Koha Digest # 41 (1995)

INTERVIEW

HIVZI ISLAMI, Chairman of the Peasants' Party of Kosova

NO MORE BLANK SUPPORTS

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

The reason of this interview with Dr. Hivzi Islami, Chairman of the Peasants' Party of Kosova
(PPK) and demographer, was the publication of his last book "The Albanian Demographic
Flow", but also some new postures made public recently, on the actual political problems in
Kosova. In the past days he had been active in the field meeting the membership of his party,
on which ocassion he criticized "the tendencies of bureaucratism in the Government and the
LDK" accused the latter for the non-constitution of the Parliament of Kosova.

KOHA: Your new book about the Albanian demography was just published, which seems to
synthesize your long-term work in this area.

ISLAMI: "The Albanian Demographic Flow" is the result of a long and systematic work. It
offers a reflection of the actual flows and the demographic retrospective in Kosova and the
whole Albanian space. Since the population, with its specific laws of development, is an area
of interest for many disciplines, I tried to approach the problem of the Albanian demographic
processes in a multi-disciplinary aspect, always grounding it on the bases of the contemporary
demographic theory. If this book has achieved to give answers to some key issues, to clarify
the dilemmas about some points of view and find new issues for further study, I believe that
its destination has been fulfilled. But, this should be evaluated by the others.

KOHA: The demographic aspects in Kosova are again coming to the agenda in their upsetting
forms after all the emigrations to the West and the open Serbian plans to recolonize Kosova.
What would you comment be?

ISLAMI: The demographic dimension of the problem of Kosova, since long ago, has become
an object of manipulation of all Serbian regimes and circles, who attempting to realize their
aspirations for domination and hegemony, apart from clinging to the historical right, are also
speculating with the demographic argument. The demographic aspect of the Kosova issue
will be on the agenda as long as our issue is not solved. It was not casual to have had the
discourse on the demographic problems of the Albanians part of the anti-Albanian campaign.
The Serbian plans for the recolonization of Kosova would satisfy the aspirations of all Serbs,
only when Kosova becomes an ethnically clean Serb territory, which could be achieved only
through the ethnic cleansing of the Albanian lands. This is Serbia's old dream, which will
never be realized.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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KOHA: Maybe for this and other aspects, the answers should be sought at the higher
instances of the government and the coordination of theparties.

ISLAMI: Since its foundation, our party has followed an autonomous path in its postures.
Among the tasks that we have determined for this year, the first one is to contact our
membership in the field. Next month we will also celebrate our fifth anniversary. This time is
not a short period for one party to evaluate its results and find new experiences for further
activities. The direct contacts should mobilize the force of the people to go ahead, evidence
the mistakes and weaknesses and to rationally canalize the engagement and the efforts of the
people. We are openly and realistically talking about our problems. However bitter the reality
is, we must face it. We are trying to create a unity based on many opinions and not
moralization. We believe that there is nothin so sacred that can't be criticized with good
intentions.

KOHA: These days, in your intensified activity, you have criticized these instances. What
does and what does not the Coordinating Body do?

ISLAMI: The Coordinating Body meets too seldom, therefore we can't speak of any of its
activities now.

KOHA: And the Government? Do you ever contact with it?

ISLAMI: The Government is a separate chapter in our whole political and social reality. The
PPK, as member of the Coordinating Body, insisted on the formation of the transition
government and it sincerely supported its president. It couldn't have been formed without our
vote. The present premier was chosen only after five other people refused the post. However,
since the day he is in exile (beginning of October 1991), the Coordinating Body nor our party
have never been informed officially about the work of the Government. The media and other
channels provide us the information that nothing much is being done by the Government. We
know that some of its requests have surpassed the frames of our goals and the general
concept. Blank supports can't be given to anyone. We have several times asked to have a
meeting in Shkup, Tirana or anywhere, between the Coordinating Body and the Premier and
his ministers to get information about their activities, but this meeting was never
accomplished.

There are many problems in this regard, and we hope that the President, in consultations with
the political subjects, will find a way to find an acceptable solution in these circumstances.

KOHA: Have you insisted to have the Parliament constituted?

ISLAMI: Since the 1992 elections, we have given concrete initiatives to place our life on
institutional grounds, taking into account the existing circumstances, we have asked for the
establishment of an order in decision-making, actions and public appearances, for a
professional division of work, for mechanisms to control the responsibility. We are
responsible for the part that belongs to us, and we are also responsible in cases when we have
also made certain decisions along with others. The lack of institutions objectively opens many
possibilities for many people, activists of political parties, different associations to manipulate
and create confusion, even to misuse funds, always in the name of the Government,
Parliament, President and the people. Inside and out we have people defiling as
self-proclaimed ministers and vice-ministers of this or that ministry, close relatives of this or

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that functionary. A form of the constitution of the Parliament could be done today, if for
nothing else, then to at least formulate our clear postures about many issues. We have
suggested the President a long time ago to create a Presidential Council, consisted of people
belonging to parties and outside of them, as a substitute, until the constitution of the
Parliament and other mechanisms, but so far no steps have been made in this direction.

KOHA: Could the President have influenced any of these processes of institutionalization?

ISLAMI: We honestly support President Rugova and, we want it or not, all of us must
support him, at least for several reasons: first, he was elected by the people; second, the
democratic world has a special sympathy for him and accepts him as a leader of political
importance; third, in this moment he has no replacement. But, the functions and the authority
he has, must make him more determined and clear in his postures, to give out tasks and ask
responsibility from the people, to gather experts from different areas around him, including
some ex-politicians, who could help very much with their experience, because they have dealt
with Serbia and its hegemony concept, but in other circumstances and in another relation of
forces. They know Serbia the best and its way of acting in the practical political life.

KOHA: In your last statements, you have criticized the media too. You have even mentioned
censorship.

ISLAMI: We couldn't say that we have a free and professional press, for many reasons. First
of all, different groups and clans have a big influence. Censorship is really there and it doesn't
help us to overcome our weaknesses. Even after many problems appeared in public, which
had previously appeared as rumors, the daily newspaper would absurdly hide them, as were
the events in the LDK after the Convention, the problems in the Government, the expulsion
of one its vice-chairmen and the obligation of the other one to resign, the affairs regarding our
representative in Tirana, the split of parties in two or three, etc. All of these were done in the
name of the false unity.

As a party, we have undergone severe censorship in the past two years. There was no report
or article of "Bujku" which didn't suffer the same fate.

The culmination came in times of the next to last editor in chief, who took the newspaper way
back. Many times they haven't treated me well either. First they offered me an interview
regarding the book we have mentioned, then several days later they said no, for they were
planning to organize a round table discussion about colonization, and that I could go there
and say something, although the book has much broader contents.

How much is our press engaged about problems that regard Kosova and how much it reflects
our reality, I will illustrate with two examples. Some time ago, "Borba" published sequels of a
book regarding the most tragical option possible, the division of Kosova. Apart from "Koha",
which published long and articles with good arguments against this project, our daily and the
other magazines didn't say a word. Then, ignoring the real force: some days ago, the Islamic
Union was constituted on new foundations, it detached from Serbia and Vojvodina, which is
not only of great religious importance, but also political, while "Bujku" published a short note
on it on the second page. There was no picture of Dr. Rexhep Boja, chairman. The newspaper
shouldn't fear from "fundamentalism". The Islamic unions have been and remain a strong
support to our struggle for independence, therefore they deserve more attention.

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KOHA: It seems as if the Coordinating Body of the Albanian Political Parties in the Former
Yugoslavia doesn't function...

ISLAMI: We had large possibilities to coordinate the political actions of all Albanian subjects
in the Former Yugoslavia through this Body, but unfortunately, since one year and a half, it
hasn't convened at all. If it would have functioned, we wouldn't have so many political
stresses among Albanians. I was member of the working group, appointed by the Chairman of
this Body, Rugova, to try to solve the problems inside the PPD. The "radicals", or the
"patriots" as they call themselves, insisted on getting the support for their illegal and
illegitimate convention, later known as the "Historical Congress of Gostivar", where one fifth
of the delegates participated. Our group didn't support this, we requested the publication of
the names of the participants of this "convention". After "Forum" disappeared and the
changes took place in "Bujku", "the patriots" were looking for a new market in Kosova to
become popular and seek revenge.

KOHA: In this sense, we would like to ask you something about the last criticism regarding
the events in Macedonia and the PPD. Is Kosova, really, your "Bantustan"?

ISLAMI: The market for offenses, criticism, revenge and aggressiveness was opened to them
by the Editor in Chief of "Zëri". He even breached his professional code, for he republished
the interview I had given to "Flaka e Vëllazërimit", which had annoyed the "patriots", in his
magazine. According to all rules, the dissatisfied could have reacted in "Flaka...".

KOHA: What would be the model that you would propose to overcome the difficult situation
in the Albanian politics in Kosova?

ISLAMI: Having these few existing mechanisms function, create the decision-making
centers, not have the competencies mixed, to know who is subordinated to whom, to have
more professionalism and stop the anarchy in the division of tasks, to have mechanisms to
control the responsibility, respect the agreements and the Constitution. However, there are
few serious things which appear: should the institutionalization of the key aspects of political
and social life be done or should we still keep on improvising? If, e.g., persistently, at the
highest levels, we prevent the work of the Ministry of Health-Care, the only one which
functions in Kosova, prevent its formal minister, the only one who works in Kosova, but who
is not consulted by the Government, while his decisions are disputed by "parallel" ministers,
then the question is: what kind of institutionalization are we really after? Or, if after so many
unnecessary problems we ourselves closed down our office in Tirana, then what kind of other
offices can we have in Europe or the USA, which are willing to allow us to have them, and
would they really be in function of the internationalization of our issue. There has been some
time since the opening of such an office is constantly postponed, for the chances are few to
open it without any excesses.

KOHA: Apart from the routine repression of the Government of Serbia against Kosova, some
time ago we faced also the model of division of Kosova which was suggested by Krstic in the
book you mentioned...

ISLAMI: If it weren't for "KOHA", this book, which has a scent of genocide, would
unfortunately, remain without any reactions to it. The Editorial Board translated the text to
Albanian, but also in English and distributed it to the foreign embassies in Belgrade. Even the
Serbian circles, but also the foreign ones were waiting for the reaction of the Albanians; if we

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would have remained silenced, then it would be implied that the Albanians could accept the
conversations also about the option of the division of Kosova.

KOHA: Do you think that this is the project of serious political forces in Serbia and what
could further be expected after the "Kosovan package" is opened?

ISLAMI: I am very much convinced that this is a collective work of the Serbian scientific and
political institutions. "Nova Demokratija", satellite of the Socialist Party, came out in public
with the idea on the division of Kosova. The last card to be used by Serbia in the
Albanian-Serbian talks will be the division issue, which shouldn't be accepted by the
Albanians, ever.

KOHA: You and many others entered politics because of the historical moment. Do you feel
that you're lacking force for taking actions, since you have decided, anyway, to be there?

ISLAMI: I never dealt with politics. The historical moment wanted me to be at the head of a
party together with some intellectuals, in times when people were fearing of becoming
members of any party. At that time, we were gathered around Dr. Fehmi Agani, who is an
expert in politics. Today, he is one of the main columns of the movement, but strangely
enough, a discrediting campaign against him is allowed to go on, nowadays. I have no
pretensions to deal with politics, I am a professional demographer, I have many things to
work on. Some people have great pretensions to deal with politics, even though they never
graduated from University, they have no qualifications and are ignorant in all aspects. I really
don't know where will they take us to.

EDITORIAL

THE GALLERY OF COLD ARTS

by VETON SURROI

A big gallery, holding samples of a Belgrade family of the '20-ies of this century. In a corner
of the gallery, precisely where the fifty-years' old humidity had left its deepest traces on the
wall, there was a small cage with a white rabbit and some lettuce. From the loud-speakers, in
all four sides of the gallery, came a Wiener waltzer combined with the shelter alarm. Inside
the gallery, some fifty people who came to see the second exhibit of this gallery, counting the
minutes of the resistance of the feet to the freezing cold.

The gallery is called the Center for Cultural Decontamination in Belgrade, the participants of
this manifestation are the civilian part of the Serbian opposition, the frozen water in one of
the glasses there symbolizes the temperature of the room and the position of these opposition
intellectuals. They are below zero.

Serbia has no opposition, say some of the participants. They exclude themselves from this
ascertainment, they consider themselves as opposition and, unwillingly, with this new
ascertainment they go back to the first one.

There is no need to do more than just walk down the main streets in Belgrade to see where

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does the opposition stand. Gloomy, as it is always in wintertime, the biggest inventive
vividness of this town is manifested with cigarette sellers. For the first time in Belgrade, one
can buy "Marlboro" on the streets. It is almost the most emancipated limit of the freedom
Serbs are facing in their capital city. All the rest are more or less uniformed. Some private TV
stations resemble one-another, stealing satellite signals, showing pirate movies and endless
list of concerts of new singers of popular music. On the radio, with small exemptions, oriental
sounds with the rap combination of the new folklore ("diesel" "turbo-folk"). In the press, the
hyper-nationalization of the daily press, combined with a bigger need for weekly yellow
press. In scientific institutions, the academicians of the Memorandum now can be evaluated
as moderate compared to the new wave. In concerts, the opposition opinion is manifested
only in Djordje Balasevic's concert, as a relict of a time when maybe Belgrade dreamed being
a civilian center.

In exile abroad, hundreds of thousands of young Serbs have condemned Milosevic to govern
the ones who agree with him. In exile inside, several hundreds of intellectuals and others have
condemned themselves to serve as democratic decoration, as a sample of a future democratic
Serbia, as Milosevic's sample that he also governs the ones who don't agree with him.

Exhausted physically from wars, disoriented by their political parties who are considered as
antagonistic to one another in the competition to create Greater Serbia, fatigued from the
empty pockets, with the dream to flee to the West and the reality of consuming to much
alcohol and signing to many Chetnik songs, Serbs will not approach the Gallery for Cultural
decontamination. It is freezing cold. They will try to find a corner in their apartments,
satisfied that the temperature inside is several degrees than outside.

POLEMICS

TOWARDS THE CONCILIATION OF THE HISTORICAL RIGHTS OF THE SERBS AND

MONTENEGRINS AND THE ETHNIC RIGHTS OF THE ALBANIANS

by BRANISLAV KRSTIC /Belgrade

The author of "Kosovo Between the Historical and Ethnic Right", B. Krstic approached
"Koha" Editorial Board with a text which he doesn't consider a reaction, but a completion of
his previous postures, criticized by our magazine. We publish the whole text, hoping that it
will, again, instigate new polemics...

In issue 32/94 of "KOHA" ("KOHA Summary 28), you have paid close attention to my book
"Kosovo between the Historical and Ethnic Right". Along with chapters X and XI, you also
published three voluminous articles - of your Editor in Chief, member of the Editorial Board
and your external collaborator. Such a reaction proved the importance that your Board has
given the contents of the book, which among other is qualified as "a book prepared with the
most perfect instruments so far", that "the author disproportionably differs from other Serbian
authors" and that "it represents an exclusion in the Serbian science and publications".

Your reaction could have contained critical presentations of the book, which would be
normal. It could have also been a presentation of opposite investigated results, but then, as I
supposed in the book, "it would have to be followed with the presentation of another option

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containing arguments". You, however, chose to attack the results of the research of the
author, even though, according to your evaluations, the content of the book does not attack
any one.

RESEARCH AND NOT A POLITICAL TEXT

I don't know how will the readers accept the attack, which, for example, starts by declaring
my book as the "most dangerous book written so far" and the author as "the typical
representative and sample of the national-romantic visions of history" (a thing which is as
incorrect, that interesting), by making insinuations about the author's "originality", which you
evaluate as an "old recipe elaborated by Cosic and the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
in their attempts to divide Kosovo" (even though you know this is not true), up to the offense
that even the father of the author (Djordje Krstic) is aligned beside the "ideologists of the
creation of the ethnically clean areas" in Kosovo, as "one of the ideologists of the Agrarian
reformation", because in 1928 he wrote "Colonization in Southern Serbia", (meanwhile he is
quoted by Mark Krasniqi, Branko Horvat or M. Verli in "The Truth About Kosovo"
published in Tirana in 1993- but not because he is an "ideologist", but a criticizer of the
regime).

Really, I don't believe that H. Islami considers that the main content of my research and my
proposal to choose 1948 as the census year, the increase of the birth rate or the fact that the
increase of the Albanian population and the decrease of the Serbian population "according to
B. Krstic is not a result of the social, economic, urban, health-care, educational development,
and especially the emancipation of the women - but the status of Kosovo as an autonomous
unit..." (even though in two pages of my book I also mention the other reasons). Even less,
that the book, in the context of the time in which the changes occurred in the division of the
province in municipalities, in the disproportion of the number of exiled Serbs after the war
compared to the official figures ( and on this occasion it is silenced that this book, for the first
time, denies the ungrounded figures on the number of the immigrated Albanians to Kosovo
during the war) or "his" interpretation on the purchase and sale of real estate in the Province.
Therefore, this was the content of the largest part of H. Islami's analysis.

Y. Hysa will do something similar - in the worst option. He, for example, will write in the
negative sense, that all the biggest Serbian churches and monasteries, apart from the Deçan
Monastery, were constructed on the foundations of the Byzantine churches (not mentioning
that I list the churches and monasteries one by one, but in the sense of the continuance of the
culture, instead of the discontinuity brought by the Turkish occupation), that the defenders of
some of Nemanjic's legacies are the "Albanian vojvodas" ("forgetting" that I precisely
mentioned this fact), that Djakovica holds the Turkish market (Çarshia e Madhe), (not
wanting to read the register of cultural monuments, where it is included as a monument of the
Albanian culture).

Among others, even if I'd admit that everything what H. Islami and Y. Hysa claim is true and
thus "cast down" the results of the research, it, in fact, wouldn't have to do with the basis of
the contents of the book.

Veton Surroi's analysis doesn't argue the facts or results of the research; he sees the main
content, but gives it his own interpretation. He presents important viewpoints which have a
logic, but those could have been said regardless the results of the research - the book is only
an excuse.

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The authors of the analyses, do little effort to, with some investigation, question the results of
the research, and they concentrate more on disqualifying the book and the author. Y. Hysa
even questions my individual work and the research as something "outside the institutional
frames". He thinks that I have some predecessors - but really without mentioning them. He
knows much better than I that "the author was offered the assistance of the eminent state
institutions", even though the truth is, unfortunately, the contrary. I wouldn't like to talk about
this on this occasion.

Therefore, what is the content of this "extraordinary" book which is given so much space by
"KOHA", and whose publication in sequels was rejected by "NIN" (published later in
"Borba"), and no other newspaper in Belgrade, Novi Sad or Podgorica has even published
notes on its publication; excluding two short announcements about its publication ("Koha",
however, in its English version, will publish the tendentious information that the "book was
offered much space in the Serbian media").

HISTORICAL TERRITORIES ARE NOT AN OBSTACLE TO THE SOLUTION

The bases we took as starting point was that Kosovo and Metohija, basically, is the conflict of
the historical rights of the Serbs and Montenegrins and the ethnic rights of the Albanians -
which doesn't mean that the first don't have ethnic rights and the latter historical rights, and of
course, also other human rights.

Having in mind that the subject of the book is the conflict of the rights in the Autonomous
Province, first of all I have made a research about the creation of Kosovo as an autonomous
territory. The historical subject proves that the Province, which is presently defined, has never
been a separate administrative, military or religious territory. From the beginning of the
thirties, it appears as the Provincial Committee "for Metohija and Kosovo within the Regional
Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia for Montenegro" (therefore, as one of the
political parties then), while since the CPY Conference in Zagreb (1940), it was bounded to
the Central Committee of the CPY. The province -as one of the decision-makers said- "had
been presented in the context of the political party for the solution of the national issue in
Yugoslavia with its dismantlement" and "no one defined its borders" (I refer to the times after
the constitution of Yugoslavia). The Founding Act of the Federal Yugoslavia ( AVNOJ II,
Jajce, 29 November 1943), didn't comprise the Province of Kosovo and Metohija, even
though Sandzak had been included. Then, I elaborated the constitutional transformation of the
Province, until 1990, as the frame in which the conflict is developed.

In harmony with the topic of the book, the grounds for the determination of the historical
right are researched, based on the registered monuments of culture - not grounded on myths,
historical events, toponyms or conquerors' maps. The new categorization of the registered
monuments in the province was done, and they were published according to the appertaining:
180 Serb (monuments), 40 Albanian, 76 Turkish, 28 Byzantine, 17 Roman, etc., but the
Turkish monuments which, according to the facts, were built by Albanians, were also
determined as Albanian (Y. Hysa will ironically qualify the first category and the register of
the monuments with Albanian characteristics as "Albanian here and there"). The result is the
fact, and this is the essence of this book, that the territories of the Albanian and Serb
monuments of culture are not in collision (do not overlap), which proves that the historical
territories are not a non passable obstacle in the conciliation of the two rights.

Further on, the facts on the development of the Province into a dominating ethnic Albanian

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territory, thus also facts about the grounds for the ethic right, were elaborated.

This is done through the research of the development of the populations, the development of
the locations and the change of the ethnic structure of the regions.

The development of the Serb/Montenegrin and the Albanian populations, in the 1931-1961
censuses, protects the balancing ratio (Serbs/Montenegrins 27,3-27,5% to 60,2-67,1%
Albanians), but since this ratio changes deeply in the sixties (in 1991 it is 11% against
81,6%), this is the key fact. H. Islami, in his title, will name this as "the departure of all
towards their "fatherlands", not explaining why does this "departure" occur after the sixties,
and not before, when there were no movements. Beside this bursting increase of the Albanian
population in the Province (while for the first time it is followed by municipalities in
continuance from 1931 to 1991), then there is a specific change, ie. a "break" in the period of
the sixties, and grounded on the research of seven characteristics, it is evaluated that the
illegal phenomenons in the population movement in the Province can not be endogenous.
These opposite movements of the Serb and Albanian population would make the Serbs
(according to the elaborated projection) quit being the largest (majority) population in Serbia
by 2051.

KOSOVO HAS 1154 ETHNICALLY "CLEAN" LOCATIONS

The largest part of this topic, is elaborated with the research of the development of the
locations, because they represent the characteristics of the human communities. (This is the
most voluminous part of the book, containing the comparative reflection of the changes in the
ethnic composition of the 1.445 locations in the province from 1961 to 1981, is not
mentioned in the analyses). The facts prove that the process of creation the mono-ethnic
locations in the province got unexpected dimensions and that there is a clear danger of having
the majority of the locations become ethnically clean. In other words, out of 1.445 locations
in 1981, 1.154 were ethnically "clean" (more than 90% with mainly 100% of an ethnic
population), out of which 894 are "purely" Albanian, 232 Serb and 28 Goran and Croat;
twenty years before, there were 242 locations less, while the number of the mixed locations in
the same period has decreased almost by half. The result of this process is that the Albanian
population until 1981, got three fourths of the total number of locations, and that in five
largest historical towns, it accomplished the absolute majority (in 1931 the majority of the
population in Prizren and Prishtina was made up by Turks, while in Mitrovica, by Serbs).

The research of the ethnic structure in the province as a whole region was given considerable
importance.

It was considered, for example, that in 1961, out of 24 municipalities, 12 municipalities had a
mixed population or a dominating Serbian population (with over 65% of the population), but
in 1981 there were only 4 such municipalities and in 1991 only 3 of those, and those are
marginal municipalities.

The change of the ethnic structure of the regions was followed by the change of the
ownership structure of the land. According to the land registry books, in representative
samples, out of 29 cadastre municipalities (and this is more than one fourth of the area of the
province), the Serbs and Montenegrins, in the period between 1961-1991, sold 2.715 parcels
of lands (and houses) to Albanians, while the Albanians sold their property to Serbs in only
140 cases.

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What I couldn't have supposed in the beginning, and what the research revealed, was the high
level of the inter-dependence of the changes in the development of the population, of
locations and the reciprocal take-over of the territories, but, at the same time, the changes of
the constitutional transformation of Yugoslavia and the Province inside of it.

I have evaluated that the general situation in Kosovo created among the Albanian people the
feeling to act according to the reasonable goals that it is approaching the aim of any people -
its own land, ie, as it is explained politically - the Republic of Kosovo. The identification of
the Albanian population with the province, according to the research, is a deep supposition
which has created the specific national movement which involves the whole Albanian
population with a high level of self-organization; the movement is led as a peaceful
resistance, which was positively evaluated in the book and so far has protected the people and
locations as well as the monuments (and the analyses could lead to totally differently
conclusions).

From what I said, I conclude that it is possible that the Albanian national community, with
around 90% of the population, which spent two decades in the territory with the authorities of
a republic, not feeling a national minority and which, besides this, considers that its ethnic
and other rights have are being violated... But, also, the Serb and Montenegrin peoples have
the right to "with full sovereignty to become heir of the specific cultural values which are
result of their whole history" - as the UN Declaration on Locations (1976) defines - ie. of
cultural goods of their ow country, of churches and culture and indivisible historical
territories and thus considers that the historical and other rights are endangered.

FULL AUTONOMY WITH A SPECIAL STATUS

As a result of the three previous researches, it comes out that the potential, dramatic conflict,
in essence is not a conflict about the rights - taking as grounds the UN Declarations on the
Rights of National, Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Communities (1992) - but about
territories. The solution of the national issue of the Albanians in the Federal Yugoslavia with
its transformation to a territorial issue - "the issue of Kosovo", made impossible the
democratic solution for Albanians in general (this was not accepted by the Croats in the
Yugoslav Kingdom, nor Hungarians in Rumania). The Albanian national community in
Federal Yugoslavia accepted, therefore, the division of the Albanians of the Province and the
other Albanians, and this is to acknowledge discrimination. Thus, both Serbs and Albanians,
became objects of manipulations of the determined party policy.

Having in mind that the presented facts prove: that the Western (state) border of the province
is the result of the circumstances which determined the relations between the victors and the
defeated, but also the improvisations of the professional international commission, that the
Northern border had ostensibly changed in 1959, that the Eastern border was never defined,
that the Southern border was defined by nature (the Sar Mountains), the borders of the
province can't be considered defined neither historically nor scientifically. The knot should be
undone by the redefinition of the territory of Kosovo and Metohija in accordance to the
principles which were adopted by the European states (these principles were published in
"KOHA").

Based on all of this, the criteria for the redefinition of the territories (not only on grounds of
the "principle" of the historical monuments, as Y. Hysa sees it, and even less "because of
this") and, further on, the alternative proposal for this definition are presented (also published

- 10 -
in "KOHA"). The proposal of the "rearrangement", therefore, contains: that the territories of
dominant Albanian population, are defined with the proposed alternatives (good proposals),
become full autonomous territories with special status, with legislative, executive and judicial
power, with the non-restricted right to self-determination (Y. Hysa presents this as "restricted
autonomy"), while the other part would be within Serbia and Montenegro (as they were
before the "inclusion" in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes). This, in other
words, has been legitimately done with Sandzak, and illegitimately has been prevented to be
done in Kosovo and Metohija too. A special importance I give to the fact that the redefinition
of the territories opens new perspectives for the development of these areas and the
regeneration of the relations with the Albanian state.

In the conclusion of the book I present two key postures. For the conciliation of the two rights
of both sides, not only should wisdom be engaged, but also a part of the rights - if they are
true, or if they are deeply believed in. And, afterwards, as long as all political formations of
the Serbs consider that the Serbian historical territories include even the last municipality of
Kosovo and Metohija, and as long as all Albanian political parties consider that the whole
province should become the independent Republic of Kosovo, then the issue of the relations
between the Serbs/Montenegrin and Albanians can't be solved democratically. The ones who
are not willing to make a wise contribution to the solution of the Serb/Montenegrin-Albanian
relations or the ones who don't want to respect the norms of the international law, make the
democratization of Serbia impossible.

THE SCIENTIFIC-RESEARCHING WORK CAN'T CALL FOR BLOODSHED

Centring myself in this research, I was careful about each evaluation and expressed word. I
knew, and the other knew this, that this book will be attacked to Serbian extremists. This
happened. I didn't expect that the book and the author will be facing such a disqualifying
attack of the Albanian weekly (it is clear, not only it's attack). But now, this too is becoming a
fact in the evolution of this research.

From the described research, as well as its results, it doesn't come out that the resulted
solutions would represent the "most catastrophic existing option, which, in case it is
accomplished, would only bring the conflict and big bloodshed" (H. Islami), that "the issue is
known, that the `territorial redefinition' in Kosovo inhabited by 90% Albanians, could happen
only violently, while violence doesn't represent any security even for the historical
monuments" (Y. Hysa), or, taking into account that the redefinition of territories is "in the
Serbian interest...then the Serbs would have to represent the war-inciting party which would
have to start the war" (V. Surroi). Placing the inter-sector research on the plane of the daily
political debate, forced the authors of the analyses to say more than they should in one
reaction to a research. They stated postures which represent a special political platform. Not
much can be said about their reality and vision. To say the least, they are surprising. The
ascertainments, two direct and one indirect, stress the threats "if it is accomplished", and the
threats are not good allies in the solution of the Serb/Montenegrin-Albanian relations; their
tragical meaning is hard to evaluate.

Part of this misunderstanding is visible in Surroi's question: "Which is the Serbian interest?"
and the evaluation: "As long as there is no clear answer to
what-do-the-Serbs-want-for-the-Serbs-in-Kosovo, it is hard to rationalize any solution for
Kosovo proper". At the end of the book I have said that "the application of the equal rights for
Serbs, Montenegrins, Albanians and the other nationalities could be accomplished only in a

- 11 -
civilian state" - out of which is not hard to conclude that I am not a supporter if the question
"what do Albanians want for Albanians". In other words, such a way of thinking leads
towards the ethnic state. Similar to H. Islami's opinion: "According to B. Krstic, such a
division would reduce the territory of Kosovo...to an area of only 4.6 thousand squared
meters, which would be inhabited by 850 thousand people. Where and how will the rest, 1,3
million Albanians, including the ones in Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja and Montenegro,
go". I don't reduce any territory to 4,6 thousand sq. meters for the simple reason that this
research doesn't contain anything about the division of the territories, therefore there can't be
any facts about squared meters. But, it is indicative that the question "where will the rest, 1.3
million Albanians live" arises (H. Islami has figures stating that there are about 2.150.000
Albanians in FRY, while according to the 1991 census it was evaluated that there are around
1.710.000 Albanians). It is clear that the proposed redefinition will not make new territories
appear, therefore the question makes sense only if it is considered that the Albanians, not only
in Kosovo and Metohija, but also in Montenegro, Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, should
live in their territories. Zarko Puhovski was right, in times of the "Serbian-Albanian
conversations" in Vienna (5-7 June 1993), to express his doubts about the fact that "the
Albanians would be able to constitute a state in Kosovo which would not be ethnic".

THE REDEFINITION OF THE TERRITORIES DOES NOT ASSURE PEACE

It is true, when both sides replace the issue of the Serb/Montenegrin-Albanian relations with
the territorial issue and, in this case, both sides, consider that Kosovo is their territory, then
why shouldn't there be a third option (solution) - the redefinition of those territories. Even
more having in mind that it doesn't ground itself on the a priori political posture and because
it, according to the definition, doesn't defend the interests of only one side, which has been
incorrectly imputed to this research. Besides this, this is a solution which acts preventively,
because it evades war as a means to solve the conflict. Could one be blind not to see that the
known situation is being repeated. In Croatia, the peaceful Constitutional and territorial
redefinition has been proposed, not foreseeing the consequences. In Bosnia & Herzegovina,
only an agreement on constitutional redefinition has been reached (and not the territorial one),
the redefinition of the territories (Milosevic-Zulfikarpasic) and then the redefinition of the
territories according to the Cutilheiro plan was suggested. Both proposals were refused by the
political formation of the majority (SDA). In the territories of the existing national conflicts,
in Krajina and Bosnia, the territorial redefinition is taking place anyhow, but following the
tragic destruction of people, goods, locations and monuments.

It should be evaluated once again whether the conviction that "the FRY from the aspect of the
international law represents a state which doesn't exist...the only legal framework for the
solution of the problem of Kosovo should be the SFRY..." and then that "the eighth column
of this state without any successor is the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo..." can
stand. The facts don't support this posture. According to the research, in all Constitutions,
SAP Kosovo is within the SR of Serbia (e.g. Art. 1 and 2 of the 1974 Constitution), and all of
them contain the term "autonomous province" and not only "province", and none of them
defines the territories. It will come out to be an illusion to believe that the great powers will
accept the secession of Kosovo from Serbia, because the Province is the sovereign territory of
Serbia and they accept it as such; the non-alteration of the state borders is the main postulate
of the great powers. The acknowledgment of Kosovo outside the sovereignty of Serbia would
mean the ruin of the "constructions" on the sovereignty of Croatia inside its borders. It should
be though of the importance of the Croatian requests and the Kosovo-Albanian requests on
the balance of the great powers.

- 12 -
In disputes about territories, one side can't always win everything. The conflict ends in the
worst way possible. The maximalists, and they are extremists, always lead towards defeat.

My motive, in this research, was to safeguard peace. The contents of the book are the facts
and conclusions based on facts. My hope is to understand reality. The topic of the book, and
the issues discussed about, are very important and decisive also for the fact that I don't know
whether the chosen way of KOHA's reaction had been thought well.

At the end, with good intentions, I would like to stress that I agree with the authors in many
important evaluations.

I would mention some. For example, I agree with H. Islami - that the differences in the
increase of the population in ethnic and religious viewpoints are not determined; with Y.
Hysa - that Kosovo in the times of the Romans and the Byzantine Empire, as well as
Dardanija, includes Skoplje and Nis, or, that in times of the Ottomans "The Villayet of
Kosovo" had Skoplje as its seat, which confirms the evaluation that the present territories of
Kosovo and Metohija, in early history, were not a separate administrative region. I especially
agree with V. Surroi - that the roots of the present situation in Kosovo and Metohija (he says
a "core of its own kind") are found in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and (in
the book) I stress that the issue of the Serb/Montenegrin-Albanian relations, of course, not
only in Kosovo, would have to be discussed independently from the victors of WWII and
regardless from the territorial division. Really, these are not the only agreements, but it is a
harm that the book has not opened wider possibilities in this sense; we could have had
contributive conversations between researchers. Not even before, I have replaced my
researching efforts with a political polemic and I don't intend to do it now, either. Especially
now, because it, as we all know, just makes the conflict harsher, it doesn't overcome it.

CLARIFICATION

In the last issue of the youth magazine "ZËRI", a series of articles elaborated as attacks
against KOHA and its independence, were published. Their starting point was our article
regarding the assistance received by the Albanian media from SOROS Foundation. Our
article contains a technical mistake in relation to the assistance received by KOHA from
SOROS, stating that the assistance received was 10 tons of paper. The truth is that the
assistance was much bigger, taking into account the contemporary equipment which was
lent to us, for what we have expressed our gratitude, and still do, to SOROS
FOUNDATION.

The starting point of our article was the public complaint against SOROS and the attacks
against it coming precisely from the media which has been assisted by SOROS. We think
that we have reached our goal, explaining that all relevant Albanian media have received
and still receive assistance from SOROS. We consider the articles published in "ZËRI",
especially in the segments which offend the journalists of KOHA Editorial Board, as
intellectually and professionally poor, a level with which we don't want to communicate.

KOHA Editorial Board

- 13 -
SEMINAR

SELF-DETERMINATION: THE REDISCOVERED WHEEL

by VETON SURROI / Vienna

When I asked Yasushi Akashi, the representative of the UN in the Former Yugoslavia, when
will he visit Kosova, he hesitated a while, trying to find an adequate response. He found it in
the formulation "as soon as possible", a fact which determines the period which starts
tomorrow and ends when the life of one person is over. He added, nevertheless, that he will
soon visit Macedonia, since he was very concerned. He expressed this concern of his, in his
statement, last week, in the UN Seminar, titled "Self-determination, Autonomy and
Independence in the 21rst Century", with the participation of intellectuals, politicians from
Former Yugoslavia, as well as international experts on this matter. Mr. Akashi, referring to
the struggle for the sovereignty of Macedonia, mentioned the "search of Albanians for their
identity within the largest political structures". What did he mean, was explained to me by the
Japanese diplomat's assistants, privately: Albanians in Macedonia see themselves in a larger
Albanian political formation.

Thus, only one question and a part of a discussion is enough to explain some of the problems
this seminar dealt with. On one hand, there was the problem of Kosova, which has not been
visited so far by Boutros Ghali's envoy, even though any basic geo-political analysis includes
it as a focus of crisis, and as a problem it deserves at least the theoretical attention, since for
years, 90% of the Albanian population requests the right to self-determination, including
secession, in the ruins of the Socialist Yugoslavia. On the other hand, with the problem of
Macedonia, it becomes clear that there is no development of sovereignty of one state without
the respect of the sovereign will of all of its citizens.

Similar dilemmas arose in each issue of the Seminar. On one hand, the dilemma about which
was the strongest principle arose: that of the non-alteration of the borders or that of
self-determination. For a representative of Macedonia, for example, the principle of the
non-alteration of the borders was stronger, grounded on the Helsinki principles, but at the
same time came the ascertainment from Kosova that insisting strongly on this principle would
damage the human rights, as it was visible in the case of Chechenya with all its brutality. Or
as it is evident in Kosova, where there is a mutual link between the right to self-determination
and human rights: the violations of human rights accelerate the process of self-determination.
Even more, the principle of the non-alteration of the borders does not prevent the change
without consent, as in the case of Sweden and Norway, or as in the case of the unification of
Germany. Finally, the loss of sovereignty because of the violations of human rights, could
lead to the application of the right to self-determination, as the case of Erithrea will prove.

However, the dilemmas are bigger. The international law has no legal codification of the right
to self-determination, said one expert of International Law. This right started after 1945 with
the process of decolonization in order to later come to the phase of the rights of the people to
regulate the internal relations of the state according to their own wish, and to be identified
now with the secession of the people from the disintegrating states. Another expert will add,
that it is not known who is the subject of the right, ie. there is no definition of the group
which could secede: the changed world now is redefining the concept of the nation and that of
the state. And, as we will see with the unification of Western Europe, the concept of "soft
states" (states which lose a part of their sovereignty in favor of larger unions) proves that the

- 14 -
right to self-determination could also go towards the loss of statehood elements (as is the case
of the European Union).

In general, which could be the result of the theoretical debate? It is not known who has the
right to self-determination and it is not known what international mechanisms will regulate
this issue. This, without any big theorical debate, was seen in the case of Kosova with the
Serbian explanation that the minorities don't have a right to self-determination and with the
even more dominating explanation of the great powers that this issue is looked upon within
the statal frames of Serbia (Yugoslavia).

Then what does the world (great powers) agree with? Judging upon the organizers of this
Seminar, with the application of, as Akashi would call it, "creative constitutionality", or in
other words federation and confederacies of the states inhabited by different ethnic societies.
And, all societies in Europe, apart from Iceland and Portugal, are such.

In other words, a net of broad autonomies or other forms of federations is offered, and thus,
several models were presented. One of them, the Aaland Islands, inhabited by Swedes and
within Finland, were an inspiring basis for the secrete Serb-Croat political conversations. As
it could be understood, some of the key elements were used for the elaboration of the future
status of Krajina. And, said in brief, the Aaland have their legislature and executive power,
they don't allow the change of the ethnic structure (the control and internal factive statehood)
and equal the taxes they pay to Finland with the income of their budget, money which should
be paid by Finland. The other model, that of Southern Tirol, a territory which remained in
Italy after losing the war to Austro-Hungary, also regulates the matter of the protection of the
ethnic Germans in similar ways. The third form of the "creative constitutionality" is Belgium,
comprised of two confederative regions of the town of Brussels. The fourth model, comes out
from these frames. It refers to Quebec, a federal Canadian state, which is trying to proclaim
its statheood in a referendum.

Of course, if the citizens of this state agree to it.

The discrete international message that institutional mechanisms should be used to seek a
form of para-state organization which wouldn't touch the international borders, could have
reached someone's ears, but not the ears of the representatives of the Former Yugoslavia. The
territory which is at war now, it was said, needs a final solution, and not a partial one. On the
other hand, despite the experiences of the West, the level of democracy and the state tradition
in these areas, have not provided integrating economic and political relations. This was and
still will be the region of mutual conflicts, as long as there is not a stronger cohesive force.
Finally, which right can be respected in a state (as Bosnia) where genocide is applied without
any obstacles.

Which could have been the message for Kosova in this Seminar? That an inventive solution
should be found, that it should be included in the international debate about
self-determination...Finally, it shouldn't be forgotten that some years ago, this right was seen
in the West as a relict of the past, and that many people had said that the arrival of democracy
to the East will put the ethnic problems behind in the past. But, as if it was not evidenced that,
since the national crises in the East started, the problem of Corsica in France reappeared (and
the attempt to solve it with a political autonomy), that the debate on the return of the
legislative competencies to the Parliaments of Scotland and Wales started in Great Britain,
and also the dialogue about the future fate of Northern Ireland. And, the Quebec separatism in

- 15 -
Canada has been institutionalized...

For the West after the Cold War and the end of ideological differences, self-determination is
rediscovering the wheel. This is why the Seminar's title included the 21rst century. This is
how long this problem is expected to last.

INTERVIEW

ZORAN DJINDJIC, Chairman of the Democratic Party of Serbia

THE NORMALIZATION OF RELATIONS DEPENDS ON GREECE

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

After two years, a delegation from Serbia visited Shkup (invited by the Parliament of
Macedonia!), that of the Democratic Party of Serbia headed by its Chairman, Zoran Djindjic.
Even though announced before the Parliamentary and Presidential elections, it is still
enigmatic for the public of Macedonia: is he Milosevic's special envoy or he came here on his
own initiative.

KOHA: Why doesn't Belgrade recognize the independence of Macedonia?

DJINDJIC: The problems do not exist in the relation between Belgrade and Shkup, but in the
relation Belgrade-Athens-Shkup, which is good in a way, for this means there are no
problems between Yugoslavia and Macedonia. But, on the other hand, this is not good,
because, since the obstacle for the full normalization of mutual relations is not in these
relations, then it means that evading the problems depends on a third party, concretely on
Greece. As the things stand now, the loyalty of Yugoslavia or its foreign policy towards
Greece is the only obstacle to establish normal relations between the states of Macedonia and
Yugoslavia. We, as a party which is not in power and, consequently, do not participate in the
creation of the foreign policy, don't want to make this our advantage, because we consider it a
state policy which we can't influence and we don't want to comment on it either. What we can
do is to give our assistance in the normalization and the intensification on levels which
actually don't exist even among parties, the parliaments nor other political, economic or
cultural institutions, and which can't be said in relation to other states, neighboring or not. A
situation with Macedonia, as the pretext why we haven't recognized one another, is present
since two years ago, but it is not very convincing, for without even mentioning the mutual
recognition, there are grounds for cooperation. Thus, in a lower level, we proposed the
opening of the Bureaus in the capital cities of both states, which would deal with the solution
of concrete problems, first of all economic and the communication of the citizens of the two
countries. This would maybe be the first step towards mutual diplomatic recognition.

KOHA: Grounded on this proposal, it could be said that you have come here as President
Milosevic's special envoy?

DJINDJIC: NO! On the contrary: it could be interpreted as a sort of indirect criticism for the
indifference that our official policy is manifesting towards Macedonia since long ago. As if
Macedonia were not our neighbor. With this step we wish, to express myself mildly, to

- 16 -
encourage the official policy, but also criticize it, to say it harsher.

Because, I think this initiative should be undertaken by it.

KOHA: During your contacts with the parliamentarian groups, you also contacted Albanian
MPs from the PPD and the PDP. We understood that you also talked about the situation in
Kosova. In fact, how does your party see the solution of this problem?

DJINDJIC: At the beginning, two elements should be mentioned: first of all we are in favor
of the "step by step solution". This means that it should be seen what can be done now,
immediately, while the conversations, negotiations and global agreements should come later.
Our political mentality is such that it always departs from global, historical agreements and
we quarrel about them without reaching any agreement, leaving ordinary life go on, instead of
trying to solve it, in order to reach to the point where the global agreement would impose
itself.

In this direction, we think that two things are very important: one is the reintegration of the
Albanian national minority in the political, economic and social space of Yugoslavia. The
reintegration implies participation in elections, the representation of the interests and postures
before the organs where they should be presented and verified, and where influence might be
exerted for their adoption.

The participation in the elections would have as a consequence the recomposition of the
political scene. Then the Socialist Party wouldn't have the majority, there would be coalitions.
It is another matter what the coalitions would be like, maybe as in Macedonia, or maybe
different, but thus, the political scene would be more dynamic and this would maybe help the
acceleration of some solutions which are pending for the time being.

The construction of a rule or law, which will guarantee the civil and individual rights, is
another issue. At least this level should be undisputable.

Therefore, leaving aside the huge words about the national rights, that they are in accordance
to the contemporary modern constitutions, etc., lets really see that we don't have a state nor
jurisprudence which would really guarantee them.

Thus, I believe that we should depart from what is happening in the field, take life as a
starting point; let's understand it and pronounce ourselves in public that we don't have the rule
of law nor jurisprudence which will protect effectively the civil and human rights, which is
especially evident in the so called disputable topics, as are the minorities. Precisely because of
this, it is of vital importance for Serbia to develop the mechanisms which will convincingly
and effectively protect the individual and civil rights, solving thus a part of the problems of
the national minorities.

- 17 -
KOSOVA

THE FIFTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE POLITICAL FRIDAY

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

This week was not as the regular ones. This week is distinguished from the others by the
jubilee, the fifth anniversary of the LDK press conferences, which started on January 19,
1990. The number of the conferences has reached 268.

Not very seldom can you hear from ordinary people that, in fact, all our activities in the
political scene are concentrated in the organization of one press conference a week. Through
them, many people have made a name in our press, which gives quite some space even for
empty words and vague political vocabulary.

It is intriguing to know what happens in a press conference of our political parties, and
especially that of our largest party, the LDK. How do they go on, how do they start and how
do they end.

On Friday, January 20, in the premises of the Writers' Association of Kosova, at 10, as usual,
the press conference of the LDK takes place, presided by President Rugova. At the entrance
of the building, on both sides, stand the bodyguards kindly greeting all the journalists coming
to the conference. In the corridor, in front of the conference room, on the right hand side is
the office of the President, usually watched by another bodyguard. Inside, there were some
journalists, and their number grew very fast.

Some minutes after ten o'clock, the bodyguards could be seen coming in, which meant that
President Rugova was entering the room. He was accompanied by both his chairmen, Fehmi
Agani and Hydajet Hyseni as well his press counsellor, Xhemajl Mustafa.

President Rugova in the middle, Agani at his right, Hyseni left. The conference starts.

"The repression continued this week too. It was mainly characterized with the searches for
weapons in the surroundings of the towns and municipalities of Kosova. It happened as
usually, as it has been happening for some time now in Istog, Obiliq, Prizren, Shtime, Viti,
Mitrovica, Gllogovc, Vushtrri, Prishtina, Kamenica, Ferizaj, Malisheva, Skënderaj.
Therefore, families were mistreated and tortured. Further on, the persecution of activists,
mainly those of the LDK and the Humanitarian Organization "Mother Theresa", and the
former policemen, meaning the continuation of the campaign which started in November and
December, continued. Then different abuses, weapons smuggling and other accusations
which are not true. Also, it should be mentioned that during this week too, the campaign and
propaganda about the colonization of Kosova continued among the Serbian officials and
press, about the expulsion of Serbs, etc. The forcible emigration is a "joker", which is again
coming to the scene. In this case as we did continuously, we will request the release of the
former policemen and all political prisoners in Kosova. And at the same time we will discuss
about the issue of succession of Yugoslavia, because Kosova used to be its part, therefore we
request the participation of Kosova in this matter. In this case, we can say that Kosova, in this
very difficult international situation, was in the focus of the attention of the international
public.

- 18 -
We greet the statement if the American Adjoint Secretary Peter Tarnoff who said that the
issue of Kosova is on the agenda and is being discussed as a problem. Then, the participation
of Kosova's representatives in the UN Seminar in Vienna about Independence, Autonomy and
Self-Determination of the people in the next century in which the representatives of the
former Yugoslavia also participated. Then Mr. Juppé's statement about the preventive
diplomacy in Kosova. This is all, thank you." Rugova finished his statement in Albanian to
then repeat it in Serbo-Croatian.

It's Xhemajl Mustafa's turn to ask the journalists whether they have any questions for the
President.

"KOHA": In an interview to Reuters which was also published by "BUJKU", you have
praised the Macedonian President Gligorov for his moderate policy towards the Albanian
minority in Macedonia?

Rugova: I am sorry, but that is reuters comment, you can have the original if you wish. It's
Reuters' comment.

"Albanian Radio-TV": Mr. President, could the attitude towards the Chechenyan problem
serve as an example how to solve the problems in the region?

RUGOVA: In our opinion, it can't serve as an example for solving any problems. That's all.

"Politika": I would like to ask Mr. Rugova about some articles I have read, I don't know
exactly where, that during his visit to Germany and meeting with Mr. Kinkel he got support
for the idea to open a representative office of Kosova.

Rugova: We have some representative offices in Europe and the USA and now we will have
them in the majority of the European countries. We have spoken of this in the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs.

"Politika": Have you gotten support?

Rugova: Yes.

"Bujku": Kosova was recently visited by UNESCO's representative, Ramallo, in regard to the
education. Are there any new moments in regard to this and the conversations about
education?

Rugova: There are no new moments. UNESCO, as you know, has been showing its interest
about the education in Kosova since two years ago, and they have promised us that they will
help in this respect and will engage themselves in this matter. Therefore it is important that
such an international institution would get engaged in the issue of education.

"Albana": Mr. President, a private magazine has published excerpts from the interview of an
American official published in "Vecernji List". This opinion had to do with the personality of
the President and the Albanians in Kosova. It is well known what the opinion was. Mr.
President, why doesn't your office condemn an opinion which is not diplomatic, and
unofficial because it is evident that it has been transmitted by a third person, not say that it
might have been invented, which offended the personality and the Presidency as the

- 19 -
institution of the Republic and the Albanians of Kosova. And. according to you, are there
always people on duty, even aliens, who depending on the moment stir things?

Rugova: I won't comments on that. They do their job, we do our job.

"Bujku": I would like Mr. Agani to give a statement regarding the meeting in Vienna.

Agani: One of the main issues which were discussed in this seminar was the issue of
self-determination. Mr. Akashi, who attended the seminar, as well as other officials, tried to
interpret the right to self-determination as an issue where solutions should be found without
changing the borders. However, the majority of the participants have given arguments that
there are no reasons for the world to fear today from the eventual change of the borders. It is
better if the borders change than have bad relations of domination within the existing states.
This is the opinion which dominated among the participants.

The pres conference ended. The problems remain. Another week of the difficult situation was
comprised in this regular press conference of the LDK. We can only wait and see how many
ciphers will the conferences reach before we hear the names of the new members of the
government which will be formed after the free elections in free Kosova.

After the press conference, at the Big Mosque, there were many believers going to the Friday
prayer. Nevertheless, there must be something in common between the Mosque and the
Writers' Association. The first accomplish their religious duty, the second - their political
obligation, both praying on Friday.

MACEDONIA

THE WORST IS WHEN NOTHING IS DONE

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

Even though it seemed that the events about the University of Tetova and the reactions about
it had lost intensity, and that both sides decided to "slow down" in silence and come out of
the dangerous heat, the Macedonian media are bringing back the issue of the University and
the reactions in a milder way. Macedonian TV dedicated "The Open Screen" to this issue. In
the most recent issue of "Puls" weekly, "The Case of the University of Tetova - Operation
Phantom" was the main topic, while there is almost no day in which this matter is not
mentioned in the other media, in a different way, far from the usual cliches.

It seems as if the reason for this was the two-days' visit of the Minority Rights High
Commissioner of the OSCE, Van der Stuhl, to Macedonia. Even though there were attempts
of presenting this visit as "a regular contact", it was more than clear that this visit was colored
with the problems of the Albanians in education, and in this occasion, quite some time was
dedicated to the problem of the University of Tetova.

Van der Stuhl's statement, which was grounded on the CSCE declaration adopted in
Copenhagen in 1990 and which states that "national minorities have the right to form their
educational, cultural and religious institutions, organizations and associations which could

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ask for financial assistance etc., and also public assistance, is in accordance with the national
legislation" caused controversial comments among both sides.

The Macedonian side, took the statement as the confirmation of the thesis on the (il)legality
of the University, while the Albanian side took it as the confirmation of the right to have a
University in their mother tongue. On this occasion, "Nova Makedonija" will say this too: "It
would be best if the OSCE officials would be more determined in the admittance of
Macedonia in this organization. By gaining the equal status, which Macedonia has been
awaiting since two years ago and which it can't achieve because of the known reasons, our
country would have the open possibilities to adopt, ratify and apply all OSCE documents,
including the one from Copenhagen". Only "Vecer" was brave enough to state: "There is no
place for enthusiasm after Van der Stuhl's visit. It is important to understand that the ideas
about the advance of some fundamental rights of the minorities in Macedonia, which were
promoted by the High Commissioner, are in no way experimental, to have them applied for
the first time in Macedonia".

Somehow at the same time, in the press conference of the Minister of Internal Affairs,
Lubomir Frckovski, replying to a question regarding the University of Tetova, he said that the
Government of Macedonia is facing the resistance of the managements of the University of
Shkup and the Pedagogical Academy of Shkup about the realization of the idea for the
Pedagogical Faculty in Albanian and starting Albanian lectures in the existing Academy. On
this occasion, Frckovski declared that its realization is a Macedonian national interest. At the
same time, there was an information that the new Minister of Education Mrs. Emilija
Simovska, has no intention to make any compromises with the leadership of the University of
Shkup, who are against the realization of their project. The first victim fell: the Director of the
Pedagogical Academy of Shkup, Dusan Acovski presented his resignation. According to him,
there are "great differences between the adopted project and what the Ministry is requesting
now". Thus, he became part of those who say that the Faculty of Pedagogy in Albanian and
the introduction of Albanian in the existing Academy is an illegal and anti-constitutional
decision. Having in mind that many decisions regarding Albanian education on all levels was
done in informal talks and agreements, then it comes out that the high school and university
education institutions are some of the most important rings in the chain of resistance to the
realization of what has been agreed. What is new among the Macedonian side is the fact that
there are also those who don't agree with this resistance. It is another issue whether they can
suppress the resistance or not.

The created situation doesn't stand the stalemate. The worst is when nothing is done.

"Mak-press" informed that the low temperatures have postponed the initiation of classes in
the University of Tetova. The Albanian students are still boycotting the Pedagogical
Academy, which has been going since two months. The management of the Academy has
advertised vacancies for professors of Methodic, but not for other subjects, as the Ministry of
Education insists on.

This prolongation doesn't suit the Macedonian government, because as it might be

remembered, during his last visit in November, Van der Stuhl insisted on the complete
solution of the problem of Albanian lectures in the Academy, and since then, nothing has
been done. Then, but also now, it has been stated, Van der Stuhl mentioned to the
Macedonian officials the problem of the inclusion of Albanian pupils in high schools, after
the elementary education is accomplished. Only 40,2% of Albanian pupils who finished

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elementary school continued high school studies last year. Even though this is a step ahead,
compared to one year before, when the number was 10% lower, compared to the Macedonian
pupils (94%), the difference is enormous. During the conversations, Van der Stuhl was
informed about the representation of the Albanians in the police, army and other social
structures, as well as the Albanian program on Macedonian TV, which are not satisfactory. If
the problems at the local level, especially of the municipalities inhabited mainly by Albanians
and the use of the language, are added to this, then it is evident that the problem is even
bigger. Despite the declared willingness to accomplish what is acceptable for both sides, very
little is being done in this respect. The Macedonian Parliament will, on its next session, put
on the agenda the Law on the ID cards and personal evidence, which foresees the use of one's
own mother tongue in the evidence, along with the Macedonian language.

The worst is the fate of the Law on Local Administration, which is expected to solve the
problems at the local level. It is evident that on this occasion, the ones that oppose the
changes, unfortunately they make up the majority, will cuff the hands of those political
subjects who want important changes to take place and who can influence the others who are
in favor of other solutions to the inter-ethnic problems.

COLONIZATION

KOSOVAN DEJA VU

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

The issue of the colonization of Kosova is again actualized by the Serbian media and
propaganda. In fact, the noise has started some time ago, after the appearance of the
"petitioners" from Fushë Kosovë when Buba Morina visited Kosova to promise more Serbs
for Kosova. In fact, the projects for the colonization of Kosova are as old as the contemporary
Serbian rule in these territories. The old wish of the Serbs to change and dominate the
Albanians demographically, appeared concretely between two world wars with many projects
on the expulsion of Albanians and the colonization of Kosova with Serbs. Such a thing
emerged as a characteristic by the end of the eighties too, when the purchase and sale of real
estate between Albanians and Serbs was banned and later, when the Autonomy was
suppressed, which allowed the appearance of a list of discriminatory laws against Albanians,
their massive dismissal and their emigration to the West. Finally, in her meeting with
Wimmer from the OSCE, Minister Savovic recently declared, openly and shamelessly, that
Kosova "had been emptied from Serbs, and it is logical to have it `filled' again".

After the initiation of the construction of housing facilities for Serb colonizers, the "Federal
Yugoslav Government" came out to the public with a concrete plan which foresees the
colonization of Kosova with 100 thousand Serbs! This project offers loans to bay back in 40
years, and different benefits for those who want to settle in Kosova, as for purchasing a house
or an apartment, while the lots of land would be given for free. The list of those who are
favored is comprised of those who Kosova "needs the most" (who with their qualifications
could integrate in the Serbian system to control Kosova), then the ones who have the most
difficult conditions and those Serbs who have "forcibly left" Kosova before December 31,
1991! It seems that the determination to give advantage to those who fled Kosova before the
mentioned date determines the necessary political limits of the action of the government

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which has come to power full of promises "to stop forcible fleeing from Kosova", and at the
same time silence another fact that such an "emigration" is still going on, but now it is not the
Albanians who are "exerting pressure or raping", because this is contrary to the statement that
Milosevic's government has "stabilized" Kosova. Anyhow, this government, for the time
being, has allocated 4.1 million dinars for the above project. According to the data provided
by the UNHCR F/O Prishtina, in Kosova there are 3.748 refugees from Former Yugoslavia
(Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia). This number doesn't include the Serbs and Montenegrins who
came from Albania (and who don't have refugee status!). According to some statements in the
press, the overall number of refugees could be around 6 thousand, even though this is not an
official figure. There are also rumors about another 2 thousand Muslims who are
accommodated privately throughout Kosova, whose refugee status is not solved nor is
citizenship granted to them!

In regard to the problem of colonization of Kosova and the construction of housing facilities
for refugees, and some accusations that link this issue with UNHCR, there were different
qualifications and opinions seen in the press and heard among the public. Several days ago,
UNHCR officials visited Prishtina. The Assistant Chief of Mission in Belgrade, Gert
Westerveen and Marc Rapoport from the Prishtina Office were told by President Rugova that
the construction of these facilities for Serbian refugees "increases the political tensions in
Kosova"! On the other hand, the UNHCR officials stated that this international institution is
not participating nor assisting financially the projects of the Serbian Refugee Commissioner's
Office.

However, our press has published several articles about the role of the UNHCR as co-investor
in the construction of these buildings for colonizers. Hajrullah Gorani, Chairman of the
UITUK, stressed his doubts in this sense, not so long ago. While the Chairman of the Kosova
Helsinki Committee, Gazmend Pula, talks about a bad experience when he met Adamcek,
from UNHCR Vienna. Mr. Adamcek - as Pula explains- in a conference attended by both,
said that UNHCR had found itself in an uncomfortable position when told by the Serbian
authorities that if this organization accepts the cooperation and hospitality of Serbia, then it
should function within its whole sovereignty and territory, including Kosova!

The answer to this delicate question came from Yoko Nishimura, Public Information Officer
in UNHCR Belgrade. She explained that UNHCR shelter assistance includes only temporary
accommodation and its mandate does not include provision of permanent settlement.
"UNHCR is not involved in any programme to build permanent settlements anywhere in the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia"!

In an earlier statement given by Björn Wakman, Head of Prishtina Field Office before ending
his mission in Kosova, he explained that his organization had participated in the adaptation of
a building in Lesak, Leposavic municipality, where around 50 people are accommodated.
"What is being done in Velika Reka and Junik, is a matter of the Serbian government" -
Wakman had stated. Mrs. Nishimura's explanation regarding the construction of facilities
seems to be comprised in this statement too. On the other hand, in Lesak's case, the local
population is Serb, which does not affect the ethnic structure of the population, and maybe
this was taken into account by UNHCR officials! This organization, in fact is interested and
assists the refugees in Kosova but also some 4 thousand people who are treated as social
cases (as for example the handicapped in Shtime, etc.), who in fact are citizens of Kosova, the
majority of them Albanians. The refugees are settled in different locations, as Deçan, Istog,
Klina, Kishnica, etc.

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But, as it is known, recently the Serbian government and the Refugee Commissioner of
Serbia have undertaken a series of constructions in Kosova. Thus, in Zveçan, the construction
of 52 houses is forseen, in which 5 million dinars will be invested and where 200 refugees
from Bosnia and Croatia would be accommodated, who would also be employed in the
"Trepça" combine, which is not functioning since the Albanian workers were dismissed.
These buildings could be clearly qualified as "permanent settlements", which translated into
concrete language means that they should serve for colonization purposes. Further on, it is
foreseen that 200 parcels of land will be given to Serbs in the Dragodan neighborhood in
Prishtina, while in the "Park" neighborhood in Gjilan - 219 lots of land and 35 artisan shops.
The construction of housing facilities for professors of the University has been foreseen in
Prishtina. According to some sources, around 400 thousand DEM have been allocated for
these purposes, although the Serbian authorities claim that the lack of money prevents them
from constructing more facilities. During last year, 303 families got new apartments, and
there is a plan for the construction of another 850 apartments. Of course, all of these, in their
absolute majority are dedicated for Serbs and Montenegrins.

To these figures, promises for the construction of houses for colonizers in several
municipalities of Kosova given by commissioner Buba Morina, should be added. If, in this
sense, we mention the most recent plan of the Serbian government to colonize Kosova with
100 thousand Serbs, and the institutionalized tendency to reject and not accept the Albanians
coming back from the West (the municipal courts in Kosova are processing 6 thousand
charges against the returned asylum seekers to Kosova), without any difficulties, we could
conclude that this is an attempt for what is called the "Serbianization" of Kosova. The (non)
participation of the international organizations is important only when in comes to their
ethics. And when it comes to the real situation, it is clear: Kosova is experiencing a deja vu.
Who knows which attempt, in a row, to colonize Kosova is it!

ECONOMY

"REVERSE" TO SAVE AVRAMOVIC

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Before starting the reformation of the monetary system and the revitalization of the economic
program of the self-proclaimed Yugoslavia, Dragoslav Avramovic was closely linked to
Milosevic.

He had his full support, which was proven by many letters of support to his program, which
were presented as its annexes. However, the present practice speaks of the indisputable power
that the governor of the National Bank of Yugoslavia had, especially in the sphere of
economy. He determined all the movements in economy, and especially the ones bounded to
the monetary system.

At the beginning of this year, however, something unexpected happened.

The reformer, or how they call him, the saviour of the Serbs, got marginalized, and all the
power was transferred to the government in Serbia. Avramovic, at the beginning, was against
the centralization of the relations in economy, ie. in favor of a freedom which was followed

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by restrictive monetary policy. But, the constant threat to his program, which came from the
constant need for hard currency, and then the enormous increase of the prices of electricity,
which then caused the increase of the prices of other articles, announced the fast down-fall of
the reformer. His departure is nothing else but going back to the situation we had two years
ago, when the prices rose two-three times a day, as well as the foreign currency rate. This
situation would suit at least the Albanians, whose living standard had deteriorated in the last
year. Because, the majority of them lives from the assistance of their relatives coming from
abroad, and having the dinar fixed to the German Mark made the situation more difficult. It
was manifested in all forms of payments, even in the green market. Therefore, Avramovic's
fall would create new relations, especially in the area of salaries.

Despite the fact that the Serbian propaganda is still praising Avramovic and his program, the
last steps undertaken to try and put under control a series of articles, speak of the fact that the
farewell to all what he has done in the past year is coming close. But, according to Serbian
economists, Avramovic didn't bring anything spectacular to the economy of Serbia and
Montenegro. The facts prove that the strata of the impoverished population is growing, ie.
while in 1990 there were 360 thousand people in Serbia who were socially endangered, four
years later, this number increased to 2,1 million people. Or another fact: the GNP per one
inhabitant in 1990 was 2.148 dollars, in 1993 it barely reached 900 dollars. The small
movements which occurred last year didn't influence the situation much, therefore, Serbia and
Montenegro are still at a very low level of development and with high level of poverty.
Therefore, the reformer didn't do much for the population and their standard of living. The
whole effect was to create mechanisms to fill the budget and to increase the salaries of all
those who depend on the budget, mainly policemen, militaries and state employees.

The possibilities to have enough money to cover the monthly expenses, regardless of the fact
that there is a campaign going on to take the prices back to the level of last June, are few.
Starting from January last, and up to now, the salaries were never enough to fulfil the needs
for one month. According to a survey, the average salary in Serbia last year was 165 dinars,
while the "family basket" in December was worth 546 dinars, or 107 dinars more than last
January. Such reports always include Kosova, although the data should be taken with
reserves, for the situation here is always more alarming.

The number of families that live from the assistance is growing, the salaries of teachers have
stagnated since some months ago, the number of those who approach the humanitarian
organizations is increasing, while even the Albanian businessmen, who had been gaining a lot
of money a couple of years ago, had many problems to do business last year, for the taxes and
contributions were very high, and the financial police was more aggressive than ever.

As soon as the Mark goes up, it falls down again. Its price is always oscillating, but in the last
three or four months it almost never went under 1,5 dinars, meaning 50% more than the
official rate. It could have gone up even more if it weren't for the very much restrictive and
centralized monetary policy. We shall remember that the price of the Mark reached 1,8 dinars
by midst December and as the end of the year was approaching, it started sliding again.
According to one of the main "dealers" around, the request for Marks was very big, because
the majority of private owners were forced to pay taxes and contributions, this is why they
needed dinars and not Marks. In the first days of January, the Mark rose again, and
immediately started "falling" down again, coming at 1,5 dinars. And all of this is happening
because of the new measures implemented to defend Avramovic's program and prevent any
social unrest. Thus, a large amount of banknotes was withdrawn from circulation, and then

- 25 -
the change of banknotes by the Central Bank took place, trying to put the monetary flows
under control. At the same time, the request to set back the prices to last June's level made the
Mark stagnate. But, until when will this last?

Seven ministers in the Serbian government are at the same time managers of public and
private enterprises. They were the first to declare that their enterprises will respect the
decision of the government, and that they would not sale any articles at higher prices. Did this
really happen or not, it is hard to say, for there is a lack of articles in the market. Therefore,
the inclusion of centralization elements in Avramovic's program, threatens with the lack of
good in the market. The freshest example is that of cigarettes, which at lower prices, can't be
found in state shops. In the meantime, the streets are flooded with people selling cigarettes at
a quite stable price. The same thing is happening with milk, oil, fuel, meat, and many other
commodities.

It could be said that at the beginning of the new year we are facing new relations in the area of
economy: everything starts from Marjanovic's Government, not to say that everything is
under Milosevic's control. The Government of the so called Federation, and Dragoslav
Avramovic himself are out of the game. Maybe this will accelerate his and his program's
removal from the scene. Other negative elements are the continuation of the economic
sanctions, financing the wars in Bosnia and Croatia, and the lack of possibilities to import
goods which would allow the competence of prices.

Regardless of the fact that we might be referring to the economy of another country, when it
comes to the circulation of goods, Kosova is in the same pot as Serbia and Montenegro. This
happens because there are no mechanisms which would be in function of the creation of
independent economic relations, then the largest part of the goods in the Kosovan market
originate from abroad, while the income that the Kosovans realize in private and public
enterprises are not enough even for half a month. This is why any movement in the prices,
inflation and the rate of hard currencies, is directly reflected on Kosova.

The present situation is not enviable at all, because the realization of Avramovic's program
has emptied the short reserves anyways. Today, Kosova is at the edge of social patience,
which can't explode because of the general political situation. However, the dissatisfaction is
still big, because the times when people could survive with 100 DEM has passed long ago.
This is why, remembering the days in 1993, the only escape for Albanians would be the ruin
of Avramovic's program and the inflation. This is valid only for the broad masses, the one
endangered socially, while the businessmen would maybe only face new problems...

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