You are on page 1of 22

This art icle was downloaded by: [ Drexel Universit y Libraries]

On: 26 July 2013, At : 11: 10


Publisher: Rout ledge
I nforma Lt d Regist ered in England and Wales Regist ered Number: 1072954 Regist ered
office: Mort imer House, 37- 41 Mort imer St reet , London W1T 3JH, UK
Journal of Feminist Family Therapy
Publ icat ion det ail s, incl uding inst ruct ions f or aut hors and
subscript ion inf ormat ion:
ht t p: / / www. t andf onl ine. com/ l oi/ wf f t 20
The Prostitution Debate in Feminism:
Current Trends, Policy and Clinical Issues
Facing an Invisible Population
Karni Kissil
a
& Maureen Davey
a
a
Programs in Coupl e and Famil y Therapy, Drexel Universit y,
Phil adel phia, Pennsyl vania, USA
Publ ished onl ine: 25 Feb 2010.
To cite this article: Karni Kissil & Maureen Davey (2010) The Prost it ut ion Debat e in Feminism: Current
Trends, Pol icy and Cl inical Issues Facing an Invisibl e Popul at ion, Journal of Feminist Famil y Therapy,
22: 1, 1-21, DOI: 10. 1080/ 08952830903453604
To link to this article: ht t p: / / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1080/ 08952830903453604
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTI CLE
Taylor & Francis makes every effort t o ensure t he accuracy of all t he informat ion ( t he
Cont ent ) cont ained in t he publicat ions on our plat form. However, Taylor & Francis,
our agent s, and our licensors make no represent at ions or warrant ies what soever as t o
t he accuracy, complet eness, or suit abilit y for any purpose of t he Cont ent . Any opinions
and views expressed in t his publicat ion are t he opinions and views of t he aut hors,
and are not t he views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of t he Cont ent
should not be relied upon and should be independent ly verified wit h primary sources
of informat ion. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, act ions, claims,
proceedings, demands, cost s, expenses, damages, and ot her liabilit ies what soever or
howsoever caused arising direct ly or indirect ly in connect ion wit h, in relat ion t o or arising
out of t he use of t he Cont ent .
This art icle may be used for research, t eaching, and privat e st udy purposes. Any
subst ant ial or syst emat ic reproduct ion, redist ribut ion, reselling, loan, sub- licensing,
syst emat ic supply, or dist ribut ion in any form t o anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &
Condit ions of access and use can be found at ht t p: / / www. t andfonline. com/ page/ t erms-
and- condit ions
1
Journal of Feminist Family Therapy, 22:121, 2010
Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0895-2833 print/1540-4099 online
DOI: 10.1080/08952830903453604
WFFT 0895-2833 1540-4099 Journal of Feminist Family Therapy, Vol. 22, No. 1, January 2010: pp. 00 Journal of Feminist Family Therapy
The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current
Trends, Policy and Clinical Issues Facing an
Invisible Population
The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues K. Kissil and M. Davey
KARNI KISSIL and MAUREEN DAVEY
Programs in Couple and Family Therapy, Drexel University, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, USA
Throughout history, prostitution has been controversial. Ambiva-
lent attitudes towards prostitution have been part of the feminist
discussion for over a century. While feminist scholars agree that
inequality within patriarchal hierarchy is the core problem in
prostitution, they have been polarized about whether classist or
sexist inequality is the primary issue and consequently, on viewing
the prostitute as either a coerced victim or an entrepreneur. This
article reviews the feminist critique of prostitution and current
issues in feminist literature. Changes in policies and social prac-
tices are discussed as well as clinical considerations for family
therapists working with this vulnerable population.
KEYWORDS prostitutes, feminism, psychotherapy, social poli-
cies, sex workers, inequality
INTRODUCTION
Throughout its long history, prostitution has always been controversial. This
is evident by the widespread tolerance interspersed with periodic condem-
nation, and attempts to abolish it (Bullough & Bullough, 1996). The ambiva-
lent attitudes towards prostitution have been part of the feminist discussion
of prostitutes since attempting to first understand this social phenomenon in
the 19
th
century. In the last three decades, however, there have been more
Received June 4, 2009; accepted September 20, 2009.
Address correspondence to Karni Kissil, Programs in Couple and Family Therapy,
Drexel University, Mail Stop 905, 1505 Race Street, Suite 403, Philadelphia, PA 19102.
E-mail: kk424@drexel.edu
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

2 K. Kissil and M. Davey
studies investigating the extent, nature, causes, and possible solutions for
prostitution due in part to the massive campaign about AIDS, the growing
number of countries that are reviewing legislation and reforming laws gov-
erning prostitution, and the interest in the topic brought about by feminist-
oriented scholars who have been encouraging a better understanding of
prostitution (Bullough & Bullough, 1996). In the field of family therapy,
there is a scarcity of literature addressing the needs of this vulnerable popu-
lation which is surprising given the fields mission to serve underprivileged
and invisible populations (AAMFT, 2003).
The goal of this paper is threefold: (1) to describe the current issues
discussed and debated in feminist literature; (2) to assess the influence that
feminism has had on prostitutes and prostitution as a social institution by
reviewing changes in legal and social policies and practices addressing
prostitution; and (3) to discuss clinical considerations for family therapists
working with prostitutes and their families.
The scope of this paper is purposefully limited to discussions of female
prostitution in the United States. Although male prostitution has its own
long-standing history and shares many of the economic, social class, and
stigmatization issues of female prostitution, it has been less frequently
addressed by feminist scholarship. Thus, male prostitution is not reflected in
any of the subsequent discussions. While prostitution is certainly a global
issue prevalent in most countries worldwide, due to scope and space limita-
tions, this paper will address female prostitution in the United States.
WHO IS A PROSTITUTE?
Defining who is a prostitute is a difficult task, as it is socially constructed
and has changed in different eras, states, investigations, and social agen-
cies. For example, the World Health Organization (WHO) defined prosti-
tution as a process that involves a transaction between a seller and buyer
of a sexual service (World Health Organization, 1988). This definition is
unique since it is the only one that includes the customer and the prosti-
tute. In contrast, as far as police records are concerned, a prostitute is a
person who has been charged, arrested, or convicted of prostitution. This
definition ignores the customers as well as some of the more successful
prostitutes who have never run afoul of the law (Bullough & Bullough,
1996). Some investigators exploring prostitution have argued that the best
way to determine whether an individual is a prostitute is the emotional
involvement and the pleasure she has gained from the client. Traditionally
it has been suggested that most prostitutes are emotionally uninvolved
with their clients and experience little physical pleasure themselves, but
current studies have suggested that this might not always be the case
(Lucas, 2005).
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 3
Other definitions of prostitution include the exchange of money for
sexual services as well as promiscuity. For example, Bloch (1912) asserted
that prostitution was a distinct form of extramarital sexual activity character-
ized by being more or less promiscuous, was seldom without reward, and
was a form of professional commercialism for the purpose either of inter-
course or of other forms of sexual activities and allurement (p. 38, as cited
in Bullough & Bullough, 1996). The problem with this definition is the elu-
siveness of the term promiscuity. What makes a woman promiscuous is
debatable; it is harder to define today, as women can have many sexual
encounters without being considered promiscuous. The question of when
prostitution becomes an occupation has not been clearly defined. For exam-
ple, is a woman who sells her sexual services a single time a prostitute or is
she labeled one after a certain number of transactions? The answer is still
unclear.
Differences also exist regarding the inclusiveness of this definition. Are
strippers and women working in massage parlors prostitutes? Are women
working in live sex shows prostitutes? Further, in the last 30 years the
phrase sex work has been coined, broadly referring to sexual commerce
of all kinds in an attempt to reduce the stigma attached to the label prosti-
tute and to convey more professionalism. However, it has been used inter-
changeably with the term, prostitutes. Moreover, the definition of sex work
is even more complex as compared to prostitution, since it includes all the
sub-categories of informal and formal sex work, and separates sex as a job
from sex as survival. The following definition by the Joint United Nations
Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS, 2005) captures this complexity:
Sex work may be formal or informal. In some instances, sex work is
only a temporary informal activity. Women and men who have occa-
sional commercial sexual transactions or where sex is exchanged for
food, shelter or protection (survival sex) would not consider themselves
to be linked with formal sex work. Occasional sex work takes place
where sex is exchanged for basic, short-term economic needs and this is
less likely to be a formal, full-time occupation. Commercial sex work
may be conducted in formally organized settings from sites such as
brothels, nightclubs, and massage parlors; or more informally by
commercial sex workers who are street-based or self-employed.
Interestingly, because of this difficulty in defining what it means to be a
prostitute in scientific inquiry, some scientists define prostitutes as women
who self-identified as such (Arnold, Stewart, & McNeece, 2000). Referring to
prostitutes as sex workers has not been successful in reducing stigma, as
social structures of patriarchy, classism, and heterosexism play a crucial part
in keeping prostitutes marginalized. Thus, throughout this paper we chose
to use the word prostitute.
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

4 K. Kissil and M. Davey
PREVALENCE
It has always been difficult to accurately assess the prevalence of prostitu-
tion, primarily because prevalence figures are dependent upon the defini-
tion of prostitution and there is little agreement upon anything but the more
blatant forms of solicitation, and definitions vary from jurisdiction to juris-
diction (Bullough & Bullough, 1996). Prevalence rates that are based on
arrest figures are also misleading because they tend to concentrate on low
status prostitutes, and fluctuate with the views of individual magistrates or
police response to public opinion, and change from region to region
because of attitudes and traditions (Bullough & Bullough, 1996). Over the
last 30 years, more than 400 studies on the history of prostitution have
assessed the prevalence of prostitution in the 19
th
and early 20
th
centuries.
Based on these studies, in the 19
th
and 20
th
centuries there was a much
higher proportion of the female population engaged in prostitution, as com-
pared to the 21
st
century (Bullough & Sentz, 1992). It is estimated that about
1015% of all young women in the 19
th
and early 20
th
centuries were prosti-
tutes, either temporarily or on a long-term basis (Gilfoyle, 1992).
In comparison, there are far less studies assessing prevalence in the 21
st
century. In a frequently cited study Potterat, Woodhouse, Muth, and Muth
(1990) estimated the prevalence of prostitutes in a large urban setting in the
U.S. using Health Department and Police records. They estimated a ratio of
23 full-time prostitutes for every 100,000 individuals in the population within
large urban settings. Translating this ratio to all of the United States, they esti-
mated approximately 84,000 prostitutions during the late 1980s. These esti-
mates should be interpreted with caution, given the difficulties of assessing
prevalence which was previously discussed.
There is considerable disagreement among researchers regarding the
overlap among sub-categories of prostitution; some researchers assume
rigid stratification of prostitution into street-level prostitutes, high-class
prostitutes, massage parlor prostitutes etc., with different characteristics of
prostitutes in each category (Dalla, 2000; Monroe, 2005). Others (e.g.,
Kramer 2003; Potterat et al., 1990) found a high level of overlap and fluidity
among the sub-categories as the same women can work in different set-
tings, simultaneously or sequentially.
TRADITIONAL THEORIES OF PROSTITUTION
Early studies from the first half of the 20
th
century focused on the social,
economic, and psychological explanations of prostitution, within the con-
text of individual circumstances. Economic explanations focused on the
view that women entered prostitution out of destitution, when other or
better economic opportunities were unavailable to them. Studies revealed a
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 5
number of common factors in the background of prostitutes such as poor
living conditions, inadequate education, neglected homes, and early coer-
cive sexual experiences. Prostitutes were described as being dispossessed,
dislocated, and helpless (e.g., Kneeland, 1913; Woolston, 1921).
Psychoanalytic explanations focused on prostitution as the result of
inherent psychopathology. Glover (1945), for example, theorized that the
prostitutes suffered from hostility toward their mothers and acute disap-
pointment with their fathers, were sexually frigid, had an unconscious hos-
tility toward males, and exhibited lesbian tendencies. Similarly, Caprio and
Brenner (1961) argued that prostitution was a defense mechanism against
lesbian desires. Choisy (1961) theorized that the union of the prostitute and
her client was one of mutual debasement in which both partners expressed
their aggression and hostility in a sadomasochistic relationship with the
woman seeking revenge on her father and the man on his mother. The
major limitations of these earlier psychoanalytic studies, however, are that
their samples were very small and their assumptions were difficult to prove.
Recent psychologically-oriented studies have focused on the connec-
tion between sexual abuse, drug abuse, and prostitution and have been
somewhat less pathologizing. Some researchers have suggested that drug
addiction, especially crack-cocaine, may play a pivotal role in why women
resort to prostitution (Dalla, 2002). Studies, however, have revealed incon-
sistencies in determining whether women first enter prostitution to support
addiction, or that drug abuse is an attempt to mask the trauma and stigma
associated with prostitution (Farley & Barkan, 1998). A more consistent link
has been established between childhood sexual abuse and prostitution,
with a large body of research revealing a high prevalence of childhood sex-
ual abuse experiences (50% and higher) among prostitutes (Silbert & Pines,
1982; Simons & Whitbeck, 1991; for a review of studies see Abramovich,
2005). Further, many studies that have incorporated a comparison group
have found that childhood sexual abuse significantly distinguished prosti-
tutes from non-prostitutes (Nadon, Koverola, & Schludermann, 1998).
Strong correlations were also reported between a history of emotional and
physical abuse and prostitution (Farley, 2006).
Researchers, however, disagree as to the direct path leading from a his-
tory of sexual abuse to prostitution as different models have been used to
explain this link. For example, some researchers have suggested that run-
away behavior in adolescence is a mediator of the linkage between child-
hood sexual abuse and prostitution (e.g., Nadon et al., 1998). A strong
critique of the correlation between childhood sexual abuse and prostitution,
however, is that most women with prior sexual abuse histories do not
become prostitutes (Abramovich, 2005). This critique has directed research
into looking for multivariate explanations instead of a single factor causal
model. For example, several studies have reported that sexual abuse in
combination with negative family-of-origin characteristics such as growing
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

6 K. Kissil and M. Davey
up with family discord, neglect, and physical abuse predict later involve-
ment in prostitution (Kramer & Berg, 2003; Seng, 1989; Widom & Kuhns,
1996).
THE CONTEMPORARY FEMINIST DEBATE
Simmons (1998) describes the debate in the feminist literature as resulting
from incommensurate theoretical understanding of the agency of prosti-
tutes. The debate, which began in the 1960s over pornography, has often
been referred to as the feminist sex wars (Duggan & Hunter, 1995). The
contemporary debate largely revolves around a polarized argument that
constructs sex work as either exploitive or liberating (Raphael, 2004). Differ-
ent writers have given different names to these two opposing groups: Radi-
cal Feminists vs. Sex Radicals (Scoular, 2004), Sex Positive Feminists vs.
Anti-Sex Work or Abolitionists (Lerum, 1998; Wahab, 2002), Prostitutes
Rights vs. Feminists Against Systems of Prostitutions (Simmons, 1998),
Social/Marxist vs. Radical feminists (Monroe, 2005), and Sexual Equality
First vs. Free Choice First (Jolin, 1994). According to Simmons, as well as
other scholars (e.g., Jolin, 1994; Lerum, 1998; Scoular, 2004) the main ques-
tions dividing these two groups of feminists are: (1) whether prostitutes are
coerced victims or entrepreneurs and empowered whores. Translating that
into the language of attaining equality, the question is whether emancipa-
tion from male sexual oppression (prostitute as a victim) or freedom of
choice (prostitute as a worker) is the primary equality issue (Jolin, 1994)
and (2) whether the solution should be decriminalization, legalization, or
abolition of prostitution.
ProstitutesVictims or Entrepreneurs?
The group in favor of prostitute rights (the pro group) views prostitutes as
active decision makers who choose to engage in prostitution. From this per-
spective, sex work is an occupational choice among other gendered and
discriminated forms of work available for women. For the pro proponents,
prostitution rests on economic and social inequality more than it does on
sexual inequality (Jolin, 1994). Choosing to be a prostitute is, therefore,
linked to a full and equal personhood. Restricting a womans choice to
engage in prostitution denies her equality and with that her status as a
human being. This view is most intensely supported by feminist sex work-
ers and feminist prostitutes rights groups, such as Call Off Your Old Tired
Ethics, Hooking is Real Employment, the Canadian Organization for the
Rights of Prostitutes, and others. The pro group agrees that women are
constrained by poverty, job discrimination, and segregation, but posits that
it is because of these myriad constraints, that some women choose to
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 7
engage in prostitution. This group stresses that prostitutes consent to prosti-
tution and have power within the sexual encounter as they negotiate their
service and fee (Simmons, 1998).
Further, although the pro group agrees that prostitution is symptom-
atic of womens oppression in society, it does not offer a critique or analysis
of the structural conditions that produce gender, class, and racial inequality.
This group of feminists is not trying to change gender relations in society,
rather, its goals are to reform inequities of law enforcement and bad laws
(Simmons, 1998).
In contrast, the feminists who are against prostitution (the anti group)
view prostituted women as compelled by their social circumstances into
prostitution, and therefore believe that the involvement of women in prosti-
tution is always nonconsensual (Simmons, 1998). Barry (1981), a radical
feminist, defines involuntary prostitution as female sexual slavery whether it
is legalized, regulated, or tolerated. Barry states that involuntary prostitution
occurs in all situations in which women or girls cannot change their imme-
diate circumstances and cannot get out, regardless of how they got into
those conditions; and they are subject to sexual violence and exploitation.
Radical feminists (anti) have done the most to highlight the harms
experienced by women and have talked and written about the inequalities
of prostitution within the context of sexuality and gender analysis (Scoular,
2004). The defining characteristic of work in this area, as expressed in the
writings of Kate Millet (1975), Kathleen Barry (1981, 1995), Carole Pateman
(1988), Catherine MacKinnon (1989), and Andrea Dworkin (1989), is an
understanding of prostitution as violence perpetrated against women
violence not only in the practice of prostitution but more fundamentally in
the very idea of buying sex which is inextricably linked to a system of het-
erosexuality and male power that it represents the absolute embodiment of
patriarchal male privilege (Kesler, 2002, p. 19).
Radical feminists disagree that prostitution, no matter how defined,
could be accepted as a free choice by any woman (Dworkin, 1987). Dworkin
(1987) claims the same lack of freedom for any kind of heterosexual inter-
course, even that which takes place within the marital relationship. The
prostitute simply demands cash up front (Bullough & Bullough, 1987).
Dworkins argument, however, had greater truth in the past. Historically,
there was often little difference between the sexual obligation of a wife and
the selling of services by a prostitute, because, by law, a woman was
required to provide sexual services to her husband whether she wanted to
or not, and in return for this she received financial support. Radical femi-
nists claim that although legally this is no longer the case, a system of
exchange of benefits for sexual services exists in varying degrees in all mar-
riages. Prostitution, from this point of view, represents an extreme case of
sexual stratification in which the commodization of female sexuality contrib-
utes to the devaluation and objectification of women (Scoular, 2004).
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

8 K. Kissil and M. Davey
SolutionsDecriminalization, Criminalization, or Legalization
Consequent to viewing prostitutes as either victims or liberated women, the
pro and anti groups differ in their preferred solutions. The pro group
wants to empower prostitutes through decriminalization. They struggle to
organize sex work so that prostitutes are safe, healthy, and prosperous.
Pro group activists are primarily concerned with inequity caused by laws
and law enforcement practices (Simmons, 1998). They stress that imprison-
ment, court imposed debt, and law enforcement officers are the primary
vehicle for the exploitation of prostitutes. The failure of police to arrest men
involved in solicitation illustrates exploitation and gender discrimination in
the legal system (Jenness, 1993).
The pro activists believe that if prostitution is decriminalized, police
harassment would decrease and prostitutes would be able to rely on the
police for protection rather than be oppressed by them. More protection
would mean less violence against prostitutes (Jenness, 1993). Further,
decriminalization would allow sex prostitutes to leave prostitution without
stigma.
The anti group strongly opposes decriminalization as a stand-alone
solution to prostitution. This group believes that decriminalization of prosti-
tution will promote more sex trafficking, expand the sex industry, increase
child prostitution, and encourage men to buy women for sex in a wider and
more permissible range of socially acceptable settings (Farley, 2004; Raymond,
2003). Further, decriminalization will not protect women working in prosti-
tution, nor will it promote their health or increase their choices. The anti
group believes that the solution has to be much more comprehensive in
addressing the societal structures that currently support gender inequalities.
For example, this group considers a current Swedish Law as an effective
way to decrease prostitution by addressing all levels of institutions involved
in perpetuating prostitution, by simultaneously criminalizing the buyers and
decriminalizing the sellers.
This Swedish law is based on the recognition that without mens
demand for and use of women and girls for sexual exploitation, the prosti-
tution industry would not flourish (Ekberg, 2004). Thus, prostitution is
acknowledged as a form of male sexual violence against women and chil-
dren. Prostitutes are seen as victims of male violence and do not risk legal
penalties. Instead, they have the right to assistance in escaping prostitution.
The Swedish model is comprehensive in recognizing that to succeed in the
campaign against sexual exploitation, the political, social, and economic
conditions under which women and girls live must be ameliorated by work-
ing on, for example, poverty reduction, sustainable development, and social
programs focusing specifically on women (Ekberg, 2004, p. 1189). To
address societal stigma, for example, the Swedish Division of Gender Equality
together with the National Criminal Police have established education
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 9
programs for police personnel to increase their understanding of the condi-
tions that make women vulnerable to becoming prostitutes. Additionally,
arrests of Johns have increased to 300% in the year following the initiation
of this program, providing strong evidence of its success (Ekberg, 2004).
For both feminist groups, it is clear that criminalization will only inten-
sify female inequality because in addition to the other inequalities, prosti-
tutes will now have to bear the physical, psychological, and economic
burdens of being identified as criminals (Jenness, 1993; Kuo, 2002; Schur,
1984; Tong, 1984). In addition, the most convincing argument against crimi-
nalization as a way to decrease or eliminate prostitution is that criminaliza-
tion has never achieved that goal. This is demonstrated by the fact that the
practice of prostitution in the U.S. appears to be on the rise even though it
is currently illegal in 49 states (Kuo, 2002). Both feminist groups similarly do
not view legalization as a policy worth considering as legalization strategies
could lead to the expansion of state control in womens lives. Jolin (1994)
explains:
Insofar as most legalized policies enable the state to determine where,
when, and how prostitution can be pursued, legalization allows the
statea predominantly male institutionto regulate female sexual
conduct, and, as such, represents yet another form of male domination
for women. Legalization, therefore, presents an obstacle to both sexual
equality and free choice (p. 80).
CHANGES IN POLICIES AND SOCIAL PRACTICES
Every state in the United States has laws against street prostitution
(McCaghy & Capron, 1994), including Nevada, where indoor brothel prosti-
tution is permitted in 11 counties (Clark, 1993). Feminists have critiqued
policies focusing primarily on the suppliers of sex services (prostitutes) as
well as the complete neglect of the buyers (customers or Johns). Police
responses in the 1980s and 1990s tended to focus on prostitutes, with cus-
tomers constituting only an estimated 10% of arrests (Monto, 2004). Female
prostitutes have been the target of enforcement strategies, while the illegal
activities of the sex buyers were minimized or often completely ignored.
Laws designed to punish the sex buyers, therefore, have been the least
enforced (Jurgens, 1995), while those designed to punish prostitutes were
the most frequently enforced. Feminist explanations for the United States
persistence in punishing the prostitutes over the Johns have been linked to
race, sex, and class differences (Monroe, 2005). The typical John is White,
married, and male who has a white collar job or who works in a skilled
trade (Clark, 1993). In contrast, the typical adult street prostitute is female,
African American, of an immigrant status, poor, and/or a single parent
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

10 K. Kissil and M. Davey
(Clark, 1993; Farley & Barkan, 1998). The privilege of being White, male,
and middle class has resulted in the customer being given breaks from the
law, favoritism and the benefit of the doubt (Monroe, 2005).
Several recent shifts in policies have been made in response to this crit-
icism. For example, anti-prostitution statutes in many cities in the United
States are now phrased in gender neutral language (Monto, 2004). Conse-
quently, more police departments nationwide appear to be conducting
sweeps, using female police officers as decoys, to arrest men seeking pros-
titutes. Further, some police agencies and local governments have publi-
cized the names and photographs of clients who are either arrested for and/
or convicted of prostitution-related offenses. The names and photographs
may appear on television, in newspapers, or on internet websites. The goal
of this policy is to subject customers not only to the risk of legal sanctions
but also to the loss of personal reputation (Monto, 2004).
Another reported change has to do with the increasing number of cities
that have begun providing diversion programs for clients, known as the
John Schools (Monroe, 2005). The John School was created in 1995 in
San Francisco, as a one day program, designed to discourage arrested men
from re-offending. First-time adult male offenders, who were arrested for
attempting to patronize a prostitute, can choose to attend the John school as
an alternative to having their charges formally processed through the crimi-
nal courts. Typically each one-day program provides men with information
on morality, health, sexually transmitted diseases, laws for prostitution, the
impact prostitution has on communities, sex addiction, and the overall
harmfulness of prostitution. Finally, they witness a testimony from a former
prostitute about the inherent degradation in prostitution activities (Monroe,
2005).
John Schools have been criticized. First, they were referred to as a
legal loophole for men (Monroe, 2005, p. 76) because they allow men the
opportunity to circumvent criminal processing while female prostitutes are
typically processed all the way through the legal system after their arrest
(Monroe, 2005). Although there are a few prostitution diversion programs,
they still operate under the prevalent view of the prostitute as the criminal
and hold the threat of criminal processing for prostitutes that do not com-
plete the program (Wahab, 2006). Second, these programs were criticized
by proponents of prostitution for perpetuating the perception of prostitutes
as coerced victims (Monto, 2004).
Third, the assumption that a one-day class could change long-established
patterns of sexual behavior has been challenged (Monto, 2004). Fourth, and
related to the previous point, although these programs have been estab-
lished all over the country, no formal evaluation of their effectiveness in the
United States has been published to date. There is, however, one published
evaluation of John Schools in Canada (Fischer, Wortley, Webster, & Kirst,
2002), which was conducted using a pre- and post-program survey of
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 11
participants. Although the program did accomplish some of its principal
objectives, the researchers reported that the attitudinal changes did not
seem to translate into significant changes in anticipated future behavior
(Fischer et al., 2002, p. 393). They also reported that the programs greatest
weakness was its inability to deter future prostitution related activities
(Wahab, 2006), which had been the primary objective of the program.
Another change in social practices is the establishment of support pro-
grams for prostitutes (e.g., Dignity House in Arizona, PRIDE in Minnesota,
SAGE in California, HIPS in Washington, D.C.). These programs are based
on the principals of harm-reduction models that have gained popularity
primarily outside of the U.S. as a response to the spread of AIDS among
injection drug users (Rabinovitch, 2003). The goals of the harm-reduction
approach is to decrease the negative consequences of prostitution, while
recognizing that exiting may not be a realistic and/or desirable goal for
some, especially on a short-term basis. Available programs do vary from
each other in terms of the level of involvement, duration, and extent of
services provided, including but not limited to: job training, health care,
housing assistance, mental health counseling, substance abuse treatment,
education, and legal advocacy. Most programs are local and have begun as
a grassroots effort to reach out to prostitutes. There is, however, no govern-
ment supported national organization currently charged with providing
services to prostitutes (Weitzer, 2000).
Feminists views about these programs have been divided. Anti-
prostitution feminists have criticized harm-reduction programs, as harm-
reduction is not harm elimination, and does not ultimately help to eradicate
the practice of prostitution which is the ultimate goal of abolitionist groups.
Supporters of harm-reduction posit that harm reduction does not contradict
the abolitionist ideal as an end point (Cusick, 2006), and should be valued for
its humanistic qualities of improving the lives of this marginalized population.
Overall there is much disappointment among feminists in the U.S.
regarding the accomplishments in the last century (Jolin, 1994; OConnell
Davidson, 2002). Despite feminists advocacy of decriminalization and
attempts to change the social structures, the fact that in 2009 prostitution in
the U.S. (excluding a few counties in Nevada) continues to be a crime,
underscores this point. Further, although the Johns are now receiving more
attention by law enforcement agencies, female prostitutes are still the main
target of police. According to more recent national statistics, prostitution
arrests average around 100,000 per year, and 70% of those arrested for pros-
titution are females (Weitzer, 1999).
After more than 100 years of public discussion and efforts, prostitution
still remains socially constructed as a crime with the prostitute as either a
criminal or a victim. Feminists on both sides agree that contempt and stigma
are adverse side effects of prostitution (Farley, 2004) that are still prevalent
in the 21
st
century, and will continue as long as prostitution is socially
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

12 K. Kissil and M. Davey
constructed as a crime. Unfortunately, the legal system in the United States
continues to perpetuate inequality, which is evident in the development and
maintenance of prostitution laws. Current prostitution statutes, state legis-
lation on prostitution related offenses, prostitution enforcement strategies,
and sentencing practices reflect flagrant racism, classism, and sexism
(Monroe, 2005, p. 81). Equality is far from being accomplished and even
sparser are clinical programs designed to help this vulnerable and often
invisible population.
CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS
Like other stigmatized groups, prostitutes need culturally sensitive clinical
services that best serve their unique characteristics and clinical needs
(Brode, 2004; Herman, 2003). It has been argued that prostitutes are not a
monolithic group, as some women could be empowered by the work and
do not necessarily fit the stereotypical view of the prostitute as the coerced,
traumatized, and sexually abused woman (Arnold, Stewart, & McNeece,
2000; Brode, 2004; Carpenter, 2000). Thus, family therapy clinical programs
should be designed to recognize both the positive aspects of prostitution,
like the economic gain and flexible scheduling and the negative aspects
such as the possible loss of self as well as juggling multiple roles as prosti-
tutes and mothers.
Prostitutes, however, may experience a range of clinical and family
problems related to sex working and could have complex needs. Prior stud-
ies with this population have suggested that they can experience feelings of
suicidality (Ling, Wong, Holroyd, & Gray, 2007), are at higher risk of sexu-
ally transmitted infections including HIV (Farley, 2004), have mental health
issues due to conditions in their environment and/or due to prior mental
health vulnerabilities (Stevenson & Petrak, 2007), personality disorders
(Herman, 2003), can struggle with substance use and abuse (Smith &
Marshall, 2007), anxiety, and could have poor coping skills (Herman, 2003).
The most prevalent mental health issue that prostitutes tend to struggle
with is chronic trauma. For example, Farley, Baral, Kiremire, and Sezgin
(1998) found a Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) prevalence rate of
68% among those in prostitution in nine countries. This rate was compara-
ble to the rates of PTSD among battered women seeking shelter, rape sur-
vivors, and survivors of state-sponsored torture (Farley, 2004). Dissociation,
depression, and other mood disorders are also common among prostitutes
in street, escort, and strip club prostitution (Ross, Anderson, Heber, &
Norton, 1990; Ross, Farley, & Schwartz, 2003). In fact, Ross et al. (2003)
posit that dissociation is a job requirement for surviving prostitution
because its primary function is to endure and manage the overwhelming
fear, pain, and systematized cruelty that is often experienced in prostitution,
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 13
in addition to possibly triggering earlier abuse, by separating these unbear-
able experiences from the rest of the self.
In addition to these individual clinical issues, many of these women
may be struggling with being mothers and their work on the streets (Dalla,
2004; Sloss & Harper, 2004). Studies reported that prostitutes have an aver-
age of 2.25 to 3.4 children each, with some having as many as 7 children
(Dalla, 2000; Weiner, 1996). Although statistics show that many of these
women give up or lose custody of their children, some prostitutes struggle
with the dual role of being prostitutes and mothers (Sloss & Harper, 2004).
women engaged in street sex work are not sex workers alone. Like
all women, they hold multiple rolesone of the roles on which these
women place considerable importance is that of being a mother (p. 34).
Feelings of guilt and shame about the social stigma and the way their
children are being affected by their work are prevalent, along with feelings
of sadness and mourning due to the separation from those children who
were placed elsewhere (Dalla, 2004). Although prostitutes are a vulnerable
population who need access to clinical treatment, there are many obstacles
to first overcome, in order to engage and retain them in treatment.
Obstacles to engaging prostitutes and their families in clinical treatment
have been identified, including both individual and structural factors. One
of the main structural obstacles for treating prostitutes is access to services
(Yahne, Miller, Irvin-Vitela, & Tonigan, 2002). Studies that have explored
accessibility to health care services highlight numerous barriers including
the current structure of care systems, provider resistance, womens prioriti-
zation of acute over preventive care, learned helplessness, depression and
low self esteem, cost of treatment, long waiting lists (Kurtz, Surratt, Kiley, &
Inciardi, 2005), and frequent incarcerations (Arnold et al., 2000).
Further, the very nature of female prostitutes income-generating activi-
ties can keep them from seeking the protections and services offered by
mainstream charitable and governmental organizations or hinder their abil-
ity to engage in treatment. Many prostitutes hide or minimize their work
due to feelings of shame and stigma that society has attached to their work
and a fear that their children will be taken away. During intakes with all
clients, in particular those women who are being treated for trauma, clini-
cians should always ask about prostitution in routine clinical screenings
(Herman, 2003). Fear of discrimination and arrest has also been cited as a
reason why these women do not always seek out care when they need it
(Weiner, 1996).
Additionally, outreach programs are scarce (Arnold et al., 2000) and
those available tend to focus on the more urgent needs of street-level pros-
titutes such as shelter, food, and medical treatment, even though prostitutes
have cited mental health care and drug treatment as highly important and
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

14 K. Kissil and M. Davey
needed (Yahne et al., 2002). In addition, shelters that are available rarely
accept prostitutes and their children (Dalla, 2004).
The promotion of effective mothering requires shelter, financial security
and transportation. Residential programs that offer short-term, transi-
tional, and long-term housing and that are accepting of women with
children are essential. (Dalla, 2004, p. 199)
Street-based outreach mental health programs have been suggested as a possi-
bly effective way to link prostitutes to clinical treatment (Nuttbrock, Rosenblum,
Magura, Villano, & Wallace, 2004). Finally, having a more flexible clinical
model (e.g., walk-ins, mobile therapy) is another way to improve access to
mental health care services (Stevenson & Petrak, 2007). Once prostitutes are
able to access clinical services, however, it is equally important to provide
culturally sensitive services that meet their and their families needs.
Some researchers have stated that prostitutes are a unique population
with needs that should be carefully considered in clinical contexts. For
example, Brode (2004) conducted a focus group study with 13 female pros-
titutes to explore their experiences and needs in psychotherapy. Brode
(2004) uncovered several unique themes to consider when delivering cul-
turally sensitive clinical services to prostitutes. These women reported a
desire to be seen as a person with a more complex life (such as being a
mother), rather than just being labeled as a prostitute. Unlike the prevailing
negative stereotypes of them in society, they wanted to be seen as individu-
als. Finally, they compared their work to womens work in other profes-
sions and in many ways did not see their sex work as different from how
they viewed the work of other women in society.
In terms of qualities that they would want to experience in a clinician,
three main themes emerged (Brode, 2004). They would like the therapist to
not judge them regarding their work, to be open to them seeking therapy
for reasons other than their chosen profession as prostitutes, and the thera-
pist should be culturally competent about their sex work so they do not
have to spend most of the therapy sessions educating the therapist, and can
instead focus on the issues that they would like to resolve in therapy.
Finally, a major obstacle to successful therapy can be the therapists
potentially negative attitudes toward prostitutes. The feminist debate has
been successful in bringing to the fore the importance of social discourse in
understanding prostitution. Therefore, therapy with prostitutes cannot be
conducted in a void and has to address contextual variables and the nega-
tive messages created by the dominant discourse and possibly internalized
by prostitutes. Family therapists, trained in systemic thinking, are most suit-
able for this work. As therapists themselves are embedded and influenced
by their social contexts, they should be aware of their own values, biases,
and beliefs regarding prostitutes.
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 15
Therapists biases, therefore, need to be overcome in order to provide
culturally competent treatment to this population.
Even those of us who are seasoned clinicians may find ourselves over-
come with feelings of disgust, fascination, or pervasive dread, reactions
which interfere with the formation of a successful therapeutic alliance
(Herman, 2003, p. 2).
Herman (2003) describes the ability to create an accepting and warm thera-
peutic milieu while also confronting the clients unhealthy behavior as one of
the most difficult and challenging tasks for clinicians. Since in their positions
as therapists, they have more privilege and power than this oppressed group
of women, it is essential to not use that power to convince the client that her
profession is pathological, even if the therapist thinks this is true. Therapists
who can remain curious and open will be able to respect the clients own
voice and collaboratively work with her and support her goals in treatment.
As previously discussed, feminists have historically had one of two
opposing views of prostitutes, that of victims and that of prostitutes as
their own free agents (Carpenter, 2000). Yet Brode (2004) noted that pros-
titutes are a diverse group and therapists should not assume that they all
want to leave their work and only focus on this aspect of their lives, as the
client may find this uncomfortable or even offensive. Making sure precon-
ceived ideas about prostitutes are kept in check is important work that the
therapist needs to do, so that when the sex work is discussed in sessions,
the therapist is able to convey care and concern without negative judgment.
Clinicians need to work on finding this delicate balance in session, in order
to listen to what the clients want to work on in therapy while at the same
time not being afraid to talk about other issues related and unrelated to
prostitution in order to provide their clients with culturally competent clini-
cal care that best serves their needs (Brode, 2004; Hedin & Mansson, 2003;
Herman, 2003; Stevenson & Petrak, 2007).
In terms of clinical recommendations for family therapy, it has been
suggested that in order to promote emotional health and effective mother-
ing for prostitutes, two important issues have to be addressed (Dalla, 2004).
The first is addressing intergenerational familial patterns. Family therapists
are best trained to address family of origin and family of procreation issues.
For example, exploring childhood abuse and neglect may help to reduce
feelings of guilt and blame, enhancing emotional healing which in turn, can
help to free her up to be more emotionally available as a parent and better
make proactive decisions about the type of parent she would like to be that
is different than the type of parenting she experienced as a child.
The second is addressing the relationship between the prostitute and her
male partner. It has been documented that these intimate relationships tend
to be emotionally, psychologically, and physically unhealthy (Dalla, 2001;
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

16 K. Kissil and M. Davey
Williamson & Cluse-Tolar, 2002). It is first important to assess for any domes-
tic violence at home, in order to ensure safety of the prostitute and her chil-
dren. Then clinical interventions should be tailored to address the irrational
beliefs perpetuating the cycle of violence, power, and control (Dalla, 2004).
Prostituted women display many symptoms of battered woman
syndrome, which include beliefs of personal responsibility for victimiza-
tion, inability to place the responsibility for the violence elsewhere, fear
for ones own life and those of ones children, and an irrational belief
that the abuser is omnipresent and omniscient (Dalla, 2004, p. 1999).
CRITIQUE AND DISCUSSION
Prostitution seems to engender some of the most difficult issues in feminism.
Prostitutes are considered by feminists to be on the front line of patriarchal
oppression. They exemplify the position of all women in patriarchal and capi-
talistic societies. They also carry the dual burden of a criminal record and the
loss of respectability that their clients do not. For feminists, prostitution epito-
mizes everything that is wrong in patriarchal societies (Carpenter, 2000).
Is support for prostitutes more important than a critique of prostitution?
Are prostitutes victims or agents? Do feminists who are not prostitutes have
the right to speak on behalf of prostitutes or by doing so are they perpetu-
ating the perception of prostitutes as the victims? These issues have been
debated for decades and are still relevant today, simply because not much
has changed (Jolin, 1994; Stetson, 2004). In the 21
st
century, prostitution is
still a crime in the U.S. Feminists are at an impasse because of their concep-
tual dualism; victim or agent, for or against, classist or sexist oppression.
Dichotomous conceptualizations put feminists in a bind, as they cannot
both support and critique prostitutes simultaneously (Carpenter, 2000; Jolin,
1994; OConnell Davidson, 2002).
The either/or stance ignores the possibility that these options are not
mutually exclusive and the fact that prostitutes are not a homogenous group.
The only resolution is through a new conceptualization that is not based on
mutually exclusive choices, but instead incorporates the complexity of the
prostitute phenomenon, and allows for the various voices of prostitutes to be
heard and validated (Carpenter, 2000). Feminists will have to find a way to
separate prostitutes from prostitution as a social institution, as it makes more
sense to defend prostitutes entitlement to do their work but to not defend
prostitution itself as a practice under patriarchy (Overall, 1992). Feminists
need to create a synthesis in the dialectic of the right to choose and the right
to protection, within a new framework that can include both.
Race is generally absent from the feminist discussion of prostitution
(Kramer & Berg, 2003; Raphael, 2004). The feminist polarization is primarily
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 17
focused on sex vs. class inequalities, ignoring the part race has in under-
standing inequality and prostitution. This is surprising given the fact that
women of color tend to enter prostitution earlier and stay longer as com-
pared to White women (McClanahan, McClelland, Abram, & Teplin, 1999;
Nixon, Tutty, Downe, Gorkoff, & Ursel, 2002) and that numerous studies
report a disproportionate percentage of African-American women arrested
and incarcerated for prostitution (Nelson, 1993). Both radical and socialist
feminists have been criticized by Africana women for failing to incorporate
the concerns and issues of women of color because they primarily focus on
sexism (radical) and class inequality (socialist). Africana women suggest that
race should take precedence over the other isms in explaining prostitu-
tion, especially street-level prostitution, although they view race as always
being classed and gendered (Ntiri, 2001). Thus, Africana women view pros-
titution as resulting from the intersectionality of structural racism, classism,
and sexism and suggest that all are pivotal in understanding prostitution
(Monroe, 2005).
The feminist critique has created a shift in the current prostitution
scholarly discussions, from focusing on individual deficits (pathologizing
prostitutes) to considering social discourses as constructing the institute of
prostitution. Consequently, efforts have been re-directed to the facilitation
of more structural changes. What is missing, though, is attention to the indi-
vidual prostitute and her children. In the struggle to protect prostitutes as a
marginalized and vulnerable group, the prostitutes as individuals have been
forgotten. The prominent evidence for this is the current dearth of family
therapy literature specifically addressing the mental health needs of prosti-
tutes and their children as well as any clinical considerations for reaching
out and treating this at risk population.
Despite feminists advocacy of decriminalization, the prevailing policy
in the U.S. is still criminalization (Stetson, 2004; Weitzer, 1999, 2000). The
negative view of prostitutes is still prevalent. It is possible that the long-
standing cultural values regarding morals and promiscuity present greater
obstacles to change than feminists anticipated.
Until such time as a womans sexual conduct is of her choice (equality),
and neither detracts from (promiscuity) nor enhances (chastity) her
worth, prostitution will continue to exist and it will continue to be
fraught with controversy (Jolin, 1994, p. 81).
REFERENCES
Abramovich, E. (2005). Childhood sexual abuse as a risk factor for subsequent
involvement in sex work: A review of empirical findings. Journal of Psychology
& Human Sexuality, 17, 131146.
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

18 K. Kissil and M. Davey
American Association for Marriage and Family Therapy, Clinical Competencies Task
Force. (2003). Proposed competencies. Washington, DC: Author.
Arnold, E. M., Stewart, J. C., & McNeece, C. A. (2000). The psychosocial treatment
needs of street-walking prostitutes: Perspectives from a case management
program. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 30, 117132.
Barry, K. (1981). Female sexual slavery. New York: Basic Books.
Barry, K. (1995). The prostitution of sexuality. New York: New York University
Press.
Bullough, B., & Bullough, V. L. (1987). Women and prostitution: A social history.
Buffalo, NY: Prometheus.
Bullough, B., & Bullough, V. L. (1996). Female prostitution: Current research and
changing interpretations. Annual Review of Sex Research, 7, 158181.
Bullough, V. L., & Sentz, L. (1992). Prostitution: A guide to sources 17901990. New
York: Garland.
Brode, T. (2004). A critical analysis and resulting considerations: Psychotherapy
with clients working in the sex industry. Dissertation Abstract International,
65(5-B), 2614.
Caprio, F., & Brenner, D. (1961). Sexual behavior: Psycho-legal aspects. New York:
Citadel Press.
Carpenter, B. J. (2000). Re-thinking prostitution. Feminism, sex, and the self. New
York: Peter Lang Publishing.
Choisy, M. (1961). Psychoanalysis of the prostitute. New York: Philosophical Library.
Clark, C. S. (1993). Prostitution: The issues. Congressional Quarterly, 3, 507527.
Cusik, L. (2006). Widening the harm reduction agenda: From drug use to sex work.
International Journal of Drug Policy, 17, 311.
Dalla, R. L. (2000). Exposing the pretty woman myth: A qualitative examination of
the lives of female streetwalking prostitutes. The Journal of Sex Research, 37,
344353.
Dalla, R. L. (2001). Et tu Brute? A qualitative analysis of streetwalking prostitutes
interpersonal support networks. Journal of Family Issues, 22, 10661085.
Dalla, R. L. (2002). Night moves: A qualitative investigation of street-level sex work.
Psychology of Women Quarterly, 26, 6373.
Dalla, R. L. (2004). I fell off [the mothering] track: Barriers to effective mothering
among prostituted women. Family Relations, 53, 190204.
Duggan, L., & Hunter, N. D. (1995). Sex wars: Sexual dissent and political culture.
New York: Routledge.
Dworkin, A. (1987). Intercourse. New York: Free Press.
Dworkin, A. (1989). Pornography: Men possessing women. New York: Plume.
Ekberg, G. (2004). The Swedish law that prohibits the purchase of sexual services.
Violence Against Women, 10, 11871218.
Farley, M. (2004). Bad for the body, bad for the heart: Prostitution harms women
even if legalized or decriminalized. Violence Against Women, 10, 10871125.
Farley, M. (2006). Prostitution, trafficking, and cultural amnesia: What we must not
know in order to keep the business of sexual exploitation running smoothly.
Yale Journal of Law and Feminism, 18, 101136.
Farley, M., Baral, I., Kiremire, M., & Sezgin, U. (1998). Prostitution in five countries: Vio-
lence and posttraumatic stress disorder. Feminism and Psychology, 8, 415426.
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 19
Farley, M., & Barkan, H. (1998). Prostitution, violence, and posttraumatic stress
disorder. Women and Health, 27(3), 3749.
Fischer, B., Wortley, S., Webster, C., & Kirst, M. (2002). The socio-legal dynamics
and implications of diversion: The case study of the Toronto John School for
prostitution offenders. Criminal Justice, 2, 385410.
Gilfoyle, T. J. (1992). The city of ergs: New York city, prostitution and the commer-
cialization of sex, 17901920. New York: W.W. Norton.
Glover, E. (1945). The psycho-pathology of prostitution. London: Hogarth Press.
Hedin, U. C., & Mansson, S. A. (2003). The importance of supportive relation-
ships among women leaving prostitution. In M. Farley (Ed.), Prostitution,
trafficking, and traumatic stress (pp. 223237). Binghamton, NY: Haworth
Press.
Herman, J. L. (2003). Introduction: Hidden in plain sight: Clinical observations on
prostitution. In M. Farley (Ed.). Prostitution, trafficking, and traumatic stress
(pp. 113). Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press.
Jenness, V. (1993). Making it work: The prostitutes rights movement in perspective.
New York: de Gruyter.
Jolin, A. (1994). On the backs of working prostitutes: Feminist theory and prostitu-
tion policy. Crime & Delinquency, 40, 6983.
Jurgens, R., (1995). Prostitution. HIV/AIDS Policy & Law Newsletter, 2, 1.
Kesler, K. (2002). Is a feminist stance in support of prostitution possible? An explo-
ration of current trends. Sexualities, 5, 219235.
Kneeland, G. J. (1913). Commercialized prostitution in New York City. New York:
Century.
Kramer, L. A. (2003). Emotional experiences of performing prostitution. In M. Farley
(Ed.), Prostitution, trafficking, and traumatic stress (pp. 187197). Binghamton,
NY: Haworth Press.
Kramer, L. A., & Berg, E. C. (2003). A survival analysis of timing of entry into pros-
titution: The differential impact of race, educational level, and childhood/
adolescent risk factor. Sociological Inquiry, 73, 511528.
Kuo, L. (2002). Prostitution policy. Revolutionizing practice through a gendered
perspective. New York: New York University Press.
Kurtz, S. P., Surratt, H. L., Kiley, M. C., & Inciardi, J. A. (2005). Barriers to health and
social services for street-based sex workers. Journal of Health Care for the Poor
and Underserved, 16, 345361.
Lerum, K. (1998). Twelve-step feminism makes sex workers sick: How the state and
the recovery movement turn radical women into useless citizens. Sexuality &
Culture, 2, 736.
Ling, D. C., Wong, W. C. W., Holroyd, E. A., & Gray, S. A. (2007). Silent killers of
the night: An exploration of psychological health and suicidality among female
street workers. Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 33, 281299.
Lucas, A. M. (2005). The work of sex work: Elite prostitutes vocational orientations
and experiences. Deviant Behavior, 26, 513546.
MacKinnon, C. (1989). Toward a feminist theory of the state. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
McClanahan, S. F., McClelland, G. M., Abram, K. M., & Teplin, L. A. (1999).
Pathways to prostitution. Psychiatric Services, 50, 16061613.
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

20 K. Kissil and M. Davey
McCaghy, C. H., & Capron, T. A. (1994). Deviant behavior: Crime, conflict, and
interest groups (3
rd
edition). New York: Macmillan College Publishing Co.
Millet, K. (1975). The prostitution papers. St. Albans: Paladin.
Monroe, J. (2005). Women in street prostitution: The result of poverty and brunt of
inequity. Journal of Poverty, 9(3), 6988.
Monto, M. A. (2004). Female prostitution, customers, and violence. Violence Against
Women, 10, 160188.
Nadon, S. M., Koverola, C., & Schludermann, E. H. (1998). Antecendents to prostitu-
tion: Childhood victimization. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 13, 206221.
Nelson, V. (1993). Prostitution: Where racism and sexism intersect. Michigan
Journal of Gender & Law, 1, 8189.
Nixon, K., Tutty, L., Downe, P., Gorkoff, K., & Ursel, J. (2002). The everyday occur-
rence: Violence in the lives of girls exploited through prostitution. Violence
Against Women, 8, 10161043.
Ntiri, D. W. (2001). Reassessing Africana womanism: Continuity and change. The
Western Journal of Black Studies, 25, 163167.
Nuttbrock, L. A., Rosenblum, A., Magura, S., Villano, C., & Wallace, J. (2004). Link-
ing female sex workers with substance abuse treatment. Journal of Substance
Abuse Treatment, 27, 233239.
OConnell Davidson, J. (2002). The rights and wrongs of prostitution. Hypatia, 17,
8498.
Overall, C. (1992). Whats wrong with prostitution? Evaluating sex work. Signs, 17,
705725.
Patenam, C. (1988). The sexual contact. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Potterat, J. J., Woodhouse, D. E., Muth, J. B., & Muth, S. Q. (1990). Estimating the
prevalence and career longevity of prostitute women. The Journal of Sex
Research, 27, 233243.
Rabinovitch, J. (2003). PEERS: The prostitutes empowerment, education and
resource society. In M. Farley (Ed.). Prostitution, trafficking, and traumatic
stress (pp. 239253). Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press.
Raphael, J. (2004). Listening to Olivia. Violence, poverty, and prostitution. Boston:
Northeastern University Press.
Raymond, J. G. (2003). Ten reasons for not legalizing prostitution and a legal
response to the demand for prostitution. In M. Farley (Ed.), Prostitution, traf-
ficking, and traumatic stress (pp. 315332). Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press.
Ross, C. A., Anderson, G., Heber, S., & Norton, G. R. (1990). Dissociation and abuse
among multiple personality patients, prostitutes, and exotic dancers. Hospital
and Community Psychiatry, 41, 328330.
Ross, C. A., Farley, M., & Schwartz, H. L. (2003). Dissociation among women in
prostitution. In M. Farley (Ed.), Prostitution, trafficking, and traumatic stress
(pp. 199212). Binghamton, NY: Haworth.
Schur, E. M. (1984). Labeling women deviant: Gender, stigma, and social control.
Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Scoular, J. (2004). The subject of prostitution. Interpreting the discursive, symbolic
and material position of sex/work in feminist theory. Feminist Theory, 5, 343355.
Seng, M. J. (1989). Child sexual abuse and adolescent prostitution: A comparative
analysis. Adolescence, 24, 665675.
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3

The Prostitution Debate in Feminism: Current Issues 21
Silbert, M. J., & Pines, A. M. (1982). Entrance into prostitution. Youth and Society,
13, 471500.
Simmons, M. (1998). Theorizing prostitution: The question of agency. Sexuality &
Culture, 2, 125148.
Simons, R., & Whitbeck, L. B. (1991). Sexual abuse as a precursor to prostitution
and victimization among adolescent and adult homeless women. Journal of
Family Issues, 12, 361379.
Sloss, C. M., & Harper, G. W. (2004). When street sex workers are mothers.
Archives of Sexual Behavior, 33, 329341.
Smith, F. M., & Marshall, L. A. (2007). Barriers to effective drug addiction treatment
for women involved in street-level prostitution: a qualitative investigation.
Criminal Behavior and Mental Health, 17, 163170.
Stetson, D. M. (2004). The invisible issue: prostitution and trafficking of women and
girls in the United States. In J. Outshoorn (Ed.), The politics of prostitution.
Womens movements, democratic states and the globalization of sex commerce
(pp. 245264). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Stevenson, C., & Petrak, J. (2007). Setting up a clinical psychology service for
commercial sex workers. International Journal of STD and AIDS, 18, 231234.
Tong, R. (1984). Women, sex, and the law. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Allanheld.
UNAIDS (2005). Resource pack on gender and HIV/AIDSgender and sex work
fact sheet. Retrieved May 10, 2008, from http://www.prostitutionprocon.org/
questions/whatissexwork.htm
Wahab, S. (2002). For their own good?: Sex work, social control and social work-
ers, a historical perspective. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, XXIX (4),
3957.
Wahab, S. (2006). Evaluating the usefulness of a prostitution diversion project.
Qualitative Social Work, 5, 6792.
Weiner, A. (1996). Understanding the social needs of streetwalking prostitutes.
Social Work, 41, 97105.
Weitzer, R. (1999). Prostitution control in America: Rethinking policy. Crime, Law, &
Social Change, 32, 83102.
Weitzer, R. (2000). The politics of prostitution in America. In R. Weitzer (Ed.), Sex
for sale. Prostitution, pornography, and the sex industry (pp. 159180). New
York: Routledge.
Widom, C. S., & Kuhns, J. B. (1996). Childhood victimization and subsequent risk
for promiscuity, prostitution and teenage pregnancy: A prospective study.
American Journal of Public Health, 86, 16071612.
Williamson, C., & Cluse-Tolar, T. (2002). Pimp-controlled prostitution: Still an
integral part of street life. Violence Against Women, 9, 10741092.
Woolston, H. W. (1921). Prostitution in the United States. New York: Century.
World Health Organization (1988). STD control in prostitution: Guidelines for
policy. WHO consultation on prevention and control of sexually transmitted
diseases in population groups at risk. Geneva, Switzerland: Author.
Yahne, C. E., Miller, W. R., Irvin-Vitela, L., & Tonigan, J. S. (2002). Magdalena pilot
project: Motivational outreach to substance abusing women street sex workers.
Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 23, 4953.
D
o
w
n
l
o
a
d
e
d

b
y

[
D
r
e
x
e
l

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
i
t
y

L
i
b
r
a
r
i
e
s
]

a
t

1
1
:
1
0

2
6

J
u
l
y

2
0
1
3