
Kanokupolu were the marriage partners of the Tu'i Tonga and took Samoan kie hingoa in their dowry (whereas
the daughters of the Tu'i Tonga were not originally marriage partners to the Tu'i Kanokupolu, but rather to the
Fale Fisi
24
). The daughter of a marriage between the daughter of the Tu'i Kanokupolu and the Tu'i Tonga would
become the next Tu'i Tonga Fefine who would acquire the Samoan kie hingoa from her mother, who in the next
generation would give it to her daughter who would be a Tamah, thus intermixing Samoan kie hingoa with
Tongan named ngafingafi, which would be presented by the laufafa of the Tu'i Tonga line.
Wedding Mats of Halaevalu Mata'aho
An example of the complicated histories of two named mats is the relationship of Halaevalu Mata'aho (half-sister
of Tupou I) to two kie hingoa that were used at her wedding with the last Tu'i Tonga, Laufilitonga. One of these,
Lilomomu'a (secret of Mu'a) was worn by the Tu'i Tonga Fefine, Fatafehi Ha'apai, as a kiekie or decorative
overskirt on top of her oiled barkcloth skirt (POA/11/2B). (Fatafehi Ha'apai was another daughter of Tu'i Tonga
Pau and Tupoumoheofo mentioned in the second example above, and see Fig.l.) On another occasion,
Lilomomu'a was given by Kaunanga at the wedding of her daughter, Tupou'hau, to Makahokovalu. Kaunanga
was a granddaughter of Tu'i Kanokupolu Mumui. At this wedding Halaevalu Mata'aho was the fahu and she
received it back. Halaevalu Mata'aho was an appropriate person to be attached to this mat; her grandmother was
the Tamah Ltfuipeka, the ranking female of the Kauhala'uta, a large social grouping that includes the descent
lines of the Tu'i Tonga and the Falefisi (see Kaeppler 1971:182). Figure 29 gives the genealogical history of
Lilomomu'a.
Halaevalu Mata'aho's second wedding kie hingoa, was Feangaiotapu, a name that probably refers to tapu
relationships between brothers and sisters,
25
and is indicative of the close relationships of the partners whose
weddings it records. Feangaiotapu had belonged to the Tamah Ltfuipeka and then went to her daughter,
Tupou'ahome'e, and then to her daughter, Halaevalu Mata'aho, when it was used it at her wedding to
Laufilitonga. It was then used by her daughter Lavinia [Mhanga], then Lavinia's daughter and son, Anga'aefonu
and Kalauta, and then went to Queen Slote. This complex kinship web illustrates that the male and female
aristocrats of old had many partners to whom they were closely related and with whom they had children. These
offspring would incorporate the essence or blood of certain lines from both parents and assure that certain
offspring would have the highest possible rank within a certain line.
26
Feangaiotapu records this essence - 189
and these relationshipsprimarily among women who descend in the Tu'i Tonga line.

From all this detail it should now be clear that wearing important kie hingoa with distinguished histories for
weddings has a dual function. A kie hingoa graces the occasion and gives it dignity by its appearance (like a
distinguished ancestor) and used as a garment or part of the bedding ensures the fertility of its wearer/user and
hence the continuance of his/her line. Kie hingoa have supernatural associations with the continuity of the
aristocracy. The choice of which kie hingoa is used on a specific occasion also reveals information by heliaki
veiled meaning. For example, Hau 'o Momo and Laumata 'o Fainga'a (the two kie used to wrap the shell of
the turtle Sngone when it was brought back to Tonga on behalf of the Tu'i Tonga), used by Princess Slote at her
wedding and at the double wedding of her two sons, communicated information about both prestige and power.
In addition to the more obvious meaning of bringing the Tu'i Tonga line into the blood of the ruling Tupou
dynasty, their use also illustrated that the power and prestige of the Tu 'i Tonga line has been completely
enveloped by the Tu'i Kanokupolu line. The origin of these two mats was not part of a marriage dowry, but a
wrapping for a symbol of power - 190 (the shell of Sngone). Hau 'o Momo, the power of the Tu'i Tonga
Momo, and Laumata 'o Fainga'a are now in the hands of the Tu'i Kanokupolu, and the likelihood that they will
ever leave the Palace to be worn by anyone, except the royal children, is minimal.
The Wedding of Princess Slote (the late Tupou III)
For her own wedding, Princess Slote (later Tupou III) wore a vala to'onga comprised of ten kie hingoa, the top
one being Fangaifia (Fig. 8). The story goes that when the women came to dress Slote for her wedding, her
father King Tupou II asked Tupoumoheofo, Slote's mother's father's sister (Fig. 7) if she brought Fangaifaia.
She had. Slote's father (of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line) and Slote's grandaunt (of the Tu'i Tonga line) both felt that
this was the most important kie for Slote to wearbut why is, at the moment, unknown. Slote's groom, Tung
Mailefihi, also wore ten kie hingoa, but no one seems to remember any of their names. However, we might
conjecture that one was Laulangiosivasevaloa, a kie hingoa associated with the Tung (Ha'a Takalaua) line. This
kie became the fokololo mat closest to the body, at Queen Slote's funeral.

- 191
The Double Wedding of Queen Slote's Sons
The royal double wedding of the sons of Queen Slote and Tung Mailefihi was a grand occasion. The two main
events were the Christian ceremony that took place in the royal chapel where marriage vows were exchanged and
the traditional tu 'uvala ritual that took place on the open mala 'e Pangai on the side of the Royal Palace. During
the Christian ceremony, all four principals wore kie hingoathe ritual paraphernalia sacred to the Tu'i
Kanokupolu line (Fig.9). Tupouto'a-Tung (the present King) wore Laumata 'o Fainga'a and Tu'i Pelehake wore
Hau 'o Momothe two kie which had wrapped Sngone's shell, and thereby encompassed the essence of the
Tu'i Tonga line. Princess Melenaite is said to have worn Lave and Princess Mata'aho wore half of Mata-o-
Taoneboth of which descended from Lavinia [Mhanga], who combines the Tu'i Tonga and Tu'i Kanokupolu
lines.

According to Queen Mata'aho's sisters, LtNiua and Kaufo'ou, the half of Mata-o-Taone worn by Mata'aho was
the prize kie of their mother Heu'ifanga, who decided that this wedding would be the most appropriate occasion
for its appearance.
27
Queen Slote also had part of Mata-o-Taone, and was surprised at the 1947 appearance of
another part with Mata'aho. In the wedding exchange it probably sent to Queen Sloteso at one time she must
have had both pieces. It was then worn during the Christian ceremony of Tupou IV's Coronation by Prince Tu'i
Pelehake, and by his daughter (who is named after it) at the Christian ceremony of her wedding. Mata-o-Taone
came to Heu'ifanga from her mother Vaohoi (a - 192 daughter of Siale'ataongo and Tupoumoheofoa
daughter of Lavinia [Mhanga] and 'Isileli Tupou, Fig. 10). Lavinia [Mhanga] was a keeper of Mata-o-Taone. It
was also used by her daughter Anga'aefonu,
28
and at the funeral of Kalauta, Anga'aefonu's brother. According to
Tangitopa Veikune, Anga'aefonu told Queen Slote that it was cut by Vaohoi for her daughter, Tu'ifua to wear at a
birthday celebration.

Mata-o-Taone is a kie that is used on important occasions to illustrate and confirm the genealogical connections
of the user to Lavinia [Mhanga], who is the essence of the mixing of the Tu'i Tonga with other important lines.
Although I have not been able to find details about Lave it is said that it, too, belonged to Lavinia [Mhanga].
Melenaite had a similar, but different, genealogical connection to her (Fig. 11).
For the traditional wedding ritual called tu'uvala, Tupouto'a-Tung and Tu'i Pelehake did not wear kie hingoa but
special ornamental costumes called fakalala with evolved sisi fale waist ornaments (Fig. 9). As noted above, these
ritual garments can be worn only by descendants of the Tu'i Tonga linetheir line through their mother, which
was activated on this occasion. Mata'aho and Melenaite each wore several kie hingoa edged with white triangles
of pandanus leaf (lou kie), a decorative element often added to enhance the rather drab appearance of the kie for
celebratory occasions
Mata'aho was said to have worn Paeaema'opo'opo in her vala to'onga. This kie is associated with a fahu of the
Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line who lived away from her family at the village of Ma'opo'opo. When she arrived at a funeral
for which she was fahu, she chose the most important kie, whose original name is forgotten, but the mat is now
called Paeaema'opo'opo because she came from distant (paea)
- 193

Ma'opo'opo. It is said that this fahu used this kie hingoa to cover herself and her husband when they warmed
themselves by a fire; its edges got singed, so it is now also known as Kie vela (burned kie) (POA/86/2B).
Melenaite is said by some to have worn Tokelau-o-Vaoto, while others say that Tu'i Pelehake wore it and
Melenaite received it in exchange. It is more likely that it was worn by Melenaite, because it is a Veikune-line kie
(Fig. 12). It had been used by Siosteki Veikune during his wedding. It was brought to Kalauta's (second) wedding
by his wife Tu'ifua, who received it from Slote MaumauTaimi (the daughter of her mother's sister). On that
occasion it was taken by Anga'aefonu (Kalauta's sister).
A high-ranking male, whose wedding records how he was attached to Tokelau-o-Vaoto, was Kalauta, Queen
Lavinia's father's brother (Queen Slote's granduncle, her mother's father's brother). Kalauta was married twice
and each of his wives brought kie hingoa to their weddings. At his first wedding, to Tupousilia (his cousin), a kie
called to was brought by her mother, Temaleti Manakovi, and went to Queen Slote. It was used again for the
wedding of Slote's son Tu'i Pelehake (and at Queen Slote's funeral). For Kalauta's second wedding, his wife
Tu'ifua (another cousin) brought Tokelau-o-Vaoto. This had previously been used by Siosteki Veikune (son of
'saiasi Veikune, Fig. 12) at his wedding. Siosteki was Tu'ifua's mother's brother (to whom she was fahu); and
Tu'ifua's husband, Kalauta, was her mother's half-brother's son. At Kalauta's wedding, Tokelau-o-Vaoto went to
Anga'aefonu, Kalauta sister. Tokelau-o-Vaoto and the blood of the Veikune line remained intact.
Feangaiotapu (see above) was probably brought to this wedding by Anga'aefonu and this was the occasion when
it went to Queen Slote. Thus, a Veikune line kie remained with the women of the Veikune line, while the Tu'i
Tonga line kie remained with the Tu'i Tonga line.
- 194

Tokelau-o-Vaoto is also said to have been used at Kalauta's funeral (1946) (brought by Anga'aefonu?) and it
may have been on this occasion that it went to Melenaite, because of her genealogical connections. Thus, if
Melenaite wore it at her wedding in 1947, it would have circulated to Tu'i Pelehake's side and gone to the Palace.
In 1967 it was worn by Queen Mata'aho during the coronation ceremonies. It was also worn by Lavaka/Ata at his
wedding in 1982, where it was presented by an alternate name Tongotongo le Tu'i A'ana (see appendix).
The Wedding of Princess Pilolevu
The tu 'uvala ritual of aristocrats should include kie hingoa that are worn in their vala to 'onga, and kie hingoa
that are presented as part of their kofu to 'onga bedding. After the evidence of a bride's virginity has been
revealed to the groom's aunts,
29
the blood is wrapped in a kie known as kie ta'ofi taupo'ou (kie that separated
the bride's virginity), and taken to the bride's mother with specially prepared food (tvai).
The most elaborate wedding in recent memory was that of Princess Pilolevu (the King's only daughter) to Baron
Tuita's son, Ma'ulupekotofa, in 1976 (Fig. 13).
30
Pilolevu's vala to'onga included several kie, as did her kofu
to'onga (Fig. 14a). In addition to food, the groom's side also brings koloa. Although the groom's mother can
please herself, the koloa can equal the koloa of the bride but should not exceed it. Ma'ulupekotofa's koloa was
nearly as elaborate as that of the Princess (Fig. 14b), and several kie were included. One kie hingoa was called
Paepaeotele'a, which was given by Luseane (the groom's father's mother). As this is not the name - 195 of a
well-known kie, I suspect that the name was invented for the occasion Paepaeotele'a is the name of a langi
tomb of the Tu'i Tonga line and Luseane was the daughter of Af of the Tu'i Tonga line. Paepaeotele'a may be a
misremembered name for Paeaema'opo'opo. It appears that a number of names for kie were invented for this
occasion by 'Olivia Peka who either had forgotten them or purposely gave them other names.

From Pilolevu's side there were at least fourteen kie
31
used in the various rituals of fakallea (ceremony the night
before the wedding), tu 'uvala (traditional wedding/kava ceremony, when koloa are exchanged), ma'utohi
(obtaining the wedding license), and 'uluaki Spate (their appearance together at church the first Sunday after
the ceremony). Two kie were Palace mats and went back to the Palace. The top layer kie (fungani) of Pilolevu's
kofu to 'onga named Fale'ula went to Princess Siu'ilikutapu (daughter of the King's brother), the tauhi koloa,
who received the koloa as the chiefly sister of the groom. One kie went to the groom, Ma'ulupekotofa. Five went
to relatives of the groom's father, Baron Tuitatwo stayed with Tuita and three went to his mother, Luseane (the
groom's father's mother). Five went to relatives of the groom's mother, Fatafehi; of these three stayed with
Fatafehi, one went to Tu'i Pelehake, and one went to Tu'ifua Carrick (Queen Mata'aho's mother's older sister).
Kie Fale'ula was announced as Puipui o le Fale'ula (curtain of the Fale'ula), referring to Pilolevu's descent
from Tohu'ia the daughter of the Samoan of the Fale'ula line, who was the mother of Ngata the first Tu'i
Kanokupolu. Other named kie were Feangaiotapu (see above for other wearers) and Va'a 'o Fonot (a kie - 196
associated with the Tapueluelu family, also known as 'Ao 'o Fonot, which was brought from Samoa by Leaf
when she married the Tu'i Ha'ateiho). The names Lau'ao 'o Pilolevu (hair of Pilolevu), Bonotiti 'o Tupouto'a
(the bonnet of Tupouto'a), Lau'ao 'o Ha'a Kanokupolu (hair of the Kanokupolu line) were probably invented for
the occasion. Laumata 'o Fainga'a, which went immediately back to the Palace, may have been referred to
metaphorically as Lau'ao 'o Ha'a Kanokupolu or because of its extreme importance and sacred character it may
not have been referred to at all.

- 197
The previous year Pilolevu wore a kie in quite a different way. For the 1975 ktoanga celebration of the centenary
of the Tongan constitution, Pilolevu danced as the central performer of the lakalaka of her paternal village,
Kanokupolu. At the request of Queen Mata'aho, a special costume was made for Pilolevu by 'Oto'ota 'Eva. The
costume was called Kie llanga 'a Tu'i Tonga Fefine. It was made of a kie from which scallops had been cut and
was decorated with pule'oto cowry shells (Fig. 15). It is revealing that a mat with fertility symbolism was
enhanced with pule'otowhich when worn around the neck by a virgin lie still, but turn over if the girl is not a
virgin. Pilolevu also wore a pule'oto around her neck, which did not turn over during the entire lakalaka.

Thus, Pilolevu's virginity-proclaiming decorations and fertility-enhancing kie were visual indications of her
appropriateness for her soon-to-come engagement to a man of extremely high blood rank who would be a
suitable complement to Pilolevu as the politically highest female of the land. Her fertility has been suitably
demonstrated by the birth of four daughters, who are the ranking female aristocracy - 198 of the new
generation. Pilolevu also has an important kie hingoa, Valatau o Tamasese,
32
that she wears on only the most
important occasions. One of these was the wedding of her youngest brother, when she performed a tau'olunga
(Figure 16). It is nearly 60 inches wide and three yards long.

The Wedding of Lavinia Kalaniuvalu
The wedding of Lavinia Kalaniuvalu, ranking female descendant of the Tu'i Tonga line, was also an important kie
event. She married the noble 'Ahome'e, the brother of Queen Mata'aho. 'Ahome'e's most important kie was
'One'one, a kie hingoa from his mother, Heu'ifanga, who descends from the Veikune and Tu'i Kanokupolu lines.
It was planned that Lavinia would wear Papaanga o Sinaitakala, a Tu'i Tonga-line kie previously worn by Tu'i
Tonga Fefine Sinaitakala when she married the Tu'i Ha'ateiho, F'otusia. According to Tangitopa Matoto
Veikune, who assisted Queen Mata'aho with the Palace koloa, it was near the bottom of the huge box of kie and
was very large and difficult to handle, so instead she gave Fetau for Lavinia to wear. It may also be, however,
that Queen Mata'aho did not want Papaanga o Sinaitakala to enter into circulation. Sinaitakala was a Tu'i Tonga
Fefine, and a kie with this connection might in the future become symbolic of the - 199 Tu'i Tonga Fefine line
or the Tamah line. Children in the next generation might claim high rank and prestige because of this kie.
The Wedding of Lavaka/Ata to Nanasipau'u Vaea
Another important and elaborate wedding was that of the King's youngest son, 'Aho'eitu, who at the time held the
noble titles Lavaka and Ata (he now also holds the title 'Uluklala) to the daughter of Baron Vaea, Nanasipau'u,
on 14 December 1982 (Figs 17a & b). In addition to the wish of Lavaka and Nanasipau'u to marry

each other, Nanasi had been the choice of Queen Slote to marry one of her grandsons. The Queen hoped that
this would be the Crown Prince, which would make Nanasi a future Queen of Tonga. This wish arose from Queen
Slote's desire to reintroduce the bloodline of the Tu'i Kanokupolu on both sides of future monarchs of Tonga
Nanasi and Queen Slote's grandsons share the same great-grandfather, Tupou II
33
(Fig.6).
- 200
One of the wedding kie hingoa for Lavaka-Ata was Tongotongo le Tu'i 'A'ana.
34
It was presented as the koloa of
the Veikune line on behalf of Prince Tu'i Pelehake and Princess Melenaite (Kalonikali, December 17, 1982). The
kie, from Samoa, belonged to 'saiasi Veikune, and is of special significance to Lavaka-Ata. Examining his
genealogy (Figs 12 & 18), one can see that Lavaka-Ata connects to the Veikune line through both Tu'i Pelehake
and Melenaite at 'saiasi Veikune (in addition to similar connections through his mother and his father). In
Tongan kinship terminology, Tu'i Pelehake is Lavaka-Ata's tamai father; and Lavaka-Ata is mokopuna 'eiki
chiefly grandchild to Melenaite, who was his grand-aunt. (She also descends from 'saiasi Veikune, see Fig. 12.)

A kie hingoa that was part of Nanasipau'u's kofu to'onga was Tokotokoovaeatangitau (also known as Hahau-
'o-Vaeatangitau). This kie, associated with Vaea's family, was part of the exchange that went to the groom's
familyback to the Palace mats. ''One'one, a Veikune-family kie, was part of the koloa of Lavaka/Ata and was
exchanged to Nanasipau'u. It had previously been used at the wedding of 'Ahome'e (son of Heu'ifanga Veikune) to
Lavinia Kalaniuvalu.
Another kie used at this wedding came from the Noble Ma'afu, Nanasipau'u's mother's brother (fa' tangata).
Although the name of the kie was not known at the time, it is likely that it was Fakala'-'a-siatamaki, a kie that
had been used during the wedding ceremony of Ma'afu to Tu'imala Kaho (his previous wife). Two kie used during
this wedding came from the side of the brideTu'imala had been adopted by her father's brother's wife, Muimui
(daughter of Tae Manus, daughter of Tupou'hau, Fig.20). The two kie, named Hinahinatelangi
35
and
Fakala'-'a-siatamaki had previously been used during the wedding of Muimui to Tu'imala's father's brother,
Sioape Kaho. Circulating to the groom's side, they were used when - 201 Kaho's brother's daughter (Tu'imala)
of high rank through her mother married Noble Ma'afu. The kie came from Muimui's grandmother, Tupou'hau.
Hinahinatelangi was used again during the wedding ceremony of Tu'imala's daughter, Heimataura, to the
King's second son, M'atu, in Hawai'i. (This marriage was not acceptable to the King,
36
but Hinahinatelangi
records it as an event.) The other kie from the wedding of Tu'imala to Ma'afu cannot be accounted for, and (its
name forgotten by Ma'afu) must be Fakala'-'a-siatamaki, which appeared at Nanasipau'u's wedding from her
fa' tangata.

Tu'imala, of high rank in her own right through her mother (Fig. 19), was adopted by her father's brother's wife,
Muimui (Fig.20). But as Nanasipau'u also descends from these same lines, Fakala'-'a-siatamaki was an
appropriate kie to grace her wedding as well. According to Tu'imala, the kie records a place name in
Tatakamotonga and has to do with the war between Tungvaivai and Tuku'aho.
Kie hingoa are the most important ritual objects for an aristocratic woman's wedding. Many of those that
originated in Samoa were brought to Tonga through the Tu'i Kanokupolu connection, but often became
possessions of the Tu'i Tonga line when they were taken by Tu'i Kanokupolu women when they became moheofo
to the Tu'i Tonga. That is, a kie would descend from the moheofo who was of Tu'i Kanokupolu lineage, to her
daughter, who was also of the Tu'i Tonga linewhich is more prestigious, especially for women. They were then
worn as waist mats by individuals of the Tu'i Tonga line on important occasions and as part of their wedding
rituals, along with important ngafingafi (Tongan kie). Whereas the Tu'i Tonga
- 202

was considered the most sacred chief and was responsible for the fertility of the land and people, the moheofo
came from the line of political powerfirst the Ha'a Takalaua and then the Ha'a Kanokupolu. The Tu'i Tonga and
his descendants always had the highest-ranking blood, traceable back to the sky god Tangaloa. Today, the
descendants of the Tu'i Tonga have little political power, but they retain their high blood. Thus, in order to keep
the blood rank of the ruling line as high as possible, women of the Tu'i Tonga line are sought as marriage
partners. Originally kie hingoa carried the life force or reproductive power of the female chiefly lines, and this can
be traced to the strong influence of Samoan women and their descendants in the Tu'i Kanokupolu lines. Unlike
Samoan tradition, however, where important mats are presented and paraded (primarily by the bride's family), in
Tonga, in addition to presentation as part of the koloa, they are also worn as 'aofivala, wrappings for high-
ranking loins, involved in the reproductive power of both men and women.
The changed political circumstances have not negated the importance of fertility associated with the Tu'i Tonga.
Although this line is no longer in political power, both men and women of this line are important for their blood
and fertile offspring. The essence of this blood, and thereby their fertility, are safeguarded and captured in these
mats of reproductive power. Their importance is continually demonstrated by their being worn and presented in
pairs at wedding rituals. But, in addition, their importance for producing offspring of the title holders and
continuance of the chiefly titles is acknowledged by their appearance at investitures, where they are involved in
the reproduction of the political system.
- 203
Kie Hingoa and Investitures (Fakanofo and Pongipongi)
Throughout Polynesia, ritual investiture was, and in some areas still is, one of the most important events
verbally celebrated in oratory and/or poetry and visually displayed with an investiture garment worn around the
loins that carries with it the right to rule or the right to the title being invested. Investitures of monarchs, nobles
and chiefs in Tonga usually include the wearing of an important plaited garment, its type depending on who is
being installed to what title. Often it is named and descends from an important ancestor.
The investiture ritual is known as pongipongi, a word that usually means morning but here refers to a festival or
celebration that will be held in the morning. In Tonga, one is appointed to a title (fakanofo) some time before the
pongipongi ritual takes place. The investiture ritual for the monarch, however, is usually referred to as a
fakanofo. It usually takes a year or more for the new title holder and the villages associated with the title to
accumulate the ngue and koloa necessary for the ritual presentations, as well as to compose and teach the
appropriate songs and dances.
The important elements for the investiture of a Tu'i Kanokupolu are that the designated individual leans against a
specific koka tree or an object (such as a throne) that includes wood from this tree from the ancestral village while
taking part in a kava ceremony where the title is called by an appropriate matpule, and this title holder must be
the recipient of the kie Maneafainga'a. The necessity of these elements are implied in an account of the
installation of Tupoumoheofo to the Tu'i Kanokupolu title in a statement of the Tamah (Gifford 1929:88).
39

This woman [Tupoumoheofo], the daughter of Tupoulahi, had no right to be queen, but during the absence of
Tukuaho, the rightful heir, at Eua, where he was sent as governor, she went to Hihifo, put a taovala mat about
her waist, and sat with her back to the koka tree, beneath which the installation of the Tui Kanokupolu took place.
As Tupoumoheofo was the ranking Tu'i Kanokupolu woman, she probably looked after the important mats. She
would have been well aware that to confirm the title, she needed to wear Maneafainga'a, lean against the correct
tree, and have a kava ceremony carried out. The necessary garment was not just any ta'ovala but a specific kie
hingoa that carried with it the right to rule.
Fakanofo of Queen Slote Tupou III
Besides the use of Maneafainga'a, little is remembered about specific kie used during the ritual investiture of
Queen Slote. The Queen's secretary, Tongilava, notes that on 9 October 1918 for the investiture kava ceremony,
Slote wore ho - 204 kie, one of which was 'Ulukilupetea.
40
Queen Slote also wore this kie during the visit
of Queen Elizabeth II to Tonga in 1953, and she stated at that time that she had worn it for her investiture (Bain
1955:38).
Fakanofo of King Tufa'hau Tupou IV
The fakanofo ktoanga celebrations for King Tupou IV were held one year and a half after the death of Queen
Slote. They included the traditional kava ceremony, two days of dancing and feasting, and a European-style
coronation. During all of these ceremonies, the King and the Queen, and often their children, wore kie hingoa, as
did Prince Tu'i Pelehake (the King's brother), his wife Princess Melenaite and their children.
41

On the day of the European-style coronation, Tuesday 4 July 1967, the King's 49th birthday, the following kie
hingoa were worn as 'aofivala:
Tupou IV: Pipi'i male'ele'ele (used at Queen Slote's funeral)
Mata'aho: Halangatoto 'o le Sinilau [Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau] (used at Queen Slote's funeral)
Tupouto'a: Fa'avae Taufuai 'o Upolu [Fa'avae-'o-tafua'Upolu] (used at Queen Slote's funeral)
Pilolevu: No kie; she wore long European-style dress
'Alaivahamama'o: Dressed in English court attire
'Aho'eitu: Dressed in English court attire.
In the chapel on a table with the crown were Maneafainga'a and Hau 'o Momo (both had been used in Queen
Slote's funeral).
The kie hingoa worn as 'aofivala by Tu'i Pelehake and his family were:
Tu'i Pelehake: Mata-o-Taone
42
(see history above)
Melenaite: Fu'a (used at the funeral of Queen Slote)
Siu'ilikutapu: Siukaufisi (given to her by Queen Slote)
Fusipala: Momo'e'ilemaile (used at Queen Slote's funeral)
'Uluvalu: to (used at Queen Slote's funeral)
Wednesday 5 July 1967 was a feast day with dancing in the large mala 'e next to the Palace. The King wore
Laulangi'osivaseveloa (a Tung line mat) that is more like a falavala; it had a fine black pandanus edge and
brown hair was woven into it. Mata'aho wore a very fine kiefau woven of hibiscus fibre that had belonged to
Queen Slote. Tupouto'a and Pilolevu also wore kiefau, 'Alaivahamama'o wore a lkeha pandanus mat, and
'Aho'eitu wore a finely woven purple mat from Kiribati. That evening the King wore Hau 'o Momo and Queen
Mata'aho wore Lngaula. That is, the King's daytime 'aofivala indicated that he was of Ha'a Takalaua descent -
205 and his evening 'aofivala indicated that he was of Tu'i Tonga descentboth had been used in Queen
Slote's funeral; Mata'aho's 'aofivala had also been used in Queen Slote's funeral; the children did not wear
status-enhancing ritual garments on this day.
On Thursday 6 July 1967, for the official fakanofo kava ceremony, Tupou IV wore Llanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea (as
his mother had done for her investiture). His fungani was Maneafainga'a. Tu'i Pelehake wore Falavala 'a
'Uluvalu (falavala is a large double-layered mat traditionally worn for kava ceremonies and this one belonged to
a former 'Uluvalu of the Tu'i Pelehake line). His fungani was Lau ole fisima mole laa ole toloit too had been
used during Queen Slote's funeral. Tupouto 'a wore Falavala 'o Tung Halatuituia a falavala that belonged to
the King's great-grandfather.
43

After presentation of ngue,four women presented koloa including kie (Fig.21). These women were all high
ranking women but of a low kinship category to Tupou IVmaking them laufafa (chiefly women low to the
person to whom they take a named kie). They were (1) 'Ana Fusipala, (2) Lavinia 'Ahome'e,
44
(3) Kalo Muller and
(4) Slote Fielakepa. The kie making their appearance in this presentation were probably those listed above as
fungani.

Also on Thursday for his official meeting and talk with other members of the Ha'a Ngata, the King wore Falavala
'o Tuku'aho, named for his father's father. That evening the King laid the cornerstone of Queen Slote Memorial
Hall and - 206 wore an 'aofivala that had belonged to his father, Mailefihi (Fig.22). Thus, during his official
investiture the King wore mats associated with his mother's Tu'i Kanokupolu line, but for other events of the day
he wore mats associated with his father's Ha'a Takalaua line, as did his son who would be the next king.


Friday 7 July 1967 was another feasting and dancing performance day. The King wore Llanga 'a 'Utukaunga a
mat that had belonged to his father and would be worn by his youngest son, 'Ahoeitu, when he became 'Uluklala
(see below). Queen Mata'aho wore Tokelau-o-Vaot, the Veikune-line kie mentioned above.
Pongipongi of Crown Prince Tupouto'a
The investiture of Crown Prince Tupouto'a was held in conjunction with the 1975 Centenary Celebration of the
Tongan Constitution. Tupouto'a's pongipongi was held on 6 November. As is the custom, he wore a falavala, and
in the koloa - 207 there were two kie hingoa (Fig. 24). No one seems to remember their names. However, as
Tupouto'a is a Ha'a Ma'afu title, the kie would have been present to distinguish the occasion, emerging from the
Palace mats and immediately returning.

Pongipongi of 'Uluklala
The King's youngest son,' Ahoeitu, had previously been bestowed with the titles of Lavaka and Ata, before his
pongipongi that invested his title 'Uluklala on 16 September 1991, in Neiafu, Vava'u.
45
For this investiture,
'Uluklala wore Llanga 'a 'Utukaunga, an old fine mat associated with Tung Mailefihi and 'Uluklala's village
Tu'anuku. This mat had been used during the wedding ceremony of LtTama (daughter of Tu'i Ha'ateiho
Fakatakatu) when she married Ma'afuotu'itonga of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line, about 1750. It was used during the
funeral of Kalauta in 1946 when it was presented from the side of his wife, Tu'ifua Sa'ane, and was given to Queen
Slote. Then it was worn by King Tupou IV during a feasting and dancing day during his coronation ktoanga. A
proverbial saying of Tu'anuku invokes this kie hingoa:
Te 'ofa he toa Finematafua'a I love the toa tree Finematafua'a [so much that]
Ne t ai e kie 'Utukaunga I gave the kie 'Utukaunga.
This refers to an event in 1913 or 1914 when Tung Mailefihi planted a toa tree called Finematafua'a in Tu'anuku.
The people of Tu'anuku were so pleased with - 208 his visit and his act of planting the toa tree to
commemorate his visit that they presented him with this famous kie hingoa, which in turn added this event to the
history encoded into the mat. This saying is used as a proverb for a rash act (giving a kie hingoa) because of
immediate joy, but one for which one may be sorry later. Thus, Llanga 'a 'Utukaunga, embedded with historic
events associated with the Tu'i Tonga, Ha'a Takalaua and Kanokupolu lines that matched 'Uluklala's lineage, was
an appropriate garment for the investiture.
On the morning of 'Uluklala's investiture, he was dressed by his mother, Queen Mata'aho, and other appropriate
women including the Queen's sisters and 'Uluklala's wife. Llanga 'o 'Utukaunga, was old and fragile and had
been partially lined with cloth. The women of Tu'anuku accompanied him to the edge of the mala'e (Fig. 25)
where he was met by the leaders of the Ha'angatatupu, the title-grouping to which 'Uluklala belongs. 'Uluklala
took his place in the traditionally-designated place for the 'Uluklala title at the back of the tou 'a kava mixer's
area. No other kie hingoa were present on this occasion, except that the King probably wore one of his named
falavala.

Ritual investiture is a sociopolitical event, combining verbal and visual expressions of authority and consent
sanctioned by traditions that have their - 209 origin in mythical times binding together the king, chiefs and
people of Tonga. The ritual acknowledges the rights and duties of various chiefly lines and the people to whom
they owe their support. To experience a ktoanga pongipongi is to transport oneself back in time to the rituals
associated with the propitiation of the descendants of the sky god Tangaloa, to whom the Tongan monarchs and
the nobles trace their ancestry, and the first-fruits rituals that dealt with fertility of land, sea and people. These
events reaffirm the values of the society, the stratified societal structure on which it is based, and the political
importance of land.
Kie Hingoa and Commerative Events
Kie hingoa are worn during important commemorative events. The opening of parliament each year is an event in
which the monarch wears a kie hingoa. Queen Slote often wore Llanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea which descended from
her great, great, great, great grandmother on her Tu'i Kanokupolu side (Fig. 6). This was also the kie hingoa that
Queen Slote wore when Queen Elizabeth II visited Tonga in 1953 (Fig. 26). This visit was an important

- 210
event to Tonga and to Queen Slote personally, and wearing this important Tu'i Kanokupolu line kie added this
event to its genealogy. When Queen Slote attended the Coronation of Queen Elizabeth in London, she wore
Siukaufisi while riding in the carriage and Hau 'o Momo for dinner the evening of the coronationthus
adding these commemorative events to their genealogies.
Members of parliament may also wear a kie to the opening session, thereby indicating the importance of the
occasion to the wearer, especially during his first parliament opening. On his first parliament attendance after his
pongipongi, Noble Vaea of Houma (now Baron Vaea) wore a kie hingoa lent to him from the Palace mats by
Queen Slote.
Queen Slote mentioned kie hingoa in poetry in order to commemorate them as objects and to dignify the
occasion during which the poetry is performed. This commemorates both the kie and the occasion, indicates the
importance of history to the present, and gives the Queen's political views through the medium of sociopolitical
theatre. In the poetry of one of her lakalaka for Lapaha (the village of her mother's line), Queen Slote mentions
three kie hingoa. In this lakalaka called 'Otu Langi, she enumerates the langi tombs and other places in the
Lapaha area. She then moves on to other important tombs in Tonga and finally to Samoa and the kie Puipui o le
Fale'ulaa reference to Tohu'ia and the beginning of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line:
Stanza VIII
46

He ko Matamoa tokua e langi They say Matamoa was a langi
'Oku tu 'u i Talanga holo vai That stood in Talanga holo vai [a place in Samoa]
Tua 'ofa he 'afio i Manu 'a Feel pity for the King of Manu'a
He mo e Puipui ole Fale'ula. And for the Puipui o le Fale'ula.
She then moves on to mention the fort of Feletoa in Vava'u where she uses the famous kie Lilomomu'a as a
metaphor for the Tu'i Tonga Pau, his wife Tupou Moheofo, and his son Fuanunuiava, who are buried near
Feletoa, characterising them as the mat's elevated contentsi.e., that the mat contains the essence of the Tu'i
Tonga. Langi, mo'unga, and sia are burial mounds of the Tu'i Tonga, Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua, and Tamah
respectively
Stanza X
T kihe langi t he mo 'unga Reach out to the langi, reach out to the mo 'unga
Moe 'otu sia ne toputapu na And yonder row of sacred sia
Feletoa mo e kie tu Feletoa with its kie tua (finely woven treasure)
- 211
Moe hikinga o Lilo-mo-Mu'a The essence of Lilo-mo-Mu'a
Moe hikinga o Lilo-mo-Mu'a The essence of Lilo-mo-Mu'a.
Finally, she moves back to Lapaha and through the medium of a kie, which she calls here Sisi mo Fainga'a
(another name for Laumata 'o Fainga'a),
47
she reiterates her faith in the Tu'i Kanokupolu government which is
moving in the right direction:
Stanza XII
'E Takuilau pea mo Lapaha Takuilau [place name] and Lapaha
Ke mo ui a Sisi mo Faiga 'a You two call Sisi mo Faiga'a
Ke na 'vea hoto npa 'a To carry my love
Ki he mala 'e mo hono kakala To the mala 'e and its flowers
Ke tauhi pea fakaalaala To look after and take care of
He taufatunga e to'utangata The history of our people
Stanza XIII
'E Pangai tu 'otu 'a ke maau I put my trust in Pangai [the mala 'e of TK]
Fai atu kihe Pa 'angagalu To continue to the end of time
Kau fiefia loto p au I retain my happiness
Taumu 'a tonu e Lomipeau. The prow of the Lomipeau is right.
Through this poetry, the Queen is recounting the history of the origin and rise of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line and
stating that her son will continue her work to steer the Kingdom in the correct direction. Her use of three kie
hingoa expresses metaphorically the Samoan origin of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line (through Puipui o le Fale'ula),
the incorporation of the blood of the Tu'i Tonga line into the Kanokupolu line (through Lilomomu'a), and the
incorporation of the Tu'i Tonga's political prerogatives into the Tu'i Kanokupolu dynasty (through Laumata 'o
Fainga'a). This is the epitome of the Queen's use of heliaki (to say one thing but mean another) in this, her last
lakalaka composition for Lapaha.
In another Lapaha lakalaka the Queen mentions two kie that serve as a pair (ho), Luolua-Fetu'u and
Moeilemaile, as a metaphor for her two sons, Tu'i Pelehake and Tung (now Tupou IV); and in the lakalaka
about Sngone, Hau 'o Momo is a metaphor for the incorporation of the political prerogatives of the Tu'i Tonga
line. The names of kie are not known to most Tongans, and Queen Slote introduces them as history and as
literary heliaki. Luolua-Fetu'u also commemorates other events. When Noble Vaea was Acting Governor of
Vava'u, radio-telephone service was initiated (1957). Queen Slote was asked to make the first telephone call; she
called Vaea who told her of the birth of another daughter. Slote had been going through the kie that she kept at
the Palace and she named Vaea's daughter Luolua-Fetu'u in honour of a kie appropriate to her genealogy.
Luolua-Fetu'u had been used during the funeral of Fatafehi (Tu'i Pelehake), father of Tupou II (Fig. 6)the
great-great-grandfather of Vaea's new daughter. Luolua- - 212 Fetu'u is said to have been buried with
Fatafehi. Thus naming a child of chiefly lineage after this kie and mentioning it in a lakalaka are ways of
remembering past events that it (now absent) commemorates. The kie also commemorates the contemporary
events of the birth of Vaea's daughter and the first radio telephone call to Vava'u. Queen Slote explained the
meaning of the name to Vaea: luolua is an underwater reef that cannot be seen and fetu 'u are stars. Thus,
Luolua-fetu'u refers to the dark places in the sky between groups of stars.
In the complex mixture of verbal and visual expression during lakalaka and other performances, the central
performer (vhenga) sometimes wears a kie hingoa. This illustrates the vhenga's importance as an individual
and shows her relationship to the performing group and its ancestral lines. During the performance of the
lakalaka of Vava'u for the 80th birthday of King Tupou IV, his granddaughter, Lupepau'u, wore Siukaufisi
(Fig.27). This is a piece of a famous mat given to her

by Queen Mata'aho for the occasion and to commemorate her 21st birthday. This kie was given to Queen
Mata'aho by Queen Slote for her personal use and Mata'aho felt that it was an appropriate garment for
Lupepau'u to wear on this occasion. As Lupepau'u is the highest-ranking Tu'i Kanokupolu woman of the new
generation, the mat will add this occasion to its already dignified history. Siukaufisi (also called Fuakaufusi)
had been worn by Tupou Seini (daughter of Noble Vaea) when she married Vlai (son of Tupou II) in 1919; on this
occasion it went to Queen Slote (Fig. 10). Queen Slote wore part of Siukaufisi at Queen Elizabeth's - 213
coronation and Princess Siu'ilikutapu wore part of it at the coronation of Tupou IV. As this was one of the first kie
that Queen Slote received as fahu after she became Queen (in contrast to those she inherited), she probably felt
that she could give it to those close to her (in contrast to those that she would use on official occasions).
An event commemorated by the appearance of Hauhau-o-Vaeatangitau was the 60th birthday of Queen Slote
when it was presented by Heu'ifanga, Temaleti and Fusi M'atu. At the baptism of Tufa'hau (now Tupou IV)
Fua'au and Fa'eamalolo were present. At the baptism of 'Uheina, daughter of Siosteki Veikune and Kalolaine
Ikatonga, Paleaookilokilomaivao was used and this became her wedding garment when she married Siaosi
Tu'itavake. It was taken by Melenaite Tu'itavake, the grandmother of Lavinia 'Ahome'e.
Kie Hingoa and Funerals
The origin of the tradition of using kie hingoa as an important feature at funerals is difficult to discern; however,
even during Mariner's time, high-ranking chiefs were wrapped in kie for funeral rites
48
. The tradition was well
established by 1933, when ten kie hingoa were used at the funeral of 'Elisiva Fusipala Tauki'onetuku, Queen
Slote's half-sister (Fig. 20). The 10 (as listed in Ve'ehala's ledger book) were Fua'au, Lave, Vakatoukateaosi,
Fusimaopulunga, Faavaetufuaopolu, Matu'umaivai, Vaoofumoolosenga [V-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga],
Valatauoetuiaana, Laulangiofiame and Valatauotamasesemany of which we have already met
49
. This
State funeral of Queen Slote's beloved half-sister, the daughter of Tupou II and his second wife, Takip, was
organised by Queen Slote. The ritual ending of the funeral, hifo kilikili, also had extensive koloa, including more
than 1000 bottles of scented coconut oil. Queen Slote composed a lament about the variously scented oils that
would accompany Princess Fusipala (as she was known) to Pulotu the afterworld (Kaeppler 1993a:487). No kie
hingoa were used during this part of the ritual.
It is relevant to ask why should these specific ten kie hingoa have been used at Fusipala's funeral and how is
Fusipala related to these mats? Probably only Queen Slote fully knew the exact answers to these questions, but it
is revealing to note that Lave was used by Princess Melenaite for her wedding and that Princess Pilolevu is now
attached to Valatau o Tamasese. V-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga is associated with 'Uluklala and Samoan tattooing,
and Vakatoukatea'osi was used during the wedding of the Tamah, Amelia Fakahikuo'uiha, to Tuku'aho.
Princess Fusipala descended from ranking descent lines. As representatives of events in the history of these lines,
kie hingoa presented themselves as living embodiments at these events. Like living attendees at a funeral, the kie
hingoa present become part of the record, - 214 for all to see and to pass down through oral tradition how the
individual was related to others, his [or her] dignity, rank, and how much and by whom he [or she] was beloved
(Kaeppler 1978b: 174). The ten, kie hingoa attending Fusipala's funeral were the proof of her ancestry and the
kie's connections to important events in lives of Fusipala's ancestors. Any kie hingoa will not do: they must be the
correct kie hingoa for a specific person, just as the correct people must do specific things at an individual's
funeral. The placement of kie is also important. The kie closest to the body is called fokololo, the next is called
lamataki, and the others are simply feta'u. One or more of these kie should be given to or taken by a fahu. On this
occasion, however, there was probably no fahu
50
and the kie probably returned to the Palace.
At the funeral of Queen Slote's second son, Tuku'aho, in 1936, many kie made an appearance. Those mentioned
by name were Lilomomu'a, Lave, Bibiimale'ele'ele (Queen Salote's early spelling for the mat now known as
Pipi'imale'ele'ele), and Fa'eamalolo. These kie were attached to events important to him and his relatives.
Fa'eamalolo was present at his older brother's baptism; Lave was used at Fusipala's funeral; Tuku'aho's Tu'i
Tonga-line heritage was represented by Lilomomu'a and his Tu'i Kanokupolu heritage was represented by
Pipi'imale'ele'ele. Tuku'aho's untimely death has been recorded by these kie.
51

The Funeral of Queen Slote Tupou III
The most elaborate state funeral was that of Queen Slote in December 1965. The kie hingoa used on that
occasion reveal important information about Queen Slote, about her government, and about these mats of
power, rank, prestige, and history (Fig. 28). The official list of kie hingoa (POA/6/2B) includes 28. Twenty-three
were used with the coffin and five had specific duties. Maneafainga'a (brought with Tohu'ia from Samoa as part
of her bedding when she came to Tonga to marry Ngata and begin the Kanokupolu line) was separated out and
placed with the European-style crown of the Tupou dynasty. That this kie hingoa was given pride of place
indicates that it was the most important presence at the wake. Second only to Maneafainga'a were the pair of
kie Hau 'o Momo and Laumata 'o Fainga'a, which were placed on elevated tables. They embody the sacred
power of the Tu'i Tonga line brought into the Tupou dynasty as part of the inherited treasures of Slote. These
mats, in which the shell of the turtle Sngone had been wrapped, were not brought to Tonga as bedding, but were
used as the wrapping of a symbol of power of the Tu'i Tonga's line. The joining of these three important mats on
the occasion of Slote's funeral indicated the present inseparability of the lines of power and prestige and Salote's
attachment to them. It is significant that none of these three mats had been present at Princess Fusipala's
funeralthey were not relevant to Fusipala, who was not part of the power structure of the government.
- 215

Two other kie hingoa were separated out at Slote's funeral, Langa'a'ula and Kiemanu'a, which covered two
tables that held pillows with the royal orders Queen Slote had acquired during her lifetime from Queen Elizabeth
of England. Queen Slote treasured these marks of recognition from the higher Queen, and they were carried on
pillows in Slote's funeral cortege by her two oldest grandsons, Taufa'ahau (now Crown Prince Tupouto'a) and
'Uluvalu. These two kie hingoa are now part of the living history of Slote's royal orders.
The ttf'anga funeral bier consisted of 23 kie hingoa. The fokololo, or kie closest to the body, was
Laulangiosivasevaloa, associated with her consort Tung's Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line and may have belonged to
him. The list of kie hingoa for her ttf'anga from the Palace Office records is as follows:
1. Laufangisivasiveloa (Laulangiosivasevaloa)
2. Lauao 'o Malietoa
3. Pipi'imale'ele'ele (Pipi'i ma le'ele'ele)
4. Vala-tau-oe-Tuimanu'a
5. Fua'au
6. Moeika'ale
7. Tu'i'aliki (Tuiali'i)
8. Popomatemoa
9. Puipui'olefale'ulatau'aitu
- 216
10. Lauoto'o (Lau ao-'o-To'o)
11. Lauotupu'a (Lau ao-o-Tupua)
12. Mtu'umaivai
13. Lilomomu'a
14. Hahau 'o Vaeatangitau
15. Laulefisomalu'oletalo (Lau ole fiso ma lau ole tolo)
16. Moemoe'ilemaile (Momoe 'i le maile)
17. to
18. Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau
19. Fa'avae'otafu'apou (Fa'avae o Tafu 'Upolu)
20. Taungamilo-'o-Moso
21. Pulou-o-le-ola
22. Fangaifia (Fangfaia)
23. Lalanga'atupuivao
We have met several of these kie before: Lilomomu'a, taken by Halaevalu Mata'aho to her wedding to the Tu'i
Tonga; to, used at Kalauta's first wedding and taken by Queen Slote and used during Tu'i Pelehake's wedding
ceremonies; Vala-tau-o-Tuimanu'a, which came with the Tu'i Tonga after his tattooing in Samoa; Fua'au, used
at the funeral of Princess Fusipala; Fangaifaia worn by Queen Slote at her wedding; and Puipui o le Fale'ula
tau'aitu, the full name of kie Fale'ula, that Queen Slote had used in her lakalaka composition to refer to the
history of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line (see above). Some are at present silent about their association with Queen
Slote, but all 28 must have represented Slote's illustrious ancestors and events relevant to her. As livin
presences at her wake, Slote's death and events during her life and the lives of her ancestors are now attached to
these kie hingoa. When they are used again, they will carry this legacy with them.
Although it is said that all of the kie hingoa were used during Queen Slote's funeral, this is clearly not the case.
Only those kie hingoa that were relevant to her and to which she was somehow attached were present in her
ttf'anga, or those that represented the symbols of her government. It is also instructive to note which kie
hingoa were not used during Queen Slote's funeral. For example, Llanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea, the kie that Slote
compared to the coronation chair of Edward I, and that she had worn during her investiture and to greet Queen
Elizabeth was not included. Perhaps it had already passed to King Tupou IV, to whom it was now more relevant.
The final ceremony of an important funeral is called kilikili. This involves the oiling of volcanic stones that will be
used to decorate the graves. Koloa and grave decorations called tapu are presented along with large quantities of
oil. Kie may also be presented, but these are seldom kie hingoa. However, during the kilikili ceremony for her
father, Tupou II, Queen Slote presented a kie hingoa called 'Uhilamoeaf as part of the vala to'onga she
presented to honour him.
- 217
An important concept involving kie at a funeral involves koloa given in the category of fatongia duty, obligation.
When someone brings kie as fatongia no return is expected. Such koloa is characterised as koloa mole, that is,
koloa lost to someone of higher rank. Much of the koloa, and especially kie brought to funerals of aristocrats, is
expected to go to aristocratic fahu, who, because of the complex interwoven genealogies, will be the royal family.
These kie will remain at the Palace until, perhaps years later, they will be brought out to witness another
important event.
Kie Hingoa, The Fungani of Koloa
It remains then to place kie hingoa in the hierarchy of koloa and to explore the meaning and symbolism of these
mats of power, rank, prestige and history. Kie hingoa are considered the top layer, fungani, of koloa. When worn
for a wedding or commemorative event, kie are always worn as the outer layer (or layers, see Figs 4,9,13 & 17),
and when presented at a wedding, investiture, or other important occasion, they are placed folded on the top of
the koloa (see Figs14b & 24). When the presentation is made, the kie is unfolded and its face displayed (Fig. 14a),
then it is folded again. Koloa presentations include various kinds of mats, various kinds of barkcloth, and
sometimes other decorative objects, such as baskets containing bottles of oil (Fig. 14b). Their presentation, as
part of the faka-Pangai (ceremonies on the mala'e), comes after the presentation of nguekava roots, pigs and
baskets of food. The matpule ceremonial attendants and their assistants preside over a formal counting and
thanking ceremony. The thanking for koloa is phrased as follows:
Referring to kie
Fakafeta'i toka kie Thanks for the kie
Lahi pea lelei Large and good
Faka'ofo'ofa fofonga 'o e kie. Beautiful is the kie's face
Referring to other mats, especially fihu
Fakafeta'i llanga Thanks for the weaving
Lahi pea lelei Large and good
Faka'ofo'ofa fatua Beautiful is its medium size
Referring to the barkcloth
Fakafeta'i koka'ana Thanks for the fabrication (joining and staining the cloth).
That is, for the mats and barkcloth, the matpule are thanking the women for their work, the process of making
the koloa. For the kie, however, the - 218 use of the word toka refers to the heirloom quality of the kie.
52
Kie
hingoawhich includes Samoan kie and Tongan ngafingafiare considered to'onga treasures that come from
the past and were made by unknown hands. Thanks are given for their presentation, rather than for the work that
went into making them.
Kie hingoa, or any kie, should be presented as a pair, especially for a wedding. Ideally the two kie are symbolic of
two genealogical lines of the bride or groom and their intermixture which produced the individual who presented
them. The chorus (tau) of an 'p talanoa spoken lullaby composed by F. Kaho for the great-grandfather of the
present Baron Tuita compares him to a kie hingoa with double-chiefly ancestry (from the Tamah Ltfuipeka
and the Tu'i Tonga Laufilitonga), and predicts that although he is only of navigator title (symbolised by kiefau) he
will join the ranks of the nobility. The prediction has materialised, as his great-grandson, Baron Tuita's son is
married to the King's daughter, Pilolevu.
'p Talanoa (POA/67/2D)
Teu aamo koe keke nonga I'll massage you to make you contented
Teu amoamo koe keke
toka
I'll massage you to put you to sleep
Kau 'p pe pea talanoa I'll lull you to sleep with my speaking
He kuo ma'u hoku kie
hingoa
You are my kie hingoa (treasure).
Koe kie ni oku mahanga This kie is a twin
'Oku fatu he ongo kauhala That started from the two kauhala (Kauhala'uta and Kauhalalalo kinship divisions)
Pea hikihiki 'ehe tuia'ana And raised little by little until joining the aristocrats
Koe kiefau 'e heka olovaha The kiefau (loincloth of a navigator) climbs onto the olovaha (ranking part of the
kava circle).
An important concept in Tongan ideology is the importance of continual mixing of the high-ranking descent lines
to obtain the highest possible individuals, who will then intermix again to obtain another and another high-
ranking individual, generation after generation. These lineage mixtures are objectified by kie hingoa, which
appear as illustrious ancestors of the individuals with all of their intermixed genealogies. On any ritual occasion
at which kie hingoa are present, but especially weddings, it is important that fahu to the participants take the kie
hingoa. A fahu is of higher personal rank than the participant from whom it is taken and thereby the kie hingoa
acquires more and more prestige as it continually adds to its dignity by - 219 going from fahu to fahu. No
matter who one iseven King, Queen, Prince or Princessan individual can be outranked by someone by virtue
of the sister-brother principle or the 'eiki-ness of the father's side, even if it necessitates going back several
generations. Indeed, if a high-ranking fahu can be found from several generations back all the better, because she
will bring in an admixture of other elevated lines. The fahu, then, can wear or present the kie, or give the use of it
to one for whom she is responsible, such as a relative whose rank warrants its use.
Kie hingoa are usually controlled by women who look after them, know their histories and know at what events
they should appear. Woven by women, they capture and embed the female essence and have the power to pass it
on. Brought by a woman as the fungani of her bedding, they commemorate her virgin blood and ideally are
present when her offspring are conceived. But they also capture the male reproductive essence which will also
become part of the next generation. Because high rank on both sides is desired, kie hingoa often pass from one
line of descent to another and back again, containing the essences of both fathers and mothersbringing in
important events associated with the multiple ancestry of person's identity. Each time that person wears or uses a
kie hingoa, the power and prestige of all the ancestors who have previously used it become a sacred presence to
the living. Each death or event at which it appears brings more mana to the next wearer or user.
Sometimes a kie hingoa will stay primarily within a descent line and will embed the sacredness of that line;
others record specific kinds of relationship within or between descent lines. As analysed above, Feangaiotapu is
primarily a wedding mat that records relationships between closely related kinship partners; it is not used at
funerals. The use of Mata-o-Taone illustrates genealogical connections to Lavinia [Mhanga] and her
importance in the mixing of Tu'i Tonga and Tu'i Kanokupolu lines; it is used primarily at commemorative events,
as well as weddings and funerals. Tokelau-o-Vaoto (also known as Tongotongo Le Tu'i A'ana) is a Veikune-
line kie that confirms the importance of this line in the royal genealogies; it is used primarily at weddings and
funerals.
Lilomomu'a is a special mat associated with the essence of the Tu'i Tonga line. Its present possession by the
Tupou dynasty indicates that this essence has been absorbed by the present Tupou dynasty. Its recorded history
begins with the Tu'i Tonga Pau and his sister, Tu'i Tonga Fefine Nanasipau'uwhen she is said to have sent it to
Pau in exile in Vava'u. The next record indicates that Nanasipau'u's daughter, the Tamah 'Amelia, used it at her
wedding to Tu'i Kanokupolu Tuku'aho (the lines did not mix, they had no children). It then appeared at the
wedding of Halaevalu Mata'aho
53
- 220 to Laufilitonga when it was taken by Fatafehi Ha'apai (his fahu), who
wore it as a decorative waist garment. Then Kaunanga gave it at the wedding of her daughter (by Fatu) to
Makahokovalu, when it again went to Halaevalu Mata'aho. It then disappeared until it was listed in two lists of kie
at the Palace made by Queen Slote. It appears not to have been used again until 1936 at the funeral of Queen
Slote's son, Tuku'aho, and at her own funeral in 1965.
From this usage, it is apparent that Lilomomu'a is a kie sacred to the Tu'i Tonga line, and its possession is
important to this line. Unlike Feangaiotapu, with which it was paired at Halaevalu Mata'aho's wedding, it did
not pass from wedding to wedding to wedding. Instead, after Halaevalu Mata'aho retrieved it after the wedding of
Tupou'hau and Makahokovalu, it appears to have been kept by Tu'i Tonga-line women until it went to the Palace
with Queen Sloteprobably with Hau 'o Momo and Laumata 'o Fainga'a. Perhaps it was not used by the Tu'i
Tonga women because of the painful reminder of the absorption of Tu'i Tonga line prerogatives by other chiefly
lines and to make sure that it did not pass to the Tu'i Kanokupolu line unless Tu'i Tonga blood went with it. This
did not happen until Princess Slote mixed the two blood lines once again. Note also, there is no record of
Fuanunuiava having ever possessed it nor Tupoumoheofo, which suggests that Pau was never reconciled to the
ritual involving these three that was described in Cook's journals.
The present king and his children have the reproductive power of several important Tu'i Tonga-line kie. They also
have the reproductive power of Laulangiosivasevaloa, the kie hingoa of the Tung (Ha'a Takalaua) line. Which
kie hingoa were best for Queen Salote Tupou III may not be best for Tupou IV or his children, whose genealogy
also includes the 'Ahome'e and Veikune lines of descentand their relevance to the famous kie associated with
those lines.
Even more important politically, however, are the kie hingoa that contain the reproductive power of the Tupou
dynasty itself. Maneafainga'a is the Tongan equivalent of a crown and appears for the investiture and funeral of
a Tu'i Kanokupolu. Llanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea, the Tongan equivalent of the robes of state, was worn by Queen
Slote and King Tupou IV for their investitures and other state occasions. Hau 'o Momo, the power of the Tu'i
Tonga line and its mate Laumata 'o Fainga'a, whose acquisition by virtue of Queen Slote's blood line, indicates
that power and prestige are no longer in the hands of the Tu'i Tonga line, as Slotetheir rightful recipient
reigned as a Tu'i Kanokupolu. The acquisition and retention of these kie hingoa ensures the power of the Tupou
dynasty and its reproduction. In addition, wearing and using the numerous other kie hingoa with the fertile - 221
essence of ranking chiefly lines, ensure the personal reproductive capacity of each individual of the dynasty.

The most important kie hingoa are those associated with the reproduction of the Kanokupolu line, the origin of
the Tupou dynasty, and the envelopment of the Tu'i Tonga's prerogatives. These non-circulating kie hingoa do
not seem to have a special category name (the state mats in Samoa are called 'ie o le mal [Krmer 1994:30]).
They are only used for occasions directly associated with the monarchy. Their prestige cannot be raised, nor can
they be taken by a fahu. Using them gives prestige to the user and any prestige that might be acquired by the kie
hingoa is only of secondary importance. The kie hingoa associated with certain lines of descent, however, acquire
more and more prestige as they move from fahu to fahu. They acquire prestige or value by wearing, giving,
receiving or taking (as a fahu does). They record events and people's associations with them and thus become
part of an individual's personal and social identity. They are like ancestors and ancestor relics and are evaluated
by how old they are and the number of important - 222 persons and events that are attached to themor
simply by their possession. They are considered as living chiefs, and tears in them are described as monuka, the
word used when a sovereign is cut or injured. When they travel from the Treasury, where they are said to be kept,
to the Palace, they travel by the same cortege as the Kingpreceded by a Jeep and two motorcycle police, then the
King in a vanfollowed by another Jeep. The box of kie rides in the van, just as the King does.
Although some kie can be taken by a fahu, the wearer or presenter and the occasion on which it is used becomes
part of it, and these events become part of the living present when used on the next occasion. As a circulating kie
hingoa should go upward to a person of higher rank, it can be worn, touched or used by its recipient. As
elsewhere in Polynesia, wearing a garment of someone of higher rank can be dangerous,
54
but it is permissible to
wear a garment of someone lower. Originally, they were probably worn or used during sacred and dangerous
situations as a form of sacred protection. It would be a sacred, and potentially dangerous, occasion when a
woman of the Tu'i Kanokupolu line was taken to the sacred Tu'i Tonga. Investiture could also be a dangerous
situation in Tonga. Several kie hingoa have names that suggest their use in the dangerous enterprise of warfare
such as Valatau o Tamasese (war garment of Tamasese), Valatau o Sinilau, and Valatau oe Tui 'A'ana.
Of special interest is that kie hingoa are part of the important Samoan influence in the Tongan Tu'i Kanokupolu
line. Although mats were considered treasures elsewhere in Polynesia, often more important were barkcloth and
objects braided from coconut fibre (kafa)but apparently not in Samoa. In Tonga, barkcloth and kafa were
traditionally associated with the Tu'i Tonga line. 'Ahio, one of the Tu'i Tonga-line ceremonial attendants (falef)
told me that in the past barkcloth was more important to the Tu'i Tonga, although he did not feel it had the
supernatural significance that it held in Fiji. Barkcloth is held to be sacred in various parts of Polynesia, including
Hawai'i where god figures were activated by it. The sisi fale, of kafa and red feathers, associated with the Tu'i
Tonga line, represent sacred processes of manufacture that were also sacred elsewhere in Polynesia, especially in
Tahiti and Hawai'i, where investiture garments for the highest chiefs were made from special fibre and covered
with red feathers. These sacred loin cloths can be related to the sacred lineages of old Polynesia. The Tu'i
Kanokupolu was only the third-ranking line of chiefs in Tonga, and for him to wear a sisi fale would have been a
sacrilege. As pre-Christian Tu'i Kanokupolu were always mindful of the gods, an imported Samoan textile would
be a suitable replacement.
Kie hingoa objectify the importance of lines of descent through both - 223 father and mother. They are
powerful reminders of the past and, as Weiner notes for Maori treasures, by bringing one's ancestral and
mythical histories into the present, the taonga [Maori word for treasures] endows present actions with greater
force (1985:224). In Tonga, high-ranking people of the past and present are attached to kie hingoa and are
inseparable from them. The royal family and aristocracy claim power and prestige by association with them. But
objects cannot act on their own: they need to be activated by people attached to them and who know their
histories. Their use objectifies social relationships in much the same way that the poetry of a eulogy or a lakalaka
performance does verbally (Kaeppler 1993b). Neither kie hingoa nor a poetic text tell a connected history. They
present fragments of the past and the knowledgeable spectator must make the connections. Together they form
the intricate association between verbal and visual modes of expression so admired in Tonga and throughout
Polynesia. For the monarchy and aristocracy, kie hingoa are the visual objectifications of who one is. A person is
attached to one or more kie, just as he or she is attached to several genealogical lines. In a poetic text, an
individual's praise is sung and his or her ancestors invoked metaphorically by bringing in and intermixing place
names, flowers made into specific garlands (kakala) or birds. So, too, are the ancestors metaphorically invoked to
bring their essence into these mats of power and prestige. Having touched the bodies of the chiefs of old, they
transmit their mana and power to the chiefs of today.
APPENDIX: LIST OF KIE HINGOA
This alphabetical list was compiled from the following:
1. Two lists made by Queen Slote of kie hingoa that were in the Palace on two different occasions.
These lists were found in a ledger book in the Palace Office Archives. They are undated. The lists had
no information on when or by whom the kie were used.
2. A list in a ledger book of the Honourable Ve'ehala, Keeper of the Palace Records. This list is similar
to the lists made by Queen Slote, and likewise had no information on when or by whom the kie were
used.
3. Oral traditions recorded by researchers for the Tongan Traditions Committee, also in the Palace
Office Archives.
4. Oral traditions recorded in ledger books of Ve'ehala, Lavinia and Ati Kalaniuvalu, Sister Mary Tu'ifua.
5. Other names and most of the information on use of specific kie comes from my own ethnographic
research from 1964 to 1998. For many I have found no information except the name.
There was considerable variety in the spellings of the names of the kie. Many names were only dimly recalled, and
handwriting was often difficult to read. I have chosen one spelling and placed others in parentheses. Some names
are obviously - 224 Tongan (followed here with a T), others obviously Samoan (followed with an S), while
others cannot be easily deciphered, aka means also known as.
Ao-o-Fonot(S) (aka Va'a 'o Fonot for Pilolevu's wedding)
otapale Tup (Aotapaleotupou) (T)
Atuniusamoa (S)
Bonotiti 'o Tupouto'a (invented name for Pilolevu's wedding)
Faeamalolo (T)
Fa'avae Taufuai'o Upolu (Fa'avae o Tafu 'Upolu, Fa'avae'otafu'apou, Faavaeotufuaupolu) (S)
Fakahihinaosaivaiinaea (Fakahikina'o Savai'inaea) (S)
Fakala'-a-siatamaki (T)
Fakamalu'osinilau (T)
Fakamaluotupo (T)
Fakataukateaosi (aka Vakatoukatea'osi) (T)
Fakate'ema (T)
Fala Lata (T)
Falatungua (T)
Falavala 'o Tuku'aho (T)
Falavala 'o Tung Halatuituia (T)
Falavala 'a 'Uluvalu (T)
Fale'ula (see Puipui)
Fangaifaia (Fangfaia) (T)
Feangaiotapu (Feangaotapu) (T & S)
Fetau
Fofoga-o-Saefagaloa (Fofongaosaifagaloa) (S)
Fua'au (S)
Fua'olemaile (same as Moemoe'ilemaile?) (S)
Fusima'opologa (Fusimaopolonga, Fusimaopulunga) (T?)
Hahau-'o-Vaeatangitau (aka Tokotoko-ovaea-tangitau, Taongahahau-o-Vaeatangitau) (T)
Halangatoto 'o le Sinilau (see Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau)
Hau'o Momo (Hauomomo) (T)
Hinahinatelangi (T)
Kiemanu'a (T & S)
Kie tuku (T)
Kievela (aka Paeaema'opo'opo and le mu) (T)
La' (same as Sisimatala'~?) (T)
Lalanga a Houma (T)
Lalanga a Matuku (T)
Lalanga'atupuivao (T)
Lalanga 'a 'Ulukilupetea (T)
Lalanga a 'Utukaunga (T)
Lalanga a Vaomotu (T)
Lalanga a Vaovao (T)
- 225
Langa'a'ula (Lngaula) (S)
Lau'ao 'o Kanokupolu (invented name for Pilolevu's wedding?, possibly refers to Laumata 'o Fainga'a?)
(T)
Lauo 'o Malietoa (S)
Lau'ao 'o Pilolevu (invented name for Pilolevu's wedding?) (T)
Lauoto'o (Lau ao -'o-To'o) (S)
Lauotupu'a (Lau ao-o-Tupua) (S)
Lau-fala-o-fuka (Laufalaofu'a) (T)
Laufalaotuamsaga (S)
Laulangaomulinuu (S)
Laulagi'osivaseveloa (Laulangisivasiveloa) (T & S)
Laulangiotupuivao (Laulagiotubuiuivao) (S)
Laulagi-o-manu'a (Laulangiomanu'a) (S)
Laulangi o Tupu'a (S)
Laulangiofiame (S)
Laulangiosina (S)
Laumata'o Fainga'a (Laumataofainga'a, Laumoto'o-Fainga'a, Laumata o Faiga, aka Laumata o sisi mo
fainga'a and Sisi mo Faiga'a) (T & S)
Laulefisomalauoletalo (Lau ole fiso ma lau ole tolo, Lavolefisomalau'oletolo, Lau ole fisima mole laa ole
tolo) (S)
Lave
Liemakau
Lifa
Lilomomu'a (Lilomomua) (T)
Luoluafetu'u (T)
Maneafainga'a (Mane Faig, Manea'o Fainga'a, Maneafaiga'a) (S)
Mata 'o Taone (aka Laumata 'o Taone, Mataotaone) (T)
Mat'umaivai (Matmaivai, Matuimaiwai) (S)
Moeika'ale (Moeikaale) (S)
Moe'ilefuefue (Moeilefuefue) (S)
Moemoe'ilemaile (Momoe'i le maile, Momo'e'ilemaile, Moeilemaile) (S)
'Oneone (S)
Paepaeotele'a (mishearing of next one? or invented name for Lavaka's wedding)
Paeaema'opo'opo (aka Kievela, le mu) (T)
Paleao'okilokilomaivao (Kilokilomaevalu) (T)
Papaonfanua (S)
Papaanga o Sinaitakala (T)
Pipi'ima'ele'ele (Pipi'i male'ele'ele, Bibi'imale'ele'ele?, Pipi'imale'ele'ele) (S)
Pitofalaopc'a (T)
Pona'olesisiotuitalili (S)
Popomatemoa (T)
Puipui o le Fale'ula tau'aitu (aka Fale'ula, Puipui o le Fale'ula) (S)
Pulou-o-le-ola (S)
Saulagi-o-Sina (?Laulagi-o-Sina) (S)
Seiulaoligapisa (Seiulao Sigapisa) (S)
- 226
Silatasi (S)
Siliaimatanui (S)
Sisimatala' (same as La'?) (T)
Sisiofainga'a (same as Laumata 'o Fainga'a?) (T)
Siukaufisi (aka Fuakaufusi) (S)
Tafenga-toto-'o-Sinilau (Tafenga-toto-o-sinilau, aka alaangatoto -'o le Sinilau) (T & S)
Talatagi (Talatangi) (S)
Tasi'aeafe (Taseaeafa, Tasi'aeofa) (S)
Taugamilo-a-moso (Taungamilo-'o-Moso) (S)
Taulagaomielenu'u (S)
Toangahahau-o-Vaeatangitau (aka Hahauo Vaeatangitau) (T)
Tokelau-o-Vaoto (Tokelau va 'o-t ma a'ana, same as Tongotongo le Tu'i 'A'ana? and
Valatauatuiaana?) (S)
Togotogo (Tongotongo, same as Tokelau.above?)
Tu'i'aliki (Tuiali'i, Tui Ali'i) (S)
Tuiolemu (S)
Uhilamoeafa (T)
Uluvao-o-kavalangi (T)
to (S?)
V-'o-Apia mo Upolu (S)
V-'o-Ofu-mo-Olosenga (Vaofomaolosega) (S)
Vakataukatea'osi (Vakatoukateaosi, same as Fakataukateaosi) (T)
Valatau-o-Tamasese (Valatauotamasese) (S)
Valatau-oe-Tuimanu'a (Vala-tau oe Tuimanu'a) (S)
Valatau-oe-Tui'A'ana (Valatauoetui'a'ana [see Tokelau-o-Vaoto]) (S)
Valatau-o-Sinilau (Valatauosinilau same as Tafenga-toto-o-Sinilau?) (S)
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Research in Tonga was carried out for three and one-half years between 1964 and 1998, funded by the Wenner-
Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the National Institute of Mental Health, the Bishop Museum and
the Smithsonian Institution, to all of whom I wish to express my warmest appreciation. I am indebted to the
Government of Tonga under their majesties the late Queen Slote Tupou III and the present King Tufa'hau
Tupou IV, and the many Tongans who helped me to understand the data presented in this paper, especially the
late Queen Slote, King Tupou IV, Prince Tu'i Pelehake, Queen Mata'aho, Princess Pilolevu, Princess Nanasipau'u
Tuku'aho, HRH Lavaka-Ata-'Uluklala, Princess Siu'ilikutapu, Princess Mata-o-Taone, Sister Tu'ifua, the late
Nnasi Helu, Baron Vaea, the late Honorable Ve'ehala, the late Halaevalu Maile (Mata'ele), Tuna Fielakepa, the
late Vaisima Hopoate, Tu'imala Kaho, the late Lavinia 'Ahome'e, and many others. Of special significance for this
paper, I was present during the rituals of the funeral of Queen Slote; the investitures of King Tupou IV, Crown
Prince Tupouto'a, and the - 227 noble titles of Tu'i Ha'ateiho, Ata, 'Uluklala, and others; and the wedding of
Princess Pilolevu. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the fourth meeting of the Tonga History
Association, Auckland (Kaeppler MS 1990). I would like to thank Queen Mata'aho, Princess Nanasipau'u
Tuku'aho, Elizabeth Bott, Elizabeth Wood-Ellem, Melenaite Taumoefolau, Tuna Fielakepa and Jacob Love for
helpful comments on a draft of this paper.
- 228 Page of endnotes
- 229 Page of endnotes
- 230 Page of endnotes
- 231
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Bott, Elizabeth, with the assistance of Tavi, 1982. Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's Visits:
Discussions with Her Majesty Queen Slote Tupou. Wellington: The Polynesian Society.
Churchward, C. M., 1959. Tongan Dictionary. London: Oxford University Press.
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Forster, G., 1986. A Voyage Round the World. Georg Forsters Werke, Bearbeitet von Robert L. Kahn.
Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.
Gifford, E.W., 1929. Tongan Society. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 61.Honolulu.
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195-208.
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1978b. Me'a Faka'eiki: Tongan funerals in a changing society. In N. Gunson, (ed.), The Changing
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1990. Art, aesthetics, and social structure. In P. Herda, J. Terrell and N. Gunson (eds), Tongan
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1993b. Poetry in Motion: Studies of Tongan Dance. Nuku'alofa, Tonga: Vava'u Press.
1996. The investiture of 'Uluklala VII: A moment in history. In J.M. Davidson, G. Irwin, F. Leach, A.
Pawley and D. Brown (eds), Oceanic Culture History: Essays in Honour of Roger Green. [Dunedin]:
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1995 [1902-1903]. Volume 2: Material Culture. Translated by Theodore Verhaaren. Honolulu:
University of Hawai'i Press.
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from William Mariner. 3rd edition. Edinburgh: Constable.
Rogers, G., 1977. The father's sister is black: A consideration of female rank and powers in Tonga.
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Taumoefolau, M., 1991. Is the father's sister really black? Journal of the Polynesian Society, 100(l):91-
98.
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1
Except in a secondary sense for those kie associated with the investiture of titles, see below.
2
They are usually called 'ie tga by Samoans today, but there are differing views about this name and what it means. Samoans often say
that tga refers to Tonga-disregarding vowel quality. Schoeffel writes herein that 'ie in Samoan means cloth. The cognate word, kie, in
Tongan refers to a very soft and fine pandanus. I suggest, as does Schoeffel herein, that tooga could mean treasure or valuable. Tga,
in Samoan, also refers to women's goods, corresponding to the Tongan term koloa (in distinction to the Samoan term 'oloa which
refers to men's goods, and which corresponds to the Tongan term ngue, see below). My reading of the Samoan term 'ie tga would be
a treasure made of fine pandanus leaves, having nothing to do with the word meaning south or Tonga as a place. Krmer (1995:343-
44) associated 'ie tga with Tonga, not because they originated in Tonga but because its origin and significance is so closely
associated with that land.It must be stressed that the o in the word toga is not pronounced open but in most cases closed and quite
long, like tooga, and indeed one often sees it spelled that way by Samoans. That is why V. Blow op. 17 interprets it differently, namely
like toina (toga) mai le lagi brought from heaven.
3
A few oral traditions associated with kie hingoa were written down by researchers for the Tonga Traditions Committee during the 1960s.
These traditions, all in the Tongan language, are part of the Palace Office Archives; some are in bound ledger books, others have been
typed and are noted here as (POA) and a file-folder number. I wish to thank Tkapu, Ami Lt, Mopa Kupu and Albert Tu'ivanuavou
Vaea for their help in locating the little information that exists, and Sister Mary Tu'ifua who helped me translate some of the difficult
passages.
4
Most sisi are sisi kakala, decorative waist garments made of flowers, which are also named. Many sisi kakala specialists come from the
Tu'i Tonga's village of Lapaha, but today the sisi are not usually made in secrecy inside a house. However, some village women still
have secret processes for making ritual garments for the daughters of their chiefs, such as the fulufululupe from Fhefa.
5
Some believe that Fuanunuiava was adopted by Tupoumoheofo (Gunson 1987:162, note 86).
6
See Kramer 1994:334-38 for the history of the Fale'ula and its association with the Maietoa line. Also footnote 341, p. 417, Fale'ula is
the name of the royal house of Tuimanu'a and of the well known village community in Tuamasaga. See Krmer 1994:325 for Ama of
Safata. In note 323, p. 416, Krmer notes, The Malietoa group (especially Ama in Safata) at times brings to light this relationship of the
Ssomua and Tapusalaia with the Tongan royalty in order to enhance the status of the Malietoa family.
7
Names of mats, and other borrowed words, are spelled as they are in Tongan.
8
Later in a footnote, Krmer states that Pipimale'ele'ele and Moeilefuefue are the names of the two oldest and most famous mats.
Naturally the reports concerning the origin of the mats vary greatly (1994:498, note 83) [my emphasis]. See other stories in Krmer
about this mat (1994:465-66, 470-71).
9
In a manuscript in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, a mid-19th century Samoan, Penisimane, records these same names for this mat (Jacob
Love, pers. comm.).
10
10. Also the name of a Tongan mat, as are others on Tauese's list.
11
Although opinions vary if it was these two kie or others. The names of both of the mats associate them with Manu'a.
12
Mo'unga also refers here to Mo'unga 'o Tonga, the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua who was the father of Ngata, the first Tu'i Kanokupolu.
13
One of these was the use of Laumata 'oFainga'a as the feta'u corpse cover at the funeral of the Tu'i Tonga, Tu'ittui, where it is said
that its proper name is Laumata-'o-Sisi-mo-Fainga'a (POA/103/2B).
14
This version is in a bound volume in the Palace Office Archives. Other versions of the story say that Tupouto'a-TungI wore Hau 'o
Momo and Tu'i Pelehake wore Laumata 'o Fainga'a, or that Tupouto'a-TungT wore both of them. However, Tu'i Pelehake verified that
he wore Hau 'o Momo (pers. comm. 1997).
15
Queen Slote had another son, Viliami Tuku'aho, who died unmarried in 1936 at the age of 16.
16
Sngone's shell, on the other hand, is said to have subsequently been sold in Fiji, where it was acquired by the Tu'i Kanokupolu line.
This loss is said to be symbolic of the loss of power of the Tu'i Tonga line and the acquisition of power by the Tu'i Kanokupolu. The shell
was made into an elaborate comb and is now in the possession of Princess Pilolevu (see Kaeppler 1993b:43 for an illustration).
17
See Rogers 1977 and Taumoefolau 1991 for detail on mehekitanga.
18
Since the 19th century, Lavinia is a chiefly female name in the Tu'i Tonga line. This Lavinia was a twin (mhanga) and is usually called
Lavinia Mhanga.
19
Composer is unknown to me.
20
Falatungua, Llanga 'a Matuku, and Llanga 'a 'Utukaunga from this group of mats are mentioned in Ulamoleka's Poem on the
Death of Veainu. Collocott, however, does not appear to recognise which are the names of mats and which ones are types of mats
(1928:82, 141 note 6).
21
Lttama and Ma'afu'otu'itonga had many descendants, see Bott (1982), Fig. 30, p. 152.
22
Sinaitakala and F'otusia had a daughter, Fana, who married Makahokovalu, a son of Tuita and Ltfuipeka, who had no children.
23
Apparently they had no children.
24
Fale Fisi is a descent line that originated when the Tu 'i Tonga Fefine, Sinaitakala, married a Fijian, Tapu'osi. The importation of a Fijian
husband for the Tu'i Tonga Fefine began what was considered a foreign housethe Fale Fisi. This resolved certain inconsistencies
arising from the Tongan social system. That is, although the children of the Tu'i Tonga's sister might outrank the Tu'i Tonga within his
own family, they were not eligible to inherit the title. The Fale Fisi is lower when it comes to ha'a (title) rank even though individuals of
the Fale Fisi may be higher as far as kinga (family) status is concerned (Kaeppler 1971:181).
25
This term is probably related to the Samoan concept of feagaiga, which refers to the complementary relationship of sororal and
fraternal descendants (Schoeffel 1995:96).
26
Thereby keeping the highest blood within the family, also a function of kitetama (cross-cousin marriage), see Kaeppler 1971:185-86,
and footnote 25, pp. 192-93.
27
According to LtNiua, Heu 'ifanga kept several kie in a box in her room. They included important kie that were to be used for the
wedding of the crown prince, Tupouto'a. Eventually she gave these to Queen Mata'aho for the wedding of her son. However, as the
crown prince is still unmarried, the kie are probably still with the Queen. LtNiua wore one of Heu'ifanga's kie when she danced a
tau'olunga at the coronation celebration of Tupou IV (Kaeppler 1993b:132, Fig. 9.6). The last two kie kept by Heu'ifanga were used
during her funeral ceremonies.
28
Tuna Fielakepa (pers. comm. 1989) said that she questioned her mehekitanga, Luseane, about kie hingoa. She graciously shared this
and other information about them with me.
29
The groom's aunts are traditionally in the same room with the couple during their first night together. Their function is to monitor the
virgin blood.
30
An account of this wedding is in the Palace Office Archives, however, the people who work there say that this account is not accurate.
Most of the information given here is taken from my own notes taken during these rituals, and from conversations with Princess Pilolevu
and Queen Mata'aho.
31
There was a great deal of other koloa. Here we are only concerned with the kie.
32
Valatauotamasese was given to Pilolevu by Tuna 'Uluklala after the funeral of her husband 'Uluklala Ha'amea.
33
This may come to pass, as the Crown Prince is unmarried and has no legitimate descendants.
34
This is probably the same mat as Tokelau-o-Vaoto (see appendix). Three of my most important and reliable mentors told me that this
was the same mat presented and depicted in the Tongan newspaper
35
Hinahinatelangi, a woman of the Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua line was the sister of 'Uliafu, the wife of Tu'i Ha'ateiho Fakatakatu. 'Uliafu adopted
Hinahinatelangi's son, Tungmana'ia, who became a Tu'i Ha'ateiho and to which the Veikune line is connected.
36
The marriage was probably unacceptable because of Heimataura's father, a foreigner of little consequence.
37
'Ofa was a candidate for marriage with Tupou II at the time he married Lavinia. In fact, we might conjecture that one reason that Tupou
II chose Lavinia was that she would bring the Tu'i Tonga bloodalong with the Tu'i Tonga matsto his descendants.
38
Half-sister of Queen Slote (see below for kie hingoa used at her funeral).
39
Also quoted in Herda 1987:204.
40
Elizabeth Wood-Ellem, pers. comm.
41
This information was given to me by Nanasipau'u Tuku'aho, who received it from Tangitopa Veikune who had looked after the kie for
Queen Slote and Queen Mata'aho. Tangitopa had written down the information in her notebook, which she still keeps as a treasure.
42
Tu'i Pelehake verified that he wore Mata-o-Taone (pers. comm. 8 July 1997).
43
Women were not part of this ceremony.
44
See Figure 5 for Lavinia's genealogy. She is low in this case because she descends from the brother of a brother-sister pair, while
Tupou IV descends from the sister.
45
See Kaeppler 1996 for a detailed analysis of this event.
46
Translation with the help of Sister Tu'ifua and Melenaite Taumoefolau.
47
See footnote 13 (POA/103/2B). Sisi and Fainga'a are also names of places in the sky.
48
However, they were probably removed before burial.
49
The spellings used here are as Ve'ehala listed them in his ledger book.
50
It is unlikely that anyone present would serve as fahu to Fusipala; tracing a descendant of a brother-sister pair in Fusipala's father's
line, would likely lead to Queen Slote's sons. See the discussion above and Figure 5. However, according to 'Amanaki Havea, he
remembered an occasion following Fusipala's death when 'Alipate Tupou wore white while everyone else wore black, suggesting that
he stood in a fahu relationship to Fusipalahaving descended from a sister of a brother-sister pair two generations back, while Fusipala
descended from the brother of this brother-sister pair (three generations back for her).
51
The next important state funeral was that of the Queen's consort, Tung Mailefihi, in 1941; I have not been able to find details about kie
hingoa.
52
Toka has many meanings, but here means beforehand or ready-made (Churchward 1959:487).
53
In this context it should be remembered that Halaevalu Mata'aho was the granddaughter of the Tamah Ltfuipeka and great-
granddaughter of Tu'i Tonga Fefine Nanasipau'u (see Fig. 7), who apparently was the keeper of Lilomomu'a.
54
Nanasi Helu told me of an occasion in which Queen Slote asked her to find a specific kie in her box. Nanasi, a commoner (and a good
Christian), refused on the grounds that it would be too dangerous for her to even touch them. Queen Slote agreed and called for one of
the chiefly women to help her.