Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
and
Fruit Loops
. The kind that came with little plastic prizes and had stories and
puzzles and mazes printed on the boxes in bright colors, with cute cartoon-
like characters expressing surprise at the story or asking me to help them find
their way through the maze. With a similar cereal-box aesthetic, the brightly
colored and playful looking displays of the genome exhibit declare fun and
puzzle-solving stimulation. This is not a museum exhibit that keeps the
viewer at a distance squinting into Plexiglas boxes and looking at arcane arti-
facts. This is a put-on-your-sleuth-hat and pick-up-that-oversized-magnify-
ing-glass kind of adventure. Colorful signs with oversized letters invite
museum visitors to pull levers, press buttons, open doors, and play along the
surfaces of the artifacts on display.
The artifacts that visitors are being encouraged to interact with are large
physical embodiments of tropes and figures. There is an enormous book of life,
a hereditary slot machine, a giant puzzle shaped as a zipper to show how DNA
zips and unzips, and a demonstration of protein manufacturing as a cookie fac-
tory. Its not that the display stations call upon tropes and figures to help vis-
itors understand the object on display; the tropes and figures are the objects
on display.
The exhibition is divided into two main exhibit rooms. The first is
devoted to basic lessons in biology and genetics, and the second, accessed
through a passageway labeled On the Genetic Frontier, is devoted to cele-
brating recent breakthroughs in genetic engineering and applications of med-
ical genomics. It is in the second half of the exhibit space, along the frontier,
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 106
that the corporate sponsorship of the exhibition is most apparent. The sta-
tionsexplaining genetic screening, research into specific diseases, and eth-
ical concerns related to genomics and medicineeach feel as if they need a
reminder at the foot of the display that this is indeed a paid advertisement.
The aesthetics and style of the two exhibit rooms are decidedly different
from one another. The first is more playful; the colorful toy-like interactive sta-
tions have a learning is fun kind of appeal. Children tend to be running
around excitedly in this room. The second has a more grown-up feel; adults
tend to linger around the individual stations, each of which requires more read-
ing and sustained attention than those in the first room. Its in the first that the
tropes and figures are inviting visitors to play. The second does not call atten-
tion to figurations; it has the flavor of literalism. Thus, below, I attend to the
displays in the first room, with their implicit lessons about figurations. I then
turn to the boundary of figuration that is represented as the frontier to con-
sider the consequences of boundaries of rhetoric in public displays of science.
SPI RALI NG FI GURES
We can start with the entryway for a sense of the intense figuration on dis-
play and for a sense of how you are incorporated in the exhibit. The walls at
the entrance guide visitors through a spiraled corridor past three round
objects lined up in a series. The first round object is a magnified picture of a
human egg with the proclamation This was you. The second round object
is a mirror (about the same size as the human egg), with the message This is
you. The third is a large red circle with a message inside: This is the secret
of you. Spiraling away from this circle is a long line of lettersAs, Ts, Gs,
and Cspresented as the secret-holding code:
This code holds the secret of your genesand your genes hold the secret to
where you came from, who you are, and who you might become. Interact-
ing with your surroundings and influenced by chance, your genes contain
the secret of how life works.
1
The message is constructed with its own gently spiraling figure, setting
up a sense of easy movement among layers of nested secrets: inside the code
is the secret of genes; inside the genes is the secret of you; inside you and your
genes is the secret of life. The architectural, visual, and rhetorical figures
reinforce one another in content and style. The curved entryway spirals vis-
itors into a place that then spirals out to a series of exhibition stations. The
visual trimorphism of what you were, what you are, and the secret of you spi-
rals visitors in through biological time and spirals us out from the simple egg
to the complex individual and to all of life. The messages of secrets spiral us
in to the special knowledge while spiraling out to the expanded significance
of genetic information.
GENOME 107
We may notice that we are being ushered in here to a new, more flexible
and more fashionable, sense of determinism. Though you are reduced to a sin-
gular secret, that singular secret is not quite the old familiar metonymizing
move of explaining you as an element of biological material. You are not your
genes here. You are what appeared in the mirror just a moment ago. Still, the
biological material contains your source code and makes you able to interact
with the environment and become something all your own. Your individual-
ity, the mystery of your individuality, and the mystery of life for that matter,
are contained in the code.
But, more to the point of this chapter, the spiraling figures of the entry-
way usher us into the style of the exhibition. The layered and overt figuration
helps to calibrate us for the playfully serious rhetoric to come. This is playful
figuration with important lessons: basic lessons about biology and genetics
and suggestive lessons about the importance of tropes and figures in the life
sciences.
ERI C LANDER AND THE
AUTHORI TATI VE SECRET- SHARI NG ETHOS
A primary theme that dominates the exhibit is that of secrets being revealed.
The sharing of secrets helps promote the sense that what is on display is priv-
ileged knowledge, and thus all the more real, authoritative, and important.
At the entrancebefore the spiralscrawled in handwriting on a chalk-
board (well, really, its a pretend chalkboard), is an announcement of what is
presumably the primary lesson of the day: the secret of how life works. Indi-
vidual learning stations follow suit, telling of secret codes, the key to the
mystery of life, and amazing secrets in the book of Lifes Recipes. After
being herded in through the spiral entryway, visitors are confronted with the
largest of the displays: an enormous model of a DNA double helix, roped off
in a style evocative of the huge dinosaur displays at natural history museums.
Perched atop this huge model of the DNA double helix is a continuous
loop video. The video features Eric Lander, who explains that the DNA
model is the secret of you, the secret of me, and actually, the secret of all life
on this planet. Lander is the director of the Whitehead Institutes Center for
Genome Research, the founding director of the Broad Institute (established
in 2003 for pursuing the study of human genomics for medical and pharma-
ceutical purposes), and a professor of biology at MIT. When the International
Human Genome Sequencing Consortium published the Initial Sequencing
Analysis of the Human Genome in Nature in February 2001an article that
begins, by the way, with its own allusions to valuable secrets made available
to the public, referring to the genome as holding an extraordinary trove of
information now being made freely availableLander, by virtue of being
the director of the sequencing center that contributed the most genomic
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 108
sequence, was the first author listed. He is one of contemporary life sciences
most charismatic promoters, often playing a leading role in educating the
public about genetics and genomics. He has a special knackor a character-
istic ethosfor being the enthusiastic teacher and captivating his audience
with the pleasures of learning. With a spirited and hospitable speaking style,
he lets us in on the key to the mystery of life:
Hello! My name is Eric Lander.
What you see before you is the DNA double helix. Its the secret of you, the
secret of me, and, actually, the secret of all life on this planet. The DNA
double helix is made up of genes, which are sort of a recipe for who you are.
The only problem is that recipe is written in a secret code. It took a very long
time to figure out how to read that code. But now we have it.
To read the code, you have to learn a new alphabet. Instead of your ABCs
you have to learn your As, Ts, Cs and Gs [the corresponding letters on the
model light up in synch]. The letters stand for chemicals called bases. A
stands for adenine, T for thymine, C for cytosine, and G for guanine.
The secret is that As always pair up with Ts and Cs always pair up with Gs
on the two sides of the double helix.
The neat thing about the DNA double helix is that it can make a copy of
itself. Thats how genes can be passed on from parents to their children.
To make a copy of itself, the DNA unwinds and splits down the middle. Each
strand of the double helix becomes a template for a new partner strand.
With the help of special proteins called enzymes, each half rebuilds and
restores the missing half.
Remember As always pair with Ts and Cs always pair up with Gs.
Now, where we had just one double helix, weve got two identical copies of
the double helix. Thats how the code of life replicates itself.
The DNA double helix is the key to the mystery of life. It holds the instruc-
tions for how we live and breathe, all written out in a four-letter code.
Its really pretty simple when you think about it. But it is the secret of life.
In the secret-revealing video, Lander connects the theme of secrets and
the metaphor of codes with the material form of DNA. He also invokes sev-
eral popular tropes: genes as recipes, chemical bases as letters of an alphabet,
DNA as holding instructions, and DNA as a zipper. He tells the people stand-
ing in front of the gigantic three-dimensional model of DNA that they are
looking at the secret of themselves and the secret of all life. The secret, Lan-
der explains, is both the form itself and the way that the components of DNA
interact with one another. That is, the secret is both the way that the form
embodies a code and the way that it reproduces that code. Landers tone
GENOME 109
his enthusiasm for the component tropes and his slightly hushed and slowed
pace at the endsuggests that the secret is also the way the various tropes
come together.
Landers captivating tone shifts from dramatizing the specialness of the
secrets, to emphasizing the magnitude of their significance, and then to suggest-
ing the accessibility of those secrets. When he explains that the secret is that
As always pair up with Ts and Cs always pair up with Gs, he adopts the posture
and tone of a favorite uncle showing us whats inside the magic box. The drama
of the secrets works to keep our attention focused on the DNA model and on
the elegance of the model, the satisfyingly simple relationships between As and
Ts, Cs and Gs. Landers explanation does not explicate any broader significance
for this special code (other than linking the code with the concept of genes),
nor does it account for how this model connects to anything outside of itself. It
is as if we are all together inside the bubble of a special secret knowledge, not
worrying about how it connects to anything outside the bubble.
As I stood with my fellow museum visitors in front of a roped-off model
of DNA listening to a recorded explanation of the mechanisms of the model
from one of the more authoritative public voices in genomics research, I felt
as though I were participating in a simulation of public science. Like the
nineteenth-century museum exhibits of natural history, the DNA model
stood before us as a spectacle of science. But here, rather than focusing our
attention on a natural specimen of racial or evolutionary history, the spec-
tacle focuses our attention on the primacy of codes. The elegant confluence
of tropes and secrets encourages a sense of awe and wonder in the face of priv-
ileged scientific knowledge.
TROPES ON DI SPLAY
The Lander video relies on the theme of the secret to provide a sense of
coherence among a series of tropes that are on display at the exhibit.
2
In the
stations surrounding the gigantic model of the DNA helix, within earshot of
Landers continuous loop recording, the individual tropes are materialized in
their own three-dimensional form or video display. At each station, visitors
can learn a basic biological or genetic concept by learning a trope. The tropes
are the vehicle for understanding the concepts. In a sense, then, the museum
offers training in using tropes as vehicles for understanding concepts in the
life sciences. Below, I describe a few stations in terms of the kind of tropo-
logical training that they offer.
A Simple Reductive Figure
One of the stations, labeled Atoms to You and claiming Parts Make the
Whole, demonstrates a trope of biological reduction with a set of nested
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 110
dolls. The outer doll is labeled body. Nested inside the body is a doll
labeled organs. Nested inside that, one labeled cells. Then organelles,
then molecule. Finally, the innermost doll is labeled atom.
I especially like this figurative display because of the recurring pattern of use
I noticed while lingering nearby. The nested dolls are located about two feet
above the ground, apparently intended for the smaller children touring the
exhibition. Typically, a small child would approach the dolls and start lifting the
top one off and exploring the magic of finding another one underneath, at times
with volatile enthusiasm. The accompanying adult would then crouch down to
explain the lesson of the dollssee, inside your body, you have organs . . .
The kind of playful interaction, the adult explanation, and the open,
blank looks on the childrens faces remind me that the use of tropes and fig-
ures to access biological concepts does not necessarily come naturally. In
other words, the adults and children interacting with the Atoms to You dis-
play provide a glimpse into some early training in figurative thinking.
The scenes at the museum are similar to those described by Ronald
Amerine and Jack Bilmes in their study of third graders who conduct exper-
iments by following instructions published as part of a commercial science
education kit. The children in Amerine and Bilmess study use the instruc-
tions for learning about water pressure, but they dont do a very good job of
staying focused on the lesson. For them, the ability to achieve the desired
outcome of the experiment becomes more of a competitive game than a les-
son in observing natural phenomenon. As Amerine and Bilmes show, if you
examine the scene in terms of the intended lesson, there is something absurd
about the instructions for the experiment: the way they are written presumes
that the users/readers already understand the principle that is under instruc-
tion, yet the users/readers are supposed to be learning the principle through
these very instructions. The children who Amerine and Bilmes observe are
not interacting with the intended lesson. But they are learning. They are
learning about the problem of constructing a coherent, successful course of
action from a set of experiment instructions. Amerine and Bilmes conclude
that the children, while apparently missing the point of the lesson, learn
about the relationship between texts and predictable outcomes.
Similarly, there is something absurd about a lesson, aimed at children,
that requires both a rather sophisticated understanding of the concept of
nesting systems and an ability to use abstract tropes to organize our under-
standings of material bodies. The children may not be absorbing the message
about our bodies as nested systems. But they are interacting with a toy that
has some figurative relationship with the life sciences. Just as the children
who Amerine and Bilmes observe are learning the relationship between texts
and predictable outcomes, the children at the museum are being ushered into
a form of play that contains lessons about the relationship between toys, fig-
ures, and the life sciences.
GENOME 111
Cell Surveillance Technology
In the Cell Explorer station, visitors can learn about the different compo-
nents of cells while also getting a lesson in what Lakoff and Johnson call the
coherence of a system of metaphors. The display is a large two-dimensional
map of a cell, with components marked as targets. Visitors are invited to
slide the crosshairs of the monitor over the part of the cell you would like to
explore. The monitor is a small video monitor affixed to a transparent plate
marked with crosshairs. When the crosshairs are lined up with the target on
the map, a short video is triggered explaining what the cell component is and
how it works. Each component is described in terms of a metaphor; together
they form a system of metaphors that cohere around the image of an indus-
trial center. The cell membrane is the cells border and security guard. The
nucleus is the cells office or control center. A lysosome is a trash can. The
mitochondrion is the power plant. The ribosomes are protein factories. The
endoplasmic reticulum is a conveyor belt. The golgi complex is the loading
dock for material that is leaving the cell. And a vesicle is a cells delivery
truck, carrying materials out of the cell.
Just as in many of the other displays in the exhibition, visitors can access
a biological concept by learning a metaphor. But this display is also a system
of metaphors. As the metaphors come together, so do the mechanisms of the
cell. Embedded in the display is a lesson about using systems of metaphors to
understand biological systems. Get the system of metaphors and you get a
perspective for understanding the relationships among the component parts
of the cell. Get that and youve got a strategy for thinking in the life sciences.
A Cookie Factory
The system of industrial production metaphors is sustained in the adjacent
station, but this time without the loose military-surveillance associations of
locating the place on the map through the crosshairs of a movable visual dis-
play. Instead, this station is a bright and cheery display of a cookie factory.
An elaborate diorama-like display has moving parts that bring together the
system of manufacturing metaphors and the genes-as-recipes metaphor to
depict the cell at work, following a coded recipe, to produce cookies/proteins.
The cartoonish figures in the display move in a coordinated process that is
narrated, on a continuous audio loop, by Eric Lander. As the parts and
metaphors come together in an elaborate depiction of protein-making
process, more training in metaphorical coherence and metaphorical interac-
tion is visible.
A cartoon-figure man, working inside the home office (or nucleus) can
be seen copying a special recipe. The copy of the recipe is then sent off via
the mRNA (messenger RNA), depicted as a woman on a motorbike scooting
over to the factory (or ribosome). A figure inside the factory is apparently
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 112
coordinating the process of cookie making; the process is represented by a
series of wheels and gears whirring around. In the front of the display is a
museum board, functioning like a caption to the display, outlining the
metaphors at work in the process and showing how the process corresponds
to the actual process of the cell.
Though I certainly did not conduct any type of ethnographic or usabil-
ity study, I did happen to notice while loitering near the exhibit area that this
station appeared to receive the most attention from visitors in the nine-to-
twelve age bracket. While I was mesmerized by the depiction of the process,
the sustained metaphorical coherence, and the complex mechanisms of
affirming a predictable and foundational reality, a few momentarily unsuper-
vised kids were drawn to the sides of the exhibit, where they could glimpse
the mechanisms of the gears and the wheels inside the factory. They seemed
to be trying to go outside the bounds of legitimate exhibit viewing by try-
ing to figure out how the parts were moving along in a standardized and pre-
dictable fashion. Meanwhile, I was going outside the bounds of legitimate
research practices by eavesdropping on their conversations, listening to one
kid explain to another that the mechanism that allowed the motorbike to
move across the display was hidden behind the little hut. Within the kids
conversation about the gears, the legitimate meaning of the hut was the
object that was masking the mechanisms of the display; it was neither the
metaphorical home office nor the cells nucleus. The kids were clearly
interacting with the figurative interfaces, but not in the sense that was
intended by the designers.
In his theory of metaphorical interaction, Max Black explains that the
success of any metaphor depends on the active cooperation of the audience.
When a metaphor is applied to a concept or an object, it is up to the listener
to select which features of the metaphor, which entailments, to apply to the
object. When kids run around to get a glimpse of the gears that are operating
behind a system of metaphors, they do not appear to be selecting the
intended entailments of the system of metaphors. They are not using the
metaphorical display in the intended or legitimate way. Again, like the
children in Amerine and Bilmes study who call attention to the culturally
learned relationships between texts and predictable outcomes, these kids
catching sidelong views of the cookie factory metaphor call attention to com-
plex relationships among metaphors and biological systems.
Metaphors, and stylistic devices in general, do not by themselves fix
meaning. They are always in touch with the contingency of meaning and the
contingency of discourse. The audience can always wander off and imagine
the wrong things. This contingency becomes apparent when we see little kids
interact with the nested dolls. Who knows what theyre thinking. But we can
see theyre not really getting the intended message. And the older kids play-
ing around behind the cookie factorytrying to figure out how the gears work
GENOME 113
and what makes the thing go roundare apparently not trying to grasp how
the messenger on the motorbike is supposed to be representing a rhizome.
The display stations in the museum exhibit train visitors to use the
metaphors in the intended or legitimate ways to get to the knowledge of biol-
ogy. But, collectively, the displays also offer a more general training in using
tropes. Even if visitors do not study the explanation of the cookie factory, and
dont absorb that the cookies being manufactured are analogous to proteins,
and dont retain the components or the sequence of the process, there are still
important general lessons on display. Biological processes can be modeled and
accessed with familiar and accessible metaphors. The knowledge of the
genome is not arcane and occult knowledge; it may be complex, but it is
accessible and it is presentable in a public space. Besides the lessons con-
tained in the particular system of metaphorsmetaphors that transfer con-
cepts of a predictable, reliable, and knowable process to biological processes
of a cellthe cookie factory and the surrounding stations perform the impor-
tance of tropes and figures in relation to the life sciences. If we step back and
scan the exhibit space, we see each station embodying a different metaphor.
We can mix these metaphors to piece together a fuller understanding of
genetics. The museum space appears to be as much about training visitors in
the role of metaphors and modeling in the life sciences as it is about getting
the content across.
LAYERED METAPHORS
In the previous section I considered how the exhibit provides training for
using metaphors and models to access knowledge of the life sciences. But
there is more rhetorical training embedded in the exhibit than a demonstra-
tion of how to use tropes to access knowledge. The tropes presented are not
merely a matter of making concepts accessible to a lay audience. Some of the
tropes and figuressuch as the spiraling entranceway and the origami dis-
playare whimsical and explicitly figurative; they are so overtly stylized that
they would not be mistaken for the content of the lesson. But otherssuch
as the mitochondrion as the cells power plant or the genome as coded
informationblur, to varying degrees, the distinction between the stylistic
device and the content of the lesson, or between the trope and the knowl-
edge. Thus, in addition to demonstrating how to use metaphors to access
knowledge, the exhibit offers an extended lesson regarding levels of
metaphors or degrees of figurability. Or, in other words, the exhibit guides its
visitors in recognizing which figures are closer to the literal content of the
display, which figures have more authority.
The layers of metaphor are physically displayed at the giant book display.
To prepare to see the display as a form of epideictic guidance for scientific and
rhetorical authority, we can borrow from a discussion of levels of metaphors
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 114
provided by S. Michael Halloran and Annette Norris Bradford. In their arti-
cle Figures of Speech in the Rhetoric of Science and Technology, Halloran
and Bradford identify as a principle of scientific popularization the impor-
tance of revealing to an audience the central tropes of a scientific field. Hal-
loran and Bradfords purpose is to advocate the judicious use of metaphor in
the teaching of scientific and technical writing. In so doing, they call atten-
tion to different levels of metaphor by contrasting the rhetorical functions of
mere metaphor and metaphor as a central heuristic.
Halloran and Bradford examine metaphors in genetic discourse, paying
special attention to James Watson and Francis Cricks papers A Structure for
Deoxyribose Nucleic Acid and Genetic Implications of the Structure of
Deoxyribonucleic Acid. Watson and Cricks use of the image of a zippera
metaphor also on display at Pfizers genome exhibitprovides the primary
example for Halloran and Bradfords discussion of metaphors that are so obvi-
ously metaphors that they are unlikely to be taken literally. The zipper
metaphor provides an accessible image of how the two strands of the mole-
cule might come apart during cell division. The metaphor transfers the
familiar function of a zipper to the overall description of DNA. We are not
likely to think of the DNA molecule as a real zipper; it is only zipper-like in
one specific aspect. In Halloran and Bradfords terms, the zipper metaphor has
local and limited application. . . . When used to explain how the strands of
the DNA molecule fit together and come apart, the image of a zipper is a mere
metaphor (which is not to say that it is rhetorically useless) (Halloran and
Bradford 188).
The more mere a metaphor, the more obvious it is as a metaphor. The
more obvious, the more limited is its applicability. It is only being used to
transfer one aspect of its meaning. We are not likely to see the nested dolls
and think that our bodies are composed of distinct physical shells resting
inside one another; the trope transfers (or attempts to transfer) the concept
of nesting to the arrangement of biological systems. In the case of protein
folding likened to origami paper, the analogy is so limited and local that it is
made explicit in a simile: A protein is like a piece of origami paper. Simi-
larly, the system of tropes comprising the cookie factory is made explicit in
part by the visual display, in part by the identification of some of its compo-
nent similes, and in part by Landers narration, with its audible wink letting
us in on the metaphor of the cookie as protein. The playful and explicit
tropes throughout the exhibit help to emphasize particular aspects of biology
and genetics and call attention to particular metaphoric relationships.
In contrast to mere metaphors (metaphors that are overtly figurative and
limited and local in application), metaphors that are central (or fundamen-
tal) to a scientific discipline are less obviously figurative and more likely to
be taken literally. To explore the function of scientific metaphors that are not
quite as limited or local in application as the zipper metaphor, Halloran and
GENOME 115
Bradford examine the metaphor of communication in genetics, a metaphor
also invoked by Watson and Crick. Unlike the limits of the zipper metaphor,
the limits of the communication metaphor are not obvious. It is what Hallo-
ran and Bradford refer to as a central heuristic in the field of genetics. It is
so close to the foundational understanding that it is not likely to be recog-
nized or experienced as a metaphor: It might be argued that to the biologist
the idea of genetic communication is not a metaphor but a literal theory, that
the genetic process is not like communication, it is communication (Hallo-
ran and Bradford 186).
The emergence of communication as a central metaphor in genetics, as
a metaphor that doesnt seem to be at all metaphorical, is a historically spe-
cific instance of Friedrich Nietzsches claims about knowledge making as a
metaphorical enterprise and the production of truth as a process of forgetting
about the metaphors.(1174) Several historical and cultural studies of genet-
ics, most notably Lily Kays Who Wrote the Book of Life? A History of the
Genetic Code, aim at remembering the production of the metaphors of com-
munication that gave rise to contemporary genome studies. As Kay shows,
metaphors of communication, information, and code were integral to the
production of the Nuclear Age and the cold war; their explanatory power in
genetics should not be recognized as emanating from genetic material itself
but rather as resulting from the expansion of information sciences in the mid-
dle of the twentieth century and the alliances that formed between informa-
tion scientists and life scientists.
Metaphors of communication, information, and code are all part of the
museum exhibit. But unlike in Kays analysis, these metaphors are not his-
torically situated. And unlike the cell at work as a cookie factory and the
lysosome as a trash can, the communication metaphors are not obviously
metaphors. The communication metaphors, and the guidance of how to
understand these metaphors in relation to the reality of the genome, all come
together in the presentation of the genome as a book. In Halloran and Brad-
fords terms, the book exhibit guides its visitors in recognizing a range of
metaphors, from mere metaphors to fundamental or central metaphors. In
Nietzsches terms, the exhibit guides its visitors in remembering some
metaphors and forgetting others.
The genome-as-book metaphor is foregrounded in the exhibit, in both
the physical displays and the accompanying texts. At the entrance is a card-
board cutout of a little girl in a dress, standing on a stack of books, her face
hidden behind a big red book that she holds open in front of her. The title of
the book is the same as that of the exhibit, with the same lettering and dou-
ble-helix logo: Genome: The Secret of How Life Works. Inside the exhibit
spacejust past the spiraled entrance and within earshot of the Lander
videoone of the first display stations we encounter is an enormous book, at
least nine feet tall, propped open so that we can see the front and back cov-
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 116
ers and will have to walk around to see whether this is really a book or if its
just a clever way to create space disguising an exhibit wall as a metaphor. On
the spine we see the title: Recipes for Life. The front cover shows the title
along with promotional claims: All 23 Chapters and Filled with Amazing
Secrets and:
Inside this giant books 23 chapters, youll find all the recipesyour genes
for cooking up tens of thousands of proteins. Why proteins? They make and
maintain your body. This recipe book holds all the basic instructions for a
humanthe entire human genome.
The book metaphor is productive for lending the genome the authority of
textual sources of information and legitimized knowledge. It is also a flexible
and adaptable metaphor, with a range of possibilities, including occult books
of secrets, instruction manuals, and recipe books.
If we walk around to the other side of the genome-as-book display, we see
the inside of the book. From this side, it looks like an encyclopedia with
two columns of dense text, boldfaced headings announcing the different
entries (Amyoidosis, hereditary kidney disease and red hair), and, along
the page edges, twenty-three numbered tabs marking off the chapters, one for
each chromosome. Look closely and the densely packed text is composed of
strings of letters, but only the four lettersA, T, C, and Gused to repre-
sent the four bases of DNA. The text itself is not really the focus of the dis-
play; the encyclopedic pages are more of a background to the explanation and
instructions that appear on the Plexiglas shield covering the book. Remem-
ber, the book is about nine feet tall. The Plexiglas shield is fashioned as a pro-
tective covering, one that we might find in a stuffier museum covering a pre-
cious artifact or original text that is so old it cannot be touched without its
pages crumbling.
The text on the Plexiglas merges the genre of the museum placard with
instructions on how to use the book. To focus on the levels of figurability, we
may want to take a sidelong glance at the instructions implications for the abil-
ity of the genome-as-book to stand alone as a source of meaning and knowl-
edge, without the scaffolding of instructions, interpretive guidelines, and the
blunt statements about its epistemic and cultural significance. We might also
notice that the secret-recipe-book metaphor has been articulated into layers,
detailing the relationship of the metaphor to the genome. But the layers also
introduce some ambiguity: what now constitutes the secret knowledge pro-
vided by the book? Is it the text of four letters or is it the reading instructions
and the reading apparatus? And, what are we doing as we are looking through
the Plexiglas at the book? Does the reading apparatus make us into the equiv-
alent of the geneticist who can see and read the code? If we were in the busi-
ness of catching the book at assuming the posture of a transcendental signifier,
we might sort through more carefully these ambiguities and the places where
GENOME 117
the metaphors give way to imprecision. But thats not what were doing here.
After all, were looking at a nine-foot mock-up of a book.
Our focus here is on the layers and levels of figurability and how those
layers and levels are marked both by the physical display and by the text. This
is where the recipe metaphor comes in particularly handythe placard
description explains that the genes are the recipes and shows that we need to
understand the conversion table (the metaphors made explicit) and the
instructions to use the recipe book.
On the Plexiglas display, the recipe metaphor is made explicit with a
conversion chart (1 recipe = 1 gene), guidelines for thinking about genes
and looking up recipes, and a simile that likens the genome to a huge
recipe book (Figure 3). The web version of the exhibit does not have the
assistance of a larger-than-life materialization of the book metaphor, and thus
relies on an introductory comment: It may help to think of it like this: 1
recipe book = 1 genome. . . . The comment helps orient the viewer to the
recipe metaphor, emphasizing the value of the metaphor as a heuristic.
In addition to the cues that call attention to the metaphor and the guide-
lines for using the metaphor to think about genes and genomes, both the
physical and the web version also provide an explanation of the implications
of the recipe metaphor for thinking about the significance of genes and
genomes as determinants of who and what we are: Just as the cooking envi-
ronment . . . can change how a recipe turns out, your surroundings influence
how you turn out. . . . You are the product of your genes, your experiences,
your surroundingsand chance.
The explication of the recipe metaphor appears on a transparent shield.
But this is not a display of faith in the transparency of scientific language.
Quite the contrary. This is figurative language being foregrounded as figura-
tive language to give more meaning to the textual object behind it. The
explication, the conversion chart, the similes, and the guidelines put into
dramatic relief the nontransparency of the book metaphor. Behind the trans-
parent shield is the mock-up of the genome-as-book metaphor. As a
metaphor, the book is not quite as explicit as the recipe; there are no guide-
lines telling us that the genome is like a book. It is just standing there as a rep-
resentation: the genome as book. Still, there are some visual clues that we are
not, in fact, looking at a real genome. The bookness of this gigantic genome
is rather overdone and cartoon-like, with the little tabs in the margins mark-
ing the chapters.
The recipe metaphor is explicated and gives more meaning to the book
metaphor that stands behind it. The display depicts layers of metaphors. The
outer layer functions as a mere metaphor to help us access the more central
metaphor of the book. The book metaphor is, in turn, encasing the metaphor of
the genome as code. The code is closer to what Halloran and Bradford describe
as a central heuristic. It is not that the genome is like a code; it is a code.
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 118
119
FIGURE 3
The text that appears on the Plexiglas covering the giant book display
Genes are recipes
Your genome is like a huge recipe book
with 30,000 to 40,000 recipes. They
spell out the ingredients for the thou-
sands of proteins that make and main-
tain your body.
Genes dont work alone
Your genetic recipes are influenced by
your surroundings. Just as the cooking
environment such as oven temperature
or altitude can change how a recipe
turns out, your surroundings influence
how you turn out. By determining
which genes you inherit from your par-
ents, chance also plays a role. You are
the product of your genes, your experi-
ences, your surroundingsand chance.
Conversion Key
1 letter = 1 base
A letter in DNAs code is a chemical
called a base. Four basesA, T, G, and
Cmake up the rungs of the DNA
ladder (A connects to T, G connects to
C). Your entire genome contains about
3 billion rungs.
1 word = 1 codon
A word is spelled by a sequence of
three bases in a row, such as TCG,
along one side of the DNA ladder.
Each three-letter word is called a
codon.
1 recipe = 1 gene
A recipe for making protein is in a
gene. Some genes contain the recipe
for a single protein; other genes can
make more than one protein. A gene is
a section of DNA on a chromosome.
23 chapters = 23 pairs of chromosomes
Your 23 chapters, or pairs of chromo-
somes, hold all your recipes.
Chromosomes are tightly bundled
threads of DNA and protein. Theyre
wrapped up like balls of string in the
nucleus of a cell.
1 recipe book = 1 genome
The recipe book with all your DNA
and genes is your genome-all the basic
instructions for a human.
Chromosome 4 Recipes
Open to a chapter and youll find all
the recipes on that particular chromo-
some. In Chapter 4 (chromosome #4),
youll find recipes for red hair, albumin
(a major protein in blood), dentin (an
ingredient in your teeth), and many,
many others. Some scientists think the
gene or genes for a very long life are on
#4. This chapter also holds genes that
contribute to Huntingtons disease, dia-
betes, and juvenile gum disease.
Looking Up a Recipe
Lets say you want to find a recipe, or
gene, for red hair. First, go to the table
of contents, or chromosome map, and
find chapter 4 (chromosome #4).
Then look in the table of contents for
that chapter. Youll find the red-hair
recipe below the recipe for amyloidosis,
a heredity kidney disease.
Now go to the red hair recipes page
(section of DNA). On this page youll
find the genetic codethe As, Ts, Cs,
and Gsfor the recipe for the protein
that makes red hair.
The epideictic training ground of the first room of the Genome: The
Secret of How Life Works exhibit offers multiple and layered lessons in
genetics and biology. The displays also guide the audience in using metaphors
to get the knowledge of genetics and in appreciating the value of tropes and
figures in the life sciences. The tropes and figures occupy center stage here.
They embody both the concepts of the life sciences and the social signifi-
cance of the life sciences. And, they offer training in recognizing the role of
metaphors in conceptualizing biological systems. The book of life display also
expresses another very important lesson about metaphors and tropes. With-
out quite expressing that we ought not to mistake the trope for the thing
itself, the implicit lesson of the book display is that while some tropes are
open to stylistic play, there are some tropes that are so much closer to the
truth of the matter that they ought to be understood as the thing itself.
REALI TY AND THE GENOMI C FRONTI ER
The playful atmosphereinvoked by the cookie factory, the gigantic book,
and display stations that invite visitors to pull levers and play with dolls
stops at the threshold to the second half of the genome exhibition. There is
a clearly marked passage point separating the first part from the second part.
Visitors enter the second part by passing through an archway labeled Living
on the Frontier. Another sign announces The Frontier Is Here. To pass
through the archway to learn about life on the frontier is to leave behind the
playfulness of the tropic interfaces. It is as though we are entering the zone of
the serious and the literal, crossing over the boundary into figural realism.
Apparently not even the frontier is to be recognized as a metaphor. There
are no cartoon figures to help us grasp the concept of a frontier and apply it
to the notions of technology and progress that are on display. No pictures of
covered wagons. No gestures to life on the American frontier. No pictures of
native Americans resisting the push of the frontiersmen. Certainly, no
acknowledgment of what this frontier might look like from the other side of
the cardboard claims of progress.
The exhibits comprising the genomic frontier include descriptions of
genetic tests for phenylketonuria, genetic research of Huntingtons disease,
forensic DNA analysis, and the development of genetically targeted pharma-
ceuticals. The one station that, on the surface, might appear to uphold the fig-
urative play of the earlier stationsthe one titled Genetic Detective Stories
is, it turns out, a fairly straightforward explanation of forensic DNA analysis.
In noting the place of figuration in science and in representations of sci-
ence, it is worth considering Latours recent argument for the importance of
standing guard against the separation of matters of fact and matters of con-
cern. In his essay Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From Matters of
Fact to Matters of Concern Latour addresses what he calls sturdy realism,
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 120
or the resilience of scientific realism despite the extensive efforts of critical
theory and critical science studies. He opens his essay with the example of
political strategists who oppose environmental control by arguing that global
warming is contingent and not fixed as an ultimate reality. In light of such
rhetorical maneuvers in public debate, Latour points out that critiques of sci-
ence and technology that work to demonstrate that what appears to be purely
factual is, actually, ideological are not quite as useful as they once were (or as
we once thought that they were). When we congratulate ourselves on
demonstrating that the apparently factual is actually ideological, we miss the
powerful science rhetoric that runs not on claims of factuality and value-neu-
trality but rather on denouncements of contingency and uncertainty.
Latours call to make critiques of science relevant to science rhetoric in
public discourse can be extended to the analysis of figurative language in
rhetoric of science and rhetoric about science. Critiques of scientific argu-
ments that demonstrate that what appears to be purely literal is, actually,
rhetorical does not necessarily defuse the authoritative power of science
rhetoric that claims reality as its foundation by denouncing fiction, figura-
tion, and rhetoric.
The gene, in all its uses, teaches me to see that in the play of figura-
tion, rhetorical boundaries are reaffirmed, reconstituted, and refigured.
Genes, ideas about genes, and representations of genes do not simply emerge
from the authoritative spaces of science. Rather, in being figured as being
grounded in the real and in being figured as emerging from authoritative
spaces, genes contribute to the reaffirmation of the boundaries of those
authoritative spaces. The boundaries that separate the rhetorical and the
contingent from the literal and the real, the boundaries that figure a distinc-
tion between rhetoric that belongs to science and rhetoric that belongs to
public culture are not encoded in texts beyond our reach; they are reconsti-
tuted within the rhetoric of science and within rhetoric about science. The
frontier of the genome display serves as a reminder, just as Johannsens speech
about the gene does, that the sources of legitimacy and the boundaries of
authoritative rhetoric are often figured within the texts that rely on those
sources and those boundaries.
Reality Check Theater
At the edge of the space devoted to the frontier, positioned as the last stop
before the exit of the exhibition, is a small alcove with a marquee identifying
it as the Reality Check Theater. Inside the theater, visitors can see clips
of popular science fiction films. The clips are strung together with a narration
that serves as a closing commentary for the exhibition, preparing visitors to
integrate what theyve learned at the museum with other representations of
genetics outside the museum:
GENOME 121
Leaving here today you now know lots of things you didnt know before and
being clued in to genetics you are likely to see genetics everywhere in the
world around you. In newspapers, magazines, and in the movies and from
some of what youll see you may start thinking that anything is possible.
The narrator of the Reality Check video is, once again, Eric Lander.
But here Lander has been transformed from the avuncular guide, inviting us
to play with metaphors to learn the secrets of life, to a polemicist warning
against literal interpretations of fictional accounts of genomic futures. The
video consists of clips from Jurassic Park, The Fly, and Gattacafilms that
advance dystopian views of corporate-controlled science, scientific experi-
ments gone awry, and new forms of eugenics and social control. Lander does
not directly address or counter the dystopian views; he takes a clip from each
film and uses it as a fictional antithesis for establishing the reality and real
progress of genomic research.
The first clip is the popular image of a genetically engineered dinosaur
theme park gone out of control, to which Landers voice-over responds:
Whoa!! Is Jurassic park really possible? Could we really bring back dinosaurs
from Jurassic DNA? With a scene extracted from Jurassic Park and presented
in the Reality Check Theater, Lander addresses the real feasibility of the fic-
tional scenario, answering his own questions: Well, probably not. No one
has ever succeeded in finding dinosaur DNA. And if they did it would prob-
ably be too old and deteriorated and its not clear its a good use of time and
money to try to bring back extinct monsters. Then, having dismissed the
value of the films ability to portray real possibilities and having provided reas-
surance that such outlandish endeavors probably wouldnt happen anyway,
Lander turns to an application of DNA technology that is both real and
uncontroversially beneficial: But scientists are using DNA technology to try
to keep todays endangered species from going extinct in the first place.
The movie The Fly, a story of the horrific consequences of an out-of-con-
trol experiment that merged a fly and a human genome, provides another fic-
tional antithesis, this one for real and purportedly beneficial gene-transfer
techniques: But on the other hand scientists have developed a technology
to take single individual genes and transfer them from one species to another.
Scientists are also moving genes to try to improve food.
The narration tacks back and forth between the outlandish examples of
science fiction and the real progress that scientists are making. Lander ends
with the importance of differentiating between fantasy and reality and
between entertainment and real issues:
Were getting better and better working with genes and cells and proteins
and all sorts of living organisms, from people to plants. So that in the future
it might not be a question of what we can do, maybe more what we should
do. We want to use the power of genetics to make a better world for our chil-
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 122
dren. The promise is enormous but not everything about genetics is clear
cut so its important to separate fantasy from reality, entertainment from real
issues. So go ahead, ask questions, talk about it.
What we, all of us, decide to do today creates the world of tomorrow.
The closing comments proclaim the importance of public participation
in directing science and technology. But the call for participation is con-
strained by the emphasis on marking a clear distinction between fiction and
reality. The issues raised in the fictional contextsthorny issues related to
the aspirations and responsibilities of profit-driven research institutions,
unforeseen consequence and irreversible changes to species and environ-
ments, the changing norms of health and health care, and the social and cul-
tural implications of genomic technologyare kept outside of the Reality
Check Theater. Public discourse related to genomic technology is presumably
to stay grounded in explicit claims on what is real and what is currently real-
istic and feasible. Landers commentary, combined with the exhibits on dis-
play along the genomic frontier, offer an explicit example of the assertion of
scientific realism in shaping public debate and in shaping opportunities for
public participation regarding matters of science and technology.
Landers commentary is reminiscent of Wilhelm Johannsens gene-nam-
ing speech in which he made a clearing of scientific realism for the gene by
setting it in antithesis to figurative language, fiction, pretending, and specu-
lations taken as fact. Johannsen figured the gene to function metonymically
as a claim on a material reality while projecting an immunity to the problems
of language and rhetorical style. The purpose of examining Johannsens text
in chapter three was not to catch him engaging in the promotion of myth or
effectively using stylistic devices while denouncing the influence of such
devices on the construction of scientific knowledge. Rather my aim was to
show how the antithesis of the figurative and the real worked to construct the
gene figure and, in turn, can help us to understand the consequences of the
rhetorical work of the gene.
Donna Haraway has warned of the loss of opportunities for critical exam-
ination when the gene stands as, in Sarah Franklins term, the trope of no
trope, or in Harways term, an object of genetic fetishism. In her critique of
the discourse of life itself, Haraway cautions against being swayed by the
capacity of genes to function rhetorically as a thing-in-itself where no trope
can be admitted. . . . To be outside the economy of troping is to be outside
finitude, morality, and difference, to be in a realm of pure being, to be One,
where the word is itself (Modest Witness 134).
The claims to progress on display at the genome exhibit are the kinds of
claims to progress that deserve public scrutiny and social and cultural cri-
tique. They are the kinds of claims to which we ought to bring critical atten-
tion to representations of genetic fetishism. The exhibits mark dramatic
GENOME 123
changes in health and medicine, agriculture, global research and global busi-
ness, and (as displayed by the list of exhibit sponsors) new kinds of alliances
of profit-driven corporations, public research organizations, and education
initiatives. Though the exhibit encourages participation, it sustains genetic
fetishism. By grounding itself in claims of the realistic and the feasible, the
exhibit expresses a sense of inevitable, though beneficial, progress and
deflects opportunities for critical examination.
The genome exhibit can be seen as a public display of the rhetorical
mechanisms that not only shape scientific knowledge and preserve a kind of
public authority for science but can also, if we let go of our rhetorical sensi-
bilities, work to deflect criticism. Much like in Johannsens speech that pre-
scribed the rhetorical work of the gene, the boundaries of troping and figura-
tive play are integral to the construction of the message and to the
construction of a powerful sense of authoritativeness. The stations in the first
part of the exhibit embody lessons regarding the productive role of tropes and
figures in conceptualizing biological systems. The genome as book display
incorporates a sense of the range of metaphoricity and rhetorical play, guid-
ing viewers to recognize some metaphors as openly figurative and to treat
other metaphors as representations of the real. Then the frontier installs a
boundary between figurative play and claims of reality and progress. The
boundary is similar to that which Johannsen asserted between the categories
of the rhetorical and the real, but the consequences of taking the boundary
literally are different. The potential effects of the rhetoric-reality boundary
are practically caricatured for us within the Reality Check Theater as we are
encouraged to ask questions and participate in the public life of science but
discouraged from engaging with the important issues and problems that are
raised in fictional contexts or presented in arguments that are overtly and
unapologetically rhetorical. I am always wary of such authoritative assertions
of reality. But I am heartened by the opportunity to step back and note the
playfulness of the Reality Check Theater marquee, to look around at all the
rhetorical play on display, and to see the frontier as a potent reminder that
no boundary asserted between the rhetorical and the real should ever be
taken too literally.
HOW THE GENE GOT ITS GROOVE 124
CHAPTER ONE. I NTRODUCTI ON
1. For historical overviews of the meanings of genes in twentieth-century life sci-
ences, see Elof Axel Carlsons The Gene: A Critical History; Evelyn Fox Kellers The
Century of the Gene; and Beurton, Falk, and Rheinbergers collected volume The Con-
cept of the Gene in Development and Evolution. For cultural studies analyses of genes see,
for example, Donna Haraways Modest Witness, and Adam Hedgecoes article Trans-
forming Genes.
2. See the previous note. For a rhetorical perspective on the changing meaning
of genes, with special emphasis on the public meaning of genes, see Celeste Condits
The Meanings of the Gene.
3. It may be worth noting that despite the studys kinship with semiotics, the
iconicity of the gene is not iconicity in the sense of Charles Sanders Peirces semiotic
definition of iconicity in which the signifier resembles the thing signified. Nelkin and
Lindee do note the use of the double helix as a visual representation of DNA, but the
gene as an icon is an arbitrary sign in relation to the meanings that it signifies. To
identify the gene as a cultural icon is to identify the cultural production and cultural
work of the sign: As a cultural icon, [the genes] meanings mirror public expectations,
social tensions, and political agendas (199). The cultural iconicity calls attention to
the symbolic and persuasive powers of the gene, much like a religious icon stands in
for multiple, and at times contradictory, particular meanings while providing a shared
sense of the sacred.
CHAPTER TWO. GENETI C ORI GI N STORI ES
1. I am simplifying here. The rule of dominance is a rule that emerged from
watching several successive generations of plants. Mendel established what he called
pure lines of plants: plants that consistently produced either violet or white flowers
and then crossed those pure lines with one another. The rule of dominance then
shows up in the second and third generation of plants produced by the cross of those
pure-line plants.
2. Kragh uses the case of Mendel as a prime example for emphasizing the value
of both anachronical (viewing the past in light of later knowledge and later termi-
125
Notes
nology) and diachronical (viewing past events in the context of the past) approaches
to the history of science. Kragh argues that history of science requires a judicious
incorporation of both perspectives.
3. Mendel specifically addresses the eighteenth-century work of Klreuter and
the nineteenth-century work of Grtner. Klreuter, in the 1760s, published papers on
his own systematic studies of plant hybrids and his findings on the pollination process.
Grtner, in the 1830s and 1840s, conducted extensive crossbreeding experiments,
confirming what Klreuter had found and reporting on the variability of the second
generation of crossbred plants (Sturtevant 3).
4. Froggatt and Nevin provide a rich and comprehensive overview of the con-
flict. Farrall examines the conflict for extending Kuhns theory of paradigm shifts and
conflict in science. MacKensie and Barnes examine the case as an example of the
social and ideological influences that shape scientific research agendas.
CHAPTER THREE. PRESCRI BI NG RHETORI CAL WORK:
GENETI C THEORI ES, GEMMULES, AND GENES
1. Translation by Michele Braun.
2. My observation of Darwins use of figures is limited to his accumulation and
alignment of examples for the sake of advocating a unifying theory. For a study of Dar-
wins employment of figures and investment of empirical knowledge with structures of
reasoning, see Fahnestocks Rhetorical Figures in Science (1999).
3. For an analysis of the rhetorical work of hedging and other devices of reduc-
ing certainty in scientific writing, see Jeanne Fahnestocks Accommodating Science
(1993). See also Latour and Woolgars taxonomy of statement types (7779), which
Fahnestock both borrows and evaluates for its applicability to rhetorical analysis.
4. In the previous chapter, I described, as many twentieth-century geneticists and
historians have, Mendels experiments in terms of genes. Though Mendel did not
express any notion of genes and did not argue for any such conceptual unit, he is often
credited with, at the very least, pointing to the existence of genes and providing the
foundation for a comprehensive theory of heredity. In a sense, though, Darwin is argu-
ing for the need for just such a theory of heredity, a theory that Mendelism of the
twentieth century fulfills and gets projected back onto the work of Darwins contem-
porary. Its ironic that Darwin calls for a comprehensive theory in the same decade
that Mendel publishes his work. Mendel doesnt present it as a comprehensive theory,
but he does get credited for it in that way.
CHAPTER FOUR. GENES ON MAI N STREET
1. This article is a strong example of the deliberate style that Time had been cul-
tivating since its very first issue. Historian of American magazines James Playsted
Wood characterizes that deliberate style as one of affecting an air of brassy omni-
science. Established the magazine in 1923, initiators set out to write with complete
assurance, ex cathedra authority, and metallic certaintyand a professed commit-
NOTES 126
ment to give both sides of a story but clearly indicate which side it believed to have
the strongest position (Wood 207210).
2. Most of Lysenkos commentary on heredity was focused on plants, but com-
ments that he made in a speech in 1935 provide an example of his articulation of com-
munist values in terms of heredity: In our Soviet Union, comrade, people are not
born. Human organisms are born, but people are created from organisms in our coun-
trytractor drives, motorists, mechanics, academicians, scientists, and so on. And I
am one of the people created in this way. I was not born a human being, I was made as
a human being. And to feel myself such, comrades, in such a positionit is to be more
than happy (quoted in Soyfer 63).
CHAPTER SI X. FI GURATI VELY SPEAKI NG:
GENES, SEXUALI TY, AND THE AUTHORI TY OF SCI ENCE
1. Research conducted by Dick Swaab, published in 1990, also linked differences
in brain structures with male homosexuality [D. F. Swaab and M. A. Hofman, An
Enlarged Suprachiasmatic Nucleus in Homosexual Men, Brain Research 537, 141
(1990)]. For more discussion of Swaabs and LeVays studies, see Barinaga (1991) and
Maddox (1991).
2. For analyses of the norms of scientific genres, see Bazerman as well as Gross.
CHAPTER SEVEN. GENOME: THE SECRET OF
HOW TROPES WORK I N THE LI FE SCI ENCES
1. Though my own source for the texts and transcripts incorporated in the museum
exhibit was the exhibit space itself, pictures of the exhibit and most of the texts and
transcripts are available through the Pfizer website: http://genome.pfizer.com/index.cfm.
2. See Leah Ceccarelli (2004) for the value of mixed metaphors in communica-
tions of genomics.
NOTES 127
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Barinaga, Marcia. Is Homosexualty Biological? Science. 253:5023 (1991): 956957.
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REFERENCES 134
Amerine, Ronald, 111, 113
Angier, Natalie, 81
Aristotle, 105
Bailey, Michael, 8587, 9091, 95
Baker, Richard, 6062
Bateson, William, 17, 2128, 30
Bazerman, Charles, 4647
Bilmes, Jack, 111, 113
biological determinism, 81, 103, 10
biometrics, 2326, 38, 39, 4445
Black, Max, 113
Blair, Carole, 6
boundary objects. See genes as boundary
object
boundary work, 2, 30, 3941, 6364, 72,
93, 98105. See also genes as bound-
ary object
Bradford, Annette Norris, 10,
115118
Bridges, Calvin Blackman, 11, 52
Burke, Kenneth, 10, 43
Carlson, Elof Axel, 2425, 30, 50,
125n1
Ceccarelli, Leah, 10, 127n2
Condit, Celeste, 53, 125n2
Crick, Francis H. C., 12, 69, 7379,
115116
Darwin, Charles, 11, 2122, 2938,
4548, 8990, 126n4
Darwinism, 17, 2227
Dawkins, Richard,15, 68
de Vries, Hugo, 20, 32, 35
Downey, Gary Lee, 9394
DNA 14, 7, 61, 65, 69, 7379, 108110
grooves in DNA structure, 910
Dumit, Joseph, 9394
Dunn, Leslie Clarence, 2021, 24
electron microscope, 60
epideictic rhetoric, 50, 54, 105106,
114120
epistemic thing, 6971. See also genes as
boundary object
Fahnestock, Jeanne, 5, 6669,
126nn23
Falk, Raphael, 51, 7576
Farrall, Lyndsey A., 23
Franklin, Sarah, 123
Galton, Francis, 3941
gemmules, 11, 3235, 4647, 8890
genes
as autonomous self-stabilizing units,
75
as boundary object, 5, 6979, 8283,
9396, 98, 100103
as cultural icon, 79, 50, 61, 125n3
as material, 51, 9093
as metonymy,17, 59, 63, 6566, 85,
103, 123
as real, 6, 16, 3747, 51, 60, 61,
7778
as rhetorical invention, 3, 2932,
3647
135
Index
as rhetorical figure, 3, 6669, 79
as visible, 5253
definitions of, 46, 13, 2932, 36,
4143, 53, 125n1
gay genes, 13, 81104
groove of. See DNA grooves
and Mendels experiments, 1620,
126n4
in relation to fiction, imagination, or
fantasy, 4042, 5152, 5860
white (w) gene, 100103
genotype theory, 3647
genotype, definition of, 43
genotype-phenotype distinction, 44
Graham, Loren, 57
Griesemer, James, 5, 6973, 82, 98
grooves. See DNA
Gross, Alan G., 10
Halloran, S. Michael, 10, 77, 115118
Hamer, Dean, 8687, 92, 95, 97
Haraway, Donna, 3536, 38, 70, 123,
125n1
Hubbard, Ruth, 45
Jasinski, James, 105
Johannsen, Wilhelm, 8, 16, 19, 2932,
3647, 65, 66, 77, 85, 121, 123
Johnson, Mark, 94, 112
Kay, Lily, 69, 116
Keller, Evelyn Fox, 7576, 125n1
Kragh, Helge, 19, 125n2
Kuhn, Thomas, 125n4
Lakoff, George, 94, 112
Lamarckian notion of acquired charac-
teristics, 37
Lander, Eric, 108110, 112, 115117,
122123
Latour, Bruno, 70, 71, 120121, 126n3
LeVay, Simon, 8586, 95
Lindee, M. Susan, 2, 78, 125n3
Locke, John, 42, 53
Lysenko, Trofim and Lysenkoism, 12,
5660, 63, 127n2
Mendel, Gregor, 11, 1628, 39,
125nn13, 126n4
Mendelism, 11, 16, 2026, 30, 40, 43,
45, 126n4
metonymy,10, 43, 63, 91, 108. See also
gene as metonymy
Morgan, T. H., 5052, 58, 100101
Muller, Herman J., 5152, 62
Nelkin, Dorothy, 2, 78, 125n3
Nietzsche, Friedrich,116
Odenwald, Ward, 8689, 99
Olby, Robert, 19
pangene, 30, 32
pangenesis, 3136, 37, 4547
Pearson, Carl, 24, 25, 40
Pease, Daniel, 6062
phenotype, 19, 4245
Pillard, Richard, 8387, 9091
Platos myth of the cave, 45
Rasmussen, Nicolas, 60
realism. See scientific realism
Rheinberger, Hans-Jorg, 5, 65, 6971,
100
rhetorical figures. See genes as rhetorical
figure
rhetorical work, introduced, 210
Ritvo, Harriet, 33
scientific realism, 10, 36, 43, 63,
121123
Soyfer, Valery, 58
Star, Susan Leigh, 5, 6973, 82, 98
Sturtevant, Alfred Henry, 32, 126n3
Thomson, J. A., 35
Wald, Elijah, 45
Watson, James, 12, 69, 7379,
115115
Weismann, August, 3941
Weldon, W. F. R., 2226, 28
Zhang, Shang-Ding, 8689, 99
INDEX 136
genes (continued)