Koha Digest # 49

EDITORIAL

KOSOVA DOESN'T TRUST LETTERS

by VETON SURROI

A fortnight passed and I still wait, in daily meetings, the media, for someone to make the
news coming from the 51-rst Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, bigger. In
paragraph three of the Resolution on the Former Yugoslavia, the "respect of the will of the
inhabitants of Kosova, allowing its expression with democratic means, as the best way to stop
the escalation of the conflict there", is urged.

What is new? Nothing more nor less than an evolution inside the most important human
rights organism in the world, an evolution which has reached the point in which Kosovans are
acknowledged the right to self-determination, as a way to protect their human rights.

The ones familiarized with the work in the UN commissions and sub-commissions, know
how hard is the elaboration of any of the paragraphs of the resolutions. They know about the
bargaining that takes place in respect to any word and sentence. And finally, they know that
behind every sentence stands the ministry of foreign affairs of any of the member states. In
order to have reached such a wording on Kosova, I am convinced that a long diplomatic
struggle was necessary, and as it happens often, a favorable political conjuncture (when many
member states which would block the work have eased up the bargaining a bit in the issues
they are interested in).

Anyhow, there is a juridical precedence in the international documents regarding Kosova,

which if continues further on towards the other levels of the UN, could become one of the
postulates for the solution of the crisis in the Former Yugoslavia.

Nevertheless, this issue is experiencing the same thing any other document or event does
(starting from party congresses and up to the symposiums of the NGOs). It is "greeted" with
the usual courtesy by the Kosovan political factor and with the indifferent reaction of the
Kosova public opinion.

Why is it so? I believe that when excluding lack of information, we face interesting trends
inside the Albanian society of Kosova. For example, the public opinion has become numb to
the non differentiated information it receives. For years it is said that every part of the world
is discussing about Kosova and that Kosova receives support from all sides of the world. It
has become the same: whether Kosova is supported by a Dutch village or by the foreign
ministry of a Security Council member state. What's more, it doesn't trust the village nor the
ministry. The public has seen too much Bosnia and Croatia on TV, and has listened to just too

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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many words which were to prevent war, to have it now believe in new words which promise
they will stop the permanent Serb aggression against Kosova. If the number of magazines and
journals read in Kosova and the conversations which one can have non selectively are taken
as indicators, then the ordinary Kosovan doesn't trust anything but - faith. The faith that it will
be all right, "there is no alternative".

Someone might take these as the final signs of a collective disappointment. Maybe they are. I,
nevertheless, take them as indicators, among others, of a new phase of Kosovan collective
thought: the doubt. After the initial euphoria, fully believing in the Albanian democratic
movement, the phase of suspicion on what is read and written is developing. However
dangerous this phase might seem, it is nevertheless an expression of an evolution in the
political culture, going towards the creation of responsibility of the leader(s) towards the
citizen.

The only alarming thing is that after the constant cry for the wolf, not even the face to face
presentation of the known carnivores will be convincing.

KOSOVA

KOSOVAN PYRAMID

by B. HAXHIU / Prishtina

The five years' political term in Kosova is accompanied by many events, which appear,
become public and for some time remain on the top lists of the media and that is it: it comes
out that none of these events disappears, but they remain actual until we find the key to solve
them. The routine of silencing the problems is followed by the immunization towards the
situation in Kosova which forces one to ask: how can the people be depoliticized, along with
all the existing problems in Kosova. Depoliticizing the people, promising maximalist rhetoric
solutions is an old formula, because calm and lack of responsibility creates the commodity
and bureaucratization of the political leadership. And all of this is done in the name of the
collective fate of the Albanian people. This new experience of politics, without a will or hope
to change anything, have forced the difficult situation we have been living in the past years, to
cover one another and thus create the pivot of a problem called Kosova.

They started with repression, and we didn't even try to find a protecting alternative against
this unbearable evil. And, the contrary happened, not even attempting to find a solution gave
its counter-effect - the collective immunization towards the situation. And thus, the problem
continues silently.

The hopes for changes revived with the free elections and the promises that the parliament
will be constituted. This event covered the first one, leaving it unsolved, because the priority
belonged to the second issue. The constitution of the Government was the new event which
suffocated the two previous ones because there was hope that the third event will finally be
successful and that there will be no need for any engagement in regard to the first two,
because it was said that the constitution of the Government would solve all the problems.
Gone with the wind. The problem of Albanian education was the main topic for a long time
because of the many conversations held about it. The issue remains still undefined.

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In the list of the many mentioned events, without mentioning a list of "small" failures, there
were some which appeared and left a scar or two on the media, by creating and constructing
conflicts between parties and individuals which had become pretty grotesque, aiming at
concealing the other failures, the importance of which is, and will be fatal.

Finally, so much was spoken about colonization, there were so many articles, speeches and
nothing happened at the end. One event covers the other one, and the problems have created
a pyramid of problems and every single one of them needs an urgent solution.

But, covering all these problems and hoping for a solution, we are making fun of ourselves,
we are making fun of all those who participated in the free elections and voted for the
independence of Kosova. This is why ignoring the institute of voting and the disrespect of the
obligation and responsibility towards the electors resembles Gasset's "Joking With the Blind
Public".

KOSOVA

THE VISIT OF THE PREMIER

by DAN SEJDIU / Ljubljana

Several days ago, Dezela was the meeting point of Premier Bukoshi and our conationals
working and living in Croatia and Slovenia. The meeting was announced pompously, and as a
consequence, there were many people gathered from all parts of these two states.

This was a good occasion for our conationals to get first hand information from the Premier,
as the most competent person, about the recent situation in regard to Kosova. The meeting
proved that we didn't still get rid of the protocol formalities, even in the case of simple
meetings as was this one in Ljubljana, when any presentation of this or that person was
accompanied by frantic applause, as in the best times of the "Proletariat dictatorship".
Bukoshi spoke broadly about the situation in Kosova and the activities of his government,
stressing that lately the international community has marginalized fully the issue of Kosova.
Unfortunately, he said, the Serbian aggressor is being rewarded by the international
community for all the crimes it as perpetrated in Kosova, while the Albanian political factor
in the Former Yugoslavia is ignored. Bukoshi also denied rumors on the alleged
disorganization of the Kosovan policy.

Premier Bukoshi replied diplomatically to the questions linked to the patience of the
Albanians and how long will it last. In a long elaboration, he stated that Albanians should not
see themselves involved in conflicts, because this is being expected by others (alluding on
Serbia), which can be misused later. During the whole meeting, Bukoshi was happy not to be
asked any, as he called them, "dangerous questions" (not counting on the reaction of one of
the participants, who asked Bukoshi and his cabinet to take off their ties and stop visiting
different buildings in Europe, and instead try to be serious about the issue of Kosova, because
people are running out of patience).

After this meeting, our conationals, separated in two groups. In one group were the ones
satisfied with the fact that Bukoshi was among them and, in sign of honor, they sought to be

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photographed with him, as it was once a tradition twenty years ago on the Bayram Feast. The
other group, on the other hand, left the room before the meeting was over, thus trying to
express their dissatisfaction with Bukoshi.

KOSOVA

WAITING FOR USIA

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

Since the first visits of the American officials, in the times of the revelation of the crisis in
Kosova, at the beginning of the nineties, the promise about the possibilities of having a US
Information Agency office opened in Prishtina made Kosova Albanians happy. It was a proof
for them that the Americans will follow on the situation closely and that this would represent
a direct presence in their capital, Prishtina, hoping to get closer to the only Great Power, in
times when they were subjected to daily repression threatening to expand the conflict. And
these promises came with the first visits of Tom Lantos, Bob Dole and the others. On the
other hand, the Albanian leaders visiting USA had repeated such a request and it seems that
they even got promises.

It was evident that USIA in Prishtina was not an easy task to achieve, there even financial
matters concerned, and even more, Serbia was absolutely not interested to have the
Americans in Prishtina. This got more complicated with the deterioration of the crises in the
Former Yugoslavia, and even more when the sanctions against Serbia/Montenegro were
introduced, when Serbia started applying the "policy of reciprocity", thus expelling even the
CSCE monitoring mission and starting to apply the visas for aliens and thus making
circulation in Kosova even more difficult.

What happened, happened, but the Office has not been opened yet, and some time ago, the
attempt of the OSCE officials to bring back the monitoring missions to Kosova failed. This
issue was reactivated recently within the American circles. Richard Holbrooke, Adjoint
Secretary of State, delivering a statement before the Foreign Affairs Committee on issues
about the Former Yugoslavia, when asked whether USIA will open an office in Kosova,
replied: "I am fascinated with your suggestion", and added that this issue should be discussed,
but also said that "currently USIA is under fantastic pressure to close-down all kinds of
centers" - as the Daily Bulletin of the American Embassy in Belgrade informs.

It seems that the hanging five years' old hope of the Kosovans to see the American flag flying
in Prishtina are stuck between the "suggestion that fascinates" Holbrooke and the "fantastic
pressure" to close-down the USIA centers all over the world.

The contacts of the foreigners with Kosova can be still realized in visits and other links, but it
seems that the direct presence of the international organizations and states in Kosova implies
another political dimension, which the forces and respective organizations are not wanting.

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ASYLUM-SEEKERS

HOW MUCH DOES AN ALBANIAN ASYLUM-SEEKER COST?

by ARBËR VLLAHIU / Munich

The announcement on the repatriation of asylum-seekers, published recently in Der Spiegel,

is seemingly becoming true, even though many are not still willing to believe that Germany
will make concessions, in fact, invest in the repatriation of Albanians from Kosova.
Nevertheless, Bonn is expected to repatriate 40 thousand refugees, regardless of their national
appertaining.

Previously, Germany had expelled a large number of refugees from Vietnam as well as Croats
from Croatia, while the Bosnian refugees have their status unsolved yet. The situation of
Albanian asylum-seekers in this state differs from the others. The majority of them have still
not solved their residence status and the largest part of them is illegally employed.

Spiegel's article, which was commented in different ways, with comments even stating that it
hadn't been translated well, caused interest and fear among the asylum-seekers in Germany. In
fact, almost 100 thousand asylum-seekers will have to be deported home soon.

In a conversation with Rudolf Brettmeister, Head of the Aliens' Office in Munich, we were
told that there are around 20 thousand Albanian asylum seekers in the area, and that they are
not involved in criminal activities nor in drug trafficking, as it is pretended.

In the meantime, it is expected that after an agreement between Belgrade and Bonn is
reached, the largest part of asylum-seekers will be taken back home, to the Former
Yugoslavia. It is strange, but is likely to believe that Germany is willing to give money for the
return of Albanian asylum seekers (rumors mention millions of German Marks), which
according to the forecasts of the German officials, would be used for their settlement in
Kosova.

Rudolf Brettmeister stresses that in a very short period of time, an agreement with Belgrade
can be reached, but he still believes, that something must be paid on Belgrade's account for
the return of Albanian asylum-seekers. He stressed that he hoped that nothing would be paid,
but that it is certain that the contract must be signed by the end of this month. "Both the
Vietnamese and Croats misused our money when we repatriated their asylum-seekers. I hope
the same thing will not happen in the case of the Albanians", said Brettmeister and added that
"Bayern region has attempted several times to return the asylum-seekers, the last time through
Belgrade Airport, but failed to do so. Once we tried to repatriate 6 Albanians but they were
returned back. We are waiting... However, Albanians will not be on the "priority" list, they
will be kept for some more time without the possibility of regulating the permanent status
here, but with a kind of a residence permit, which must be renewed every two months" - says
Brettmeister.

According to the data provided by the Alien's Office of the Bayern Region, there are 20
Albanians in prison in Munich, who were given negative replies and which will deported as
soon as the contract between Belgrade and Bonn is signed.

On March 6, German and Serb officials met in Belgrade, and from the official statements, it

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comes out that the agreement has not been reached yet. The truth is that Serbia has asked for
money, and the hope remains that Germany will not pay Serbia for Albanian asylum-seekers,
and if it does, then the payment should go directly to Kosova.

Will the Albanians remain short gain, awaits to be seen.

RACKETEERING

PEOPLE FROM BELGRADE ALSO INTERESTED

Bajram Krasniqi, Attorney at law from Prishtina, helped us to even deeper elaborate the issue
of racketeering. According to him, this form of mediation, or sorting out different debts by
force, is becoming actual in Kosova, but not in the forms and dimensions present in the
Former Yugoslavia.

"Albanians have it hard to organize for racketeering, excluding people who are close to
Serbian government. The law allows the creation of insurance and intermediation companies.
Looked upon from the theoretical aspect, we could say that there are no problems, but in
practice, whoever gets involved in this business must become a kind of a private detective.
This means that they should carry weapons, they must have the respective permits, and it is
well known who issues them. And in its institutional activities, that person must cooperate
with the authorities. This is why it only remains on paper. Agencies from Belgrade were
interested to open their offices in Kosova, as well, but they retreated the very last moment,
probably convinced that they would hardly succeed because of the population and
businessmen structure. While drafting normative acts of private enterprises, I have mentioned
intermediation as part of their activities, but, as far as I am informed, none of them deals with
this activity", says Krasniqi.

KOHA: During your career, have you defended any case where racketeering was involved?

KRASNIQI: I could mention two or three cases, which did not even get to a juridical form,
for the parties did not meet in the court. Parties usually have problems about payments and
deadlines. I had a case when an individual sought for protection from racketeering authorities.
In his case, authorities asked him to pay them money, so the charges for illegal possession of
weapons would be dropped. The fact is that he did not possess a weapon. The moment formal
letters started being sent, the officials gave up on persecution, which makes this the only
registered case so far.

KOHA: There are rumors that your colleagues are certifying contracts which are very
doubtful. How could an attorney be of help in a case of "racketeering"?

KRASNIQI: In no way. It is not even preferable to see ourselves involved in such cases. The
attorney could but his stamp on a contract, which is only a note, or a pre-contract, but it
represents no guarantee that the contract will be respected. It can't help any procedure to start,
since it is very disputable, from the first moment. Thus, the attorney could put himself in
danger. But, there are also attorneys who don't care, and are even involved in "racketeering",
allegedly in the name of defense, liberation from persecution, or any other job done in
cooperation with the police.

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KOHA: Is there any way to prevent racketeering? Or at least, to stop it before it gets huge
dimensions?

KRASNIQI: Since there is no real government, the one acknowledged by the Albanian
population, then it is hard to undertake anything else. The only way of acting is contacting
people, trying to sort out problems by talking, and agreeing upon the solutions. That is all.

KOHA: What about revealing the names of the ones involved in racketeering?

KRASNIQI: It is very hard, because they almost never identify themselves.

RACKETEERING

CALL THE "GODFATHER"

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Is there racketeering in Kosova, which are the forms of its manifestation and who are the
racketeers? "KOHA" tried to explore this issue and, linking one case to the other, one story to
another, came to the conclusion that racketeering has also started in Kosova, although it is not
manifested in the harshest forms as in Belgrade, for example. These are three authentic
stories.

MORTGAGE ON THE FLAT

Case one: I had a lot of money and capital. Business was going just fine, therefore I had no
problems making a new deal. But, the situation changed. I failed once and I put at stake not
only my enterprise but all my assets. And both I and my family were being threatened. They
were asking me to pay them back I had taken a "loan" at 10% interest per month. I would tell
them that I will pay them back, with interests, regardless how many months will pass. But, as
it seems, they wouldn't trust me, and they started coming home looking for me, they would be
watching my flat and often scare my children. One day they caught me and took me by car to
their office, in Prishtina. The first thing they mentioned was my debt. "We won't wait any
more!" They threatened me that they wouldn't allow me to go back home. After a discussion,
we finally agreed that I would use my flat as warrant. They agreed, we put together an act,
had it sealed by an attorney (!) and this was it. I must pay the money I don't have, as soon as
possible. On the contrary, I will lose my furnished apartment, for small money. It is worth at
least twice more than I owe. But a rule is a rule and it should be respected, otherwise the other
methods of "elaboration" will be applied.

THREAT TO THE DAUGHTER

Case two: I was told to present my case to "The Godfather". Don't ask me the name or
address. I found him and told him that one of my debtors, even after some months, hadn't paid
his debt. He advised me to go and talk to him again, ask him to fulfil his obligation, so no
complications would arise. I listened to him. The guy never denied the sum he owed me, but

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he constantly complained that he had no money, that he had invested all he had in a deal and
that he was expecting some profit. I went again to see "The Godfather". He wrote down his
name and told me to wait at home, do nothing, since from now on this had become his
problem. He didn't ask me for any money, and I was surprised. Two days later, "The
Godfather" came together with my debtor. He asked us about the amount, and we both agreed
about the 10 thousand DEM he owed me. Then he counted ten 1000 DEM banknotes in cash,
and gave them to me. As he was leaving, he told me that I got the money back, and that from
now on, it was his problem.

I was curious to know what happened next. I heard that he got the money back one week later
- at a 10% interest rate. "The Godfather" had given him a new deadline - one more week. On
Friday he announced to the debtor that the deadline was expiring on Sunday. He was told that
if he doesn't bring the money to a certain place, he'd better not let his daughter go to school on
Monday, for she will never come back home. He was told that they knew that he had three
children, and that she was attending a parallel high school, and that it would be better if he
doesn't cause anyone any problems. This was the end of the conversation. As far as I know,
the problem was solved on Sunday evening, when "The Godfather" was paid 11 thousand
DEM in cash.

THE CAR AS INTEREST

Case three: There were cases when I paid strange interest rates for small loans. It doesn't
matter, I would tell myself, conscious that I was to blame for choosing the wrong people to do
business with. But, what happened to me several months ago, almost a year now, really upset
me and made me think whether I should continue doing business or not. For many months I
was not at home. My firm still existed, but didn't have much work to do. I owed my friend, I
thought he was the best one I had, two thousand DEM. The day I left, he had gone home and
told my wife that I owed him money. Knowing that he was my best friend, she had told him
to wait a bit, that I would be coming back and pay him. But he couldn't wait, and what's
worse, he was requesting me to pay an interest which was twice as big as the debt. My wife
didn't have the money to pay them both. Anyways, we never agreed upon any kind of interest.
However, he was not satisfied with the reply, so he took my car, a relatively new one and
which was worth at least ten times the amount I owed him. When I came back, my wife told
what had happened. I was stunned, knowing that my best friend had played it bad on me. I
called and went to see him. I asked why had he done it. He told me that he wasn't sure that I
would be coming back and that he had taken my car to make sure that the debt will be paid, as
any other would do. I got my car back as soon as I paid him. Then I noticed that he had been
using it a lot and had damaged it. I had to pay another 1 thousand DEM to repair it. Thus he
broke the "fair-play" rules, for the car is not be used before its owner says so. Or, if an
apartment is taken, it can't be settled before the owner says so. And now, I will have to solve
my pending problem. If needed, I will engage racketeers to accomplish "my right".

Taking into account the racketeering methods applied, the mentioned cases are not that
alarming. The least, we could say that Kosova is quiet when it comes to the use of force in
solving deals. However, all of these could be taken as initial elements of this activity, which ,
if not put under control, will come to get enormous dimensions. This is implied especially
when it is known that the real government of the Albanians does not exist, while the Serbian
government is not worrying much about these business methods, and even it remains behind
the individuals who racketeer in the majority of the cases.

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A responsible person of a very important Albanian institution, who didn't want his name
mentioned, "so people wouldn't think that I too am involved in this business", says that the
Albanian business could be seriously endangered by racketeering. First, the relations between
giving and taking money are developed wildly, the contracting parties do not respect the
contracts and they have to engage a third person to solve their problems. This can't be done
without the racketeers who are now becoming busy in Kosova. Something similar could pass
in the past when loans with huge interests were granted, and when the debtor wouldn't respect
the conditions, but even here, there was no application of violence.

Previously it was said that this job was done by people close to the installed government in
Kosova. It was said that Arkan was standing behind them and that people in the "field" were
Albanians. But, their identification is hard, because there are a few cases reported to the
organs, mainly fearing of possible consequences. All knew, even the police, about the series
of car thefts all over Kosova and their gathering in Mitrovica. The owner could not get back
the car without paying a racket. This almost became legal, until the limit set by the Serb
authorities was surpassed. Now, knowing some other cases which could serve for further
elaboration, it could be said that the Serbian racketeers are "losing terrain", because it is
obvious that more Albanians are involved in it, which is normal, knowing that the majority of
the parties in dispute are Albanians. We must hope that this problem will not be advanced up
to the perfectly organized network, because in the anarchy we are living in Kosova, the
consequences would be much more serious, and could often end with killings, violence,
abduction of children and even intimidation of relatives. This would be done in front of the
Serbian authorities, which would be the best protection racketeers could get.

The Serbian media, in times when it wanted to talk about the war against criminality in
Kosova, unrevealed serious racketeers. It published names, as was the case of Jakup Hoti,
accused of racketeering, or loaning money at very hight interest rates. Nevertheless, the whole
thing remained at the level of an article, because this affair has not ended yet. In the same
way, there was a scandal in the municipality of Istog, when one father accused his son for
collaboration with the local police, ie. that he was taking money from Albanians on behalf of
the policemen. The old man was forced to pay his son's debts, who was working as told and
thus paid the bosses, who were asking money to "fix" passports, weapon's permits, etc... This
is the most concrete case which describes the cooperation of Albanians with the Serbian
police, which, grounded to the complaints regarding weapons, passports or any other job,
always asks for money. A businessman from Prishtina told us that he is not being asked to
pay any racket, and that he hadn't any problems to get the debts back. However, he says that
he has his own people in the Financial Police who solve all his problems. He pays a certain
amount of DEM, and everything is clean. He doesn't consider this to be a racket, but a normal
cooperation, for the "good must be paid for".

Or another story: Is it corruption or racketeering when one cooperates with people that
guarantee you safety, in other words, when you pay to have the goods without "papers" go
through any roads without any problems, starting from the customs and until it is unloaded at
the warehouse. "To bring in a truck of goods to Prishtina, I must pay at least 5 thousand DEM
for `insurance'" But, if these are goods included in the list of the banned afticles, then the
custom officers on both sides are paid. Also, money should be given to international
observers, while the one who is not involved in the game, is usually taken to the cafe the
moment the truck is crossing the border. There, he is given a woman and that's it. So, in order
for us not have any problems with the police on the way to Prishtina, we pay a man to
accompany us. He takes the money, we are doing business.

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Maybe there are doubts on whether this is racketeering or not, but in essence, everything is
clear. Some might thing that everything ends in a fraternal way, however any payment of this
kind is racket. In Kosova maybe it is not understood in this way, because there are still no
records on cases when owners are approached by individuals asking for racket, offering
personal security and wellbeing in exchange. Otherwise, the problem would be solved with a
hand grenade. This phenomenon is present in Serbia, but so far, Albanian racketeers do not
apply this method. Maybe, for the time being, there is no need, since all things are solved by
"peaceful methods", which have reached only threats so far.

MACEDONIA

THE NARROW DOOR OF THE PARLIAMENT

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

On March 15, three days before the detention term expired, the Municipal Court in Tetova, as
proposed by the Investigating Judge, extended the preventive detention for another thirty days
of Fadil Sulejmani, Rector of the University of Tetova, Milaim Fejziu, Chairman of the
Forum for Human Rights and Qemal Shabani. The information about this matter holds no
explanations about the reasons why it was extended, but as far as it could be ascertained from
what was going on in the past days, the authorities have a problem constructing the
accusation against the detainees. According to some unofficial statements in circulation, the
only argument which could be taken against them are their public statements, as in the case of
the "first accused", Fadil Sulejmani, who is accused of `call for resistance' for having said that
if the Macedonian police attacks the University "two hundred thousand Albanians will stand
and defend it". The other detainees are accused on the same grounds. The fourth accused in
this case, Arbën Rusi, Chairman of El-Hilal, was released on a 50 thousand DEM bail. So
was the case of Musli Halimi, while Nevzat Halili still remains in prison.

On the other hand, the effects of the arrest of the pro-University activists are felt almost in all
segments of political life in Macedonia. Thus, the parliamentarian group of PPD - Xhaferi's
fraction, considered that the arrest of the activists is a reason enough for their group to abstain
from the works of the Parliament. Even though it is not being decisively said, the mentioned
fact was also one of the reasons for the suspension of the sessions of the parliament caused by
other Albanian parliamentarian groups. The People's Democratic Party, represented with four
MPs in the Parliament decided to withdraw its representatives, until the problems in superior
education and the equality of languages are not solved. Such is the posture of the largest
Albanian party, PPD (Aliti's group), which nonetheless, continued participating in the
Parliament. This step was followed by Hysen Ramadani, one of the most experienced
Albanian politicians in Macedonia.

The port-parole of the PPD group in the parliament, Ismet Ramadani, explained the
comeback of his parliamentarian group as an expression of the feeling of responsibility of the
Albanian MPs for its long-term mission on the political scene in Macedonia. He also said that
his party would do all it can to affirm the institutional solutions of the problems, which
included the parliament. This explanation was also completed by some messages addressed to
the Macedonian colleagues, partners of the governmental coalition. Among others, he said
that the Macedonian MPs should be careful, especially when issues regarding superior

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education, the use of language and scripts and well as the media, are being proposed or voted.
Finally, and aiming at surpassing the tense situation in the country, the PPD coordinator at the
Parliament said that his group was going back to the parliament feeling that this was the last
moment for understanding to appear in the Parliament, and that otherwise the PPD MPs
wouldn't be there. In that case, there would be another political alternative, said in other
words, leaving the parliament for good, as Aliti announced when interviewed by KOHA.

Hysen Ramadani also explained the reasons for his comeback as an independent MP. He said
that the postures of all Albanian MPs haven't changed at all in regard to their requests, despite
the way they are expressed. On this occasion he expressed his conviction that the parliament
is the best place to do this.

Will the promises, given to the Albanian MPs before coming back to the Parliament, be
fulfilled by the government or not, it is till unknown, and not much can be concluded from
the statements of the Macedonian officials. Nevertheless, unofficially we found out that the
new Rules and Regulations of the Parliament will include the use of the languages of the
nationalities, as well. This was a right which existed in the previous Rules and Regulations,
but was a fact which was trying to be concealed.

INTERVIEW

GAZMEND PULA, Chairman of the Kosova Helsinki Committee

RECOMPOSED "AUTONOMY"

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

KOHA: You just came back from Great Britain, where you had several interesting meetings,
and which you partially announced in the media. What kind of a visit was it?

PULA: I was invited by the British Government, i.e. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, within their
regular contacts with people from abroad. The programme of the four days' visit was prepared
beforehand and it was very intensive.

On the first day, I met with Douglas Hogg, British Secretary of State and his assistants, then
with Adjoint Minister Richardson and Shaun Riordan, Head of the Eastern-Adriatic Sector,
directly in charge of the Albanian question. I also met British MPs. Following the
programme, we visited "BBC" and "The Independent" among others, as well as Amnesty
International, Westminster Foundation for Democracy, Oxfam, Charter 88, British Helsinki
Committee, Oxford University, etc. It was a visit which covered many of the relevant British
structures.

KOHA: Could you resume the conversation with Hogg?

PULA: It was an open and long conversation in which we exchanged opinions about the
situation and Kosova. What impressed me positively, and I already had this impression, was
that Hogg and his cabinet were very well informed about the situation and that hey were
following it closely, despite the dangerous events taking place in Bosnia and Croatia, which

- 11 -
means that there soon might be meetings between British high ranked officials and Kosovan
representatives. It is also important to stress that they have a quite clear posture on the
concept of the solution of Kosova's problem, which I must admit, has not changed much from
Hogg's last visit to Kosova, which was clearly and explicitly communicated to our public by
Hogg himself.

That concept is grounded on two basic and universal principles, even though contradictory in
a way, insistently keep being applied, even as in cases when war and destruction take place as
in Croatia and Bosnia. These principles is not recognizing the change of the borders by force,
but, at the same time, it is supporting the articulated political will of the corresponding
subjects, in our case of the Albanians; grounded on them, the British posture is formulated as
a support to re-establish political autonomy in Kosova, which was suspended by force.
Therefore it is a maximal political autonomy which doesn't mean independence. Our public
has also been informed that this concept is also supported by USA and Germany.

My personal opinion is that this refers to a characteristic autonomy all federal units used to
have in the former Yugoslavia, as Kosova did, or as Montenegro has in the rump Yugoslavia.
In a way, it refers to a "recomposed Yugoslav federation" compose of three units, even
though terms federation and confederacy are not standardized, and remain to be fulfilled with
political substance from case to case, depending on the relation of forces and political
conjunctures.

Anyhow, the international community aims at evading to determine stiff political models, and
especially name them, among others because it fears that its imposition might fail and thus its
authority would be affected and be unwillingly discredited, regardless of how dissatisfactory
this solution might be for the Albanian electorate. Therefore, such elastic and flexible
formulations might still be expected from the international community, much more than any
models, names or recipes which would only have to realized, while the Albanian political
subject would have to fill it up with political substance and content, with constant political
activity. So, the concrete materialization of these international principles depends on the
ability of the Albanian subject to impose its interests and postures, its competence and
strength.

KOHA: You just said that the British posture towards Kosova has not changed. Then, what is
new?

PULA: The postures, I would say, in essence are the same, but it seems that the British
determination to realize them is stronger. In this sense, I would like to mention the clear
posture of G. Britain that Belgrade should not expect its definite comeback to the
international community without having an acceptable solution for Kosova first. This means,
among others, that the international capital will not be at the disposal of Belgrade, as long as
Kosova is not settled, which would endanger the existence of the Serbian regime itself in a
long term. I would also say that it is very significative that London supports the request for
Albanian-Serb dialogue with international mediation, as the only attitude possible with real
chances to succeed and that it sees the possibilities of its contribution in this direction.

It can be expected to have Kosova become part of the global solution of the crisis in the
Former Yugoslavia, which should be accomplished after the foundations for such a solution
are posted, in the summit suggested to take place between Milosevic, Tudjman and
Izetbegovic, ie. the mutual recognition of their states.

- 12 -
I would also want to mention a detail, which is often repeated by well informed circles,
regarding Lord Owen's conversation with Milosevic in regard to the eventual meeting with
Rugova. It is said that Milosevic's reaction was calm, without any notorious negative
statements, previously heard anytime Kosova or Rugova were mentioned. These proves that
the Serbian perception that Kosova is an international issue is becoming clearer, even though
Serbia is trying to stall the solution until solutions for Bosnia and Croatia are found.

KOHA: While you were in London, Hogg also met with FYROM's Minister of Internal
Affairs, Frckovski. What is your comment in this regard?

PULA: London is concerned about the eventual expansion of the conflict southwards or the
explosion of a conflict from the internal developments in Macedonia. In this context, I would
conclude that there is a big problem in the official attitude of Macedonia towards the
Macedonian-Albanian relations, which is more police-like than political. It would maybe also
be indicative to say that London is planning to have meetings with the Albanians from
Macedonia, at a very high level.

KOHA: As we are mentioning the international community, could you make a comparison
between its and the British posture about the issue of Kosova. There are opinions we hear
often, that G. Britain is traditionally predisposed towards Belgrade?

PULA: It is grounded premise to say that the determinations of the foreign policy of one state
depend on their own interests. Traditionally, Britain had big influence in the Balkans during
this century, and has promoted its interests through the strong factors present in the area, and
without any doubt, Serbia belongs to this group. The closeness of London with Belgrade
should be looked upon from the historical aspect and also from the anti-German alliance
during the wars, whose reminiscence is still present. Right now, the Albanian factor is
focused by the analytical circles and is a key factor in the long term geo-political projections
in the Balkans. All of this proves that the British policy expresses its bigger interest about the
Albanian factor, which is reflected in the aims to find a correlation and adequate influence on
the Albanian factor. Thus, one could look upon the determination for the reinstallment of the
autonomy in Kosova, despite the dissatisfaction of Belgrade.

KOHA: Maybe it sounds a bit contradicting, but as if the principle on the non alteration of the
borders by force is tolerated by the Contact Group, which allows the Serbs in Bosnia to have
confederacy links with Serbia?

PULA: It seems that in the formal aspect there is no change, for the international community
insists that the border should not change. Insisting on this principle is motivated with the need
to safeguard the existing international order and not allow the uncontrolled explosion of
ethnic conflicts, i.e. the request to have alterations of the borders, which would seriously
endanger peace in the world. Inside the existing borders, the attitude is much more flexible
and it is allowed practically, in the sense of federal links, as in Bosnia and Croatia. However,
the precedents that are being set, will probably be reflected in international processes, and
will serve as models which will solve, step-by-step, other conflicts too, as is the case of
Kosova and Macedonia. Therefore, this is why we could say that the thesis that the ethnic
model which is imposed by the Serbs now, will serve in the future as a model for the solution
of the Albanian question, hopefully, without violence, is quite grounded.

- 13 -
INTERVIEW

ARBËN XHAFERI, Chairman of the PPD fraction

THE RIGID POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT IS THE GENERATOR OF CRISIS

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: Could you comment on the situation in the Parliament: while the MPs of the PPD
returned back, your MPs still refuse to do so...

XHAFERI: The new situation needs no comments. It is clear, because we have entered a new
cycle of even stronger repression. You know that the government showed an incredible
arrogance and arrested the elite of one people: it arrested the Rector of the University, a
chairman of a political party who has big merits for Macedonia's recognition as a state, the
chairman of the Forum for Human Rights, a chairman of a humanitarian organization, a
professor of the faculty of law, and many others. This means that if we keep quiet, and if we
politically don't react, then we prove an enormous political weakness, and don't forget that we
established our political parties so we could articulate the interests of the population. We
believe that we don't have the moral, political, nor human right to stay clam before this
enormous arrogance of the Government of Macedonia, and in this direction we have no
dilemmas. The others have dilemmas, the others believe that there is only one path, one way
out and they will be responsible to their electorate, the other intellectual factors which will
analyze this phenomenon from another angle. We do not accept a parliament that have
become a service of the Government, while the Government has become a service of small
political groupings which insist on outdated political concepts and see no way out. All of us
have become hostages of a wrong policy in Macedonia and we want to react loudly against it,
and of course we will organize ourselves.

KOHA: Your party addressed the Speaker of the parliament with a motion. What is it really
about?

XHAFERI: This institute is being used, maybe, for the first time in the parliamentarian
practice of Macedonia. The motion aims at eliminating factors which are causing tension in
Macedonia, as a condition for our comeback in the Parliament. The first factor is the use of
the Albanian language in the Parliament; the second factor is to ascertain the responsibility
for the murder of Abdylselam Emini, as well as the arrest of the Rector and the rest from the
University and the third factor is the creation of normal conditions for the University to
function and its incorporation in the system. These factors were produced by the Government
and it is leading a transparent policy here in Macedonia. We, naturally, are not causing
destabilization, but are only suggesting the elimination of these factors.

KOHA: Will you go back to the parliament, and if, when?

XHAFERI: We will not play the game of blackmail. If these factors are not eliminated, we
don't see how can we be productive within the framework of these institutions; but we see
that we can be productive in other directions, in contacts with the international factor, in
contacts with the public, where we are concentrated on increasing the level of consciousness
about the situation we are living, a historical situation; we are not all aware that this situation
is historical: it is the time when states are founded and when they disintegrate, and this is the

- 14 -
time when principled rights are gained and lost. We are conscious about this historical phase
and we have no competencies to evade it, because it would be a huge responsibility, not only
for the individual but for the political party as well.

KOHA: How do you evaluate the first round if conversations between the Government of
Macedonia and the Albanian party, with the mediation of ICFY's representative, Ambassador
Gert Arens. What could it bring, having in mind the disappointment of Albanians so far.

XHAFERI: The least it can do is come to the ascertainments. To ascertain what are these
talks, because so far they have been developed behind closed doors, without any
communication with the public and the public doesn't know what the results of these
conversations are. From now on, the phenomenon of negotiation will be determined, we insist
these conversations become negotiations, and then we'll see who offers what, who is
mediating and what is the standard of mediation: is it to find the golden average of the two
contradictions, which I consider to be false, because here we are facing the extremism of the
Government of Macedonia which is trying to quickly create a national state, not taking into
account the interests of the Albanians here, in the state which is being developed. This will be
a meeting of ascertaining the facts, because we will insist on discovering which and where is
our political position, the global position of Albanians in general in the region, which is the
position of the Macedonians and the international factor.

KOHA: No need to ascertain the situation of Albanians in Macedonia, it is obvious.

However, in this plane, a question imposes: how will the Albanian political factors become
strong enough to overcome this situation?

XHAFERI: It is easy and hard at the same time. The Albanian policy must become global, it
must be verified somewhere. Without having the verification of this policy, without
elaborating a global strategy of the Albanians in the Balkans, we are creating a totally
unproductive policy. We must draw conclusions from the experiences we have gone through,
and create mechanisms which verify the policy of each party, group or individual. We are
now in the phase of an non evaluated, non verified and non elaborated policy. There is much
too space for voluntarism, an endless terrain for non-productive projects, deceits and
disappointments. This must be eliminated and have the projects of the individuals, groups and
political parties come out on the surface.

KOHA: You mentioned the verification of the policy - where and how could this situation be
overcome?

XHAFERI: It is not important where. Normally, the decision is made where the political
information exists, where the global tendencies are known, where they are leading to, where
is there available information on a phenomenon. It is impossible to know in closed offices
what is a historical tendency and what a geo-strategic one. This does not happen in closed
offices, but in places where the information is gathered.

KOHA: You have often said that there are no tense inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, but
there are bad relations between the Albanian community and the Macedonian government.
The recent damage cause to the Albanian and also Macedonian cemeteries in Kumanova, as if
proves that something is changing in this sense.

XHAFERI: Yes, but the perpetrator must be discovered: is it the people of organized political

- 15 -
forces which are instruments of those closed circles which have converted all the institutions
of the system in a service of their own concepts. Therefore, we must first make this
ascertainment and then see who did it. Our analyses prove that the relations between two
people are not tense, that none of the sides wants war, but those circles which to create a tense
situation so the miserable economic and social situation is forgotten, to create an advantage in
a policy of balance. They create an extreme, so they can claim that the other extreme exists.
This policy of balance then creates space for continuing a policy before the international
factors. We don't think that there are extremes here, but we believe that the rigid policy of the
Government is generating the crisis. And, we usually blame the Government and those non
formal decision making groups which have converted all institutions in a service of their own
concepts. This is the source of the crisis: it is not among the people. The people is usually
innocent, but it can be used for different purposes. For example, what would the Macedonian
students have against the University of Tetova? They are used for other purposes, so it can be
proven that there are two extremes, and in essence, there is only one. It is part of the actual
Macedonian policy which sees Macedonia as a national state of the Macedonians in all
further variations to follow. There are no other problems here.

KOHA: Your MP, Sali Ramadani, in the famous interrupted session, started his statement by
saying "Macedonia, where are you headed to...". In fact , where is it headed to?

XHAFERI: It is headed nowhere. It is turning in a lethargy on a daily basis, where all our
energies are being wasted. It is investing in a project no to be achieved ever. It has many
dreams, many illusions that there can be a Macedonian dream-state, where they will be
dominant, while the others subjugated. However, it will have enormous problems with the
Greeks and with Albanians which will never agree to a subjugated position, a status which is
beneath the economic, cultural and other forces.

KOHA: At the end, have you applied for registration, and if you did, what is the new name of
the party?

XHAFERI: We are facing a rule which is rigid towards anything which is Albanian,
especially towards a political subject which attempts to formulate, in a specific way, the
interests of it people here. This is why this system punishes, it punishes the University, it
punishes our party, because it was deprived of its legality by the police, but it can't take away
its legitimacy. We, as the presidency of the party, wish not to register another party, because
we believe and we have arguments that we are the only heir to the PPD. But our activists,
who are more pragmatic, and who believe that it is worthless to struggle with such a rigid
regime in all parameters, suggest the new party's name be: PPD of Albanians in Macedonia.
Our activists have approached the court with such a request, while we, the Presidency, still
continue are awaiting for the court's verdict on this matter.

ALBANIA

NO ONE REMEMBERS WHAT HAPPENED

by MERO BAZE / Tirana

There is no talk about victory, only progress. Papulias and Serreqi smile courteously to

- 16 -
one-another. Same as one year and a half ago, Papulias listened to Albanian problems listed
by Meksi, starting from the development of trade, construction of roads, visa benefits, new
points of communications, safeguarding the borders, the legalization of Albanians who work
in Greece, a list which ends with the request to have Greece support the integration of
Albania in Europe. Papulias, on the other hand, gave Meksi many promises in regard to all
issues mentioned.

Berisha, who met Papulias for half an hour in an open official meeting, suggested to the latter
a friendship and cooperation treaty with Greece, and also suggested the organization of a
meeting of the Balkans foreign ministers to discuss the situation in the region. Berisha was
much more optimistic about this visit than Serreqi, and evaluated it as a new page in the
history of relations between two neighboring countries. The opposition and media paid an
important attention to the visit, breaking for the first time, the rule of the denigration of any
official activity.

Berisha personally attempted to start a dialogue. During his visit to Bulgaria, and especially
Rumania, during April last, Berisha invited Greece to accept the dialogue even in a neutral
place, concretely suggesting Zurich, where Serreqi and Papulias should have meet. The
Albanian side requested the responsibility of Greece for the Peshkëpi massacre, but this was
never achieved. This is why the Zurich meeting was classified a failure, and the Greek
diplomacy started its offensive, concentrating itself on the guilt of the five accused. It applied
its veto at the EU, then again in the CDU, vetoing Democratic Party's application for
membership, and on, thus converting the veto into a sort of epidemics attacking any relation
between the two states. But, there is no doubt that the biggest victims in this confrontation
were the Albanian emigrants. In the meantime, 75 thousand Albanians were returned back
home, beaten, mistreated and humiliated. Their savings were blocked in the banks, as a
unprecedented act of politics violating the international financial regulations. Their comeback
to Albania made the social problems more difficult and this was used by the opposition to
classify the conflict between two states, as an inability to rule the Albanian state. The
professional Greek media, used to such chaotic situations in Albania, made perfect use of the
statements of the opposition leaders in Albania, thus trying to show that the fault is Albanian.
The whole history of statements and mistreatment gave the impression to the Albanians, in
general, that the relations between two states were deteriorating. Then, the Albanian side
forgot the victims of Peshkëpi and instead of doing something for them, it was responding to
Greece for having arrested five people accused of espionage.

Papulias' arrival to Tirana is in reality sticking to level zero. The political will to have
conversations with Tirana, is a formula to leave the problems between two states pending.

None of the factors that cause problems to these relations got a definite answer. The main
problem that causes social unrest to the Albanian government, is the legalization of
emigrants. This was discussed in general, but nothing concretely was agreed. A jurist,
member of the Greek delegation, explained confidentially that the legal problems legalization
of emigrants might cause, are much bigger than their residence in the present status. This
would mean registration with the police, and immediately an increase of the salaries, which is
not desired by the Greek employers, which would have as a direct consequence the reduction
of the possibility to employ such a large number of Albanians. Papulias' offer to Tirana was
more concrete. He asked for the aperture of a Greek bank in Tirana, allowing the turnover of
Greek money. This is a concrete measure which is accomplishable, which opens the paths to
the Greek capital in Albania and strengthens its position at the south, where it is anyways the

- 17 -
strongest.

The thesis which caused Athens's satisfaction was the request to have Albania integrate in
Europe through Greece. This thesis was initially spread by Gramoz Pashko and later by the
Socialist opposition in fact has some not so comfortable purposes for Albanians. In January
1991, Greece got 20 millions of dollars of assistance for Albanian emigrants, who instead of
receiving the money, got beaten up. Later, some annexes of European programs, as TEMPUS
or INTERREG were installed in Thesaloniki as a link to Tirana. Thus, all Albanians to
specialize who applied for TEMPUS were selected by the office of this program in
Thesaloniki. The mediators became people with close links to the Greek Embassy in Tirana.
The first phenomenon achieved was the departure of a large number of archaeologists and
historians to London and Thesaloniki, who after coming back from there, were either
questioning the autochthonous Albanian people, or wouldn't write anything any more.
INTERREG opened its regional office in Saranda, and started assisting Greek minority
newspapers and "Zëri i Popullit". In Thesaloniki, this program established a fund which was
supposed to assist the Balkans: adherents to join the Journalists' Federation in Brussels and
get other assistance from the EU. Several months later, it became evident that this was a way
or Greece to get as much funding as possible. Then, the EU assistance meant for Albania and
delivered through Greece, was treated as Greek assistance. All of this, and especially any
Greek veto strengthened the conviction that Albania had no other way to integrate with
Europe apart from going through Greece. The only way to ruin this false image is to have
Albania officially denounce the abuse of EU assistance by Greece, which did it for its own
interests.

The reaction of the opposition press and politicians about Papulias' visit are positive. The
Greek press was also surprised with Berisha's good-willingness. The only ones to react
harshly were the rightists. The People's Democratic Party and Balli Kombëtar stressed the fact
that Greece, anytime it feels it, presents itself with a new anti-Albanian policy. In an article
titled "Papulias, feet in Tirana, head in Belgrade", Balli Kombëtar qualified Papulias' visit as
an attempt to impose the line of the Orthodox axis in the Balkans on Albanian politics.

DRUGS

"KOSTA" PERSECUTES ALBANIANS

by RIFAT BUZUKU / Vienna

Several days ago, the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) published its 1994
Annual Report. It calls for a harsh control of narcotics, a universal treaty of persecution,
building a system of free flow of information and a clearer policy in regard to the "traditional
consumption" of drugs.

This report argues the legalization of drugs in Germany, Holland and Switzerland, claiming
that the expansion of this phenomenon not only threatens the destruction of people's health,
but also the economic and social strength in Europe and the world.

It is interesting that INCB's "black list" contains the names of the states such as USA,
Mexico, Guatemala, United Arab Emirates, Switzerland, Holland, and the Czech Republic.

- 18 -
These countries produce complex types of narcotics. One of them is the so called "ice", and
along with other 21 banned chemicals, it is controlled by the INCB, which urges the
governments of the mentioned states to stop their production and distribution immediately.

INCB's list also contains Bulgaria, which secretly produces a sort of synthetic drug with an
immediate effect on the brain and the whole nervous system. "Synthetic drugs have become
very attractive for traffickers, because they are easily transported and usually traded between
countries which have no or weak system to discover drugs", says Hamid Ghodse, Chairman
of INCB.

Asked how true are the claims that the Albanians are second largest group of drug traffickers,
Gottfired Machata, member of the Board told KOHA that INCB makes no such evaluations,
and has no information about this issue. The truth is that many Albanians were caught last
year, while dealing. We also know that there are several dangerous paths of drug trafficking
which start in Albania and end in Scandinavia. According to him, as well as the annual report,
this path was put under the control of the Italian crime police, who caught 400 traffickers and
confiscated a considerable amount of drugs and money. Out of the 400 caught, around 300
were Albanians. Now they are doing time in different prisons throughout Europe, where they
have sufficient time to convince themselves that trading with "flour", as they call it, is the one
way street that takes you into the darkness.

Another reason why Albanians are not mentioned in this report is the fact that they can not
produce any drugs, as is the case with most of the developed countries. Compared to the real
bosses, Albanian traffickers are exporters of the imported drugs and charlatans who wander
around Interpol's network. Or, as a INCB official expressed himself: "small traffickers are
superficial fish which can be caught as you wish: one by one or in groups".

INCB collects data taking into account the information provided by regional and state offices,
as well as different departments of the UNDCP, media and specialized publications. INCB
has at its disposal information which is considered as indicator and revealer of drug abuse
tendencies. This informative source contains information provided by INTERPOL, by custom
offices as well as information and special studies of WHO, in regard to drug abuse.

The only good news coming out from this report is that the number of states adhering to the
only international instrument against drugs, is increasing. So far, 149 states have signed the
Convention.

Publicity about the Albanian criminals among asylum-seekers continues, this time with an
information broadcasted on Deutsche Welle.

Informing from Hamburg, the journalist said that in the past two years, the media in Germany
had many informations on the activities of different criminal organizations from the Eastern
and South-Eastern Europe. The brutal killings, plundering and mistreatment of victims are
mainly acts of the Russian of Polish mafias. However, the term "Albanian mafia" is
mentioned very often by the German media and police.

"Hamburger Adendblatt" published an article on September 5, 1994 where it stated that 70%
of the thefts taken place in Northern Germany are perpetrated by Albanian criminals. It is
obvious that we are referring to organized crime, because there are often quarrels and disputes
between Albanians from Kosova and those from Albania. Meaning, that these are bands

- 19 -
already operating in Germany.

Thus, in autumn 1994, Hamburg formed a special investigating group, in charge of clarifying
robberies perpetrated by the Albanian mafia. In the meantime, Group 941 got additional
assistance. Another group, in charge of clarifying killings and other violent acts was
established by the end of 1994, while now, there is a third group, the one in charge of
following the criminal activities of the Albanians in Hamburg. The secret name of the third
Group, which Hamburg is expecting a lot from, proves that in Germany a clear distinction
between Albanians from Kosova and Albania is made. KOSTA, the name of this group, is
composed of KOS, for Kosova, T for Tirana and A for Albania. Hamburg police claims that
there are clear differences in the criminal activities of both gangs.

The opinion is that the Albanians from Albania are much aggressive, consequence of the
archaic structures still dominating in Albania. There are many vendettas or punishments
conducted for breaking the familial hierarchy code. Kosova Albanians are mainly accused of
organized robberies. Then, a very important thing, the Hamburg police makes a clear
distinction between the Albanian workers and criminals, who are in no way linked. KOSTA
has in its register around 800 criminals from Kosova and they can't be mixed with, at least,
6000 Albanians from Kosova living and working in Hamburg since some time. This wave of
criminality is seen as a consequence of the miserable situation in Albania and the lack of
prospects in Kosova.

KOSTA is comprised of 15 very experienced policemen in civics, whose names are kept
secret. The place their office is, is secret too.

It has been said that KOSTA's collaborators have the best equipment possible, able to bug
telephone conversations and to follow anyone without any special permit. KOSTA's role is
preventive, to stop the further expansion of crime, say the officials in Hamburg.

Many suspicious persons with forged travel documents were caught. So far, it was ascertained
that the thefts were done by the so called "nomads" who as soon as they do the job, they move
to another region. Also many stolen things were found. KOSTA officials claim that the
hardest thing to do is follow the conversations because of the language, not differentiating the
national appertaining of the suspects and finally, not knowing enough about the lifestyle of
Albanians. Nevertheless, during the first month of activities alone, KOSTA has achieved to
arrest three criminals - suspected of having killed a conational in Hamburg.

MACEDONIA

WHERE DOES RACISM IN MACEDONIA COME FROM?

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

After the events in Reçicë e Vogël, when the relations between Macedonians and Albanians
totally froze, as if the things just stopped happening. The Macedonian press was full of
anti-Albanian comments and articles, pieces which cried for the "honest" Albanians who
stopped sticking to the rules and became nationalists and separatists, grounded on the old
maxim "an Albanian is just an Albanian" and can't be nothing else. The Albanian media,

- 20 -
normally, supports them only because the devils are on the other side. But, the truth is that
some Macedonian media had a different posture and published articles that are dissonant in
relation to the hysteria which was initiated clearly from the highest level in the Macedonian
government. In circumstances when the old Communist attitude of discovering plots, internal
and external enemies, spies and mercenaries, it is really a brave professional step to publish
something that is against the directed course. And, we must be honest and say that this didn't
happen in the Albanian media in Macedonia. Thus, "Nova Makedonija", published three
sequels a "Critical analysis of the events in regard to the University of Tetova", signed by
Saso Lambevski, a person unknown to the public, while the ones who know him, say that he
is a young man, whose parents emigrated to Australia, and who was educated in Ljubljana.
But, the best illustration is the text he published in "Nova Makedonija".

The first part of the article was titled: "Where is Macedonia going???", the same question
asked by MP Sali Ramadani when the Parliament session was suspended. Lambevski starts
the article by giving his explanation: "This question would have not caused any reactions if it
were said in the official language in use in Macedonia. This question is a symptomatic
gesture of frustration and spite in relation to the disciplining relations of the Macedonian
regime, which is more and more sinking in its basic contradictions. The gesture, in essence
irritated the Macedonian MPs, the public and the media.

Why is it so? I give this gesture, which I incorporate in the series of the events about the
status of Albanians in Macedonia, another interpretation differing from the one existing as a
"debate about it" in Macedonia. The political actors in Macedonia and the ones who comment
the events in the political scene, depart from the pure logic that their act stands in the sense of
reaching the aims determined consciously. My purpose was to prove that the opposite logic,
that of casualty, chaos and sub-conscience functions in the Macedonian political scene.

Lambevski is decisive in his further comments: The Macedonian government is determined in

favor of the technology of rule which is captivated by the contradictions in the modern
concept of restricted and formally verified sovereignty. This arises the contradiction of the
treatment the same state is giving its own citizens. On one hand, it treats them as virgins
which should be spared from the complexity of politics and as such are subjugated to love
and care of the father (sovereign), who knows everything. This creates the mystery about the
"state and national interests" and the fact that the people are ignored by the government. It's
(sovereign) knowledge (on the defense of the state, organization of production, regulation of
our needs, etc.) gives it not only strength, but orders it to ask for and gain a special privilege -
satisfaction because of the supreme power (sovereignty) which can't be surpassed.

But this satisfaction is accompanied by the thorns of the burden given to the sovereign, with
his care for his children - the subjugated... But full sovereignty is impossible when the power
of the state faces, on a daily basis, its lack of strength, its constitutive weaknesses which are
filled with different fantasies about the divinity of the others - the other state, another ethnic
group, religion, other political philosophy, technology of rule, etc. The other, with the
imagined totality, is an obstacle our us and this causes our fascination and hatred towards the
others.

This is interpreted differently in the daily technology of concealing one's personal lack of
strength and the control of the others who could reveal this weakness. And this would ruin
then the myth about the omnipotence of the potence. Thus, power functions as an illusion and
lie".

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On the other hand, says Lambevski, the government aims to show the Macedonian state as a
service to the citizens, as a place cleaned up from any discrimination on ethnic, religious,
sexual, social or political discrimination. The West is the Macedonian super-ego, our
ego-ideal, which we us to judge upon ourselves and construct love for ourselves to construct
what psychoanalysis knows as ideal ego. But, subconscious homo-phobia is stronger than the
superego which we have constructed. I will allow myself to make a series of uncomfortable
questions, which any Macedonian intellectual, especially that of leftists orientation, must ask
himself... Is really the Macedonian state cleaned (in the formal juridical aspect) from any
discrimination? It is true that the founding act of the new Macedonian statehood
(Constitution) contains no ambiguities and is clean of any sort of discrimination? What has
happened to the discrimination in the microphysics of power - in practice and regulation of
institutions, laws and legal acts of the state administration, in the written and unwritten rules
which regulate our societal life? Haven't we unconsciously become part of the paranoid
constructions of enemies and de-stabilizers of the state, secessionists, nationalists and
chauvinists? Aren't we unconsciously projecting our racism, the irrational from the Other (in
this case the Albanians) in the construction of an image which shouldn't be trusted a priori,
which always has some concealed purposes (the creation of Greater Albania, isn't it?).
Macedonia has won its "Jew", the contradicting figure which we hate and which we fear
from.

Lambevski places the further relations of the largest population in Macedonia in connection
with racism: "...political correctness of the regime and the media, who take care of how to
address the other (and we are referring to Albanians in Macedonia) only superficially
conceals our racism in the way we speak and how we experience the Other. As soon as we
take off our eyes from the Other, our brain starts being visited by ghosts about the Other, and
which are not proven in reality: that the Albanians are "possessing" Macedonia, that they are
rich, that they are linked with different mobs and different informing agencies, that they are
involved in the Islamic Jihad, that they wish they would dominate us, and that "any Albanian
house" has a weapon and is waiting for the call of any supreme leader to kill all Macedonians,
etc... A Siptar is ugly, filthy, illiterate, crazy, violent, who requests special disciplinary
measures and who is luckily "easy to manipulate with". Siptarka is only a machine for making
children and nothing more than that, she, in our racist political discourse, is totally
dehumanized and represents the supreme fanaticism of the (Macedonian) male nationalist
chauvinism who dreams of the same Macedonian women. On the other hand, a Siptar needs
mercy, needs assistance, and who will be helped waiting for his gratitude and love in
exchange".

The second part is called "Secret conversations do not bring long-term results", and
Lambevski continues the same way: "Now at the end I can talk about the University of
Tetova. Many will haste to say that the University of Tetova is another proof that Albanians
do not want to integrate in the open Macedonian society, and are creating a ghetto of their
own. As a reply to this, I would repeat the definition on racism and ask another question: Is it
possible that we (the Macedonian majority) can push the Albanians to see themselves as they
feel (as a de-legitimized community) and go towards ghettoisation? They ask for the
University because they know that our wish to have them integrated in the university system
of Macedonia is not honest. They know that they are not welcome, that they will be made fun
of, because of the education they were granted so far, because of their way of speaking
Macedonian, because of their religious culture and traditions they have, and that they will find
themselves there because of the pressure of the Macedonian political elite and superego".

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"In all proposals about the (non) regulation of the status of Albanian superior education in
Macedonia unconsciously reflects, under the pretext of some legality, that the Government
does not care about it when it is of it's convenience (tens of legal acts proposed by
Crvenkovski's past Government were disputed by the Constitutional Court, which prove this),
expressing it's mistrust and fear towards the others but also creating an impression of their
ethnic superiority", says Lambevski.

"Insisting on the official communication only in Macedonian, to have all MPs speak only in
Macedonian, and that they educational system can't be fulfilled otherwise but in Macedonian,
etc., can not be explained otherwise but as a call or racist ghosts which motivate such a
behavior of the Macedonian political elite". The author even goes further:

"The discussion about these issues is not rational at all, and it wouldn't be serious enough
from the beginning. It can't be that any request of the Albanians is against the state. It is
symptomatic to see how the ears are closed and the arguments if the other side are evaded to
be heard, and such thing should be debated seriously. What happened in Reçicë e Vogël is a
consequence of serial, chaotic and non systematic accidents in the (non) regulation of the
issues belonging to both sides, especially the Macedonian, which is trying to ignore the
problems not wanting to face them: and this has to do with one's own racism and the racism
of the electorate that gives them support... The long term stability of the inter-ethnic relations
can not be assured with secret and mysterious conversations between the elites and small
groups. The debate must be open and should involve all citizens with a special involvement
of the media in the struggle against all forms of discrimination opening the dialogue between
the "ordinary people", despite the fact that the dialogue might hurt, a dialogue in which both
sides in conflict will talk about what most irritates, intimidates and frustrates the others.

Consequent to the intonation of his article, Lambevski doesn't spare the Albanian elite either,
whom he criticizes, first of all, for the way they pushed the problem about the University: "It
is this elite that must learn, if it wants its politics to be effective, to address the Macedonian
population as well, especially in areas where Albanians make up the majority. The struggle
against Macedonian racism and irrational fear of the Macedonian population can not be
Albanian racism, which also exists. The aggressive and provocative rhetoric, the exposure of
force, the lack of hesitation to condemn the crimes committed due to ethnic hatred (when the
criminal is Albanian), etc., are only helping the reproduction of the racist image of the
"Siptar" among the Macedonian population. Then, the Albanian elite must give the initiative
to start a dialogue with the Macedonian population and this should be helped by both the
Macedonian intellectuals and media. Mystifications take towards different speculations.
Unfortunately, the Albanian elite also acts according to the same logic they criticize
themselves (isolation, ignoring the others, discrimination, etc). Or, as the author says: "In the
hastened promise to solve the issue of the University of Tetova, which is without any doubt a
very important part of the national emancipation of the population, the elite forgets, on
purpose or not, to come out with a complete project of the University, for it is not only related
to the legitimate right of the Albanians to have education on all levels in their own language,
but is also related to a series of technical and economic issues, which finally determines the
ethnic dimension of the whole project.. Here I am, first of all, referring to the integration of
the graduated students in the Macedonian economy (almost 30% of the working force is
currently unemployed)".

In conclusion, Lambevski says this too: "The analogy with the University of Prishtina should
not be used as an argument against the realization of the rights of the Albanians to establish a

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University in their language (which the Constitution implicitly allows), and even less the
solution of ethnic problems according to the Serbian recipe".

"In our human wish to format our reality, we will give importance to what is happening, and
we will eagerly wait for someone to come and open our eyes, who will ask us `who is
standing behind this whole thing?'. It is interesting that both sides have found Serbia for this,
right now".

His conclusion is that the state, formally and juridically, is clean from discrimination and that
the absolute sovereign is dead and that sovereignty becomes a metaphor of the modern
practice of the democratic state. The citizen is the sovereign. But, he, uniquely, could practice
his sovereignty if he gives up on accepting the definition of reality served to him by someone
else.

There have been no reactions to Lambevski's text so far, same as in the case of any article
written by a Macedonian author. The reactions, so far, arose against those who are considered
as aliens by the Macedonian public, as those who were born as their national enemies.

What is actual these days, are the parties that the Macedonian leadership is organizing for the
media. However, what the leadership still does not understand is that what has once been
tested, will not function so easily in the future. Usually, people, however closed they might
be, think in the same way. And this is the way out, despite the crazy daily "politics" and its
apologetics.

DOSSIER

MAHMUT BAKALLI: WHY ARE THEY AFRAID OF MY COMEBACK

Interviewed by BAHRI CANI & CVIJETIN MILIVOJEVIC

The Belgrade independent daily Nasa Borba is preparing a special publication on Kosova,
which will, among others, also include interviews with Albanian and Serb political figures
from Kosova and Serbia. One of the interviewed is Mahmut Bakalli, former high-ranked
official of Kosova.

Because of the actuality of the theme and broadness of the interview, the authorized version
will be published several issues.

N.B.: Many linked your departure from politics in 1981, to your (in)direct support to the
requests of the demonstrators. How grounded are such claims and how do you evaluate those
events now, from a 14 years' distance?

BAKALLI: I was not forced out from politics because of the support to the requests, but
because of the big differences in the evaluation of those demonstrations by the Yugoslav
leadership, and evaluation which proved to have big consequences for Albanians and
Yugoslavia proper. I insisted that those demonstrations should not be qualified as
"counter-revolution", because the dogmatic Communist qualification was incorrect, confusing
and groundless, and in fact it proved nothing and caused brutal consequences to the people. I

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was in favor of calm and reasonable qualifications, I insisted to make an analysis of why the
demonstrations occurred, first of all in the social-economic context of the Albanian people
and the students themselves, in the context of the political and democratic rights of the people
and the peace-wanting aspirations of the Albanian people, but also in the context of the
bureaucratic phenomenons in Kosova, the context of the mistakes of the leadership in
Kosova, taking, on this occasion, my personal and individual responsibility for all what
happened.

I was against the brutal measures undertaken against the students on March 26, by the special
units of the federal police, and I requested the creation of a state commission to inquire the
abuse of their authority, because all of that caused the anger of the Albanian population. I was
against the direct intervention of the Serbian police, because, according to the Constitution, it
was not its competence to do so. I was against the involvement of the Army, because it would
compromise it in the eyes of the people.

I was in favor of a political and reasonable solution of the problem. These were all big
differences between us and someone had to leave, by all means. The revenge was taken on
me, and not because I supported the demonstrations, but because I was in favor of reasonable
evaluations and measures, before all, because of the Albanian people of Kosova, but also
because this would have evaded the destabilization and the crisis in Yugoslavia.

It was as if those demonstrations were welcome for the Serbian and a part of the Yugoslav
leadership, because in this way it was easier for them to start the realization of their vision on
the new regulation of the hegemonic relations in Yugoslavia after Tito's death, while the first
step in this direction was to suppress the autonomy of Kosova and subjugate the Albanian
people.

I am talking more about who and how took best advantage of the demonstrations following
their evaluation, and the first impression is that Serbia profited most on this new created
situation, and the ones who lost the most were Kosova and the Albanian people. But the fact
is that Yugoslavia as a whole lost too much, because the scenario on Yugoslavia after Tito
had foreseen the next steps after Kosova: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia...

I don't have the tendency to evaluate the events according to the "theory of plots", because the
events, before all, have their internal causes and realizers. But, still I think that time will
prove that the '81 events, were also a result of the activities of different secret services, of
Yugoslavia and the world) as well as international factors, which aimed at the strengthening
of the dominant position of Serbia in Yugoslavia after Tito's death, as well as in the Balkans,
and the first step was to incite and dramatize the events in Kosova, and prove the force which
was later applied in other parts of the Former Yugoslavia.

N.B.: Did the Kosovan leadership work in favor of the statehood of Kosova, before those
events and after the '74 Constitution?

BAKALLI: Of course we were engaged in the idea of developing Kosova's statehood, in

accordance to the functions of the constitutional solutions of 1974, according to which the
autonomies had their own governments and rule grounded on their own Constitutions. I even
believe that we didn't achieve to fulfil all the rights and obligations of the autonomy about the
organized government, as determined by the Constitution and this was due to the short period
of time, and also because of our weaknesses, lack of experience and funding. All of it was

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legal and constitutional. I would just want to remind you that we regulated all issues
concerned with our Constitution and laws, similar to the other republics, and that those
relations were regulated on the Federal level, for we were a constituent of the federation,
same as the republics. With a formulation in the chapter of principles, the autonomous
provinces were also within the Republic of Serbia, but in the normative part of the
constitution, the autonomies were fully equal with Serbia, meaning that they were not under
the Serbian jurisdiction, that Serbia's laws were not applicable in Kosova. In the aspect of
statehood, the autonomous provinces were directly linked to the Federation.

Despite this status of the autonomy, we never closed ourselves down, and we incited the
integration and economic cooperation with Serbia, we have broadened the cultural, scientific
and other links more than ever. We have also cooperated directly and intensively with the
other republics as well as the world, we have initiated the cooperation with Albania,
especially in the cultural and scientific areas, trade and the mutual visits of our citizens. This
was a need and it did well not only to Kosova and the people living in it, but the whole
Yugoslavia.

The statehood you are referring to, was not illegal, with all its weaknesses and present
mistakes. It didn't cause our isolation, but on the contrary, it helped all the peoples from
Kosova to gain more space for prosperity. Naturally, even then there were nationalistic
tendencies, on both sides, but we eliminated them, first of all with our positive programs and
measures. We had correct and tolerant relations with the Serbian leadership, and then we
didn't have conflicts or disputes. I believe that Serbia never managed to eradicate the
hegemonic tendencies to dominate over Kosova and the Albanians, even though it had been
slowed down them. When in 1976 this tendency reappeared in the form of the so called "Blue
Book", the initiative was rejected from Kosova, Vojvodina, the Federation and even some
Serbian leaders, and we didn't make a drama of this event in public, believing erroneously
that these are the last attempts to vitalize a hegemonic aspirations in Serbia, which later, in
favorable circumstances, was expressed in the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of
Sciences and Arts and the politics inaugurated by Milosevic.

N.B.: You didn't appear in public for almost a decade after you left... At the end of the '80s
you reappeared, and this coincides with the creation of political parties. Is it true that you
have written the programs of several political parties?

BAKALLI: I wished more than believed, that after 1981 things would go normally and this is
why I didn't want to complicate things with my declarations about any issue. I believed that
the legitimate organs and leadership of Kosova after 1981, will be able to defend at least the
basic fruit - the political autonomy, and would be able to defend the freedom and dignity of
the Albanian people from the black clouds which were standing above them since 1981. I
remained quiet and resisted the offenses fearing that any reaction coming from me would
deteriorate the situation. I was professionally working in the Scientific Institute of Kosova,
not involving myself in the political life. In times when Milosevic, with threats and violence,
imposed the constitutional changes which suppressed the autonomy of Kosova, I exploded.
But, partially before this, in times when Milosevic delivered his speech in Gazimestan,
announcing the politics grounded on the Serbian myth on Kosova. I couldn't resist any longer
seeing how the peaceful resistance of the Trepça miners and the students was fought back
brutally, when I was witnessing new massive arrests, when new military and police
emergency measures were implemented. All these draconic measures created a massive
movement of the Albanians for the defense of life, freedom and dignity. In times when the

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movement was spontaneously created, as a peaceful and democratic movement of Albanians,
it was then, and not when the political parties were established, that I started my public
political engagement, by writing articles, meeting people and suggesting ideas.

Therefore, my political engagement is not directly linked to the political parties, nor am I
enrolled in any of them. It is true that I was professionally consulted by many political parties
because of my experience among others, but I have not elaborated any of the programs of any
of the parties, and I have not accepted to become member of any party.

N.B.: Why haven't you become actively involved in any party?

BAKALLI: I consider that, in conditions when you are under occupation, when you are
deprived of your individual and national freedom, the people should organize differently, and
not act through unbounded political parties, which are not coordinated and which represent a
competition to each other. The political parties of Albanians, along with all merits they have
in orienting and organizing their membership, nevertheless amortized the Albanian
movement in Kosova, because they are quite non coordinated and not sufficiently unique,
despite the fact that all they foresee in their programs one final goal: liberation and
Independent Kosova. Even the most massive party, the LDK, which in public proclaims itself
as a movement, in fact, in its interior and in relation to the other parties, is acting like a
classical political party, closed in itself and without due political invention the Albanian
people needs today to accomplish its aspiration for freedom and independence. I am not
against the existence of political parties and pluralism, but their existence in these conditions
under occupation, makes sense only if they coordinate themselves, if they become part of the
same movement with the same aim. Political pluralism is the column of democracy, but
democracy is to be free from occupation, and this can be achieved only by a people organized
in its movement and not with partial political interests.

These are the reasons why I am not member of any political party, and those are at the same
time reasons why, nevertheless, I am engaged politically in public, as much as I can, as much
as I am allowed to be, in the conditions Kosova is living in, with public statements, contacts
and visits here and abroad.

(to be continued)

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