Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
(2.06)
GPA 9.87
(1.87)
Took an Honors/AP class or both (not economics) 3.26 (2.25)
Fullerton College dummy 16.08
(3.80)
CSUF dummy 12.00
(4.43)
Interaction Terms
Fullerton College Male 3.93 (3.53)
Fullerton College GPA 9.77
(3.74)
Fullerton College Honors/AP (not econ) 8.94
(3.66)
Fullerton College Some college classes (not econ) 12.83
(3.81)
CSUF Male 0.167 (3.20)
CSUF GPA 10.76
(3.77)
CSUF Honors/AP (not econ) 5.98
(3.50)
CSUF Some college classes (not econ) 6.93
(3.60)
R
2
0.147
F 9.36
N 526
Note: Heteroskedasticity-robust standard errors are in parentheses. The sample is restricted to white students who did not
take a college-level economics class, and who did not take a high-school level Honors/AP economics class.
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331
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332 GILL AND GRATTON-LAVOIE
for GPA with the college dummy variables are interesting. Both the Fullerton College and CSUF
interactions with high school GPA are negative and statistically signicant. In addition, the
implied effect of a one-point increase in high school GPA for both CSUF and Fullerton College
students is small and statistically insignicant (ps = 0.782 and 0.974, respectively).
Our main interest in table 2 is in what it tells us about retention. Turning rst to the coefcients
for the Fullerton College and CSUF dummy variables, we nd very large negative and statisti-
cally signicant coefcients for both variables. Given the setup of our interaction model, these
coefcients give the difference in test scores between female high school students and female
college students who did not take either an Honors course or an AP course in high school, and who
had not yet taken any college-level classes, evaluated at a high school GPA of 3.0. On average,
these college students score 12 percentage points lower on the TEL if they are CSUF students
and 16 percentage points lower if they are Fullerton College students. This is a very large drop
off in knowledge as students move from high school to college. The difference in college effects
between CSUF and Fullerton College of 4.08 percentage points is not statistically signicant
(p = 0.43). The ndings are little changed if we consider male students who did not take Honors
or AP classes in high school and who had not yet taken a college-level class. For male CSUF
students, the reduction in test scores compared to male high school students is still approximately
12 percentage points (12.0 0.167), and for Fullerton College students, it is 12.15 percentage
points (16.08 + 3.93).
These results suggest that a California college student in our sample who did not demonstrate
especially strong academic characteristics in high school (as suggested by lack of Honors/AP
courses in high school and a high school GPA of 3.0) and who has had no previous college
exposure (no college-level courses) experiences a quite signicant rate of loss of high school
economics knowledge.
Conclusions about retention are much different when we consider college students who have
taken Honors or AP classes in high school and who have already completed some college-level
classes. For those female CSUF students who completed at least one Honors or AP course
when in high school, the implied reduction in knowledge is 6.02 percentage points (12.0 +
5.98). However, the effect is statistically insignicant (p = 0.199). If we then consider those
female students who, in addition, completed some college-level classes, the implied reduction
in knowledge is effectively zero (0.91 percentage points = 12.0 + 5.98 + 6.93). For female
Fullerton College students who completed at least one Honors or AP course when in high school,
there is a drop in test scores of 7.14 percentage points (p =0.083) relative to high school Honors or
AP students. When we again consider those students who completed some college-level classes,
we nd an improvement in economic knowledge of 5.69 percentage points (16.08 + 8.94 +
12.83) relative to high school students who completed some Honors or AP classes, but the effect
is statistically insignicant (p = 0.117).
The results for Honors and AP students are generally encouraging from a retention point of
view because these students are those most likely to continue on to college. The rather large
effects of the variable controlling for some college-level classes seem to indicate that students
acquire some knowledge about economics from other courses in the curriculum. It also may
indicate that there is some selection bias contaminating our results. Those students who have
completed some college-level classes and are currently in a college-level class are those students
who have demonstrated to some extent that they can successfully complete college-level work.
8
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ECONOMICS RETENTION AND STATE MANDATE 333
For a nal matter, we expected to nd a smaller loss in acquired knowledge when we moved
from a sample of all white students to a restricted sample of white students who were 20 years old
or younger, simply because less time passed since the student completed the required high school
economics class. We estimated the parameters of our retention model for this younger group of
students. We learned very little from this exercise and so do not report the parameter estimates
here. The negative point estimates for the CSUF and Fullerton College dummy variables are
little changed. The only noteworthy difference is that some of the interaction terms that were
statistically signicant for the full sample are insignicant for the younger sample. The regression
results are available on request.
California Mandate
Table 3 presents the regression results for the analysis of the impact of the California mandate
(equation 2). We compare TEL examination scores for college students who went to high school
in California to TEL examination scores for college students who went to high school in Wash-
ington.
9
The reference category in this analysis is the group of students from Fullerton College
who went to high school in California. Column 1 of table 3 presents results for the case where we
include the interaction terms for the two Washington colleges with the variable indicating that the
student attended high school in California. Recall that we observed only 10 Washington college
students, distributed between the two colleges, for whom the interaction term would be equal to
1. Column 2 of the table gives the results when these 10 students are excluded from the analysis.
The rst notable nding from column 1 is that our two terms of interaction of Washington
college and California high school are individually insignicant. They are jointly insignicant,
as well (p = 0.398). The second notable feature is that excluding these 10 students leaves the
remaining parameter estimates virtually unchanged (see column 2). We therefore focus on the
results in column 2 to assess the importance of the California mandate.
As shown in column 2, students who went to high school in Washington and attended each of
the two Washington colleges scored lower on the TEL examination than the reference category
containing students who went to high school in California and attended Fullerton College. Eastern
Washington and Washington State students score, on average, 8.96 and 6.87 percentage points
lower on the TEL examination than Fullerton College students. The Washington students score
lower than the CSUF students as well. Eastern Washington students score 8.964.14 = 4.82
percentage points lower than CSUF students (p = 0.003) and Washington State students score
6.874.14 = 2.73 percentage points lower than CSUF students (p = 0.052).
If we were to interpret these results as evidence for or against the California mandate requiring
economics instruction in high school, we would come down on the side that the mandate has
small to moderate positive effects on economics knowledge for a group of college students
with no college-level economics instruction. We do realize, however, that the possibility that
our coefcients for the college dummy variables are picking up college and/or student ability
effects weakens this conclusion. It also is not clear how our conclusions would otherwise change.
If, for example, college students from Washington had higher levels of unobserved ability and
performed better on the TEL examination than California college students, regardless of high
school attended, then our current estimates of the positive effect of the mandate are probably
understated. That is, the coefcients on the Eastern Washington and Washington State dummy
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334 GILL AND GRATTON-LAVOIE
variables may be biased upward. The reverse would hold true if the Washington college students
where somehow weaker than the California students.
Several factors lead us to be optimistic that we are picking up, at a minimum, a lower bound
estimate of the effect of the mandate. First, our focus on whites and our controls for gender,
and more importantly, academic performance in high school, effectively hold constant important
characteristics of students that would lead to different test scores. Second, as mentioned earlier,
Washington students are likely better qualied on average than our sample of California students.
CONCLUSION
Using data from a sample of high school students in California and from samples of college
students in California and Washington, this work presents ndings concerning retention of high
school economic knowledge over time and the effect of the California high school mandate.
Do students retain all the information they learned in high school economics after some time
has passed? Predictably, the answer to this question is no. However, our analysis shows that the
extent of the reduction in knowledge is quite small, if at all present, for those college students
(males or females) who had taken Honors/AP courses in high school and had already taken
college-level coursework. We cannot rule out selection bias (better students go on to college)
or the possibility that a portion of our California college sample may be self-selecting into an
economics course precisely because of specic preferences towards the discipline, or, more likely,
toward the more general set of business-related disciplines. Yet, we do feel condent that we
measure retention of high school economic knowledge (or lack thereof) at least for those students
who choose to enroll in a business-oriented course of study. We note as well, however, that the
selection issues we outline probably lead us to capture a lower bound estimate on the loss of
acquired knowledge.
Does an economics mandate in high school make a difference? After control for several
students characteristics (gender, race, and high school GPA, among others), our results indicate
a moderate but statistically signicant positive effect of the California high school mandate.
Although we cannot again completely rule out the possibility of selection bias and school-specic
effects, the results we obtain show that California college students who had to take an economics
course in high school do perform better than Washington state college students who were not
exposed to economics instruction in high school. We note that our largest implied effect of the
mandate giving an 8.96 percentage point improvement in test scores compares favorably to
Williams, Waldauer, and Duggals (1992) ndings that students who took economics in high
school performed 7.71 points higher than students who did not take economics in high school on
the test those authors administered when students were in college.
As for gender, in both our analyses, in line with the existing literature, we nd that males
score higher than do females, although no signicant changes in the male advantage in test scores
appear to happen as students move on to college. Again as expected, students with higher GPAs
perform better than do those with lower GPAs. However, we also nd that academic success
in high school, as captured by high school GPA, does not affect students knowledge of basic
economics once they become college students.
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ECONOMICS RETENTION AND STATE MANDATE 335
Finally, there is evidence in the literature that shows that the effect of high school economics
(with or without a state mandate), even if positive and signicant when students start their college-
level economics course, tends to be eliminated by the end of the class (see for example, Palmer,
Carliner, and Romer 1979). In other words, some evidence exists indicating that students entering
college with no high school economics do catch up quite quickly to their colleagues who took
economics in high school. Obviously, this is not something we were able to explore with the
current data set, as we did not administer posttests to our college students at course completion.
Nevertheless, one could argue not only that the catching-up phenomenon may be expected at least
in part but also, and perhaps most importantly, that it is to some extent irrelevant as a justication
(or lack thereof) for inclusion of economics in the high school curriculum. What courses on high
school economics want primarily to achieve, like all other high school courses, is to prepare
young people for their future life as capable and productive citizens and voters, regardless of
whether they continue their formal education in college. One could indeed assert that it is for
those students who are not college-bound that the contribution of high school economics, if it
shows some lasting impact on literacy, is of the greatest social value.
NOTES
1. Neither Saunders (1970) nor Palmer, Carliner, and Romer (1979) include a control for students ages in
their analyses. The omission seems particularly relevant in the context of evaluating the lasting impact
of high school economics courses.
2. Her study focuses on curriculumdifferences in high school economics and the effect of such differences in
college principles. The results for students in principles of macroeconomics courses indicate that, while
students who took high school economics with a macroeconomic emphasis did obtain higher TUCE
pretest scores, by the end of the course they had lost their advantage. In fact, high school instruction
had no signicant impact on posttest outcomes in college macroeconomics, regardless of the curriculum
emphasis, although students who took macroeconomics in high school performed better on the posttest
than those who did not. Interestingly, score results from TEL norming samples, when separated by
question category, indicate that high school students knowledge of economics is particularly weak on
international economics, followed by low performance in macroeconomics (Walstad and Soper 1988;
Walstad and Rebeck 2001a).
3. We intended to obtain a random sample of 12th graders for our study. Specically, our intent was to
randomly select approximately 30 economics classes for the study, giving us a total sample size of
approximately 1,000 students. Apparently, our initial hopes for random sampling were rather unrealistic,
as we had a very difcult time in obtaining the cooperation of district superintendents and teachers.
Virtually all the studies done on economic education at precollege and college level suffer from similar
limitations in their sampling procedures, regardless of the size of the sample or the nancial resources
available to the researchers (see, for example, Walstad and Soper 1988 (p. 28) or Walstad and Soper
1989 (p. 24), for a discussion of similar limitations in forming the national sample for testing the second
revision of the TEL).
4. We took great pains to ensure that we obtained the most accurate information possible. We rst met with
the district superintendents to explain the project and our data needs. We then met with the teachers who
would be involved in the project. At these meetings, we explained to the teachers the goals of the project
and the instruments for the analysis, presenting them with copies of the student questionnaire, parental-
consent form, and TEL examination, and we instructed them on how we wanted the questionnaires and
tests to be administered.
5. All necessary permissions from the Institutional Review Boards were obtained and all high school
students who participated in the study provided signed parental consent forms. All participants were
assured of condentiality.
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336 GILL AND GRATTON-LAVOIE
6. It was not feasible to collect high-school-level GPA from ofcial high school records for every student
in the college samples.
7. Note that these are Honors/AP classes other than those of economics. We exclude from all analyses
students who took Honors/AP economics in high school.
8. We checked to see if our results were robust to using a fractional logit or probit model, as our dependent
variable is constrained to take on values between 0 and 100. The marginal effects fromthe fractional logit
model (giving changes in the proportion correct) are nearly identical to our ordinary least squares (OLS)
results giving changes in percentage points of correct answers. For example, the coefcient for California
State University, Fullerton, dummy variable is 12.00 in table 2, column 1. The corresponding marginal
effect from the fractional logit model is 0.121. We are very grateful to an anonymous referee both for
this suggestion and for supplying the Stata code to run the fractional logit model using Statas GLM
procedure.
9. As previously detailed, in carrying out preliminary analysis of the California mandate, we included
interaction terms between college attended and high school GPA, as it may be the case that high school
grades fromdifferent states are not comparable. Preliminary regressions results showed that interactions
between colleges and GPA were individually and jointly insignicant (p = 0.4840), so these terms are
excluded from the results shown in the table.
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