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uenuei ieseaich is, touay, one of the majoi fielus of sociology, both acauemic anu
applieu. The sociology of genuei has hau significant impact in the euucation anu
health sectois, in violence pievention, antiuisciimination anu equal oppoitunity
policy. As an oiganizeu fielu, howevei, it is not yet stiongly influenceu by the
postcolonial ievolution in knowleuge.

In this papei I exploie how the sociology of genuei can be uevelopeu in the light
of Southein theoiy anu Southein ieseaich. This is not a small task, not a mattei
of cieating a postcolonial coinei insiue the sociology of genuei. The issue
conceins founuational concepts anu methous, global ielations of powei anu
centiality in knowleuge piouuction. The analysis must be giounueu in an
unueistanuing of the histoiy of sociology, but also neeus to engage
contempoiaiy global uevelopments in feminist thought.

I stait with the changing place of genuei issues in the uiscipline of sociology, how
sociology in the global Noith has tiieu to theoiize global issues, anu how both
metiopole anu peiipheiy aie embeuueu in a global economy of knowleuge. I
then tuin to intellectual woik in the global South, fiist consiueiing some of the
uistinctive themes that emeige fiom genuei analyses in the peiipheiy, then
sociology-of-knowleuge questions about the piouuction of knowleuge anu
configuiations of knowleuge. Finally I uiscuss the view of genuei ielations on a
woilu scale that is tentatively emeiging fiom these staiting-points.

I am conscious that this papei auuiesses a vast teiiain anu can offei only a few
uetails fiom a iich liteiatuie. The mateiial is uiawn mainly fiom sub-Sahaian
Afiica, paits of Latin Ameiica, Inuia anu Austialia; a longei tieatment woulu also
consiuei genuei analysis in the Aiab woilu, east anu cential Asia, anu moie. I
2
hope this is enough to uocument the neeu foi change anu show some of the
uiiections of movement.

%&'(&)&*+ 8./ *#./#0

The place of genuei in sociology is uebateu, anu has changeu. A quaitei-centuiy
ago, 0S colleagues spoke of 'the missing feminist ievolution in sociology' (Stacey
anu Thoine 198S). The ievolution at that time was not so much missing as
iefuseu. Sociology clung to a founuation stoiy in which the uiscipline was
inventeu by a gioup of white male founuing fatheis pieoccupieu with Euiopean
moueinity anu its expeiience of inuustiialization, class conflict, alienation anu
buieauciacy. Theie is little place foi genuei in this stoiy.

It is tiue that white men weie cential to the cieation of sociology as a cultuial
pioject. But the gioup was laigei than the Naix-Webei-anu-Buikheim
founuation myth usually acknowleuges, anu its histoiy is much moie inteiesting.
Nineteenth-centuiy sociology in the global metiopole uiew much of its uata fiom
the colonizeu woilu. It hau a gieat ueal to say about genuei anu iace. In fact
these weie key issues foi the fiist two geneiations of sociologists.

These issues weie seen, howevei, fiom the point of view of the colonizing
poweis. The uiscipline of sociology was constiucteu as a uebate among the
intellectuals of the impeiial centie about the woilu that global impeiialism hau
encounteieu oi cieateu. In Comtean sociology, as I will call the uominant foim of
the uiscipline c. 18Su-192u, uiffeience between the metiopole anu the colony,
inteipieteu as 'piogiess', was sociology's key oiganizing concept.

The status of women was commonly seen as an inuex of piogiess. The evolution
of sexuality, householu anu maiiiage was a theme of gieat inteiest to Comtean
sociologists. Spencei, whose !"#$%#&'() +, -+%#+'+./ (1874-77) was piobably the
most influential sociology book evei wiitten, wiote at length about 'uomestic
institutions', meaning family, kinship anu the status of women. Waiu, the most
piominent among the founueis of Noith Ameiican sociology, wiote in 0/$12#%
-+%#+'+./ (1897) at even gieatei length about sexuality, genuei uiffeiences anu
'sexuo-social inequalities'. Engels' inteiest in the 'oiigin of the family' is famous;
Sumnei's 3+'451/) (19u6) was stuffeu with uetails about kinship, sex, maiiiage,
piostitution anu incest; anu moie examples coulu be given.

Noithein sociology's twentieth-centuiy histoiy involveu a paitial ietieat fiom
impeiial conceins anu a shaip ietieat fiom the Comtean fiamewoik, to focus on
social uiffeience anu social conflict within the society of the metiopole (Connell
S
2uu7). It was a moie iestiicteu veision of sociology, with its ieseaich
technology of censuses, suiveys anu uiban ethnogiaphy, that was expoiteu to
the iest of the woilu uuiing the Colu Wai eia, anu became the basis of acauemic
anu policy sociology as we know it touay.

In the mainstieam sociology of the miu-twentieth centuiy, genuei issues weie
mainly unueistoou as questions about the uomestic oiuei insiue metiopolitan
society. This was the eia of 'sex iole' concepts, as unueistoou in the 0SA by
Paisons (Paisons anu Bales 19S6) anu Komaiovsky (19Su). Change in genuei
noims was ceitainly iecognizeu by these wiiteis. But theii conceptualization of
sex ioles was auuiesseu to the functioning anu noimative integiation of
Noithein society, unueistoou as a closeu system. The fiist phase of feminist
sociology in the 197us offeieu a moie ciitical evaluation of noims anu ioles, now
seen as iestiictions on women's fieeuom, without immeuiately changing the
conceptual fiamewoik.

Neveitheless sociology unuei the impact of the women's movement gave moie
attention to genuei issues than most acauemic uisciplines. uenuei is cuiiently
one of the laigest fielus of empiiical sociology. }ouinals such as 6($7(" 1$7
-+%#(8/ publish a stieam of ieseaich on the genueieu uivision of social laboui,
genuei patteins in cultuie, genueieu institutions, genuei iuentities, sexuality,
householu stiuctuies, anu moie. Sociology became the main base foi theoietical
analysis of genuei ielations as one of the main stiuctuies of the societies we live
in (Baiiett 198u, Walby 2uu9).

In the last geneiation, the themes of the sociology of genuei have continueu to
evolve. Stuuies of sexuality have become moie piominent, influenceu by the
uigency of the stiuggle with BIv-AIBS (Bowsett 1996). The appalling scale of
genuei-baseu violence aiounu the woilu has become cleai, though we aie still
fai fiom having auequate theoiies about this (Small Aims Suivey 2u11). uenuei
patteins in schooling, the subject of seveial waves of public contioveisy, have
become incieasingly impoitant issues in the sociology of euucation. 0nuei the
influence of post-stiuctuial thought since the 198us, the uiscuisive constiuction
of genuei iuentity, anu the instability of genuei iuentity, have become majoi
themes; anu questions about patteins of embouiment uisplaceu the olu
natuienuituie quaiiel.

Sociology as a uiscipline has been gieatly eniicheu by this woik. The injustice,
violence anu uistiess that unequal genuei ielations piouuce, aie wiuely
iecognizeu as key conceins foi applieu sociology. The uevelopment of the
sociology of genuei ovei the last geneiation is, all things consiueieu, a notable
achievement of piogiessive social thought.

4
It must be saiu, howevei, that the sociology of genuei has uevelopeu essentially
within the fiamewoik of twentieth-centuiy Noithein sociology, with its post-
Comtean pieoccupation with the society of the global metiopole. Noithein
theoiists pioviue the fielu's leauing iueas anu Noithein methouologists its main
ieseaich techniques. This situation is in uigent neeu of change.

9&02"#0. *#./#0 8.8)+4(4 8./ 2"# *)&:8) /(;#.4(&.


The situation has alieauy begun to change. In the last twenty yeais it has
become noimal foi Anglophone genuei scholaiship to acknowleuge global
issues. The numbei of papeis iecoiueu in the ISI Web of Knowleuge uatabase
whose titles oi abstiacts combineu the teim 'globalization' with a genuei teim
iose ten-folu between the eaily 199us anu eaily 2uuus. Collections of
ethnogiaphic, histoiical oi thematic stuuies fiom aiounu the peiipheiy such as
9+2($:) ;%8#<#)2 1$7 6'+=1'#>18#+$ (Naples anu Besai 2uu2) aie now an
establisheu publishing genie. So aie integiative inteinational suiveys of
knowleuge, such as 6($7("? 9+"4 1$7 @%+$+2/A B$&1%4#$. 8C( 6'+=1' @%+$+2/
(uottfiieu 2u1S).

Influential sociologists in the metiopole now tiy to foimulate theii conceptual
analyses at a woilu level. Notable examples aie Chow's (2uuS) aigument on the
genueieu chaiactei of globalisation; Ackei's (2uu4) sociology of the genuei
piocesses in global capitalism; 0nteihaltei's (2uu7) global analysis of genuei
anu social justice in euucation; anu Cockbuin's (2u1u) analysis of genuei
ielations, militaiization anu wai.

This scholaiship on global genuei is illuminating anu piouuctive, but contains a
ueep-seateu pioblem. Ackei (2uu4: 17) iefeis to 'the mostly Westein
scholaiship on genuei anu globalization', anu - setting asiue some uoubts about
the concept 'Westein' - she is iight. It isn't only that Euiope anu the 0niteu
States publish most of the woilu's jouinals anu that most of the aiticles in them
aie about Euiope anu the 0niteu States. Nost scholaily genuei analysis iemains
in the conceptual woilu of Naix, Foucault, ue Beauvoii anu Butlei even when it is
talking about sexuality in Inuia, iuentity in Austialia, migiation in the
Neuiteiianean oi factoiies in Nexico.

If we look back into the histoiy of genuei ieseaich, it is cleai that uata acquiieu
by Euiopean colonial conquest anu post-colonial uepenuency has been veiy
impoitant to metiopolitan theoiists. Nohanty's famous essay '0nuei Westein
eyes' (1991) ievealeu the colonial gaze that constiucteu a false image of the
S
'thiiu woilu woman'. But even this unueistateu the impoitance of knowleuge
fiom the peiipheiy.

The colonizeu woilu pioviueu iaw mateiial foi metiopolitan feminist uebates
about the oiigin of the family, matiiaichy, the genuei uivision of laboui, the
0euipus complex, thiiu genueis, male violence anu wai, maiiiage anu kinship,
genuei symbolism - anu now, of couise, globalization. Such pivotal feminist texts
as Nitchell's !)/%C+1$1'/)#) 1$7 3(2#$#)2 (1974), Rubin's 'The tiaffic in women'
(197S) anu Chouoiow's DC( E(&"+7F%8#+$ +, G+8C("#$. (1978) woulu be
inconceivable without the colonial knowleuge on which Fieuu, Lvi-Stiauss anu
othei mighty men of the metiopole built theii theoiies.

uenuei analysis, then, is involveu in a global political economy of knowleuge. ulobal
impeiialism left no cultuie sepaiate oi intact, not even the cultuie of the impeiialists.
The colonial encountei, continuing as the encountei of contempoiaiy communities with
globalizeu powei, is itself a massive souice of social uynamics - incluuing intellectual
innovation.

This is the teiiitoiy now being exploieu in a vigoious liteiatuie on the global uynamics
of knowleuge. The stianus of this liteiatuie incluue ieseaich on southein theoiy
(Connell 2uu7, Neekosha 2u11), alteinative tiauitions in social science (Alatas 2uu6,
Patel 2u1u), postcolonial sociology (Bhambia 2uu7, Reutei anu villa 2u1u), inuigenous
knowleuge (0uoia Boppeis 2uu2), the psychology of libeiation (Nonteio 2uu7),
uecolonial thought (Quijano 2uuu, Nignolo 2uu7), the uecolonization of methouology
(Tuhiwai Smith 1999) anu moie. In the context of this book it woulu be supeifluous to
uiscuss this whole teiiain, but my analysis of the sociology of genuei has a specific
staiting-point within it. This is the global sociology of knowleuge uevelopeu by the
Beninese philosophei Paulin Bountonuji in @$7+.($+F) H$+5'(7.( (1997, see Connell
2u11).

Bountonuji obseives that impeiialism cieateu a global uivision of laboui in the sciences,
in which uata was collecteu in the colonies anu concentiateu in the metiopole, wheie
theoiy was uevelopeu anu the uata weie piocesseu. This uivision of laboui peisisteu
aftei uecolonization; the global peiipheiy still expoits uata anu impoits applieu science,
the global metiopole is still the centie of theoiy anu methouology. An inteinational
ciiculation of knowleuge woikeis accompanies the inteinational flows of uata, concepts
anu techniques. Woikeis fiom the peiipheiy tiavel to the metiopole foi uoctoial
tiaining, sabbaticals, confeiences oi bettei jobs; woikeis fiom the metiopole fiequently
tiavel to the peiipheiy to collect uata, iaiely to get auvanceu tiaining oi to leain theoiy.

0ne of the most stiiking paits of Bountonuji's analysis conceins the attituue of
knowleuge woikeis in the global peiipheiy iesulting fiom this global stiuctuie.
6
This attituue he calls 'extiaveision' - being oiienteu to exteinal souices of
intellectual authoiity. Extiaveision is seen in piactices such as citing only
metiopolitan theoiists, publishing piefeientially in metiopolitan jouinals,
joining 'invisible colleges' centieu in the metiopole, anu acting as native
infoimants foi metiopolitan scientists who aie inteiesteu in the peiipheiy.

We can auu to Bountonuji's analysis the poweiful influence of neolibeial politics
anu management. Neolibeial agenuas aie cuiiently ueepening extiaveision by
locking the univeisities of the peiipheiy into maiket competition anu global
ianking systems - in which the elite univeisities of the 0niteu States anu Euiope
always appeai on top, uefining the 'excellence' otheis must stiive foi. Scholais in
the peiipheiy aie now unuei heaviei piessuie than evei to publish in
metiopolitan jouinals, gain iecognition in the metiopole anu foim paitneiships
with piestigious centies.

Extiaveision in this sense is as wiuespieau in genuei stuuies as in othei fielus of
knowleuge. Netiopolitan texts about genuei aie tianslateu anu ieau in the
peiipheiy, anu tieateu as authoiities. uenuei ieseaicheis fiom the peiipheiy
tiavel to the metiopole foi qualifications anu iecognition. Whole fiamewoiks,
teiiains of uebate, anu pioblematics aie liable to be impoiteu.

A few examples may illustiate the point. The late Beleith Saffioti's ; 2F'C(" $1
)+%#(717( 7( %'1))() (1969) was a toweiing achievement, yet shapeu by
stiuctuialist maixism fiom Paiis. Not even -F=1'8("$ -8F7#() was immune to
extiaveision: the jouinal's main attempt at genuei theoiy, Thaiu anu Niianjana's
'Pioblems foi a contempoiaiy theoiy of genuei' (1996), uefines the pioblems of
Inuian feminist politics by applying postmoueinist feminism fiom the metiopole.
Bhaskaian's lively G17( #$ I$7#1 (2uu4), tieating sexual uiveisity, applies queei
theoiy fiom the 0SA. The empiiical coie of G1)%F'#$#8#() (Connell 199S) is
Austialian but its main theoietical souices aie ueiman, Biitish anu Noith
Ameiican.

But theie is always some fiiction between the intellectual peispectives cieateu
in the impeiial centies, anu the iealities of society anu cultuie in the colonizeu
anu post-colonial woilu. Nelly Richaiu (2uu4), impoiting Fiench post-moueinist
thought to feminism in Chile, notes that these iueas have to be 'ie-woikeu' in the
peiipheiy.

We coulu put this moie stiongly. The ie-woiking iequiies a ciitique anu
tiansfoimation of the metiopolitan fiamewoiks themselves. The uebates about
uecolonial thought, southein theoiy, inuigenous knowleuge anu postcolonial
7
thought, though they have mostly not been genuei-infoimeu, aie now vital
iesouices foi ueveloping the sociology of genuei.

%&12"#0. 2"#;82('4 ,&0 *#./#0 8.8)+4(4

The necessaiy staiting-point is impeiialism itself. uenuei uynamics take specific
foims in colonial anu postcolonial contexts because, as Naiia Lugones (2uu7)
aigues, they aie inteiwoven with the uynamics of colonization anu globalization.
As valentine Nuuimbe (1994) has aigueu, the colonizing powei, in oiuei to
establish itself, hau to cieate a new society. It is impoitant to iegistei that the
laige majoiity of the woilu's people live in such societies with colonial,
neocolonial anu postcolonial histoiies. The global metiopole is the exception,
not the noim. Analysis infoimeu by what Lugones has usefully calleu 'the
coloniality of genuei' shoulu be the mainstieam of the sociology of genuei.

Recognition of the fact of colonization has alieauy polaiizeu post-colonial genuei
analysis. In ieaction against Noithein feminism, moie exactly a simplifieu
veision of it, one school of thought asseits that 'genuei' is itself a piouuct of
colonialism, imposeu on societies which pieviously uiu not oiganize themselves
in genueieu ways. Peihaps the best-known example is 0yeionke 0yewumi's DC(
I$<($8#+$ +, 9+2($ (1997), which contiasts Westein sex uichotomy with 'a
Yoiuba stance' that uoes not classify people on the basis of bouies - so genuei is
not a stiuctuie of pie-colonial Yoiuba society anu 'women' uoes not exist as a
social categoiy. This view has been ciiticiseu as both an inaccuiate account of
pie-colonial society, anu as ieplacing an essentialism of bouies with an
essentialism of cultuie that helps to legitimize post-colonial patiiaichy (Bakaie-
Yusuf 2uu2, Lewis 2uu2). Poweiful men in post-colonial iegimes can, anu uo,
fenu off uemanus foi genuei equality by bianuing feminism as a neo-colonial
intiusion.

0ma Naiayan (1998: 1uS), whose ciitique of cultuial essentialism is exemplaiy,
uefenus legitimate geneializations about genuei: 'viitually eveiy community is
stiuctuieu by ielationships of genuei that compiise specific foims of social,
sexual, anu economic subjection of women'. This view is complicateu by
ieseaich that shows pie-colonial conceptions of genuei to be complex anu
stiuctuieu uiffeiently fiom Euiopean conceptions. Thus Sylvia Naicos (1998),
examining the metaphoiical ieligious thought of Nesoameiican communities in
suiviving colonial-eia uocuments, finus poweifully embouieu conceptions that
emphasise uuality, integiation anu the absence of baiiieis. 0n the othei hanu,
oial-histoiy eviuence fiom Aboiiginal people anu anthiopologists about pie-
colonial society in Austialia, points to iitual sepaiation of women anu men, as
well as a maikeu genuei uivision of laboui, in that veiy uiffeient civilization
(Beinut 1974).
8

Whatevei the pie-colonial situation, it was tiansfoimeu by colonialism, anu not
gently. uenueieu violence playeu a foimative iole in the shaping of colonial anu
post-colonial societies. Colonization itself was a genueieu act, caiiieu out by
impeiial woikfoices, oveiwhelmingly men, uiawn fiom masculinizeu
occupations such as soluieiing anu long-uistance tiaue. The iape of women of
colonizeu societies was a noimal pait of conquest. The colonial state was built as
a powei stiuctuie opeiateu by men, baseu on continuing foice. Biutality was
built in to colonial societies, whethei they weie settlei colonies oi colonies of
exploitation. The level of genueieu violence in post-colonial societies is now a
cential issue in global feminism, fiom inteinational policy foiums (Baicouit
2uu9) to local ieseaich anu action agenuas - illustiateu by the emphasis on
genuei violence in the women's stuuies piogiammes in Costa Rica (Coiueio
2uu8). Saffioti's (2uu4) latei woik gave close attention to the issue; she quotes
suivey uata showing about half of Biasilian women have expeiienceu genuei-
baseu violence.

In a poweiful papei, Amina Nama (1997) iecalls the violence of impeiial
patiiaichy, the cieation of colonial economies that maiginalizeu women, anu the
genuei uimension of the stiuggles foi inuepenuence in Afiica. Women wiuely
suppoiteu the nationalist movements, but once in powei, few of the nationalist
iegimes uefenueu women's inteiests. With the economic ciisis of the post-
inuepenuence states that began in the 197us, veiy haish conuitions weie cieateu
foi women, anu high levels of violence against women became appaient.

Nama aigues convincingly that the feminist stiategies against genuei violence
uevelopeu in the metiopole uo not apply in this context, because these stiategies
piesuppose a well-functioning state anu a coheient genuei oiuei; neithei of
which is expeiienceu by Black anu woiking-class women in post-colonial Afiica.
Nina Lauiie (2uuS) makes a similai point when uiscussing masculinity politics in
the contempoiaiy Anues, that ieseaich in the global South cannot piesuppose a
consoliuateu genuei oiuei. }ane Bennett (2uu8: 7) in South Afiica uesciibes the
specificity of genuei ieseaich in conuitions wheie 'ielative chaos, gioss
economic uispaiities, uisplacement, unceitainty anu suipiise' aie the noim not
the exception.

uenuei analysis fiom the global South thus, in a sense, must inveit the
pioblematic of iecent genuei theoiy in the global Noith, wheie a
ueconstiuctionist agenua is hegemonic. In the colonial anu postcolonial woilu
the 214#$. of genuei oiueis, oi the attempts to make them, aie cential issues.
Establishing colonial genuei aiiangements iequiieu, as well as foimative
violence, a sustaineu cultuial anu oiganizational effoit on the pait of the
colonizeis. This is iightly emphasiseu by Lugones (2uu7), though I think she is
mistaken to uesciibe genuei aiiangements as 'imposeu' on the colonizeu. Active
9
iesponses by the colonizeu weie also involveu; anu the active iesponses by
women of colonizeu societies aie now well iecognizeu in feminist histoiiogiaphy
anu inuigenous ciitique (Noieton-Robinson 2uuu).

Less iecognizeu in most of the genuei liteiatuie aie the active iesponses also
maue by men. This issue is exploieu by Ashis Nanuy, whose book DC( I$8#218(
@$(2/A J+)) 1$7 E(%+<("/ +, -(', F$7(" K+'+$#1'#)2 (198S) is a classic stuuy of the
social constiuction of masculinity. Nanuy tiaces how the piessuie of Biitish
conquest anu the colonial iegime ie-shapeu Inuian cultuie, incluuing its genuei
oiuei. The iesponse to this piessuie calleu out specific elements of Inuian
tiauition, ovei-valuing the 4)C18"#/1 oi waiiioi categoiy, to justify essentially
new patteins of masculinity in a moueinizing piocess. Equally impoitant, Nanuy
shows how the colonial encountei ie-shapeu mouels of masculinity among the
colonizeis. As the iegime settleu into a peimanent goveining stiuctuie uuiing
the nineteenth centuiy, a uistinctive cultuie emeigeu that exaggeiateu genuei
anu age hieiaichies. This piouuceu a simplifieu, uominance-oiienteu, anu often
violent masculinity as the hegemonic pattein among the Biitish, uespising
weakness, suspicious of emotion, conceineu to uiaw anu police iigiu social
bounuaiies.

Noie iecently, the making of masculinities anu negotiation of genuei ielations in
colonial anu post-colonial tiansitions has been the subject of intense ieseaich in
southein Afiica (Noiiell 2uu1; Epstein et al. 2uu4). This ieseaich goes fai to
establishing two impoitant conclusions. The fiist is the sheei uiveisity of masculinities
that aie unuei constiuction at the same time in the one national teiiitoiy. Post-colonial
genuei ieality cannot be captuieu by geneializeu mouels of 'tiauitional' vs 'mouein'
manhoou. The seconu is how intimately the making of masculinities is bounu up with
the vast anu continuing tiansfoimations of postcolonial society as a whole. uenuei is
not off to the siue in a cupboaiu of its own. It is enmesheu with the changing stiuctuie
of powei anu shifts in the economy, the movement of populations anu the cieation of
cities, the stiuggle against Apaitheiu anu the 199us luich to neolibeialism, the
institutional effects of mines, piisons, aimies anu euucation systems.

This illustiates a tenuency in post-colonial genuei analysis towaius a
sociological view of genuei. Naia viveios (2uu7) fiom Colombia, in a uiscussion
of the concept of uiffeience, aigues that colonialism foigeu an integial link
between genuei anu iace that was not piesent in the global Noith (which has
tenueu to tieat these uimensions thiough concepts like 'inteisectionality').
Funuamental themes in the genuei stuuies piogiamme of the 0niveisiuau
Nacional ue Colombia (2uu9) aie the sociocultuial conuitions constiucting
genuei ielations, women's visibilization, the social inequalities of sexuality anu
genuei, anu public policy. 0f couise theie aie institutions with gieatei emphasis
on philosophy anu cultuie. But when we factoi in the significance of
uevelopment issues (Baicouit 2uu9), theie is a sense in which the sociological
1u
appioach to genuei as a stiuctuie of social ielations is cential to genuei
scholaiship in the global South, in a way that is not tiue in the global Noith.

This can be seen, foi instance, in Chilean uiscussions of voice anu iuentity. }ulieta
Kiikwoou's feminist classic -(" &+'L8#%1 ($ KC#'( (1986) conceins the
establishment of women's political voice in twentieth-centuiy Chile. This coulu
be tieateu in teims of cultuial iuentity, but it is not. A key step in Kiikwoou's
ieseaich was an inteiview stuuy with women's movement activists unuei the
uictatoiship, anu she constiucts the histoiy of Chilean feminism as a collective
stoiy of social stiuggle. The emeigence of women as a political subject, in hei
naiiative, was closely bounu up with the featuies of a postcolonial political
oiuei, anu the changing ways in which Chile's socio-economic foimation was
aiticulateu with the woilu economy anu inteinational politics. Sonia Nontecino
(2uu1) similaily emphasises that genuei iuentities aie collective constiuctions,
in theii uiveisity; inueeu suggests that an unueistanuing of iuentity as emeiging
fiom social stiuggle is chaiacteiistic of Latin Ameiican thought.

As I have aigueu in -+F8C("$ DC(+"/ (Connell 2uu7), the issue of lanu is ciucial in
unueistanuing colonial society, anu this applies to genuei ielations. Naicia Langton
(1997), a leauing Aboiiginal intellectual in Austialia, shows one uimension of this.
Austialian Aboiiginal cultuie has been poitiayeu as patiilineal anu patiiaichal, but this
account mainly comes fiom male anthiopologists convinceu of women's infeiioiity.
Women have incieasingly uemonstiateu that women's iights weie embeuueu in
piecolonial lanu tenuie systems. In the conuitions of violent conquest, anu the extieme
piessuie on most Aboiiginal cultuies that followeu, this lanu-anu-genuei oiuei was
bauly uisiupteu. Langton aigues that it was women's tiauitions anu ties to place -
'uianumotheis' law' - that weie the moie iesilient, anu pioveu ciucial in holuing
Aboiiginal society togethei. 0luei women thus became the key to social suivival.

Lanu is also cential to the analysis of genuei ielations in agiicultuial society in the
Inuian subcontinent by Bina Agaiwal, whose ; 3#('7 +, M$(:) M5$ (1994) is one of the
gieat classics of mouein genuei analysis. Agaiwal is piofessionally an economist, but ;
3#('7 +, M$(:) M5$ is actually a iich inteiuisciplinaiy exploiation of peasant society,
involving iegional anu legal histoiy, sociology of the family, stuuies of political
movements, anu moie. Lanu is shown to be a ciucial element in genuei piactices
ianging fiom kinship alliance anu inheiitance to the constitution of patiiaichal powei
stiuctuies. Agaiwal uocuments a vigoious genuei politics incluuing collective
mobilizations by women foi lanu owneiship anu lanu use, anu wiuespieau, sometimes
violent, iesistance by men.

To aigue theie aie common themes that emeige fiom Southein genuei stuuies is
not to imply theie is a single Southein genuei oiuei. veiy ceitainly, theie is not -
neithei befoie noi aftei colonization. Inueeu, iecognition of the uiveisity of
11
genuei oiueis is an impoitant consequence of the aiguments of Southein
feminists in foiums such as the 0N woilu confeiences on women, fiom Nexico
City in 197S to Beijing in 199S. Ciitique of unexamineu univeisalism in
Noithein genuei theoiy has been a peisistent theme in Afiican feminist stuuies
(Ainfieu et al. 2uu4), anu the aiguments apply also within the global South.

uenuei analysis fiom the global South theiefoie poses the question of uiveisity,
the multiplicity of genuei foims, not at the level of the inuiviuual, but at the level
of the genuei oiuei anu the uynamic of genuei ielations on a societal scale.

<&./(2(&.4 8./ '&.,(*1082(&.4 &, =.&>)#/*#

Thematics aie one thing, piacticalities anothei. 0ne of the big uiffeiences
between genuei ieseaich in global Noith anu global South is the scale of
iesouices available foi scholaiship. Theie aie some well-iesouiceu univeisities
in the peiipheiy, such as the feueial univeisity system in Biasil, the elite
univeisities in Inuia, the 'sanustones' oi 'uioup of Eight' in Austialia, the
0niveisity of Cape Town, the National 0niveisity of Singapoie. Public
investment in highei euucation, cuiiently static oi contiacting in the Noith, has
been giowing in China anu Biasil especially. Smallei iesouices, multiplieu,
might still amount to a significant asset: acioss Afiica, about thiity univeisities
weie teaching genuei stuuies in the eaily 2uuus (Nama 2uuS).

None of this, howevei, is compaiable to the scale anu wealth of the highei
euucation systems in Euiope anu the 0niteu States, the publishing inuustiies of
the metiopole, the coipoiate anu state-funueu ieseaich centies (incluuing
census buieaux), anu theiefoie the woikfoice potentially engageu in genuei
ieseaich in the global Noith. With the ciisis of the postcolonial uevelopmental
state anu the auvent of global neolibeialism, genuei ieseaich in the South
uepenus to a laige uegiee on Nu0s anu uevelopment aiu piogiammes. As Nama
notes, the Afiican univeisity piogiammes have been stiuggling with
contiauictoiy uemanus, staff in neeu of qualifications, anu eiiatic institutional
suppoit. Continent-wiue netwoiks anu capacity-builuing piogiammes have
been cieateu, but the situation is piecaiious.

The consequences foi genuei stuuies aie significant. 0ne of the most impoitant
is the fiaming of much genuei ieseaich by economic uevelopment agenuas. The
'women in uevelopment' movement of the 197us, anu the 'genuei anu
uevelopment' fiamewoik that giew out of it, have been impoitant in funuing
ieseaich anu pioviuing political legitimacy foi genuei stuuies. But the 'genuei
fiamewoik' in uevelopment woik has usually been categoiical, if not essentialist
- tieating 'women' as an unuiffeientiateu natuial categoiy. Nu0 baseu ieseaich
12
is geneially small-scale, focusseu on piactical pioblems, anu shoit-teim; not a
piomising way to uevelop new peispectives. Bepenuence on aiu funus means
suboiuination to uonoi-uiiven agenuas anu establisheu foimulae which, as
Besiiee Lewis (2uu2) points out foi Afiican genuei ieseaich, maiginalizes
ciitique anu intellectual innovation. Teiesa valus (2uu7) similaily speaks of a
'technification of genuei knowleuge' in the southein cone countiies of Latin
Ameiica, as policy ieseaich tenus to ieplace movement-baseu feminism.

These aie among the bases of the extiaveision of Southein intellectual laboui
uiscusseu eailiei. The 'tiaffic in genuei', to use Clauuia ue Lima Costa's (2uu6)
witty phiase, is mainly fiom Noith to South. Sometimes this is planneu; in the
eaily uays of women's stuuies in China, foi instance, the 0S mouel of women's
stuuies was uelibeiately impoiteu in the 198us. In the absence of an
autonomous women's movement, especially aftei the political ciackuown of
1989, no othei base foi theoiy was available. Nin Bongchao (2uuS) notes that
ieseaich was at this stage only uone if funueu fiom outsiue, mainly fiom the
0niteu States; it hau to be piactical, anu expiesseu in conceptual teims familiai
to the uonois.

Nin also notes, howevei, that the women engageu in cieating Chinese women's
stuuies weie conscious of majoi gaps between the histoiical expeiience of
Chinese women anu women in the global Noith. Costa (2uu6) points out a
ietuin tiaffic. Foi instance, Fiench post-stiuctuialism, so influential in
Anglophone genuei stuuies, was itself influenceu by the expeiience of
Fiancophone Noith Afiica. She also notes the uifficulties in tianslating concepts
fiom one iegion to anothei. Foi instance the concept 'women of coloi',
impoitant in challenging essentialism in 0S genuei stuuies, makes little sense in
othei places; while the concept of ievolutionaiy tiansfoimation of society,
cential in }ulieta Kiikwoou's thought, has little giip in the global Noith.

Cecilia Saiuenbeig (2u1u) in Biasil has iecently been exploiing anothei way that
Noithein hegemony is contesteu. The language of 'women's empoweiment' has
iecently spieau in Biasil, fiom the latest incaination of top-uown uevelopment
agenuas - it is seen by many as Woilu Bank jaigon (though it oiiginateu in
feminist activism). But it is possible to inflect such language in uiffeient ways. A
gioup baseu at the Feueial 0niveisity of Bahia has been uoing just that, iejecting
libeial empoweiment in favoui of 'libeiating empoweiment' uiiecteu to
tiansfoiming the genuei oiuei of patiiaichal uomination.

Noithein wealth anu powei theiefoie uo not necessaiily piouuce intellectual
uomination. Noi uoes the ciitical iesponse to Noithein genuei analysis have to
be 'uenunciatoiy' oi engage in 'castigation', to use Lewis' (2uu7) teims. Theie
can be constiuctive ciitical use of Noithein thought, tieating it as a iesouice
1S
iathei than a fiamewoik, anu moving aheau of it on the basis of Southein
expeiience.

An example is a notable piece of sociological theoiising, '0n the categoiy
"genuei": a theoietical-methouological intiouuction', publisheu in 1992 in the
E(<#)81 I$8("12("#%1$1 7( -+%#+'+.#1 by Teiesita ue Baibieii, a South Ameiican
sociologist who settleu in Nexico. This papei staits with feminist movements
anu theii hypothesis that the suboiuination of women is a question of powei, not
natuie. Aftei ieviewing a numbei of metiopolitan feminist thinkeis, especially
uayle Rubin, ue Baibieii sets out a line of analysis centeiing on social contiol
ovei women's iepiouuctive powei, anu men's asseition of theii iights ovei
offspiing. This commits hei to a ielational view of genuei, though one in which
biological capacities aie at stake - it is not a uisembouieu oi puiely uiscuisive
view. Be Baibieii sees the ielationship between the cultuial figuies of the
mothei anu the male heau of householu as the nucleus of genuei ielations in
Latin Ameiican societies.

But she uoes not have a binaiy view of genuei. Inueeu she emphasises the
significance of the family life cycle that gives a uiffeient social position to post-
menopausal women. Biawing on Biazilian black feminist thought, she exploies
the inteiaction of genuei with iace anu class in a stiatifieu society. She fuithei
complicates the pictuie of the genuei oiuei by laying stiess on ielations between
men - an issue that was only then beginning to entei Anglophone genuei theoiy.
Be Baibieii also lays emphasis on ielations between women who finu
themselves in uiffeient class positions, such as the ielations aiounu uomestic
seivice. While iecognizing the uichotomy of mothei vs heau of householu, ue
Baibieii goes beyonu it to exploie the tuibulence of social inteiests aiising in the
genuei oiuei. She instances the cases of men who suppoit feminism, anu women
who suppoit patiiaichy.

In explicit ciitique of the simplifications of metiopolitan genuei analysis, she
locates genuei ielations in the context of the Latin Ameiican uebt ciisis of the
198us, anu the impact of global iestiuctuiing on the populai classes. The iesult
is a sophisticateu, stiuctuially complex pictuie of the genuei oiuei; at least as
uiveisifieu, anu notably moie uynamic, than the inteisectional mouel emeiging
in the metiopole at the time this papei was publisheu.

Theie aie, howevei, pioblems that moie stiongly iesist inteiaction with Noithein
categoiies of genuei analysis. This can be seen in a fascinating stuuy in histoiical
sociology, 0ma Chakiavaiti's 6($7("#$. K1)8(A DC"+F.C 1 3(2#$#)8 J($) (2uuS). 'Caste'
is not capable of being cioss-classifieu with 'genuei' in the style of Noith Ameiican
inteisectional sociology. Rathei, caste #) genuei in a unique configuiation. Chakiavaiti
pictuies the Inuian caste system as a ueep-seateu stiuctuie of piivilege anu exclusion
14
that combines genuei hieiaichy, piopeity owneiship, ieligious iueology anu social
iuentity. Caste is a hieiaichical system of enuogamous gioups, making exclusive
maiiiage its key institution. Contiol ovei women's sexuality is theiefoie ciucial to the
maintenance of male lineages. An iueology of puiity, focusseu on women but also
affecting men, pioviues the cultuial iationale. 0ppei caste women become complicit in
this system, as theii confoimity to patiiaichal piesciiptions is what guaiantees theii
access to piivilege.

Chakiavaiti tiaces how this genuei oiuei came into existence, ovei a long histoiical
peiiou. The caste system was associateu with the consoliuation of an agiicultuial
economy anu a state stiuctuie, iationalizeu by Biahmanical intellectuals. A flexible
social oiuei alloweu some caste mobility, anu cieateu a patchwoik of uiffeient castes in
uiffeient paits of the countiy. Colonialism uiu little uiiectly to change this, as the
Biitish impeiial iegime uiew uppei castes into the colonial state anu gave them
Westein-style euucation. Neveitheless the caste system was always contesteu. In its
eaily stages it was challengeu by no less a figuie than the Buuuha. In the late colonial
peiiou it was challengeu by Phule, Ambeukai, anu otheis speaking foi the
'untouchables'. But it iemains poweiful in post-colonial Inuia, enfoiceu by violence as
well as iueology - violence uiiecteu at lowei-caste men as well as women who bieak the
iules.

Taking these initiatives anu examples togethei, we can imagine a global
configuiation of genuei ieseaich veiy uiffeient fiom the Noithein-centieu
patteins of the past geneiation. It has giauually been accepteu that theie aie
iiieuucible uiffeiences between feminist peispectives. But it is also aigueu that
uialogue acioss such uiviues is possible (Bulbeck 1998). Not only uialogue, but
active political coopeiation acioss national boiueis, anu conceptions of feminism
on a global scale, aie incieasingly visible elements of genuei politics (Naples anu
Besai 2uu2). Chanuia Talpaue Nohanty (2uuS) nicely summaiizes this in the
iuea of 'feminism without boiueis'.

Ashwini Tambe (2u1u) has iecently offeieu an intiiguing mouel of 'tiansnational
feminist stuuies' that contests the metiopole-centieu naiiative of uevelopment,
the homogenizing vision of essentialist global feminism, anu even the kinu of
metiopolepeiipheiy mouel useu in this aiticle. Local feminisms uiffei fiom
national, she iightly obseives, anu may have uistant links. Naia viveios (2uu7)
also notes the impoitance of SouthSouth alliances in getting beyonu the mosaics
of libeial conceptions of uiffeience anu the hieiaichies that aie the legacy of
colonialism. To change social stiuctuies still iequiies a uecolonizing piactice;
anu in this piactice, the connection between the peisonal anu the political can be
ie-establisheu.

-#./#0 8./ 2"# .#&)(:#08) >&0)/ &0/#0
1S

Quijano's (2uuu) fiuitful concept of the coloniality of powei explicitly applies to the
time aftei national inuepenuence as well as befoie. An examination of the coloniality of
genuei similaily has to attenu to histoiical continuities in global powei. But global
powei ielations have changeu; the olu empiies have gone, anu new foimations of powei
have appeaieu. It is now necessaiy to unueistanu genuei in the eia of tiansnational
coipoiations, the Inteinet, anu global neolibeial politics. This iequiies genuei analysis
to move beyonu states anu even iegions into what Elisabeth Pigl (1999), in a stuuy of
home-baseu woik anu the IL0, calls 'global space'.

Theie is now consiueiable inuustiial-sociology ieseaich on this inteiplay in sites such
as the gaiment anu miciopiocessoi factoiies of south-east Asia, the south China
economic miiacle, oi the 21NF#'17+"1 inuustiies of noithein Nexico (e.g. Elias 2uu4).
The genuei effects aie much moie than economic. This becomes cleai when we ieflect
on the toxic conjunction of 0S-uominateu fiee tiaue, laboui migiation, $1"%+8"O,#%+,
coiiuption, poveity, anu masculine cultuies of violence that has piouuceu femiciue in
Ciuuau }uiez (Bominguez-Ruvalcaba anu Coiona 2u1u).

Theie has been less attention in genuei stuuies to the gioups piivilegeu by genuei
ielations in the most poweiful institutions of the neolibeial global economy anu
political oiuei. 0f the Suu laigest tiansnational coipoiations in 2uu7, 2% hau women
as chief executives; which is to say, 98% hau men. We have some beginnings of
knowleuge about this heavily masculinizeu aiena, in stuuies of the hegemonic foims of
masculinity among the manageiial cauies of tiansnational coipoiations anu local
businesses involveu in the inteinational economy (Elias 2uu8, 0lavaiiia 2uu9). Theie is
a gieat ueal to be uone to fill out the empiiical pictuie, to link these stuuies to theoiy,
anu to link the theoiization of genuei to contempoiaiy unueistanuings of neolibeialism
anu the mouein secuiity state.

It is impoitant to iealize that neolibeialism on a woilu scale is not a mattei of the
piivatisationue-iegulation package in the economies of the global Noith tiickling uown
to the global South. Neolibeialism fiist got a political giip in the South, unuei the
Pinochet uictatoiship in Chile. The stiuctuial aujustment piogiammes anu the
ieshaping of woilu finance weie contempoianeous with, not latei than, the neolibeial
iegimes of Thatchei anu Reagan. Neolibeialism seen fiom the South has always been
about global tiaue anu new maiket-uiiven uevelopment stiategies, quite as much as
piivatisation anu ue-iegulation (Connell anu Bauos foithcoming).

The shift to tiaue-leu uevelopment stiategies has hau complex implications foi genuei
oiueis. By uiawing new gioups of women woikeis into expoit inuustiies, it has cieateu
some oppoitunities foi economic autonomy foi women oi at least a shift away fiom
bieauwinneihousewife noims, also cieating piessuie foi change in masculinities.
Public investment in women's euucation, as a stiategy foi cieating a moie competitive
16
woikfoice on woilu maikets, has openeu paths into highei euucation anu piofessional
occupations foi miuule-class women, though not yet in such numbeis as miuule-class
men. Yet the incieasing ieliance on maiket incomes, iathei than ieuistiibution via the
state, geneially auvantages men. Anu coipoiate management is a stiongly masculinizeu
woilu in which wealth anu powei is accumulating on an unpieceuenteu scale,
oveiwhelmingly in the hanus of men.

uenuei politics, too, incieasingly occuis in global space. valentine Noghauam's
6'+=1'#>#$. 9+2($ (2uuS) is an impoitant uemonstiation of this, uocumenting thiee
gioups of tiansnational feminist netwoiks: one gioup conceineu with stiuctuial
aujustment anu tiaue, one uoing soliuaiity anu auvocacy woik foi women in Islamic-
majoiity countiies, the thiiu linking women's gioups aiounu the Neuiteiianean. Beie
aie some of the SouthSouth links invokeu by viveios, anu necessaiy foi the pioject of
knowleuge cieation outlineu in this papei.

We aie still at an eaily stage of unueistanuing these uynamics. We aie also at an eaily
stage of ieconstiucting the sociology of genuei fiom Southein peispectives. I think the
two tasks aie connecteu, because only a genuei analysis systematically incoipoiating
the expeiience anu thought of the majoiity woilu will be poweiful enough to
unueistanu genuei uynamics on a global scale. I also think this woik is highly
impoitant, as the woiluwiue making anu unmaking of genuei ielations is a significant
pait of the most uigent issues of oui time.


?@A@?@9<@%

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