Author(s): David A. Moskowitz and Michael E. Roloff
Source: Culture, Health & Sexuality, Vol. 9, No. 4 (Jul. - Aug., 2007), pp. 347-357 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20460937 . Accessed: 03/10/2014 19:16 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Culture, Health &Sexuality. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Culture, Health & Sexuality, July-August 2007; 9(4): 347-357 Routledge Taylor & Francis Group The existence of a bug chasing subculture DAVID A. MOSKOWITZ, & MICHAEL E. ROLOFF Department of Communication Studies, Northwestern University, USA Abstract This study attempted to authenticate the existence of a controversial subculture of gay men, the 'bug chasers', whose main attribute is an active desire to voluntarily contract the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), and examine the tenacity with which this subculture actually searches for seroconversion. Using a quasi-randomized survey of personal profiles, bug chasers were compared against barebackers, a culture of gay men that practice intentional unprotected anal intercourse. Bug chasers were authenticated as an observable subculture of barebackers where most reported apathy to the serostatus of their partner or an active want of a serodiscordant partner, and a preference towards practicing unprotected anal intercourse. As anticipated, two subgroups with varying tenacities were found within the sample of bug chasers. Apathetic chasers were found only to be in search of partners with sero-ambiguous status. Ardent chasers were found only to be in search of certifiably serodiscordant partners. Keywords: Gay subcultures, bug chasing, barebacking, HIV Introduction A new danger to HIV prophylaxis has been suggested by several news and magazine journalists, and further supported by healthcare authorities (Gendin 1997, Gauthier and Forsyth 1999, Freeman 2003, Hatfield, 2004, Moskowitz and Roloff in press). Some physiologically healthy, HIV-negative gay men appear to be actively seeking seroconversion by engaging in unprotected sex with HIV-positive partners, or what has been labelled 'bug chasing'. The existence of such a subculture is counterintuitive. Why would healthy individuals seek to infect themselves with an ultimately terminal disease? Unfortunately, there are few peer-reviewed, qualitative and/or quantitative studies focused on this group (namely Gauthier and Forsyth 1999, Hatfield 2004, Moskowitz and Roloff in press); hence, the behaviours and preferences of the subculture are virtually unknown. To fill this void, we report the results of a quantitative study that examines both the authenticity and tenacity of bug chasing. By comparing the content of personal profiles created by those who self-identify as bug chasers with those who self-identify as just barebackers, we definitively show the existence of a legitimate subculture. In the next section, we will preview the fundamental differences that place bug chasing as a subculture of barebacking, and then offer hypotheses that test the existence of these differences. Correspondence: D. A. Moskowitz, Department of Communication Studies, Northwestern University, 2240 Campus Drive, Rm #2-168, Evanston, Illinois 60208, USA. Email: d-moskowitzl@northwestern.edu ISSN 1369-1058 print/ISSN 1464-5351 online ?) 2007 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/13691050600976296 This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 348 D. A. Moskowitz & M. E. Roloff Barebackers v. bug chasers In reviewing the scarce unpublished and published materials on bug chasing, as well as general healthcare speculations, a common theme appears - the lumping together of bug chasers with barebackers (e.g., Gendin 1997, Peyser 1997, Gauthier and Forsyth 1999). This is an extremely misleading tendency. Although the two groups share some of the same practices, namely unprotected anal intercourse (UAI), there are distinctions that help to differentiate bug chasing as a subculture of the greater barebacking culture. That is to say, that even though all bug chasers are indeed barebackers, not all barebackers are bug chasers. Mansergh and colleagues (2002: 653) define barebacking as 'a phenomenon whereby some men intentionally engage in unprotected anal sex'. Although the prevalence of the culture varies by the inclusiveness of its definition, conservative estimates under this previously mentioned definition claim that about 14% of gay men practice barebacking (Halkitis et al. 2003a). No such estimate exists for the amount of, or prevalence of bug chasers. The salient feature of Mansergh and colleagues' (2002) definition is the concept of intention; and it is this intention that differentiates the two groups into culture, and subculture. The purported intention of the bug chaser is to become infected with HIV; barebackers do not share this same goal (Tewksbury 2003, Schwartz and Bailey 2005). Similarly, barebackers have different goals from gay men who accidentally eschew condom use (Wolitski 2005, Parsons and Bimbi 2006). And this is where the concept of culture becomes salient. Barebacking is not a case of individual absentmindedness. Men who practise barebacking have deliberately created their own culture in which men bond over, and value unprotected anal intercourse as a primary and important construct representing exclusivity, defiance, and unadulterated pleasure (Mansergh et al. 2002, Crossley 2004, Halkitis et al. 2005a, Wolitski 2005, Parsons and Bimbi 2006). Barebackers are not as haphazard in their sexual encounters as once thought. The group employs strategies to minimize the risk of infection at statistically significant levels (Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg 2000, Van de Ven et al. 2002, Halkitis et al. 2005a). Sexual positioning and 'coitus interruptus' are two such methods to reduce risk while enjoying the virtues of UAI. HIV-negative barebackers who engage in UAI with either an anonymous other or sero-ambiguous other are more likely to 'top' instead of 'bottom', be insertive rather than receptive; and seronegative barebackers in serodiscordant relationships are substantially more likely to 'top' than 'bottom' (Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg 2000, Van de Ven et al. 2002, Halkitis et al. 2005a, b). Coitus interruptus is also used more often than not by barebackers suggesting that internal ejaculation is merely an ancillary occurrence (Van de Ven et al. 2002, Parsons and Bimbi 2006). Dawson et al. (2005) confirm that those using websites to look for bareback experiences search for seroconcordant partners, or 'serosort' as a qualification. Strewn throughout the previously mentioned research, these methods do not ensure that transmission will be avoided, but they hold the potential to decrease the likelihood of HIV seroconversion. The research, in its totality, strongly suggests that (a) infection is not a goal held by the bareback culture, and (b) some sorts of 'protective' measures are being utilized. In short, barebackers display antithetical behaviours to those likely enacted by bug chasers. Further qualitative research suggests that the motivations of barebackers and bug chasers vary significantly. Interviews with barebackers conducted by Crossley (2004: 227) show that a strong psychological reactance effect (see Brehm and Brehm 1981) guides this group, where UAI is '... a kind of symbolic act of rebellion and transgression which they are not necessarily consciously aware...'. UAI becomes a protest tool against the bombardment of This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The existence of a bug chasing subculture 349 safe-sex propaganda and against gay cultural norms (Gendin 1997, Gauthier and Forsyth 1999, Tewksbury 2003, Crossley 2004). Although this explanation accounts for why some gay men do not practice safe sex, it does not indicate why some barebackers might exclusively seek serodiscordant, HIV-positive partners, and thus become bug chasers. In other words, the threatened freedom hypothesis posited by Crossley (2004) concerns sexual practices (e.g., not using condoms or avoiding certain sexual actions) rather than avoiding HIV-positive partners; as such, it cannot be extended to fully explain bug chasing. Where the goal of the chaser is seemingly to catch the bug, the goal of the barebacker, and his larger culture, seems to be empowerment (Gauthier and Forsyth 1999, Tewksbury 2003, Wolitski 2005). Interviews suggest there are senses of self-expression and pride for the barebacker in performing and premeditating UAI. Although it is likely bug chasers do enjoy the same self-expression and excitement as their parent culture, because they also enjoy the possibility of seroconverting, a unique attribute, they cannot be synonymous groups. If not fairly evident from the definition of barebacking (from Mansergh et al. 2002), bug chasing may be regarded as a subculture of this larger bareback culture. But to apply the same rationales to both of their existences is tantamount to generalizing barebacker psychology to all homosexual males. Though their practices are quite similar, namely UAI, HIV obsession and fascination force a cleft in the greater bareback culture, and thus, force the development and recognition of a bug chasing subculture. If it is quite likely that such variability exists between the barebacker culture and bug chaser subculture, it is also quite likely that variability exists among bug chasers themselves. Our analyses lead to the following two hypotheses concerning the (1) authenticity, and (2) tenacity of bug chasers: Hypothesis 1: When examining preferences for sexual partners and behaviours associated with acquiring HIV, bug chasers can be identified as a distinctive subculture within the larger culture of barebackers; Hypothesis 2: Based upon their preferences for sexual partners and behaviours associated with acquiring HIV, two groups of bug chasers can be identified, apathetic and ardent chasers. Methods Procedures Three hundred personal profiles were printed off of www.ultimatebareback.com, a website that exclusively caters to barebackers and the backbacker identity. In terms of which were selected, the website only retrieved those profiles which had been recently visited by their creators. So, the 300 analysed were the most actively used among all of those within the website. This ensured that the bug chaser still advertised as a person in search of HIV, and it also ensured that the non-bug chaser was still actively advertising on the site. We kept the profiles perfectly intact and in their original order. We only drew profiles from this sole website because it was the only one at the time to allow individuals to literally self-identify as bug chasers. Participants We selected the first 150 most actively used profiles in which individuals self-identified as bug chasers and the first 150 most actively used profiles in which they did not self-identify as bug chasers. These non-bug chasers were just barebackers. Within the bug chasing This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 350 D. A. Moskowitz & M. E. Roloff sample, we identified several problematic cases. There were 19 (12.7%) aberrant profiles in which the respondents self-identified as bug chasers but reported an antithetical preference for exclusively HIV-negative partners. Because of this inconsistency, we reviewed each of the 19 profiles for missing data, confusion, and other blatant anomalies. After careful consideration, we decided to remove 16 of the 19 (10.7% of the initial sample) from the statistical analyses. It was abundantly clear, above and beyond the HIV-negative only partner preference, that the 16 were uninformed about the function and meaning of creating such a profile. The final sample consisted of 284 profiles. All bug chasers and barebackers reported that they were HIV-negative. Bug chasers ranged in age from 20 to 50 years (M=31.0, SD=7.4), while barebackers ranged in age from 20 to 58 years (M=32.8, SD=8.8). The racial composite of the sample of bug chasers was comprised of 87.9% White men, 4.0% Black men, 4.0% Latino men, 1.6% Asian men, and 2.4% other, whereas the sample of non-bug chasing barebackers was 85% White, 7.4% Black, 4.4% Latino, 1.4% Asian, and 1.4% other. Location was divided into three ranges, local areas (population< 100k), midsized cities (100k,<population<500k), and major metropolitan areas (500k<popula tion). Of the sample of bug chasers, 24.4% lived in local areas, 22.1% in midsized cities, and 53.4% in major metropolitan areas. Of the barebackers, 19.9% lived in local areas, 36.3% in midsized cities, and 43.8% in major metropolitan areas, Z2(2)=6.648, p02= 0.024, p=0.036. Except for location, the two groups were statistically similar on all demographic variables. Considering the small effect size, and that location could not predict any other variation between the groups, it was deemed noteworthy - but ultimately inconsequential. Measures Each profile contained two sorts of information that were analysed in this study, nominal or ordinal categories, and free response spaces. The choices a respondent could select within each category were created by the website and thus, we could not change any of the range of possible answers one could make. Respondents could indicate a preference for the serostatus of their partners (not specified=0, negative only=1, negative preferred=2, doesn't matter=3, positive preferred=4, positive only=5). Because an individual is most likely to contract HIV by engaging in UAI with a partner whose serostatus is either unknown or positive, partner preference and willingness to bareback (i.e., willingness to engage in UAI) were primarily used to assess the first hypothesis. Willingness to bareback was coded: not specified=O, bareback curious= 1, bareback preferred - but not required=2, and bareback only=3. Individuals could also communicate their sexual self label - their preference for sexual position during anal intercourse (Sanderson 1994). These labels were coded: not specified=O, top (insertive) only=1, versatile (insertive and receptive)=2, bottom (receptive) only=3. Within each advertisement, several items asked about a respondent's preferences for scenes and 'individual types'. The first examined preferences for party-n-play (PnP), i.e., mixing legal/illegal drugs and sex. Research suggests that mixing drugs like Ecstasy, cocaine, and Viagra may lead to an increase in risky sexual behaviour (Halkitis et al. 2003b, Crosby and DiClemente 2004); and crystal meth not only lowers sexual inhibitions and increases risk-acceptability, but may also suppress immunological responses that can reduce the likelihood of HIV-infection (Urbina and Jones 2004). PnP was coded, not specified =0, no = 1, or yes = 2. The second indicated the degree to which the respondent identified with, or were attracted to the party culture. Research suggests that involvement This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The existence of a bug chasing subculture 351 with the party scene and drug use/abuse is highly related (Colfax et al. 2001, Wolitski 2005). Adherence was coded absent or present; e.g., 'I'm a party boy', or 'I'm looking for a party boy', became, no 0, or yes= 1. Again, since the website created these categories and the choices a respondent could select, we could not specifically identify the sorts of drugs used, or the degree to which drugs were used before or during sexual behaviour. We are, however, confident these measures suggest general trends on drug acceptability and use. We conducted an exploratory factor analysis with Varimax rotation in order to determine whether these previously mentioned predictors reflected underlying factors. A minimum Eigenvalue of 1.0 was used as a cut-off and selected items were clustered based on a minimum primary factor loading of 0.50 (Kaiser 1960). First, we ran the analysis with the all the previously mentioned variables. Two factors emerged, preferences for the drug scene, and preferences for seroconversion behaviours. Sexual self-label was removed from the analysis because it would not sufficient load into either of these factors (r<0.3). The analysis was rerun with the following variables: HIV partner preference, bareback preference, PnP preference, preference for a party boy partner, and self-identification as a party boy. As table 1 illustrates, regardless of the removed variable, the same two factors emerged that reflect preferences for the drug scene, and preferences for seroconversion behaviours. Factor scores were used for the regression analyses. Finally, two trained individuals working independently coded the free-response areas of the 284 profiles. To further verify the differences within bug chasers, each profile was coded as to whether an explicit reference was made to chasing (0=not present; 1 =present). The main definition used for active interest in bug chasing was the use of expressions that explicitly referred to aspects of the behaviour, slang terminology of the behaviour, or the behaviour itself. Exemplars were taken from the literature available on bug chasing (Gendin 1997, Gauthier and Forsyth 1999, Freeman 2003, Hatfield 2004). Some of the phrases that were coded as present include: 'poz me', 'looking for diseased loads', 'convert me', and/or 'all bugs welcomed'. The coding was reliable, K=.91. A third party settled all disagreements. Results Considering the dichotomous nature of the dependent variable - participants could self identify as either barebacker (0) or bug chaser (1) logistical regression was used to assess the authenticity of the label and thus, the subculture. This type of regression was also used Table 1. Factor analysis: loadings for bug chasing predictors Components Preferences for the Preferences for seroconversion drug scene behaviours HIV partner preference 0.124 0.860 PnP preference 0.697 0.174 Bareback preference 0.110 0.865 Preference for a party boy partner 0.839 0.003 Self-identification as a party boy 0.789 0.110 Note. Extraction method: Principal Component Analysis. Rotation method: Varimax with Kaiser Normalization. Loadings bolded to show the defining components of each of the two factors, i.e., PnP preference, preference for a party boy partner, and self-identification as a party boy largely defined 'preferences for the drug scene'. This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 352 D. A. Moskowitz & M. E. Roloff to assess the tenacity of bug chasers, i.e., which variables contributed to the apathetic (0) and the ardent chasers (1)? Individual X2-statistics were used to produce specific percentages indicating the prevalence of certain attributes. SPSS version 14.0 was used to generate all statistical analyses. Missing data was found to be problematic. Since the participants had the option to leave certain fields blank or 'unspecified' in their profiles, some chose not to enter a response. Hence, the sample size will vary across the analyses. An authentic phenomenon We began by testing the most conspicuous attributes that could be used to both authenticate bug chasing and also distinguish the bug chaser subculture from the barebacker culture. Using logistical regression, we found that a model containing preferences for the drug scene and for seroconversion behaviours fit well with the actual distribution of bug chasers and barebackers, Z2(2)= 107.462, R2=0.462, p<0.001. The model accurately predicted 77.1% of barebackers and 87.3% of bug chasers. In addition, each set of preferences added significantly to the fit of the model: preferences for drug use, b=0.659, p=0.006, and the factor representing preferences for seroconversion, b=2.544, p<0.001. This suggested that bug chasers and barebackers do differ with respect to key behaviours. That is to say, an individual who tends to practice UAI with serodiscordant partners, or uses and/or abuses drugs (especially before or during sex) is also more likely to be a bug chaser than a barebacker. And conversely, an individual who tends to be either only curious about, or practices UAI with seroconcordant partners, or does not use and/or abuse drugs (especially before or during sex) is more likely to be a barebacker than a bug chaser. More specific results suggested that bug chasers unilaterally reported either ambivalence towards the status of their partners or expressed a preference for a serodiscordant partner, X2(4)= 155.63, 02= .599, p<.001. Barebackers (82%) reported wanting some variety of HIV-negative, seroconcordant partner, and none reported a preference for a serodiscordant partner. This was considerably different from the preferences of bug chasers - supporting both bug chaser existence, and their divergent goals. Bug chasers are purportedly in search of 'the bug'. Interestingly enough, only 8.7% reported a preference for a certifiably positive partner and the majority (60.6%) of bug chasers reported that HIV status 'doesn't matter'. This suggested that most were not necessarily looking for seroconversion, but were looking for ambiguous situations or partners through which they could or could not be engaging in a behaviour in which HIV could or could not be transmitted. Granted 31.5% (the sum of positive only and positive-preferred) were looking for infection, the rest seemed to be looking for something else. In general, barebackers seemed to be looking for the pleasure and freedom derived from unprotected sex - bug chasers, for the uncertainty and the risk derived from unprotected sex. In theory, there should have been no difference in the preference towards unprotected sex if bug chasing was inauthentic. However, the specific data indicated the majority of barebackers preferred, but did not require unprotected intercourse in their potential partnerships; whereas most of the bug chasers made it a prerequisite behaviour, X2(2)=73.538, 02=0.292, p<0.001. Only 6.4% of barebackers reported wanting a bareback only experience versus 56.7% of bug chasers. This supported the notion that barebackers were more oriented as a group towards pleasure than disease. The 'preferred' attribute allowed more leeway in partner selection, which ensured a higher number of partners - those wanting to use condoms, or not; and barebackers (66.4%), more often This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The existence of a bug chasing subculture 353 Table 2. Sexual self-identity of barebackers vs. bug chasers Identity Top Versatile Bottom Barebackers n 27 68 50 Of barebackers 18.6% 46.9% 34.5% Of the identity 93.1 53.1 41.7 Bug Chasers n 2 60 70 Of bug chasers 1.5 45.5 53.0 Of the identity 6.9 46.9 58.3 Note. Whole model comparison of barebackers vs. bug chasers: x2(2)=24.830,>2 =0.089, p<0.001. than not, selected this choice. More partners could lead to more pleasure and more sexual freedom. Conversely, bug chasers were more aroused by the disease than the pleasure. Their intent was not merely to have sex, but to have the riskiest sex possible. Table 2 shows the distribution of sexual self-identity of respondents by group (either top, bottom, or versatile). Note this variable was not included in the original logistic regression reported at the beginning of this section because of poor fit with either of the factors. As a side note, even if we had ignored the poor fit and included it, sexual self-label would not have affected the direction or significance of the regression. Considering previous research (e.g., Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg 2000, Van de Ven et al. 2002, Hart et al. 2003), it was expected that barebackers would be more likely to report the sex role of versatile, and bug chasers, interested in the riskiest behaviours, bottom. Results supported the previous studies and indicated a significant difference in the roles reported. Barebackers were more likely to claim versatility whereas bug chasers were more likely to self-label as bottoms. Also, because only 1.5% of chasers reported being exclusive tops and 53% exclusive bottoms, this suggested another difference between the groups. Bug chasers were sexually passive as a subculture - barebackers, more 'sexually egalitarian' as a culture. The aforementioned results supported our first hypothesis that chasers could be behaviourally distinguished from barebackers as a subculture. Ignoring all the psycholo gical, relational, or chemical influences driving this trend, ignoring the initial proof that a large enough sample could be found, the shear statistics that there was a group, of which 92. 1 % reported an apathy to the serostatus of their partner or a desire for a serodiscordant partner, and an 87.4% preference in practising unsafe sex, proved a living and real subculture. Variability in tenacity The results arising from testing the first hypothesis suggested that indeed there were the two sorts of bug chasers posited in the second hypothesis, the 'ardent' and 'apathetic' chasers. It would seem a small portion of the chaser group was dismissible as been misinformed as to what the identity of a bug chaser entailed, about 8%. These few reported preferring an HIV-negative partner, but would not necessarily exclude partners with sero unknown or serodiscordant status. This left two groups. The first followed the original hypothesis and was comprised of the legitimate or ardent bug chasers, about a third (31.5%). This group reported a strong tenacity towards putting themselves at an extremely This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 354 D. A. Moskowitz & M. E. Roloff high level of risk through preferring UAI with serodiscordant partners. The other group was comprised of the apathetic chasers (60.6%), their data suggesting a weaker, uncertain search for seroconversion. They were not the tenacious bug chasers just examined, but a different breed more enamoured by the risk of converting rather than actually converting. Again, logistic regression was used to find predictors of apathetic and ardent chasers. We found that a model containing the variables, bareback preferences and explicitly referencing bug chasing, fit with the actual distribution of ardent and apathetic chasers, X2(2) =34.425, R2=0.259, p<0.001. The model accurately predicted 84.0% of apathetic chasers and 60% of ardent chasers. Each of the variables added significantly to the fit of the model: bareback preference, b= 1.024, p<0.001, and explicit bug chasing references, b=2.008, p<0.001. No other variable differentiated the two groups within the bug chasing subculture. This model suggested that if a large enough fascination or obsession exists to push the chaser to actually begin an active discussion of chasing, then this chaser is likely ardent. Or if the chaser will only engage in UAI and thus, will dismiss partners that are unwilling to comply, then this chaser is also likely to be ardent. So besides requiring serodiscordance, these differences in practising exclusively unsafe intercourse and actively communicating the desire to chase HIV sufficiently separate the 'looking for infection' ardent chaser from the 'looking for the risk of infection' apathetic chaser. Therefore, the regression endorses variability in the tenacity of bug chasers. Discussion The questions driving this research were whether a bug chasing subculture was indeed real, and to what degree it existed. The results confirmed the first hypothesis by showing that bug chasers can be distinguished from barebackers. Partner HIV preference and drug use preferences are just some of the differences that distinguish bug chasers from those uninterested in infection. As predicted in the second hypothesis, bug chasers may be broken into two groups, ardent and apathetic chasers. The results show that in a rough 33%/66% distribution, one third of the group actively searches for positive partners through partner and bareback preferences, and bug chasing references, whereas the other, overwhelming majority of the group searches for the ambiguity and risk surrounding unsafe sex with a potentially positive partner. It is this certainty, versus uncertainty dichotomy that illustrates this important intragroup difference regarding tenacity. Although an incidental outcome, many of the theories espoused by previous research (e.g., Mansergh et al. 2002, Van de Ven et al. 2002, Tewksbury 2003, Dawson et al. 2005, Halkitis et al. 2005b) have been further endorsed by the results. Barebackers do employ tricks to reduce the likelihood of infection through partner preferences, sexual positioning, etc. And most certainly, HIV infection is not in anyway a goal or intent of their behaviour. This current research proves that at the very least, bug chasers exist, and they comprise a legitimate subculture within the greater barebacker culture. Limitations Methodological limitations require caution when interpreting our results. By choosing only one particular website for drawing our sample that had strong pornographic overtones, it was possible our results reflect a selection bias (Mustanski 2001). We could not be certain that gay men who do not create personal profiles or create profiles for different venues would show the same patterns that we uncovered. In addition, our analysis was confined to This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The existence of a bug chasing subculture 355 those nominal or ordinal responses independently created by the website. We could not modify or add questions. Also, the origins and psychometric properties of the items were unknown. Finally, we could not ensure the veracity of the responses. Responses were completely confidential and anonymous and hence, we could not verify whether the responses accurately reflected the view of the respondent (Joinson 1999). Future research An obvious question emerges from this research. How 'successful' are these profiles? To truly understand this pathological behaviour, the rate of men actually finding HIV-positive partners and undergoing seroconversion must be assessed. The most direct means of doing so is to conduct interviews at testing centres. Whether chasers are frequenting HIV testing centres is as of yet unknown. Our current research suggests that most may not. Because most chasers are looking for HIV-ambiguous partners, the reality of infection may be secondary to the feelings derived from the abstract of infection. But this cannot be entirely proved until the frequency of post-HIV exposure testing is documented. Also, it is still largely unknown if the bug chaser loses interest in the chasing culture. Is this behaviour ephemeral or enduring? As we noted, about 8% of bug chasers indicated a loose desire for an HIV-negative partner. If these responses are valid, then some bug chasers may be attempting to control their propensities. All that is currently clear is that bug chasing can no longer be considered an urban legend or an inductive fallacy. Bug chasers comprise a certifiably real subculture; and further analysis is necessary to prevent bug chasing from becoming the same sort of popular threat to HIV prophylaxis as premeditated and unpremeditated unprotected intercourse. Acknowledgements We would like to thank Dr Gerulf Rieger for his substantial contributions. Without his help and expertise, this study could not have been possible. References Brehm, J. and Brehm, S. (1981) Psychological reactance: a theory of freedom and control (New York: Academic Press). Colfax, G. 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Journal of Gay and Lesbian Psychotherapy, 9, 9-34. Resume Cette etude a tente d'authentifier 1'existence d'une sous-culture gay controversee, les "bug chasers", dont la particularite principale est le desir actif de contracter le virus d'immunodeficience humaine (VIH) volontairement. Elle a egalement tente d'examiner la perseverance avec laquelle cette sous-culture est reellement en recherche de seroconversion. En utilisant une enquete quasi randomisee sur les profils personnels, les bug chasers ont ete compares aux barebackers, une culture d'hommes gay qui pratiquent la penetration anale non protegee de maniere intentionnelle. Les bug chasers ont ete authentifies en tant que sous-culture observable des barebackers, dans laquelle la plupart des hommes ont declare une certaine indifference par rapport au statut serologique de leurs partenaires, ou un besoin tres fort d'avoir un partenaire de statut diff6rent, et une tendance 'a preferer la penetration anale non protegee. Comme prevu, deux sous-groupes avec des niveaux divers de perseverance ont ete identifes dans l'echantillon des bug chasers. Les moins perseverants This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The existence of a bug chasing subculture 357 se sont reveles comme uniquement en recherche de partenaires au statut serologique ambigu. Les plus perseverants se sont reveles comme uniquement en recherche de partenaires serodifferents, au statut verifiable. Resumen El objetivo de este estudio es identificar la existencia de una polemica subcultura entre hombres homosexuales, el 'bug chaser' (el caza bichos), que se caracteriza por desear contagiarse voluntariamente con el virus de la inmunodeficiencia adquirida (VIH). Asimismo examinamos la tenacidad con la que esta subcultura busca seroconvertirse. Con ayuda de una estudio casi aleatorio de personas con determinadas caracteristicas, comparamos los caza bichos con los barebackers, una cultura de homosexuales que practican intencionadamente relaciones anales sin proteccion. Se identifico a los bug chasers como una subcultura observable de los barebackers. La mayoria presentaba una actitud apatica en cuanto a la condicion de seropositivos de sus companeros sexuales o un deseo activo de una pareja serodiscordante y preferencia por relaciones anales sin proteccion. Tal como anticipamos, se observaron dos subgrupos con tenacidades diferentes en la muestra de los caza bichos. Se observo que los cazadores con una actitud apatica solo buscaban compafieros con un estado seropositivo ambiguo. Y que los cazadores mas entusiastas solo buscaban compafieros que fuesen sin lugar a dudas serodiscordantes. This content downloaded from 129.100.58.76 on Fri, 3 Oct 2014 19:16:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions