Jamaat -e- Islami Pakistans Proposals

for free, fair and transparent electoral system, submitted to the

Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms
Jamaat-e Islami Pakistan has always been struggling for a fair, free and transparent
elections, and, in this connection, it has been engaged in communication, written
proposals and with personal presence in the Elections Commission of Pakistan.
Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms has asked for proposals from all the
Political Parties and general public as well, so that the electoral process be made more
transparent and acceptable to all political parties.
1. Empowerment of Election commission of Pakistan
efore submitting proposals, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan belie!es that without independent,
autonomous and financial independence of ECP, a transparent electoral system and dream of fair
representation of people cannot come true. ECP should not be dependant to any other
organi"ation for its finances. It is the duty of ECP to take steps for easy understanding, unify and
simplify all the election laws.ECP is responsible and should check the matters day by day in
whole electoral process from announcement of schedule till announcement of results. it is the
duty of ECP to implement the election laws including code of conduct in letter and spirit.
#onorable $upreme Court of Pakistan in constitution petition %&'()** in detailed +udgment ha!e
obser!ed, declared and directed the election commission as under,
In pursuance of the abo!e, we hold and direct as under, -
-a. /ll the election laws be strictly implemented by the Election Commission in the discharge
of its constitutional mandate under /rticle (*%-0. of the Constitution, Representation of the
People /ct and other laws'rules1
-b. 2he Election Commission is empowered to check not +ust illegal actions relating to the
election -!iolating the limits set for campaign finance, etc.. or corrupt practices -bribery,
etc.., but is also empowered to re!iew all election acti!ities33..
2he Election Commission is also empowered to take pre-empti!e measures to ensure that
the spirit of democracy and 4fairness, +ustness and honesty5 of elections is fully obser!ed.
2he Election Commission is, therefore, directed to take all necessary steps to ensure the
same1
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It was obser!ed by the honorable $upreme court that 2he Representation of the People /ct,
*6&7 !ests the Election Commission with the responsibilities and powers to, inter alia,
regulate election e8penses, pro!ide for 9ffences, penalties and procedures in case of breach
of Conditions relating thereto, resol!e all election disputes, declare the election !oid, etc.
2he constitutional re:uirement to hold elections fairly, freely, honestly, +ustly and in
accordance with law obligates the Election Commission to e8ercise all powers !ested in it
to the best of standards and norms -const. petition %&'()**..
In the end of +udgment the honorable $upreme Court has directed,
-n. 2he Election Commission is empowered to frame rules to ensure that the elections are
conducted +ustly, fairly, honestly and in accordance with law and that corrupt practices are
guarded against. 2here is unanimity of !iews on !arious suggested courses of action.
2herefore, we direct the Election Commission to frame rules and issue instructions to
pro!ide legal sanction to these measures and implement the same to achie!e the ultimate
ob+ecti!e of fair, free, +ust and honest election.
Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan demands ECP to implement the supreme court of Pakistan +udgment of
)% June ()*( in letter and spirit.
2 Proposed !teps for Error-free Electoral Rolls
Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan demands that a comprehensi!e fair and error free list of all eligible
!oters be prepared before ne8t election ()*%.In line of achie!ing abo!e goal following steps
must be taken by the ECP.
*. last census was held in *66% and during past years many changes ha!e come into e8istence
and it is duty of the go!ernment to held census after *) years.ECP should make
arrangements immediately for house census and population census to make re!ision of
electoral rolls annually to fulfill the constitutional re:uirement of the annual !erification of
electoral rolls and this be done strictly without any delay and must be complete before
coming elections. RECs should be make responsible for their areas regarding update of
electoral rolls.
(. /ll who ha!e ;/<R/ C;IC should automatically be registered as !oter and simply be
registered in the =ER at the present address which appears on their C;IC issued by
;/<R/ unless and until permanent address is demanded by the !oter himself.
0. 9fficials in!ol!ed in !oter registration '!erification should be compensated well and their
honoraria needs to be increased further more they should be responsible of an act done
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dishonestly during the process of registration'!erification and in case of any irregularity,
negligence and malpractice, the official must be punished.
>. %0)) $?$ ser!ice launched by the ECP should be continued and not be stopped. 2his
ser!ice helped the !oters a lot.It is proposed that online !oter registration system be
introduced and it be linked with ;/<R/ database where applicant identity can be
ascertained by asking some secret :uestions about the family tree. If this system is adopted,
!oter will be able to get add'change'delete his'her details on the !oter list. Especially
women, senior citi"ens and persons with disabilities will able to get registered as !oter in
the list.
@. RECs should arrange trainings regularly to educate the !oters in different areas of the
region. 2his is done by the EC only before the election days but that is not enough. if we
want participation of public in the electoral process than it needs continuous electoral
education acti!ities for the !oters.
"- Pollin# !cheme
*. 2he location, identification and selection of polling stations should be a continuous process
that must be done by <ECs. 2his assignment be done thrice a year after the detailed
consultation with the political parties and other stakeholders, so that public can be well
prepared and known to the place where they will be going to poll their !ote.
Polling stations are announced for the public awareness and, if needed, laws be made
according to abo!e mechanism. In this way polling scheme will be finali"ed well in time
and before the elections.
(. In rural and urban areas, a ma8imum distance of polling station should not be more than -*
kilometer. from the residence of !oter.
0. Electoral schedule one announced should not be changed. If there is necessary for any
reason to change the schedule and election is delayed than it is proposed that ECP should
announce that nomination papers of candidates already accepted will not be asked to file
again. 2his will reduce the urdon especially for the woman candidates.
>. <R9s and R9s should be responsible for identifying polling stations, appointing polling
staff, supplying electoral rolls to the polling staff, scrutini"ing nomination papers,
consolidating election results from each polling station and declaring the successful
candidate. It is proposed that at least there should encouragement for those who take it
honestly and it is upon the ECP to suggest the fine and punishment step for those who show
negligence at such stage of national importance.
@. ECP should be !ery careful while selecting the polling staff and keeping in !iew the
database of trained polling staff who worked during the ()*0 Aeneral Elections. 2hey may
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be selected on permanent basis according to their track record during the pre!ious
elections. =ederal and Pro!incial departments should be asked to gi!e the list of employees
who are competent, honest, hard-worker, a!ailable on polling day and those who ha!e past
e8perience they should be preferred and new entries should be trained. Employees who
ha!e any type of political affiliation should be ignored at this stage for this national
importance duty.
7. Bomen should be pro!ided safe and secure en!ironment for casting their !ote and Persons
in!ol!ed in restraining the woman from !oting must be punished.
&. Polling stations of women should be established at nearest place and with ade:uate
conditions1 facilities and female staff should be deployed.
%. ECP should ensure the security of women staff, women !oters and woman polling agents
and should make laws and strict punishment for any !iolation for the safety of women
during the election process.
6. Election commission should place the booth wise result of e!ery polling station on website
of ECP.
10. Presiding officer should be bound to announce each polling booth result to the public
present there and should deli!er result to polling agent after duly signed by him and polling
agent should also sign the result.
**. Political parties and candidates should be barred from pro!iding transport, making
payments or arranging free meals.
*(. ECP should make codes of conduct for political parties and contesting candidates, election
obser!ers, polling staff, security personnel and others, based on the e8periences learnt from
the Aeneral Elections ()*0. /ll abo!e steps be made part of election laws with strict and
defined penalties.
*0. Postal balloting system be e8amined and impro!ements should be made to a!oid the past
bad e8periences in counting of !otes, there were some e8amples of opening of postal
ballots after the unofficial announcement of results.
*>. ECP should take steps to introduce geographical information system -AI$. and de!elop
capacity to conduct ne8t delimitation of constituencies using AI$ technology before
conducting national census as per the constitutional re:uirements.
*@. $eparate Returning 9fficer should be appointed for each constituency for better
obser!ation, super!ision, scrutiny and in-time announcement of the elections results.
*7. Persons in!ol!ed in the selling and purchasing of !otes should be duly punished.
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$-%omination of candidates and scrutiny
*. Political parties should bring forward in elections persons ha!ing good character,
ade:uate knowledge of Islamic teachings and ha!e no pre!ious criminal record against
them.
(. Persons ha!ing dual nationality should not be allowed to contest in any election as a
candidate, they should be strictly barred to engage themsel!es in any political acti!ity,
including speeches, analysis and other nature of -whatsoe!er. acti!ity on print or
electronic media.
0. <uring the scrutiny process, articles 7( and 70 of the Constitution should be strictly
implemented in letter and spirit. It is the duty of returning officer to use his mind while
e8ercising his power as returning officer co!ering each point in the nomination form in
the light and spirit of /rticle 7(, 70.
>. Returning officers should deal with the scrutiny process while keeping in mind the
tribunals, high courts and $upreme Court +udgments relating to articles 7( and 70 of the
constitution and constitutional and legal pro!isions relating to the :ualification and
dis:ualification for the candidates.
5. 2he scrutiny of candidates be conducted by Returning 9fficers must be not 9nly done
but seen practically. /n attempt to ensure impartiality be made in future elections by
following the constitutional and legal pro!isions during the entire process of scrutiny.
&- '(erseas (otin#
* It is long time demand of Jamaat-e- Islami Pakistan to gi!e the right of !ote to o!erseas
Pakistanis.ECP should make arrangements for the !oting for o!erseas Pakistani and it is
necessary either in Pakistan or abroad that free and fair election e8ercise should be done at
the earliest possible time.
( ECP should make proper mechanism for the right of !ote for o!erseas Pakistanis according
to the directions made by the honorable supreme court of Pakistan.
)- Election e*penses, monitorin#
* 2he Election Commission must undertake monitoring of the election e8penses from the day
the holding of election is notified. / candidate must account for all the e8penses
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immediately after the election is o!er. E8penses made by the supporters of the candidate
must be included in e8penses limit for the candidate.
( Election commission should de!elop and implement a mechanism through legislation and
by detailed directi!es to monitor and regulate spending by the political parties during
election campaigns. Bhile fi8ing the e8penses limit for the parties and candidates the ECP
should e8press in details the number and si"e of banners, posters, handbill and other
election campaign related material.
0 Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan5s first preferences is that no party or candidate should e8ceed the
limit of e8penses already fi8ed by the ECP for national and pro!incial assemblies. It is
further proposed that in case ECP fi8es separate Cimit of e8penses for the parties for the
co!erage on electronic and print media be fi8ed and Cost incurred against time and place
purchased by the parties on electronic and print media must be included in the fi8ed
e8penses limit of ECP for the parties and candidates separately, and monitored strictly by
the ECP.
> 2here is dire need to gi!e complete legal co!er to the codes of conduct so non-compliance
will become a punishable offence.
@ <ECs and ECs should be directed to monitor election e8penditures by the candidates day
by day and on the basis of constituencies and they should depute the courageous, honest
and upright officials from district administration, who are not local so that through this way
effecti!e monitoring and practical implementation of code of conduct can be done.
7 ;o transaction towards the election e8penses shall be made through an account other than
the account which is gi!en by the candidate and the party.
& 2he ECP should appoint teams to monitor the election e8penses in the constituencies and
on electronic and print media and on the basis of that report election commission can
dis:ualify candidates for !iolation of e8penditure limits.
+-,imeline
*. =or the disposal of election petitions, *() days should be managed in the sense that a
petition should be disposed off at all legal forums including tribunal, high courts and the
$upreme Court of Pakistan within the prescribed time of *() days and for this purpose,
amendments should be made in the rele!ant pro!isions and law.
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Correcti!e measures are re:uired to be taken by the Election Commission to ensure that the
election disputes are resol!ed at the earliest. 2he Election Commission may also consider
establishing a panel of lawyers well con!ersant with election laws at the $tate e8pense to pro!ide
free legal ser!ices to marginali"ed segments of society as $C has obser!ed In the +udgment in
const. petition %&'()**. it is further proposed that ECP should determine the time for the
decision of election cases and it be followed by the +udicial authorities strictly.
--Computeri.ed system
Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan strictly demands in principle with the computeri"ed system but system
must be fool-proofed and it should be made gradually on e8perimental basis, and all the stack-
holders must be taken into confidence in finali"ing this system.
* ECP should step forward with the passage of time for use of new technologies for free, fair
and transparent elections.
(- ED?s e8perience in the elections can be de!eloped, procured and tested in a few months.
0- $mart national identity cards should be pro!ided free of cost to the public or at nominal
cost and specification should be added In the card regarding !ote.
>- iometric identification must be made a compulsory re:uirement, eliminating the need for
wooden bo8es, ballot papers and the infamous magnetic ink with the passage of time and
with perfect system
/ll other modern means should be tested first and then piloted before use in ne8t election.
/ Penal steps
*. ECP should specify'describe the punishment and fines for different kinds of !iolations of
elections laws, rules and conduct before, during and after the polling.
(. /ll the punishments and fines already prescribed should be enhanced accordingly and be acted
upon in letter and spirit.
esides the abo!e-cited proposals, Jamaat-e Islami Pakistan would also like to submit before the
Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms detail of different types of Proportional $ystems
in !arious countries of the world, so that a better system based on the opinion of e!ery single
!oter may be introduced.
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01- 2lternate (otin# system by type3
0-4i*ed !ystems
/dditional ?ember $ystem
i5 2dditional 4ember !ystem 624!5, also known as 4i*ed 4ember Proportional
7here is 24! used8
2he $cottish Parliament
2he Belsh /ssembly
2he Areater Condon /ssembly
2he Aerman undestag
;ew EealandFs #ouse of Representati!es
?e8icoFs CGmara de <iputados -lower house.
oli!iaFs CGmara de <iputados -lower house.
CesothoFs ;ational /ssembly -lower house.
9ow does the 2dditional 4ember !ystem work8
/?$ is a hybrid !oting system. It combines elements of =irst Past the Post where !oters mark an
H ne8t to the candidate they want to represent them in their constituency, and proportional
representation, where !oters select from a list of candidates for each party who represent a larger
regional constituency. 2his helps to o!ercome the disproportionally often associated with =irst
past the Post elections.
Inder /?$, each !oter typically gets two !otes J one for a candidate and one for a party.
Each constituency returns a single candidate, in the style of =irst Past the Post. 2he !otes for the
party list candidates are then allocated on top of these constituency seats to 4top up5 the number
of seats won by each party to represent their share of the !otes proportionally. 2hese are the
Kadditional membersL.
Pros and cons of the 2dditional 4ember !ystem
2he case for 2he arguments against
It is broadly proportional. ?any representati!es are accountable to the party
leadership rather than the !oters.
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2he case for 2he arguments against
Each !oter has a directly
accountable single
constituency representati!e.
#a!ing two different types of representati!e creates
animosity between them. In Bales and $cotland, for
e8ample, /?s and ?$Ps elected !ia the regional
lists ha!e been seen as ha!ing Fgot in !ia the
backdoorF or as Fassisted placeF or Fsecond classF
members.
E!ery !oter has at least one
effecti!e !ote.
/?$ sometimes gi!es rise to Fo!erhangF seats, where
a party wins more seats !ia the constituency !ote
than it is entitled to according to their proportional
!ote. In Aermany and ;ew Eealand, but not in the
IM, e8tra seats are allocated to the other parties to
redress the balance. 2his can get complicated and
lead to further bickering and animosity.
It allows a !oter to e8press
personal support for a
candidate, without ha!ing to
worry about going against
their party.
It can be complicated, with people getting confused
o!er e8actly what theyFre supposed to do with their
two !otes.
ii5 ,he 2lternati(e :ote Plus 62:;53
It uses the /lternati!e Dote -in which !oters rank candidates in order of preference. to elect a
candidate in each constituency, and then uses a small top-up list to make the o!erall result more
proportional.
Doters can either select their fa!orite party or choose their fa!orite candidate from the top-up list
and the !otes are then allocated to represent each party5s share of the !otes proportionally
Pros and cons of the 2lternati(e :ote Plus
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2-
4a<oritarian !ystems
i5 =irst Past ,he Post 6=P,P5, also known as !imple ma<ority (otin# or Plurality (otin#
9ow does =irst Past ,he Post work8
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2he case for /DN 2he arguments against
Elected ?Ps would ha!e the support of a
ma+ority of their local electorates.
/ll e8isting constituency boundaries would
ha!e to be redrawn.
eing able to rank candidates increases
!oter choice, as does ha!ing both a
constituency !ote and a regional !ote.
allot papers would be more complicated
than =irst Past 2he Post ones.
;early e!ery elector would ha!e at least
one !ote that would ha!e an effect on the
o!erall election result.
It creates two classes of representati!e, which
could create animosity between them and a
confusion of roles.
Parties would ha!e an incenti!e to
campaign across the whole country, and
not +ust in the marginals.
2he final result will be fairer, with parties
ha!ing a share of ?Ps based on their
support among the electorate, rather than
on electoral arithmetic and geographical
oddities.
/DN will produce ma+ority go!ernments
when the !oters e8press a desire for one,
but will force them to work together when
the electorate chooses not to gi!e any one
party a clear ma+ority.
2actical !oting would no longer be
necessary.
Inder =irst Past 2he Post -=P2P. !oting takes place in single-member constituencies. Doters put
a cross in a bo8 ne8t to their fa!oured candidate and the candidate with the most !otes in the
constituency wins. /ll other !otes count for nothing. Be belie!e =P2P is the !ery worst system
for electing a representati!e go!ernment.
7here is =P,P used8
IM to elect members of the #ouse of Commons
I$/ to elect the I$ Congress
2o elect members of the lower houses in India and Canada
=P2P is the second most widely used !oting system in the world, after Party Cist-PR.
In crude terms, it is used in places that are, or once were, ritish colonies. 9f the many countries
that use =irst Past 2he Post , the most commonly cited are the IM to elect members of the #ouse
of Commons, both chambers of the I$ Congress, and the lower houses in India and Canada.
=irst Past 2he Post used to be e!en more widespread, but many countries that used to use it ha!e
adopted other systems.
Pros and cons of =irst past ,he Post
2he case for 2he arguments against
ItFs simple to understand and
thus doesnFt cost much to
administer and doesnFt
alienate people who canFt
count.
Representati!es can get elected on tiny amounts of public
support as it does not matter by how much they win, only that
they get more !otes than other candidates.
It doesnFt take !ery long to
count all the !otes and work
out whoFs won, meaning
results can be declared a
handful of hours after polls
close.
It encourages tactical !oting, as !oters !ote not for the candidate
they most prefer, but against the candidate they most dislike.
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2he case for 2he arguments against
2he !oter can clearly e8press
a !iew on which party they
think should form the ne8t
go!ernment.
=P2P in effect wastes huge numbers of !otes, as !otes cast in a
constituency for losing candidates, or for the winning candidate
abo!e the le!el they need to win that seat, count for nothing.
It tends to produce a two-
party system which in turn
tends to produce single-party
go!ernments, which donFt
ha!e to rely on support from
other parties to pass
legislation.
=P2P se!erely restricts !oter choice. Parties are coalitions of
many different !iewpoints. If the preferred-party candidate in
your constituency has !iews with which you donFt agree, you
donFt ha!e a means of saying so at the ballot bo8.
It encourages Fbroad-churchF
centrist policies.
Rather than allocating seats in line with actual support, =P2P
rewards parties with FlumpyF support, i.e. with +ust enough !otes
to win in each particular area. 2hus, losing >,))) !otes in one
area can be a good idea if it means you pick up >)) !otes in
another. Bith smaller parties, this works in fa!our of those with
centralised support.
. Bith relati!ely small constituency si"es, the way boundaries are
drawn can ha!e important effects on the election result, which
encourages attempts at gerrymandering.
$mall constituencies also lead to a proliferation of safe seats,
where the same party is all but guaranteed re-election at each
election. 2his not only in effect disenfranchises a regionFs
!oters, but it leads to these areas being ignored when it comes to
framing policy.
If large areas of the country are electoral deserts for a particular
party, not only is the area ignored by that party, but also
ambitious politicians from the area ha!e to mo!e away from
their homeland if they want to ha!e influence within their party.
ecause =P2P restricts a constituencyFs choice of candidates,
representation of minorities and women suffers from Fmost
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2he case for 2he arguments against
broadly acceptable candidate syndromeF, where the FsafestF
looking candidate is the most likely to be offered a chance to
stand for election
Encouraging two-party politics can be an ad!antage, but in a
multi-party culture, third parties with significant support can be
greatly disad!antaged.
ii5 >lock :ote, also known as 4ultiple %on-,ransferable :ote
7here is >lock :ote used8
O Condon borough elections.
O $ome county, Belsh unitary, English unitary and most English shire district authority elections.
O Cocal elections in #ungary and $lo!enia.
O Polish local and senatorial elections
O $lo!akian local and regional elections.
O ;ational assembly elections in Cebanon and ?auritius,
O $enatorial elections in the Philippines.
9ow does >lock :ote work8
2he lock Dote is a !oting system used in multi-member constituencies where !oters can elect
more than one representati!e in each constituency.
Doters can cast as many !otes as there are a!ailable seats and the candidates with the most !otes
win, e!en if they ha!e not managed to secure a ma+ority of the !otes.
Pros and Cons of the >lock :ote
2he arguments against
It is relati!ely simple for !oters It is !ery disproportional and enables the strongest party with
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2he arguments against
to understand. a comfortable or narrow ma+ority to take all the seats in the
constituency
It encourages strong party
organisation.
It encourages tactical !oting. In order to a!oid wasting !otes
on candidates who are certain to either win or lose, electors
ha!e an incenti!e to !ote for candidates who ha!e a realistic
but not definite chance of winning.

iii5 >orda count
9ow does >orda Count work8
2he orda Count is a form of preferential !oting in single member constituencies where !oters
rank candidates in order of preference and the rankings are con!erted into points.
Candidates score one point for being ranked last, two for being ne8t-to-last and so on. 2he
candidate who recei!es the most points is declared the winner.
2he Pros and cons of orda Count
2he case for 2he arguments against
2he orda Count shares the ad!antages of
other preferential !oting systems such as
the /lternati!e Dote and the $ingle
2ransferable Dote, in that all ?Ps would
ha!e the support of a ma+ority of their
!oters.
It encourages a strategic approach by parties to
nominations. /n e8tra candidate increases the
cardinal number of points in the system and alters the
relati!ities between other candidates. / minority
faction, by standing more candidates, can increase its
chances of pre!ailing o!er a ma+ority.
It tends to elect broadly acceptable
candidates, rather than those supported by
the ma+ority.
It encourages tactical !oting to an e!en greater e8tent
than =irst Past the Post as in orda Counts your
e8pression of lower preferences can harm your first
choice.
i(5 ,he ?imited :ote
7here is the ?imted :ote used8
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O 2he $panish $enate.
O AibraltarFs #ouse of /ssembly, where electors ha!e eight !otes for the *@ seats.
O Darious local-le!el elections, such as those for municipal offices in some I$ $tates.
9ow does the ?imited :ote work8
2he Cimited Dote is a !oting system used in multi-member constituencies.
Doters ha!e more than one !ote, but less !otes than the number of seats to be filled. 2he
candidates with the most !otes get elected.
Inder a !ariant of Cimited Dote called the $ingle ;on-2ransferable Dote -$;2D., !oters cast
+ust one !ote in multi-member constituencies and seats go to the candidates with the most !otes.
Pros and cons of the ?imted :ote
2he case for 2he arguments against
It is relati!ely simple for !oters to
understand.
2he Cimited Dote leads to disproportional
outcomes. 2he more !otes an elector has, the more
disproportional the result will be and the harder it is
for smaller parties or minority candidates to gain
representation.
It encourages strong party organi"ation.
(5 !upplementary :ote
9ow does the !upplementary :ote work8
2he $upplementary Dote -$D. is a shortened !ersion of the /lternati!e Dote -/D.. Inder $D,
there are two columns on the ballot paper J one for !oters to mark their first choice and one in
which to mark a second choice. Doters mark one FHF in each column, although !oters are not
re:uired to make a second choice if they do not wish to.
7here is !: used8
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/ll directly elected English mayors, most notably the ?ayor of Condon.
Police and Crime Commissioners in England and Bales
/ll the first choices are then counted, and if a candidate has a ma+ority, they are elected. If no
candidate recei!es a ma+ority, the top two candidates continue to a second round and all other
candidates are eliminated. 2he second-choice !otes of e!eryone whose first choice has been
eliminated are then counted.
/ny !otes for the remaining candidates are then added to their first-round totals. Bhiche!er
candidate has the most !otes after these second-preferences ha!e been allocated is declared the
winner.
Pros and cons of the !upplementary :ote
2he case for 2he arguments against
2o some e8tent, $D encourages
conciliatory campaigning, as gaining
second-preference !otes is important.
Inlike the /lternati!e Dote, $D does not ensure that
the winning candidate has the support of at least @)P of
the electorate.
It is a relati!ely simple system to
understand.
$D strongly promotes !oting for only candidates from
the main three parties.
If there are more than two strong candidates, !oters
must guess which two will make the final round, and if
they guess incorrectly, their second-preference !ote will
be wasted. In such circumstances it may e!en be
possible for !oters to defeat their preferred candidate
2he system can lead to a lot of wasted !otes as many of
the !otes cast in the first round end up not transferring
and being counted in the second round
$D does not eliminate the likelihood of tactical !oting.
(i5 ,wo-Round !ystem 6,R!5, it also known as Run-off :otin#
7here is ,R! used8
16
O =rench legislati!e, presidential and cantonal elections
O 2he #eads of $tate in a number of European countries.
9ow does the ,wo-Round !ystem work8
2he 2wo-Round $ystem is similar to the /lternati!e Dote -/D.. Doters mark their preferred
candidate with an KHL, if the candidate wins a certain le!el of support -usually @) percent of the
!ote. they are elected.
If no one wins @) percent of the !ote, all candidates e8cept the top two are e8cluded and !oters
are asked to !ote a second time, usually two or three weeks later. In the second round, the
candidate who wins the most !otes is elected.
Pros and Cons of the ,wo-Round !ystem
2he case for 2he arguments against
It is slightly more representati!e than =irst
Past the Post -=P2P. and can be of benefit
to smaller parties.
It has similar disad!antages to =irst Past the Post
-=P2P. and is less sophisticated than
the /lternati!e Dote -/D..
It is often said that in the first-round you
!ote with your heart, and in the second
you !ote with your head. #ence there is
less need to !ote tactically in the first-
round.
It is highly disproportional and fa!ors large
parties.
$econd-round bartering encourages parties
to remain friendly with each other
-although this tends to be true only within
broad party KblocsL..
2he !oting process is drawn out o!er a period of
two or three weeks and possibly longer.
It is easy for !oters to understand and is
simple to count.

Inlike /D, the first-round encourages a certain
amount of tactical !oting because of risk of the
compromise choice not reaching second-round.
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2he case for 2he arguments against
If no compromise candidate reaches the second-
round, it can lead to surprising outcomes, Jean-
?arie Ce Pen of the =rench ;ational =ront
:ualified for the second-round in the =rench
Presidential election in ())( to the horror of
many obser!ers. 2his ultimately ga!e Jac:ues
Chirac one of the biggest electoral landslides in
=rench history.
(ii5 2lternati(e :ote
2lternati(e :ote, also known as Instant Runoff Doting or Ranked Choice Doting
7here is the 2lternati(e :ote used8
Cabour leadership elections
Ciberal <emocrats leadership elections
y-elections for #ouse of Cords
Elections for the /cademy /ward for est Picture
/ustralian #ouse of Representati!es.
=i+ian #ouse of Representati!es
Irish Presidential elections.
;umerous /merican City, ?ayoral and district elections.
9ow does the 2lternati(e :ote work8
2he /lternati!e Dote -/D. is a preferential system where the !oter has the chance to rank the
candidates in order of preference.
2he !oter puts a F*F by their first choice a F(F by their second choice, and so on, until they no
longer wish to e8press any further preferences or run out of candidates.
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Candidates are elected outright if they gain more than half of the first preference !otes. If not, the
candidate who lost -the one with least first preferences. is eliminated and their !otes are
redistributed according to the second -or ne8t a!ailable. preference marked on the ballot paper.
2his process continues until one candidate has half of the !otes and is elected.
In a IM-wide referendum in ()** the ritish public was asked if they wanted to replace =irst
Past the Post -=P2P. with the /lternati!e Doting system for electing members of parliament. 2he
referendum produced a definiti!e no !ote against /D.
Pros and cons of the 2lternati(e :ote
2he case for /D 2he arguments against
/ll ?Ps would ha!e the support of a
ma+ority of their !oters. =ollowing the ()*)
Aeneral Election, two thirds of the ?Ps
elected lacked ma+ority support, the highest
figure in ritish political history.
/D is not proportional representation and in
certain electoral conditions, such as landslides,
can produce a more disproportional result
than =irst Past the Post -=P2P.
It retains the same constituencies, meaning
no need to redraw boundaries, and no o!ert
erosion of the constituency-?P link.
In close three-way races the KcompromiseL
candidate could be defeated in the first round
e!en though they may be more broadly
acceptable to the electorate than the top two
candidates.
It penali"es e8tremist parties, who are
unlikely to gain many second-preference
!otes.
Cower preferences can potentially throw up a
Klowest common denominatorL winner without
much positi!e support of their own.
It encourages candidates to chase second-
and third-preferences, which lessens the
need for negati!e campaigning -one doesnFt
want to alienate the supporters of another
candidate whose second preferences one
wants. and rewards broad-church policies.
/ !oting system that allows !oters to rank
candidates is prone to so-called F<onkey
!otingF, where !oters !ote for candidates in the
order they appear on the ballot
It reduces the need for tactical !oting.
Electors can !ote for their first-choice
candidate without fear of wasting their !ote.
It reduces the number of Ksafe seatsL where
the election result is a forgone conclusion
) 6Proportional Representation5
i5 !in#le ,ransferable :ote
7here is !,: used8
19
O /ll elections in the Republic of Ireland, e8cept elections for the presidency and by-elections
which are both conducted using the /lternati!e Dote.
O /ssembly, European and local go!ernment elections in ;orthern Ireland.
O Cocal elections in $cotland, from ())&.
O 2he /ustralian $enate.
O 2he 2asmanian #ouse of /ssembly.
O 2he indirect elections to the Ra+ya $abha, the upper house of IndiaFs federal Parliament.
O /ll elections in ?alta.
O Darious local authorities in ;ew Eealand.
O ?any IM student unions -it is promoted by the ;ational Inion of $tudents as the fairest
electoral system., the Church of England and many other pri!ate organisations.
9ow does the !in#le ,ransferable :ote work8
2he $ingle 2ransferable Dote -$2D. is a form of proportional representation which uses
preferential !oting in multi-member constituencies.
Candidates donFt need a ma+ority of !otes to be elected, +ust a known F:uotaF, or share of the
!otes, determined by the si"e of the electorate and the number of positions to be filled.
Each !oter gets one !ote, which can transfer from their first-preference to their second-
preference, so if your preferred candidate has no chance of being elected or has enough !otes
already, your !ote is transferred to another candidate in accordance with your instructions. $2D
thus ensures that !ery few !otes are wasted, unlike other systems, especially =irst Past the Post,
where only a small number of !otes actually contribute to the result.
Pros and cons of the !in#le ,ransferable :ote
2he case for 2he arguments against
$2D gi!es !oters more choice than any other
system. 2his in turn puts most power in the hands
of the !oters, rather than the party heads, who
under other systems can more easily determine
who is elected. Inder $2D ?PsF responsibilities
lie more with the electorate than those abo!e them
In sparsely populated areas, such as the
$cottish #ighlands, $2D could lead to
massi!e constituencies. 2his was one of
the reasons cited by the /rbuthnott
Commission for not recommending $2D
for non-local $cottish elections.
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in their party.
=ewer !otes are FwastedF -i.e. cast for losing
candidates or unnecessarily cast for the winner.
under $2D. 2his means that most !oters can
identify a representati!e that they personally
helped to elect. $uch a link in turn increases a
representati!eFs accountability.
2he process of counting the results takes
longer under $2D, meaning that results
cannot usually be declared on the same
night as the !ote took place.
Bith $2D and multi-member constituencies,
parties ha!e a powerful electoral incenti!e to
present a balanced team of candidates in order to
ma8imise the number of higher preferences that
would go to their sponsored candidates. 2his
helps the ad!ancement of women and ethnic-
minority candidates, who are often o!erlooked in
fa!our of a FsaferF looking candidate.
/ !oting system that allows !oters to rank
candidates is prone to so-called F<onkey
!otingF, where !oters !ote for candidates
in the order they appear on the ballot
$2D offers !oters a choice of representati!es to
approach with their concerns post-election, rather
than +ust the one, who may not be at all
sympathetic to a !oterFs !iews, or may e!en be the
cause of the concern.
Doters only tend to come into contact with
candidates at election time, whereas
people in the party know them much
better. It could be argued, therefore, that a
system that allows a political party to
parachute its preferred candidates into safe
seats is better than one that lea!es the
choice more in the hands of the !oters.
Competition is generally a good thing and
competition to pro!ide a good ser!ice to
constituents is no different.
In large multi-member constituencies,
ballot papers can get rather big and
confusing.
Parliament is more likely to be both reflecti!e of a
nationFs !iews and more responsi!e to them.

21
general election of ())@ were faced with a
dilemma, as they wanted to support a certain
party, but did not want to support the war in Ira:.
$2D would ha!e helped them e8press these !iews
much more clearly.
Inder $2D, as opposed to hybrid systems such as
/?$, all ?Ps are elected on the same basis, thus
lessening the chances of there being animosity
between them.

2here are no safe seats under $2D, meaning
candidates cannot be complacent and parties must
campaign e!erywhere, and not +ust in marginal
seats.

Bhen !oters ha!e the ability to rank candidates,
the most disliked candidate cannot win, as they
are unlikely to pick up second-, third- and lower-
preference !otes.

y encouraging candidates to seek first-, as well
as lower-preference !otes, the efficacy of negati!e
campaigning is greatly diminished.
2here is no need for tactical !oting.
2here is a more sophisticated link between a
constituency and its representati!e. ;ot only is
there more incenti!e to campaign and work on a
more personal and local le!el, but also, the
constituencies are likely to be more sensible
reflections of where community feeling lies. =or
e8ample, there is more of an attachment to the
City of Ceeds or the City of ?anchester, than
there is to, say, Ceeds ;orth East or ?anchester
Bithington, whose boundaries ha!e a habit of
changing fairly regularly anyway.
22
ii5 Party ?ist Proportional Representation
2he Proportional Representation $ystem is a de!ice through which almost all the !otes cast in an
election become effecti!e in producing some political weight in the decision-making body.
Proportional system should be considered as a !iable alternati!e for the e8isting system of
elections, which is better suited to attaining electoral +ustice and national harmony J a primary
goal of the society that the ma+ority system -presently pre!alent in Pakistan. is incapable of
attaining. It has been submitted that the proportional system has the following merits, -a. Bider
Representation -b. Political Institutionali"ation-c. Political Education -d. =air Elections -e.
Crystalli"ation of Ideology-f. Political E:uations-g. $ense of Participation and Confidence-h.
2olerance for <isagreements.

Duly signed and Presented
by:
!ahib.ada ,ari@Allah
-?;/.
Parliamentary Ceader
Jamaat-e Islami Pakistan
?ember Parliamentary
Committee on Electoral
Reforms
23