Source: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 40, No. 2 (May, 1981), pp. 101-107 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society of Architectural Historians Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/989723 . Accessed: 27/01/2014 08:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . University of California Press and Society of Architectural Historians are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Palace of Sultan Mansur Shah at Malacca MICHAEL D. S H ERWIN Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang This article proposes a reconstruction, shown in scale drawings, of a palace built for a Malay Sultan, probably in the 1460s. The main aims of the discussion are to clarify the reconstruction, the problems surrounding it, and the reasons for arriving at this form; to place it in the context of region and epoch; and to elaborate on its salient aspects. The article begins with a brief account of Malacca in the i5th century, considers some of the cultural influences on it, and com- ments on the Malay Annals, a traditional history of the Malacca Sultanate and the sources for the account of the palace on which the reconstruction is based. The description of the building, re- markably lucid considering its age and circumstances, is trans- lated. Various possibilities concerning the overall form of the palace are discussed, particularly two alternatives from the South East Asian area, and one is posited as being the basic forerunner and formgiver. The different parts of the building, particularly those mentioned specifically in the translated passage, are con- sidered relative to the proposed reconstruction. MALACCA is a small port which lies on the west side of the Malay Peninsula (Fig. i), in what is now Malaysia, but in the 15th century it was a sultanate and a power in its own right. The Straits of Malacca between the peninsula and the neighboring island of Sumatra are named after it, signs of its former impor- tance. The fixing of present national boundaries bears little rela- tion to the situation at that time, when a variety of principalities vied for ascendancy over one another, Malacca being one of the strongest in the Malay world and the most independent of those on the mainland. The Malay world was by no means confined to what came to be known as Malaya; indeed the homeland is in Sumatra, and the diplomatic and other exploits of the Malays throughout a wide area are the reason for the national language of Indonesia today being Malay. Many contacts occurred among different groups in the region, with ample opportunity for many influences to pass to and fro. Buddhism and particularly Hinduism had a major impact on the entire region, overlaying and combining with an earlier an- imism. In addition to its new religious vocabulary-which was easily able to incorporate the spirits and charms already native to the area-Indian influence introduced the concept of rajahs who were of divine ancestry, and probably the collection of appur- tenances and customs attendant on the sacred kingship. Among BUR A Ayutthaya C IM Angkor * .0 Do TAN I DAH K E NTAN PE RK ANG laca O Egapore 00 U 0 UBO RNEO ' HNG G A JAMB Pale bang JAVA 1000 Fig. i. Malay Peninsula and surrounding region, showing Malacca and some places of importance during the Sultanate. these, and one that concerns us in this discussion of a palace, was the right to seven tiers whether for umbrella, ceremonial pavil- ion, or residence. Lesser ranks had lesser numbers of such tiers to proclaim their status.' The seven levels, apart from the univer- sality of seven as a sacred number, derive probably from the Heaven of Indra on the top of the seventh level of Mount Ma- hameru, the center of creation in Hindu cosmogony: the rajahs were supposed to be descended from Indra, who as a divine being not worshipped as an immortal god, was acceptable to the Theravada Buddhists as well as to Hindus. Apart from such mythic Hindu origin, many of the royal families probably were i. R. Winstedt, The Malays: A Cultural History, London, 1947, I96I, 86. IO I This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 102 JSAH, XL:2, MAY 1981 Fig. z. Pagaruyung, Sumatra, palace, at present being reconstructed. Room covered by the top roof at right angles is known as the mahaligai. descendants of intermarriages with the more culturally advanced immigrants from India. Malacca is traditionally said to have been founded in 1394 by a Hindu, Parameswara, whose ancestry was Sumatran. The newly established port soon attracted many foreign merchants, many of them Muslims, whether of Arabian, Indian, or Suma- tran origin. Muslim influence increased as the kingdom grew richer and stronger; apparently during the first half of the I 5th century, Islam became the official and prevailing religion and the Rajah became Sultan. The heyday of the Malacca Sultanate was brief, since in 15 11 the Portuguese captured the town, the begin- ning of the long process of draining power from the traditional rulers. Before the coming of Europeans, little written material from the region exists, and its history is but sketchily known. O ne well-known account of the Malacca Sultanate is available, the Malay Annals, probably recorded at the end of the i6th century. Although many of the incidents are mythic, the outline of the account regarding the succession of rulers and the growth of power of the Sultanate seems to be accurate. O ne of the rulers when Malacca was at its height, well established, and already converted to Islam, was Sultan Mansur Shah, who reigned from 1456 to 1477. An account in the Malay Annals considers the palace constructed by Mansur Shah to proclaim his glory, fame, and power-the building of such a palace in those days was equivalent to a state having its own nuclear weapons in these times. The account runs: ... And the size of that palace was seventeen spaces, for each space the breadth was three fathom, the columns were as large around as could be embraced; of seven levels were the pinnacles. In between that were provided windows, in between those windows were placed roofs at right angles and like suckling elephants, all of them with wings like those of a kite and carved and projecting from under the eaves, in between that projection was carried out the ' rectangular grasshopper' , all of it with peaks and fringes all over. Moreover all those windows of the palace were altogether painted and gilded with liquid gold, its [their?] pinnacles were red glass. When it caught the rays of the sun its form blazed like a jewel; and the walling of that palace was pannelled all over, moreover inset with Chinese mirrors of large sizes. When it caught the glare of the sun its form blazed in flashes, so that its image was not clear to peoples' sight. Moreover the crossbeams of that palace were a cubit broad, a hand and two fingers thick; as for the upstand it was two cubits in breadth, a cubit in thickness, the frames of those doors were carved, and forty was the number of those doors, all of them painted and gilded with liquid gold. Exceedingly beautiful was the execution of that palace; there was no other palace in the whole world like it. And that palace it was which was called by men, Mahaligai. Its roof covering was brass and tin crested.2 However literal one may try to make a translation, as in this case, coloration will result from the translator' s understanding, espe- cially when the structure of the language is different from our own, and terms are employed that are no longer in general use. Still, this version seems more intelligible than that in the gen- erally used English version of the Malay Annals,3 which was translated from a different Malay original.4 This is not the place to go into the ages of and variations among the several recensions of the manuscript. The version used here can be seen to make sense from an architectural point of view, even if some details are ambiguous; indeed it is remarkably clear and concise for the description of a building. It is all the more important as a source for architectural history when we realize that all such buildings in this region were of timber, and that not a single relic of any comparable structure survives. The palace described here burnt down not long after being completed. This description was writ- ten to draw attention to the magnificence and special features of the palace; it was for an audience who would know in what form a Malay Sultan' s dwelling should be, and who could therefore fill z. W. G . Shellabear, Sejarah Melayu, K uala Lampur, 1975, 133. Spellings are altered to bring them in line with the new rules. This translation by the author is from the most generally accepted Malay text. Ada pun besarnya istana itu tujuh belas ruang, pada seruang tiga depa luasnya, besar tiangnya sepemeluk; tujuh pangkat kemuncaknya. Pada antara itu diberinya bertingkap, pada antara tingkap itu diberinya ber- bumbungan melintang dan bergajah menyusu, sekaliannya bersayap layang-layang berukir dan bersengkuap, pada antara sengkuap itu di- perbuatnya belalang besagi, sekaliannya bergunungan-gunungan dan berjurai-jurai belaka. Ada pun segala tingkap istana itu sekaliannya dicat dan dibubuhi air emas, kemuncaknya kaca merah. Apabila kena sinar matahari bernyala-nyala rupanya seperti manikam; dan dinding istana itu sekaliannya berkambi, maka ditampali dengan cermin Cina yang besar-besar. Apabila kena panas matahari bernyala-nyala rupanya kilau-kilauan, tiada nyata bahana dipandang orang. Ada pun rasuk istana itu sehasta lebarnya, sejengkal tiga jari tebalnya; akan birai istana itu dua hasta lebarnya, sehasta tebalnya, diukirnya jenang pintu itu, dan empat puluh banyak pintunya, sekaliannya dicat dibubuh air emas. Terlalu indah-indah perbuatannya istana itu; sebuahpun istana raja- raja di dalam dunia ini tiada seperti itu. Dan istana itulah yang dinamai orang mahaligai. Atapnya tembaga dan timah disirip. 3. C. C. Brown, Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals, K uala Lumpur, 1970, 77-78. 4. R. Winstedt, transcriber, "Raffles MS of Sejarah Melayu," Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, xvI, part III, 1938, II4. This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SHERWIN: THE PALACE O F SULTAN MANSUR SHAH AT MALACCA 103 Fig. 3. Minangkabau, traditional house, now preserved for display. Roof arrangement reflects the internal layout, with the long reception room continuous along the front. Fig. 4. Burma, tiered temple tower built in wood. in the missing parts of the description for themselves. We on the contrary have no direct evidence about the basic form of such palaces. What existing buildings or depictions of buildings in old sources could be related to the description given? The Malays do not seem to have used funerary ornaments, no drawings survive, and the wood carvings have disappeared with the buildings they once adorned. In any case, Islam discouraged all but abstract ornament. As far as extant architecture is concerned, two prom- ising examples can be consulted without having to go as far afield as the stone temples of India or the multi-tiered buildings of Nepal.5 Fig. 5. Malacca district, mosque with three tiered pyramidal roof. This building, perhaps less than 40 years old, shows Hindu influence, as well as Islamic, British Colonial, Malay, and even Chinese elements. Abstract "dragon and pearl" motif can be seen in corner finial. O ne of these is the curved roof buildings of the Minangkabau. The Minangkabau people (the name means "winning bull") have their present homeland in the hills of Sumatra, inland from the coast opposite Malacca, and an area was also settled by them on the peninsula, inland and to the northeast of Malacca. Their style of building is distinctive (Fig. z). Most likely developed mainly within Sumatra,6 the particular form of the upcurving roofs lends itself well to a layering which incorporates the concept of tiers of building. No evidence suggests that these people had any greater influence on the culture than the many other peoples who settled in the Malacca area or with whom the Malacca Malays had dealings, except that the simplified type of Minangkabau house (Fig. 3) built in the peninsula seems to be strongly reflected in the type of house common in the Malacca area to this day. The other example is a Burmese temple tower, such as the one shown in Figure 4, constructed in timber, and in a sense the simplest possible structure that could fit the description given. The roof consists of seven tiers, excluding the Buddhist termina- tion at the top. Each tier could be said to have pinnacles in the form of the corner finials, and windows are located between each tier. However, such a tower presupposes a building below it which is square in plan, or very nearly so. We are told in the description that the palace was i7 bays in size, which is always taken to mean that it was 17 bays long. It would be possible, of course, to arrange 17 bays in three rows, two of 5 bays to either side of one row with 7 bays, resulting in a more rectangular plan. This is unlike anything else to be found in the region today, and 5. As mentioned above, Hindu influence was probably at work, par- ticularly as indicated by the phrase "of seven levels were the pinnacles," but such influence was spread widely throughout Asia and manifested itself in a variety of local forms. Indeed if we recall that the many storied pagodas of Japan originated from the Buddhist stupa which was orig- inally a burial mound, we can see to what an extent an abstract form can be totally modified by its architectural embodiment according to local style. 6. M. D. Sherwin, "From Batak to Minangkabau," Majallah Akitek, I:79, March 1979, 38-42. This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I04 JSAH, XL:2, MAY 1981 ISTANA MAHALIG AI PANDANG AN DEPAN , 15 O feet 10 2n 30 40 50 untuk Sultan Mansur Shah Fig. 6. Malacca, Palace of Sultan Mansur Shah, scale drawings of reconstruction proposed by author: a. front elevation, b. side elevation, c. enlarged detail of projecting ' dormer' roof. the scale becomes small for the most magnificent of palaces. The question of the "40 doors" cannot be gone into fully here, as it would involve a discussion of the usage of the relevant Malay words and of the traditional construction of houses. In any case, this number of doors can be fitted in whether the squarish or long plan is adopted, so little can be deduced from the matter of doors. A building tradition exists in the district and throughout the peninsula, again following Sumatra, of layered pyramidal roofs on a square base; to this day in Malacca itself one finds mosques with three layers of roof and small gaps between them (Fig. 5). This arrangement, however, can hardly be said to provide levels of pinnacles, and a severe problem of scale would be created in any reconstruction based on such a type, since either the hall would be too small for a regal palace-a square enclosure is suitable for a mosque, indeed is often preferred, but hardly for a palace-or else the roof height would be beyond the probable limits of timber construction, quite apart from the matter of 17 bays. In attempting a reconstruction, ioo feet would be about the maximum height possible, even though in the Malayan forest straight trunks of up to 150 feet can be found. In the largest timber building in Malaysia today, the palace of Sri Menanti, the main pillars rise 60 feet, and the palace at Pagaruyung is about the same height. No evidence suggests taller buildings in the region.7 The reconstruction proposed here is 25 meters (82 feet) to the ridge and the topmost pinnacle is just short of ioo feet from the ground, so it is within conservative limits. Considering all aspects of the matter and trying to arrive at a plausible building proposal, it seems necessary to reject the square based pagoda tower and follow the example of Minang- kabau structures with predominantly horizontal emphasis and upflung pinnacles. Thus we arrive at the reconstruction shown in Figure 6, which brings together several themes and appears to correspond to the intentions of the description. Not only do sound historical reasons for this design provide solid support, but internal evidence from the terms used and the way in which it fits the description, point to its probability. As is nearly universal among the Malays, the building is raised off the ground on its timber posts. This is proved by a passage just after the one translated above, where the followers of the Sultan walk under the palace while he ascends to inspect it. As can be seen, the arrangement of 17 bays along the front has been adopted, with columns at 4.5 meters (15 feet) spacing and each column 0.5 (zo inches) in diameter. Allowing for only a slight exaggeration in the account, this would suit the probable height of a Malay of those days. The palace of Pagaruyung has 15 bays (Fig. z), so this is quite in character. That palace has the end bays set back on the central longitudinal axis, whereas the reconstruc- tion proposed here has a straight run all along the front both in order to have a simple arrangement of seven tiers and to follow the surviving examples of Minangkabau houses in Malaysia it- self (Fig. 3). Each tier has its pair of pinnacles at the swept-up ends. The word translated as "window" in the text, and indeed in general use today, tingkap, has a one letter difference from the word now used to mean "storey," tingkat, so that an etymologi- cal connection is probable; tingkap originally may have meant "window in a storey," or clerestory. This is what it signifies in this reconstruction, meaning the bands of windows separating the tiers of roof. There were roofs at right angles at each level, and this must mean some sort of dormer system as shown here. The "suckling elephant" type of roof may refer to this small piece running into the main flank, but more likely it refers to a gable running into another gable end wall under a higher roof on the same axis; thus it presumably applies to the successive tiers where they overlap each other. It is not clear how many small dormer roofs at right angles there should be, whether merely one line down the center or more. The former arrangement would render each one a bit 7. The Daibutsuden at Todaiji, Nara, is 157 feet high and the Fokuang Temple Pagoda in China, from Io56, is z16 feet high, so these heights could be obtained in timber. This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SHERWIN: THE PALACE O F SULTAN MANSUR SHAH AT MALACCA IO 5 inconspicuous, but is in keeping with the derivation of the sym- bolism of the building from Mount Mahameru, which faces four directions-compare Angkor Wat and others. The provision of several such roofs at each level would be more impressive and in keeping with the Hindu proclivity toward multiplicity and pro- fusion, but the number must be limited by the curve of the build- ing lines which makes the construction of such dormers at the end bays all but impossible. The meanings of the "wings of the kite," and of the phrase translated here, literally, as "rectangular grasshopper," are un- certain. In the typical Malay house today the gables under the ends of the roof are filled in with a triangular construction which slants inward at the top and is known as "sail"; the Malay kite is diamond-shaped, hence one "wing" of this is a triangle. Thus the reference may be to this gable-end board or "sail" (this type of kite is layang-layang, whereas "sail" is layar: the slanting gable- end is known as tibar layar; Fig. 7). This makes sense of the word translated here as "projecting from under the eaves," a term usually used for a small ancillary roof on a lower level than the main eaves and partially overhung by them: if the slant of the triangular sail is fairly extreme, it is covered by the pitched roof of the dormer at the top and exposed where it leans out at the bottom. Such a feature is not found on traditional Minangkabau buildings in Sumatra, but is almost universal on all styles of house in Malaya. O n the main gable ends of a large Minangkabau palace such as the one at Pagaruyung it would be virtually im- possible due to the large expanse of the area involved, but on the smaller projecting dormers it becomes possible. Presently one of the hallmarks of the Malay house, at that date it may have been a new feature, which would explain why special attention is paid to it in the description. The "rectangular grasshopper" would appear to be some particular shape of bracket or infill associated with the projecting "sail" and perhaps helping to hold it in place. A shaped pendant bracket is shown, copied from houses in Su- matra; it has something of the image of a grasshopper poised to leap. O ther features mentioned pose little problem and fall into place naturally. The "Chinese mirrors" are round or octagonal ones as commonly used by that race as talismans above door- ways, set into panelling in the screen wall below the eaves at the ends of the buildings; this can be seen to this day (Fig. 8). It is probable that this is the "wall" referred to, since all the lower part of the building proper would be occupied by the "40 doors"; these are not in fact doors that can be walked through, but are large window openings closed by wooden shutters. The part described as "upstand" is the piece of walling or parapet that runs from column to column all along the building, just above the floor, and the window openings are directly on this, so that the top of it becomes the window sill. The top, furthermore, may be curved along the length to follow the general lines of the building while keeping the floor level. The end bays of a palace or chief' s house were usually raised up in steps, thus forming an elevated platform where the rajah or chief could sit to give audi- ence, with an intermediate level for his nobles and the general floor level for commoners. Another sign of royalty to be found directly under this raised floor at the projecting ends of the build- ing is the "hanging column,"s a column which stops short below 8. W. G . Shellabear, Sejarah Melayu, 74. Certain architectural fea- tures are reserved exclusively for the rulers, such as the hanging column which does not rest on the ground, and columns all the way from the ground up to the underside of the roof covering (normally of course columns stop at the underside of the truss). "Dan larangan berbuat rumah permanjungan bertiang gantung tiada terletak ke tanah, dan bertiang terus dari atap, dan peranginan." This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 106 JSAH, XL:2, MAY 1981 Fig. 7. Malacca district, house, view of gable end. Slanting ' sail' can be clearly seen in double arrangement. Small upper room is indicated by horizontal window opening. the crossbeam and does not reach the ground. In particular at the ends where the roof is lower and the building narrower, the individual columns have less load to support and so the extra weight from this unsupported column can be borne by the cross- beam-particularly when these beams are 18 inches by 8 inches as in this account. The origin of this curious feature of the hang- ing column is not known. The beams are socketed into the col- umns and the tenoned ends may very likely project beyond them. The floor is built up in the normal way above them with joists and planks. Apart from the shaped and carved door jambs and "wings" specifically mentioned, probably most of the surfaces were carved in relief and then painted. The doors and windows are described as being painted and also gilded with "liquid gold," although this is more likely to have been gold leaf, and this is reminiscent of Thai temples where the doors and window shut- ters are bright red picked out in gold. The predominant colors over most of the building are likely to have been red and black together with white or orange-yellow. These are the colors of the cloths attached to the newly erected principal pillars of houses under construction to this day, and of course are colors easily obtained from natural sources. The covering of the roof poses a problem. The text has gen- erally been translated to mean that shingles of copper (or brass) and tin were used, which is possible although no examples sur- vive. The Thais today use bright glazed tiles with something of the same effect. However, the passage can equally be translated to mean that there were only strips or cappings of metal, and in Fig. 8. Malolo, Sumatra, village house, projecting ancillary roof and gable end. Mirrors set into panelling gleam in shadow. Surface carving is painted mainly in earth colors. this case the main roof covering might have been of a type of black thatch; this combination can be seen on the palace at Pagaruyung (Fig. z). This system easily accommodates the curves of the roof and can be integrated with the pinnacles which would most likely have been of metal, crowned as noted with red glass. This is also more probable when we consider the account of the fire which broke out suddenly on the roof.9 We are left with the impression that, apart from its size and grandeur, the particular significance of this palace that led to its being described-no other comparable passage is contained in the Malay Annals or other Malay historical writings-may have been its tiered roof and the way that it and the windows and ancillary roofs fitted together. The overall appearance of this proposed reconstruction has been kept as simple as possible congruent with the information 9. A discussion of the meaning and significance of the term Mahaligai as applied to the palace had best be left to scholars of Asian languages, especially Sanskrit; it may be more than coincidental that today the term means the topmost and private accommodation for a royal wife or daughter in such a storied palace. This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SHERWIN: THE PALACE O F SULTAN MANSUR SHAH AT MALACCA 107 given in the text. If the design seems lodged somewhere between Sumatran and Thai forms, that too is appropriate geographically and culturally. The Thais, like the Malays, were originally tribes of the Asian mainland who migrated into their present home- or so it is supposed, though the relationship between the first settlements of Malays in the peninsula and in Sumatra is far from clear-and both were much affected by Indian religion and cul- ture. The Thais of course are closer to the Chinese racially and geographically and definitely have some affinities with them in their culture and architecture. O ther than through artifacts of trade, particularly porcelain but also other goods such as the mirrors mentioned, the Chinese probably had little contact and influence with the Malays. According to the Malay Annals (and also Chinese sources), the Malacca sultanate had at one period diplomatic relations with China, and in another episode a little later than the account of the palace, the same sultan, Mansur Shah, married the daughter of the Emperor of China and the attendants who accompanied her took up their abode in Ma- lacca in an area that was named for them, Chinese Hill. This initiates a Chinese presence in Malacca, and it is plain that the influence from that quarter was infinitesimal if compared with that from India and Sumatra. So the slightly Chinese character of this reconstruction should more properly be compared with Thai architecture: the Thais were the only land neighbors of the pen- insular Malays. Indian work had long been subsumed in local building forms, as a symbolic framework rather than in architectural details. The crescent effect of the upcurving roofs may be more than acciden- tal since the Minangkabau culture is a well-known example of a matriarchal or at least matrilineal system, and the moon and its crescent were often a powerful symbol of the Mother G oddess; the bull and its crescent of horns is also part of this symbolism and is specifically referred to in the name of the tribe. O nce the style was introduced into the Malay peninsula where conditions were somewhat different it was bound to change, and this pro- posal is already straighter in its general lines than the Sumatran examples. Today the upswung pinnacles and curved roof are a mere vestige; not only do patriarchal systems dominate on the mainland, but the most commonly available type of roofing ma- terial before the introduction of corrugated galvanized steel was a thatch made from palm leaves, which comes in straight lengths and can hardly be applied to a pronounced curve. A full historical investigation of this building and the back- ground to it would require an extended presentation. This dis- cussion is intended as an introduction to a little-known part of Asian architectural history. This content downloaded from 121.52.147.21 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 08:29:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions