BB Cluj, 1, 2013

1/2013
THEOLOGIA ORTHODOXA

STUDIA
UNIVERSITATIS BABE-BOLYAI

THEOLOGIA ORTHODOXA

1/2013
June

EDITORIAL BOARD

EDITORIAL OFFICE: 18
th
Avram Iancu Sq., Cluj-Napoca, Romania, Phone: +40 264 431005

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF:
Pr. Prof. Dr. VASILE STANCIU, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

EXECUTIVE EDITOR:
Pr. Lect. Dr. GABRIEL GRDAN, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

EDITORIAL BOARD:
Pr. Prof. Dr. IOAN CHIRIL, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. VALER BEL, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. ALEXANDRU MORARU, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. IOAN VASILE LEB, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Conf. Dr. TEFAN ILOAIE, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

EDITORIAL ASSISTANT:
Asist. Dr. ADRIAN PODARU, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

ADVISORY BOARD:
Prof. Dr. Dr.h.c. ADOLF MARTIN RITTER, Ruprecht-Karls-Universitt Heidelberg, Germany
Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. THEODOR NIKOLAU, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Mnchen, Germany
Prof. Dr. KONSTANTIN NIKOLAKOPOULOS, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Mnchen, Germany
Prof. Dr. HANS SCHWARTZ, Faculty of Protestant Theology, Regensburg, Germany
Pr. Prof. Dr. VALER BEL, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. IOAN CHIRIL, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. IOAN-VASILE LEB, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. ALEXANDRU MORARU, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. VASILE STANCIU, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. Dr. STELIAN TOFAN, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Pr. Prof. EUGEN PENTIUC, Holy Cross, Brooklin, USA
Lect. Dr. RADU PREDA, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

MANAGER:
Dr. PAUL SILADI, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania, siladipaul@yahoo.com

http://www.studia.ubbcluj.ro/serii/th_orth/
Photo on the front cover: Florin Florea
YEAR Volume 58 (LVIII) 2013
MONTH JUNE
ISSUE 1

S T U D I A
UNIVERSITATIS BABE-BOLYAI

THEOLOGIA ORTHODOXA

1

Desktop Editing Office: 51
st
B.P. Hasdeu, Cluj-Napoca, Romania, Phone + 40 264-405352

CUPRINS - CONTENTS

I. TEOLOGIE BIBLIC
PAULA BUD, Sfnta Scriptur. Repere pentru o lectur ortodox n mileniul III............... 5
PAULA BUD, The Holy Scripture. References for an Orthodox Reading in the 3
rd

Millennium.............................................................................................................................................. 15
STELIAN PACA-TUA, Receptarea i interpretarea psalmilor n Tradiia patristic .. 25
STELIAN PACA-TUA, Reception and Interpretation of Psalms in Patristic Tradition..... 41
IOAN FLORIN CODREA, Pinea vieii (Ioan 6,22-59). O abordare exegetic................. 57
IOAN FLORIN CODREA, The Bread of Life (John 6, 22-29). An Exegetical Approach .......... 71

II. TEOLOGIE ISTORIC
DOREL MAN, 1700 de ani de la legiferarea cretinismului. Re-naterea cretintii
de la anul 313 ......................................................................................................................................................... 83
DOREL MAN, 1700 Years from the Enactment of Christianity. The Re-birth of Christianity
in the Year 313...................................................................................................................................... 89
ANA BACIU, Polemici ale lingvitilor transilvneni privind adoptarea alfabetului
latin n scrierea limbii romne ...................................................................................................... 95
ANA BACIU, The Transylvanian Linguists Debates on the Adoption of the Latin
Alphabet in the Romanian Language Writing.......................................................................105
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN, Sfntul Vasile ca autoritate doctrinal i exemplu spiritual
pentru Teodoret de Cir....................................................................................................................115
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN, St. Basil as Doctrinal Authority and Spiritual Example for
Theodoret of Cyrus ...........................................................................................................................125
VALENTIN VESA, Teofania spatelui lui Dumnezeu n scobitura stncii (Ieire 33) n
viziunea Sfntului Isaac Sirul cu referire la Viaa lui Moise a Sfntului Grigorie
de Nyssa.................................................................................................................................................135
VALENTIN VESA, The Theophany of the Back of God in the Cave (Exodus 33) According
to Isaac of Nineveh in Reference with De Vita Moysis (Gregory of Nyssa) ..........145
NELU ALEXANDRU HALES, ADRIAN PODARU, Inconvenientele libertii religioase
acordate de Constantin cel Mare cretinilor. Cteva reflecii patristice...................155
NELU ALEXANDRU HALES, ADRIAN PODARU, The Disadvantages of the Religious
Freedom Granted by Constantine the Great to the Christians. Some Patristic
References ............................................................................................................................................167

III. TEOLOGIE SISTEMATIC
GRIGORE-DINU MO, Teologia i filosofia n sistemul educaional bizantin. Consideraii
cu privire la metoda teologiei ortodoxe ..................................................................................179
GRIGORE-DINU MO, Theology and Philosophy in the Byzantine Educational System.
Considerations on the Method of Orthodox Theology................................................................. 189
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN, Conflictul eclesiologiilor. Bisericile cretine i violena ...............199
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN, The Conflict of Ecclesiologies. Christian Churches and Violence.. 213

IV. TEOLOGIE PRACTIC
GHEORGHE ANTA, Educaia religioas i cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu.............................227
GHEORGHE ANTA, The Religious Education and the Knowledge of God.............................235
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN, Pictura cretin medieval din perioada romanic......................243
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN, Medieval Christian Painting during Romanesque Period............ 255
PETRU ORMENIAN, Acedia ca negrij ............................................................................................267
PETRU ORMENIAN, Acedia Seen as Carelessness......................................................................277
HADRIAN-V. CONIU, Dimensiunea spiritual a bolii....................................................................287
HADRIAN-V. CONIU, The Spiritual Extent of Illness.....................................................................298

V. RECENZII
File de istorie. Preuire i recunotin Pr. Prof. Dr. Mircea Pcurariu, Ed. Presa Universitar
Clujean Ed. Andreian, 2012, 790 p. (DACIAN BUT-CPUAN)...................................309
Ioan-Vasile Leb, Gabriel-Viorel Grdan, Marius Eppel, Pavel Vesa, Instituii Ecleziastice.
Compendiu de Legislaie Bisericeasc (Secolul al XIX-lea), Editura Presa Universitar
Clujean, Cluj-Napoca, 2010, 360 p. (MIRCEA GHEORGHE ABRUDAN) ...................311
STUDIA UBB THEOL. ORTH., Vol. 58 (2013), No. 1, pp. 5-14
(RECOMMENDED CITATION)

I. TEOLOGIE BIBLIC

SFNTA SCRIPTUR. REPERE PENTRU O LECTUR
ORTODOX N MILENIUL III

PAULA BUD
*

REZUMAT. Studiul exploreaz sfera hermeneuticii biblice, cu intenia de a
sublinia utilitatea i actualitatea unor repere interpretative patristice n cadrul
unei lecturi ortodoxe a Sfintei Scripturi n zilele noastre. Exponenial pentru tipul
de lectur pe care l promoveaz mediul ortodox i, implicit, acest studiu, este
Sfntul Ioan Hrisostom.

Cuvinte-cheie: Cuvnt, hermeneutic, nume, comunicare, Scriptur, cale

Cuvnt i comunicare
A ncepe propunnd o distincie operabil / posibil ntre cuvnt i
cuvinte: cel dinti, chiar scris fr iniial majuscul, exprim unitate, n timp ce n
plural se poate sesiza o anumit risipire, o zdruncinare a unitii, un sens care se
apropie mai mult de vorb, neleas n perspectiva tot cuvntului deert pentru
care vom da rspuns n ziua Judecii. Care este componenta negativ a acestei
vorbe, de ce devine ea pentru noi pricin de osnd? Pentru c reflect n chip onest
inima, dup cum spune Mntuitorul: Nu ceea ce intr pe gur spurc pe om (...) iar
cele ce ies din gur pornesc din inim, i acelea spurc pe om (Matei 15, 11.18).
Iar dac pe tablele inimii noastre, Cuvntul este nlocuit de cuvinte, atunci carnea
redevine piatr i omul singur i face din inim un zid ntre el i Dumnezeu.
Asistm, n acest debut de mileniu al III-lea, la progresul exploziv al mijloacelor de
comunicare, i suntem, n chip paradoxal, martorii unui proces de izolare teribil.
Singurtatea a devenit, pentru muli, un sentiment acut, ntr-un timp n care folosirea
cuvntului, oral, scris ori difuzat, deine un loc tot mai copleitor n viaa societii
1
.

*
Asist. Univ. Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
paulabud_ot@yahoo.fr
1
Benjamin Gross, Aventura limbajului. Legmntul rostirii n gndirea iudaic, Ed. Hasefer, Bucureti,
2007, p. 7.
PAULA BUD

6
Iar dac acesta (cuvntul) i mplinete chemarea cea mai profund atunci cnd
practic schimbul i se realizeaz ca element de relaie, apt de receptare i dialog
2
,
nsemneaz c o parte considerabil din cuvintele pe care le rostim sau scriem astzi
sunt lipsite de consisten, devin de prea multe ori simple vorbe, incapabile de a
realiza o comunicare autentic. n acest context, Cuvntul Scripturii poate constitui
punctul de plecare pentru o reaezare a cuvntului n firescul su, stare n care
acesta redevine mijloc de comunicare autentic, spaiu de ntlnire a omului
cu Dumnezeu i cu aproapele
3
. Dar acest lucru nu este posibil dac ne limitm
la o abordare exclusiv tiinific a Sfintei Scripturi, o abordare care s ignore
cu desvrire caracterul su revelat, importana sa pentru viaa cretinului i
implicit mrturia sa anastasic. Printele John Breck consider c astzi se impune
n Biserica Ortodox, o redescoperire i o dezvoltare a unei hermeneutici biblice
care s fie, pe de-o parte, fidel abordrii duhovniceti a Prinilor, dar, pe de alt
parte, care s fie relevant i convingtoare pentru lumea modern
4
. Iat de ce am
extras, n cazul de fa, cteva repere hermeneutice din opera Sfntului Ioan Gur
de Aur, dat fiind faptul c exegeza sa a fost determinat de preocupri pastorale,
situndu-se permanent n slujba propovduirii cretine
5
. A dori s zbovesc ns
mai nti asupra ctorva aspecte ale cuvntului n sfera de semnificaii i de nelegere
proprie Vechiului Testament.

Cuvnt creator i nume
Situndu-m n zona cercetrii biblice vetero-testamentare, atunci
cnd vorbesc de cuvnt m ntorc, n chip prioritar, la referatul creaiei, acolo
unde cuvntul reprezint prin sine nsui (...) esena nsi a realitii pe care
o aduce la existen
6
. n planul strict al existenei umane, Descartes semnala
c a patra cauz a erorilor noastre ar fi faptul de a lega gndurile noastre de
cuvinte care nu le exprim n chip desvrit
7
. O cu totul alt imagine ne ofer
ns rescriptul creaiei, n care gndul este o paradigm, cuvntul este expresia
activ, dinamic, fptuitoare a nsui actului existent n paradigm
8
. Creaia care se
mplinete prin cuvnt demonstreaz o proximitate de esen ntre limbaj i
lume, o unitate profund i fundamental a creaiunii
9
. Acest act al crerii prin
cuvnt, n urma cruia apar toate fpturile pmntului n afar de om este, n
viziunea Sfinilor Prini, un temei pentru a aduce laud lui Dumnezeu: Iat,

2
B. Gross, Aventura limbajului..., p. 7.
3
4
John Breck, Puterea Cuvntului n Biserica dreptmritoare, Ed. IBMBOR, Bucureti, 1999, p. 47.
5
J. Breck, Puterea Cuvntului..., p. 88.
6
7
8
Ioan Chiril, Fragmentarium exegetic filonian II. Nomothetica repere exegetice la Decalog, Ed.
Limes, Cluj-Napoca, 2003, p. 10.
9
SFNTA SCRIPTUR. REPERE PENTRU O LECTUR ORTODOX N MILENIUL III

7
se vd cerul i pmntul i strig c au fost create (...). Mai strig c nu ele
nsele s-au fcut: De aceea existm, fiindc am fost fcute, aadar nu existam
mai nainte de a exista ca s ne putem face pe noi nine. (...) Te laud toate acestea
pe Tine, Creatorul tuturor. Dar Tu cum le faci? Cum ai fcut, Dumnezeule, cerul i
pmntul? (...) prin cuvntul Tu le-ai fcut.
10

n acelai fel, regsim n cartea Psalmilor invocat actul creator pentru
slavoslovia Ziditorului: S laude numele Domnului, c El a zis i s-au fcut, El
a poruncit i s-au zidit. (Psalmul 148, 5). Dar imaginea lucrrii creatoare ne
descoper omul ca fptur ce se bucur de un statut aparte, fiind singurul dintre
vieuitoare fcut cu mna lui Dumnezeu
11
, aadar printr-o implicare direct a lui
Dumnezeu
12
i nu prin cuvnt dei, paradoxal, omul este singura fiin nzestrat
cu darul cuvntului
13
. El va fi cel invitat s ncheie actul creator prin punerea
numelor animalelor: i Domnul Dumnezeu, Care fcuse din pmnt toate fiarele
cmpului i toate psrile cerului, le-a adus la Adam, ca s vad cum le va numi; aa
ca toate fiinele vii s se numeasc precum le va numi Adam. i a pus Adam nume
tuturor animalelor i tuturor psrilor cerului i tuturor fiarelor slbatice. (Facerea
2, 19-20). Omul, singura fiin nzestrat cu limbaj i cu putere de a da nume este,
aadar, singurul element pentru care actul creator nu este legat de limbaj i pentru
care denominarea nu ncheie procesul de creaie
14
. Pentru gndirea iudaic, omul
este o fiin a limbajului deoarece menirea lui esenial const n a numi, adic a
elibera ntr-nsul limbajul, a lsa liber cuvntul pentru a traduce limbajul lucrurilor
n limbaj al omului. A numi pentru a smulge din materia opac energia creatoare
pe care cuvntul divin a depus-o acolo cu scopul de a regsi prin limbajul su
intimitatea lingvistic ce unete creaia mut cu Dumnezeu. n sfrit, prin
numirea fiinelor vii, Adam se distinge de acest univers mut i devine contient
de singularitatea lui
15
ca fptur menit dialogului / comunicrii cu Dumnezeu
i cu aproapele n cadrul creaiei.

Scriptura i cartea naturii
Se delimiteaz, n general, existena a dou etape n comunicarea dintre
Dumnezeu i om: dialogul edenic i comunicarea postpecavic. n starea de
dinainte de cdere, omul era nzestrat cu puterea de a-L cunoate pe Dumnezeu i

10
Fericitul Augustin, Confessiones Mrturisiri (trad. i indici de Prof. dr. Docent Nicolae Barbu; introd.
i note de Pr. prof. dr. Ioan Rmureanu), n col. PSB vol. 64, Ed. IBMBOR, Bucureti, 1985, pp.
244-245.
11
Sfntul Vasile cel Mare, Omilii i cuvntri, III, 6 (trad., introd., note i indici de Pr. D. Fecioru),
n col. PSB vol. 17, Ed. IBMBOR, Bucureti, 1986, p. 372.
12
Aa cum vor fi scrise tablele Legii cu degetul lui Dumnezeu (Ie. 31, 18; Deut. 9, 10), o alt form de a
exprima o implicare cu totul special a lui Dumnezeu n actul respectiv.
13
14
15
PAULA BUD

8
de a cunoate binele prin legea natural, potrivit creia el dobndete cunotin
de binele pe care se cuvenea s-l svreasc i de rul care trebuia evitat
16
. Prin
aceasta, dei nu avea o lege scris, omul putea duce o via plin de virtute, o via
n acord cu voina divin. Cum? Urmnd glasul luntric al contiinei lui, pe care o
avea singur nvtor
17
. Dar, pe lng aceast sftuire, omul avea comuniunea
raiunilor fpturilor din care putea dobndi cunotine despre nsuirile nevzute
ale lui Dumnezeu, despre puterea Lui cea venic i despre divinitatea fiinei Lui,
deci prin mijlocirea creaturilor, aa cum ne spune Apostolul Pavel n Romani I, 20:
Cele nevzute ale Lui se vd de la facerea lumii, nelegndu-se din fpturi, adic
venica Lui putere i dumnezeire, aa ca ei s fie fr cuvnt de aprare. Astfel,
Dumnezeu a pecetluit ntreaga creaie cu simirea existenei i prezenei Lui
18
.
Este exprimat, n acest text, o teologie natural care, cel mai probabil, i are
originea n teologia sapienial iudaic elenistic
19
.
Aceast modalitate de cunoatere este considerat de Sf. Ioan Gur de
Aur a fi mai credibil dect cea transpus n liter ntruct fiina omeneasc o
dobndete prin mijlocirea lucrurilor i-i este mai vrednic de crezare i mai
clar
20
. ntr-o vreme n care fptura uman tinde s-i revendice autoritatea
absolut asupra creaiei, uitnd parc de responsabilitatea care a nsoit darul
iniial al stpnirii dup chipul lui Dumnezeu i lucrnd nu la mplinirea telosului
ei, ci la distrugerea-i nejustificat, e important aceast revalorizare a crii naturii
care este de o importan covritoare n viziunea Sfinilor Prini. Voi insera n
cele ce urmeaz doar cteva pasaje pe care le consider relevante.
Vorbind despre modurile n care Dumnezeu S-a fcut cunoscut fpturii
Sale, Sfntul Ioan Damaschin pune pe primul plan calea cunoaterii naturale:
Dumnezeu, ns, nu ne-a lsat n complet netiin, deoarece cunotina
existenei lui Dumnezeu este nsmnat de El n chip firesc n toi oamenii.
Pe lng aceasta, nsi creaia, conservarea i guvernarea acesteia vestesc mreia
firii dumnezeieti.
21
Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur exprim limpede faptul c Scripturile
nu au fost druite omenirii de la nceputul existenei ei, ci numai mai trziu,
fiindc nu prin scrieri, ci prin lucruri a voit Dumnezeu s nvee firea oamenilor.
Ce nseamn prin lucruri? Prin intermediul creaiei nsi.
22
De aceea, dup cum

16
PG 49, 133 i 55, 251, apud Patriarhul Iustin, Opera Integral 3, Sfnta Scriptur i interpretarea ei
n opera Sfntului Ioan Hrisostom, Ep. Argeului i Muncelului /Anastasia, Bucureti, 2003.
17
PG. 54, 471;48,1059, apud Patriarhul Iustin, Sfnta Scriptur..., p. 33.
18
Richard Alan Young, The Knowledge of God in Romans 1:18-23: Exegetical and Theological
Reflections, n: JETS 43/4 (Dec. 2000), p. 695.
19
James D. G. Dunn, Romans 1-8, n: WBC vol. 38a; Dallas, Word Incorporated, 1988, p. 56.
20
PG 49, 105, apud Patriarhul Iustin, Sfnta Scriptur..., p. 33.
21
Sfntul Ioan Damaschin, Dogmatica, I, I, Ed. Apologeticum, 2004, p. 10. Sfntul Ioan continu
apoi cu prezentarea revelaiei divine prin intermediul Legii i al profeilor, iar mai apoi prin
nsui Fiul Su Unul-Nscut. Reinem faptul c toate aceste ci minunate de Revelaie sunt
precedate de revelaia natural.
22
Sfntul Ioan Hrisostom, Omilia a IX-a ctre Antiohieni, http://www.ioanguradeaur.ro/ omilia-a-ix-a-
catre-antiohieni/, p. 1.

9
spune apostolul Pavel, nici pgnii nu au scuz naintea lui Dumnezeu c nu i-au
slujit, din moment ce, necunoscnd Evangheliile, L-au putut cunoate totui din
fpturi. Sfntul Ioan explic pe ndelete aceast posibilitate oferit neamurilor:
Cum puteau s-L cunoasc pe Dumnezeu? i cine L-a artat pe El lor? Cci
Dumnezeu S-a artat acestora (neamurilor), zice. n care fel? Ce prooroc a trimis,
ce evanghelist, ce nvtor, din moment ce Scripturile nu erau nc? Cele
nevzute ale Lui - spune - se vd de la facerea lumii, nelegndu-se din fpturi,
adic venica Lui putere i dumnezeire, aa ca ei s fie fr cuvnt de aprare
(Romani 1, 20). Ceea ce spune aceasta nseamn c adic a aezat creaia n mijloc
n faa ochilor tuturor, pentru ca din lucrurile lui s nelegem pe Creator.
23

Interpretnd un pasaj din referatul creaiei, Sfntul Vasile cel Mare nal
rugciune pentru ca oamenii s-L neleag i s-L cunoasc pe Dumnezeu din
contemplarea celor vzute:
Iar Dumnezeu, Cel ce a creat operele Sale mari (...) s v dea vou n tot lucrul
nelegerea adevrului Lui, ca s nelegei din cele vzute pe cel nevzut, iar din
frumuseea i mreia zidirilor s v facei o idee potrivit de Cel ce ne-a zidit - c
cele nevzute de la zidirea lumii se vd... - nct i de pe pmnt i din vzduh i
din cer i din ap i din noapte i din zi i din toate cele vzute s lum evidente
dovezi despre Binefctorul nostru.
24

Cel care nelege pe Creator din facerea lumii, a cunoscut i el pe Dumnezeu
din nelepciunea cu care a fost fcut lumea. C cele nevzute ale lui Dumnezeu
de la facerea lumii se vd cnd cugei la cele fcute de El.
25
El explic n continuare
n ce mod se descoper nelepciunea divin n fpturile create: ...nelepciunea
care se arat n lume, aproape dnd glas, prin cele vzute, c de Dumnezeu s-au
fcut, pentru c nu ntmpltor strlucete n cele create o att de mare nelepciune.
C dup cum Cerurile spun slava lui Dumnezeu, iar facerea minilor Lui o vestete
tria (Psalmul 18, 1) i o spun fr glas c nu sunt graiuri, nici cuvinte
ale cror glasuri s nu se aud (Psalmul 18, 3), tot aa sunt unele cuvinte i ale
nelepciunii (...) care proclam n tcere pe Ziditorul i Domnul, ca prin ea s te
urci la ideea singurului nelept.
26
Lumea ntreag este, n viziunea Prinilor,
zidit ca mediu al ntlnirii omului cu Dumnezeu, se cuvine aadar omului s
contemple cele vzute ntru nelegerea celor nevzute. ntr-o exprimare poetic,
lumea creat este numit coal a sufletelor pe calea aflrii mpriei Cerurilor:
...c lumea aceasta n-a fost gndit n zadar, nici n deert, ci pentru un scop
folositor i pentru marea trebuin pe care o aduce celor ce exist pe pmnt,
dac lumea este ntr-adevr o coal a sufletelor nzestrate cu raiune i un loc

23
Sf. Ioan Hrisostom, Omilia a IX-a..., p. 1.
24
Sf. Vasile cel Mare, Omilii la Hexaimeron..., p. 109.
25
26
Sf. Vasile cel Mare, Omilii la Hexaimeron..., pp. 469-470.
PAULA BUD

10
unde se poate nva cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu, fiind prin cele vzute i simite n
lume o cluz a minii pentru contemplarea celor nevzute, precum zice apostolul,
c cele nevzute... (Romani 1, 20).
27

Buntatea lui Dumnezeu i purtarea Sa de grij fa de om se manifest i
n faptul c nu abuzeaz de firea Sa nevzut pentru a rmne pentru totdeauna
necunoscut, ci Se descoper din iubire
28
. Pentru nelegerea deplin a modului n
care are loc aceast descoperire prin fpturi, Sfntul Atanasie al Alexandriei apeleaz
la o analogie cu binecunoscutul sculptor Fidias mult apreciat de contemporanii si:
...se spune despre sculptorul Fidias c operele lui se cunoteau de privitori ca
ale lui chiar cnd nu era de fa Fidias, din simetria i proporia prilor ntreolalt.
Aa se poate cunoate din rnduiala lumii Dumnezeu, Fctorul i Ornduitorul ei,
chiar dac nu se vede cu ochii trupului. Cci Dumnezeu nu a abuzat de firea Sa
nevzut s nu spun cineva aceasta ca s Se lase pe Sine cu desvrire
necunoscut oamenilor.
29

Definirea cunoaterii despre care vorbete Apostolul este, n viziunea
Sfntului Teofilact, urmtoarea:
Din cele ale lui Dumnezeu, unele sunt necunoscute, precum este fiina i firea
Lui; iar altele cunoscute, precum sunt toate cele ce se socotesc despre fiina i firea
Lui: buntatea, nelepciunea, puterea, dumnezeirea (adic mrirea)
30
, pe care
Pavel le numete aici nevzute ale lui Dumnezeu, nelese din fpturile Lui. Deci
Dumnezeu a artat Elinilor cunotina Sa, adic cele ce se socotesc despre fiina Lui,
care sunt nevzute de ochii cei simii, dar nelese de minte din buna rnduial a
fpturilor.
31

27
28
Fptura creat nu poate s l cunoasc pe Dumnezeu dect n msura n care El Se descoper de
bun voie. Aceast idee este dezvoltat la Sfntul Atanasie cel Mare: De fapt, pentru c Dumnezeu
este bun i de-oameni-iubitor i cu grij pentru sufletele fcute de El, dar e nevzut i de necuprins
prin fire i dincolo de toat fiina creat i de aceea neamul omenesc nu poate ajunge uor la
cunotina despre El, pentru c toate sunt create, iar El este necreat, a ntocmit creaiunea prin
Cuvntul Su (prin Raiunea Sa) astfel ca, deoarece El este prin fire nevzut, s poat fi cunoscut de
oameni prin operele Lui. Cci meterul se cunoate de multe ori din opere, chiar dac rmne
nevzut. Cuvnt mpotriva elinilor, XXXV (trad., introd. i note de Pr. prof. Dumitru Stniloae), n
col. PSB vol. 15, Ed. IBMBOR, Bucureti, 1987, pp. 69-70.
29
Sf. Atanasie cel Mare, Cuvnt mpotriva elinilor..., XXXV, p. 70.
30
Sf. Teofilact invoc aici spusele a doi dintre Prinii Bisericii. Mai nti, dumnezeiescul Maxim care
zice c din cele dumnezeieti, unele sunt nelese, iar altele nenelese de oameni (cap. 5 al sutei a
patra din cele despre iubire), iar apoi Sf. Vasile: Din lucrrile lui Dumnezeu suindu-ne i prin
fpturi nelegnd pe Fctorul, lum cunotina buntii i a nelepciunii Lui; cci acestea sunt
cele cunoscute ale lui Dumnezeu, pe care Dumnezeu le-a insuflat ntru toi oamenii (Cuvntul I
asupra lui Eunomie), n Tlcuirea epistolei ctre Romani a slvitului i prea-ludatului Apostol Pavel,
Ed. Sophia, Bucureti, 2005, nota 85, pp. 41-42.
31
Sf. Teofilact, Tlcuirea epistolei ctre Romani..., pp. 41-42.

11
Sfntul Teofilact identific cinci pricini pentru care s-au creat fpturile
lumii vzute, printre care cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu din contemplarea lor
32
.
Sfntul Ioan Hrisostom subliniaz faptul c nimeni nu se poate justifica
pentru necredina sa, de vreme ce are sub priviri mreia naturii care nsi
vorbete despre Creatorul ei:
Dar apoi oare nu ai auzit cerul slobozind vocea n vzul nostru, adic n
privire? Nu ai auzit acea voce, care strig mai frumos dect orice trmbi,
vestindu-ne armonia cea perfect? Nu cunoatei legile n puterea crora ziua i
noaptea se succed continuu i rmn nemicate? Nu vedei ordinea cea perfect
n succesiunea anotimpurilor, i care ordine este neschimbat? Nu vedei
recunotina mrii artat n valuri? Nu vedei c totul n univers rmne n
ordinea stabilit fiecruia, i cum prin frumuseea i mreia lor slvesc pe
Creator?
33

Aadar, aceasta este doxologia tcut a fpturilor pe care o neleg i cei
care tiu s citeasc i necititorii, inculii i nelepii, sracii i bogaii, stpnii i
slugile, sciii i barbarii, gsind fiecare acolo cunotinele pe care sufletul su le
dorete despre Dumnezeu
34
. Acest tip de comunicare, prin mijlocirea lucrurilor,
este accesibil tuturor neamurilor, de aceea i ele i sunt lorui lege.
Pe lng aceast modalitate de comunicare, Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur invoc
ideea unei comunicri directe, prin care Dumnezeu, cercetnd cugetele oamenilor
i gsindu-le curate a grit cu ei n mod direct, coborndu-se la puterea lor de a-L
nelege
35
. Comunicarea direct nu se limiteaz doar la perioada edenic, ci se
continu i dup cdere, dar este condiionat de curia inimii, de aceea cei care
devin prtai acestei comunicri sunt veritabile exemple de virtute: Noe, Avraam,
Iov i Moise, profeii. i acest mod de comunicare este superior comunicrii scrise,
Sfntul afirmnd c din aceast cauz comunicarea scris nici nu exista dintru
nceput ca mod de comunicare Dumnezeu om. Att Vechiul Testament, ct i
Noul Testament au fost rnduite de Dumnezeu i ncuviinate spre a fi scrise din

32
Celelalte patru pricini sunt: pentru a nva de la ele, pentru a ne oferi hrana necesar ntreinerii
vieii, pentru a mulumi pentru aceasta lui Dumnezeu i, n sfrit, pentru a mplini doxologia
n vederea creia am fost creai: ...pentru acest sfrit a zidit Dumnezeu lumea, ca s fie slvit
de ctre fpturile cele cuvnttoare. De aceea a zis dumnezeiescul David: Cerurile povestesc
slava lui Dumnezeu (Psalmul 18, 1), Ibidem, nota 89: Pentru ca, n fpturi, ca n nite oglinzi, s-L
vedem pe Ziditorul i Fctorul lor i, din fiina fpturilor, s-L nelegem i s credem c
Dumnezeu este fctorul acestora. (...) din buntatea fpturilor, s nelegem buntatea Fctorului
lor, iar din nelepciunea i puterea zidirilor, s cunoatem nelepciunea i puterea Ziditorului. (...)
i aceasta este ceea ce a zis Apostolul puin mai nainte: Cele nevzute.... i Dionisie Areopagitul zice
c cele vzute sunt chipuri ale celor nevzute, i cele simite ale celor gndite, pp. 43-44.
33
Sf. Ioan Hrisostom, Omilii la epistola ctre Romani, III (trad. PS Teodosie Atanasiu, revizuit i
ngrijit de Ceyar Pvlacu i Cristian Untea), Ed. Christiana, Bucureti, 2005, p. 11.
34
35
PG 54, 582, apud Patriarhul Iustin, Sfnta Scriptur...., p. 33.
PAULA BUD

12
pricina slbiciunii oamenilor
36
, care nu s-au putut menine n apropierea Lui, prin
legea moral natural i prin cunotinele despre divinitate, mprtite lor n mod
direct sau dobndite prin mijlocirea lucrurilor. Aadar, Scriptura este, n comunicarea
omului cu Dumnezeu, cea de a doua cale
37
. Pentru a susine aceast afirmaie, voi
invoca n cele ce urmeaz cteva pasaje din scrierile Sfntului Ioan Hrisostom.

Sfntul Ioan Hrisostom, exeget al istoriei mntuirii
Am introdus acest concept de istoria mntuirii pentru faptul c, dei Sfntul
Ioan Gur de Aur este reprezentantul prin excelen al colii exegetice antiohiene,
recunoscute pentru metoda exegetic istorico-literal, el nu nelege istoria ca
fiind limitat la om i la puterile i lucrrile lui, ci o consider ca spaiu n care
Dumnezeu este prezent i lucreaz nemijlocit
38
pentru mntuirea fpturii umane.
Exegeza pe care o propune este ntemeiat pe experiena duhovniceasc, care
presupune implicarea nemijlocit a Duhului Sfnt n interpretarea scrierilor sfinte:
Toate cele cuprinse n Sfnta Scriptur (...) sunt cuvinte ale Duhului
39
, cuvinte ale
harului divin, care a determinat pe autor s scrie
40
, cuvinte ale lui Dumnezeu, rostite
prin gura profeilor. Gurile profeilor sunt gura lui Dumnezeu
41
...
42
. Lucrarea
Duhului este ns dubl: l inspir pe cel care scrie, l lumineaz pe cel care citete.
Pentru cel din urm, cuvntul scripturistic nu este n mod necesar auto-revelator, ci
doar Cuvntul lui Dumnezeu, lucrnd prin Duhul, poate deschide minile oamenilor
ca ei s poat nelege Scripturile, aducndu-le aminte sau luminndu-le cele despre
Sine, dezvluind adevruri ascunse ale veacului eshatologic, ntru slava Sa i a
Tatlui (Ioan 14, 26; 16, 13-15)
43
. n aceast lucrare, omului i revine s participe
cu exprimarea voinei sale de a cunoate, de a nelege, de a cuta nelesurile
Scripturii, ns fr ca aceast cutare s fie fcut n duh iscoditor, ci n duh de
smerenie potrivit neputinelor noastre
44
.
Vorbind despre maniera interpretativ a celor dou coli exegetice,
patriarhul Iustin Moisescu remarca faptul c distincia nu este una de substan,
ci de manier de aplicare a principiilor exegetice de altfel, comune n mare

36
37
Constantin Coman, Erminia Duhului. Texte fundamentale pentru o ermineutic duhovniceasc,
Ed. Bizantin, Bucureti, 2002, p. 124.
38
C. Coman, Erminia Duhului..., p. 128.
39
Omil. LIX Fac., Migne, P.G. 54, 514, Omil. VII Fac., Migne, P.G. 53, 65, apud Patriarhul Iustin,
Sfnta Scriptur..., p. 53.
40
Omil. I Despre stat., Migne, P.G. 49, 17-18. Vezi i Omil. la Ieremia, X 23, Migne, P.G. 56, 156,
Patriarhul Iustin, Sfnta Scriptur..., p. 53.
41
Coment. Isaia II, Migne, P.G. 56, 110, apud Patriarhul Iustin, Sfnta Scriptur..., p. 53.
42
43
J. Breck, Puterea Cuvntului..., p. 10.
44
Sf. Ioan Hrisostom, Omilii la Facere, II, III, pp. 42-43.

13
parte n funcie de contextul socio-cultural. Pe acest fond se profileaz Sfntul
Ioan Hrisostom, care a constituit totdeauna o garanie suficient pentru ortodoxia
unei scrieri
45
. El este considerat punctul de ntlnire, de armonizare i completare
a celor dou coli, n el avem personalitatea exegetic care fixeaz normele
fundamentale ale hermeneuticii biblice. Un singur exemplu este suficient pentru
a nelege echilibrul care domin exegeza sa. n comentariul su la Psalmi (9, 4),
Sfntul Ioan distinge trei tipuri de afirmaii biblice: un prim fel care reprezint doar
figuri sau imagini simbolice, revelnd un sens teoretic sau spiritual, i exemplific
cu Pilde 5, 18-19: Cerboaic preaiubit i gazel plin de farmec s-i fie ea.... Un al
doilea tip de afirmaii sunt cele care au doar o semnificaie literal (Facerea 1, 1):
La nceput a fcut Dumnezeu cerul i pmntul. n sfrit, a treia categorie de afirmaii
este a celor autentic tipologice, n care sensul dumnezeiesc dobndete expresie
n evenimentul istoric (Ioan 3, 14): i dup cum Moise a nlat arpele n pustie,
aa trebuie s se nale Fiul Omului
46
.
O preocupare deosebit pentru Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur este unitatea / acordul
deplin al celor dou Testamente
47
. Observaia sa fundamental n aceast privin
este c Dumnezeu, n marea Sa nelepciune descoper adevruri dogmatice,
instituie legi morale, potrivit cu puterea de pricepere i n acord cu condiiile de
vieuire ale oamenilor crora se adreseaz. i dac El ar fi instituit cele dou
Testamente, n aceeai vreme, pentru aceiai oameni, care duc aceeai via, atunci
nu ar fi existat nici o deosebire formal ntre ele
48
. Care este fundamentul acestei
percepii unitare a Scripturii, vizibile n ntregul corpus exegetic realizat de Sfntul
Ioan? El nu disociaz Scriptura de istorie, ci o consider mai degrab o consemnare
n condiii speciale a istoriei biblice
49
, istoria biblic nsi constituindu-se n
fundament, i aceasta pentru c este o istorie unitar, care consemneaz derularea
n cadrul timpului a dialogului dintre Dumnezeu i poporul Su
50
. Comparnd
ns cele dou legi, sub raportul cuprinsului, Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur gsete Vechiul
Testament inferior Noului Testament; desigur nu din cauza lui Dumnezeu, ci a
oamenilor crora le-au fost adresate aceste legi. Aceasta n sensul c n funcionarea
unui text sau a oricrui mesaj, un rol important revine destinatarului, implicat
direct n nelegerea, actualizarea i interpretarea textului respectiv
51
. Acelai tip de

45
46
Cf. J. Breck, Puterea Cuvntului..., p. 89.
47
Unitatea Sfintei Scripturi este un subiect asupra cruia exist consens patristic, chiar dac argumentele
pot fi altele. Un exemplu elocvent n acest sens este Sfntul Vasile cel Mare care afirm caracterul
unitar al Scripturii pe baza relaiei tipologice care exist ntre cele dou Testamente i a caracterului
hristocentric, Mircea Basarab, Interpretarea Sfintei Scripturi n Biserica Ortodox, Ed. Alma Mater,
Cluj-Napoca, 2005, p. 106. Ideea unitii Sfintei Scripturi apare nc de la Prinii Apostolici, chiar
dac nu este exprimat explicit, David. L. Baker, Two Testaments, One Bible. The Theological Relationship
Between the Old and the New Testaments, IVP Academic, 2010, p. 36.
48
49
50
51
Umberto Eco, Limitele interpretrii, Ed. Pontica, Constana, 1996, p. 18.
PAULA BUD

14
raionament l conduce pe Sfntul Ioan la a afirma c exist o cale mai bun de
comunicare cu Dumnezeu dect cea a Scripturii, afirmaie care la nceput poate
surprinde, ns acest mai bun nu are n vedere calitatea n sine a discursului
biblic, ci are n vedere eficiena acestuia n raport cu primitorul mesajului, omul
52
.
Pedagogia divin a acordat prioritate, dup cum am vzut mai devreme,
educaiei prin lucruri, educaia prin scrieri urmnd acesteia i avnd un caracter
de pogormnt
53
, pentru slbiciunea i neputina noastr.

Sfnta Scriptur - cale mereu nou
n teologia rsritean nu exist cercetare biblic exclusiv tiinific,
totdeauna n discursul exegetic rsritean aspectul eclesial, martiric, este o
coordonat constant, acest fapt se nrdcineaz n tradiia patristic, n con-
secvena i unitatea perspectivei ermineutice patristice, dominate de dimen-
siunea duhovniceasc
54
. i aceasta pentru c n spaiul teologic ortodox, di-
nuie convingerea c Scriptura este o modalitate de comunicare, un mod de
revelare, o cale de refacere a legturii de comuniune cu Dumnezeu, nicidecum
un scop n sine. Ne spune Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur c, atunci cnd Dumnezeu a
cunoscut c ne-am ndeprtat de El, a nceput s ne trimit cuvntul Su prin
scrisori ca unora care ne gsim ntr-o ar strin. Astfel, primele scrieri, trimise
de Dumnezeu, cu scopul de a rennoi vechea dragoste dintre El i oameni, au fost
aduse de Moise
55
, acestora urmndu-le apoi celelalte scrieri sfinte. De aceea,
pentru c am ndeprtat harul acela, haide s pornim pe o cale nou (ca s-l
dobndim iari)
56
. Primul pas pe aceast cale rmne acela de a citi mereu mai
mult Sfnta Scriptur, cci, spune Sfntul Ioan, sfintele cri sunt asemenea
aromatelor
57
, astfel nct citirea fr ncetare a Scripturii va face ca mireasma
ei s ne fie pururea aproape.

52
53
54
55
56
C. Coman, Erminia Duhului, p. 145.
57
Omil. XIII Fac., Migne, P. G. 53, 106, apud Patriarhul Iustin, Sfnta Scriptur..., p. 99.

I. BIBLICAL THEOLOGY

THE HOLY SCRIPTURE. REFERENCES FOR AN ORTHODOX
READING IN THE 3
RD
MILLENNIUM

PAULA BUD
*

ABSTRACT. The study approaches the sphere of biblical hermeneutics, with the
intention of underlining the utility and actuality of some patristic hermeneutical
principles within an orthodox reading of the Holy Scripture nowadays. Saint John
Chrysostom is a prominent example for the type of lecture promoted within the
orthodox environment and, implicitly, by the present study.

Keywords: Word, hermeneutics, name, communication, Scripture, pathway

Word and Communication
I would like to start by proposing an effective/ a possible distinction
between word and words: the first, even when written without capital letter,
expresses unity, whereas the latter may suggest a certain degree of scattering, a
commotion of the unity, a meaning that is closer to talk, understood from the
perspective of all the vain words for which we are to answer in the Judgement
day. What is the negative compound of this word, why does it become a motive
for our punishment? Because it reflects honestly the heart, as our Saviour says:
What goes into someones mouth does not defile them () but the things that come
out of a persons mouth come from the heart, and these defile them. (Matthew 15:
11-18). And if the Word is replaced by words on the tables of our hearts, then the
flesh turns into stone again and the man transforms his heart into a wall standing
between him and God. At the beginning of the 3
rd
millennium, we witness the
explosive progress of the means of communication, and we are, paradoxically,
spectators of a process of terrible isolation. Loneliness has become, for many of us,
an acute feeling, in a time when the use of the word, spoken, written or broadcasted

*
Assist., PhD, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
paulabud_ot@yahoo.fr
PAULA BUD

16
has an overwhelming place in the life of the society
1
. And if it (the word) fulfils its
most profound call when it practices the exchange and is accomplished as a
relationship element, capable of reception and dialogue
2
, it means that a great
deal of the words we speak or write today are lacking in consistency, and become
too often words, incapable of accomplishing an authentic communication. In
this context, the Word of the Scripture may become the starting point for a
replacement of the word in its true nature, a state in which it becomes a means of
authentic communication, a space in which man meets with God and with his
neighbour
3
. But this is not possible if we adopt an exclusively scientific approach
of the Holy Scripture, an approach which ignores its revealed character, its
importance for the Christians life and implicitly its resurrectional testimony.
Father John Breck considers that today in the Orthodox Church we must rediscover
and develop a biblical hermeneutics faithful, on one hand, to the Fathers spiritual
approach, and relevant, on the other hand, for the modern world
4
. This is why
I have extracted, for the present case, several hermeneutical references from the
works of Saint John Chrysostom, since his exegesis has been determined by
pastoral preoccupations, placing himself permanently in the service of the
Christian preaching
5
. Firstly I would like to linger on a few aspects of the word in
the field of understanding characteristic for the Old Testament.

Creative word and name
Being a researcher in the field of Old Testament, when I speak about word
I go back, with priority, to the creation of man, there where the word represents
through itself () the very essence of the reality which it brings into existence
6
.
In the strict reality of human existence, Descartes pointed out that the 4
th
cause of
our mistakes may be the fact that we tie our thoughts to words which are incapable
to express them completely
7
. A totally different image is presented to us by the
book of Genesis, in which the thought is a paradigm, the word is the active,
dynamic, acting expression of the act itself which exists in the paradigm
8
. The
creation which is fulfilled through word proves proximity of essence between

1
Benjamin Gross, The Adventure of Language. The Oath of the Word in the Jewish Thinking (Bucharest:
Hasefer, 2007), 7.
2
Gross, 7.
3
Gross,11.
4
John Breck, The Power of the Word: In the Worshiping Church (Bucharest: IBMBOR, 1999), 47.
5
Breck, 88.
6
Gross, 24.
7
Gross, 8.
8
Ioan Chiril, Philonian Exegetical Fragmentarium II. Nomothetica Exegetical References to Decalogue
(Cluj-Napoca: Limes, 2003), 10.
THE HOLY SCRIPTURE. REFERENCES FOR AN ORTHODOX READING IN THE 3
RD
MILLENNIUM

17
language and world, a profound and fundamental unity of the creation
9
. This
act of creation through word, which has as consequence the appearance on Earth
of all the creatures but man is, in the opinion of the Holy Fathers, a reason to
praise the Lord:
Behold, the heavens and the earth are; they proclaim that they were created
(). They proclaim also that they made not themselves: therefore we are
because we have been made; we were not therefore, before we were, so as to
make ourselves. () All these praise Thee, the Creator of all. But how dost
Thou make them? How, O God, didst Thou make heaven and earth? () in Thy
Word Thou madest them.
10

In the same way we find presented in the Book of Psalms the creative act
for the praise of our Lord: Let them praise the name of the Lord, for at His
command they were created. (Psalm 148:5). But the image of the creative act
presents man as a being which enjoys a special status, as the only one of all
beings made by Gods hand
11
, thus through a direct involvement of God
12
and not
through word although, paradoxically, man is the only being that has the gift of
speech
13
. He will be invited to end the creative act by naming the animals: Now
the Lord God had formed out of the ground all the wild animals and all the birds in
the sky. He brought them to the man to see what he would name them; and
whatever the man called each living creature, that was its name. so the man gave
names to all the livestock, the birds in the sky and all the wild animals. (Genesis
2:19-20). Thus, man, the only being that has the gift of speech and the power of
naming, is the only element for which the creative act is not tied to language and
for which the denomination does not end the creative process
14
. For the Jewish
thinking, man is a being of language because his essential mission consists of
naming, meaning, to free the language in himself, to free the word in order to
translate the language of things into the human language. To name in order to pull
the creative energy from the opaque substance that the divine word has put there
with the purpose of finding through its language the linguistic intimacy that links
the mute creation with God. Finally, through the naming of the livestock, Adam
distinguishes himself from this mute universe and becomes aware of his singularity
15

as a being destined to dialogue/ to communication with God and with his neighbour
within the creation.

9
Gross, 24.
10
Saint Augustin, Confessions (Bucharest: IBMBOR, 1985), 244-245.
11
Saint Basil the Great, Homilies and Sermons (Bucharest: EIBMBOR, 1986), 372.
12
The same way that God writes the Tables of the Law with His finger (Exodus 31:18; Deuteronomy
9:10), another way of expressing a very special implication of God in the respective act.
13
Gross, 15.
14
Gross, 26.
15
Gross, 28.
PAULA BUD

18
The Scripture and the book of nature
In general, one may settle the boundaries of two stages in the communication
between God and man: the Edenic dialogue and the communication after the original
sin. In his state before the Edenic fall, man had the power of knowing God and good
through the natural law, according to which he achieved awareness of the good he
was allowed to do and the bad he had to avoid
16
. Through this, although he didnt
have a written law, man could lead a life of virtue, a life according to Gods wish.
How? By following the inner voice of his conscience, which he had as sole teacher
17
.
But, besides this advice, man had the communion of the reasons of the beings
from which he could achieve knowledge about the unseen features of God, about
His eternal power and about the divinity of His nature, consequently with the help
of the creatures, as Saint Paul says in Romans I, 20: For since the creation of the
world Gods invisible qualities His eternal power and divine nature have been
clearly seen, being understood from what has been made, so that people are without
excuse. Thus, God has sealed the entire creation with the possibility of feeling and
acknowledging His existence and presence
18
. The text expresses, as such, a natural
theology most likely rooted in the Jewish-Hellenistic wisdom theology
19
.
This means of knowledge is considered by Saint John Chrysostom to be
more believable than that transposed in letter for the human being achieves it
with the help of things and it is more trustworthy and clear
20
. In a time when the
human being tries to claim its absolute authority on the creation, seemingly
forgetting the responsibility that came with the initial gift of ruling in Gods image,
and working not to fulfil its purpose but to destroy it unreasonably, this re-
evaluation of the book of nature is necessary for it is of great importance
according to the Holy Fathers. I will include here two quotes that I consider to be
relevant to this matter.
Speaking about the ways in which God revealed Himself to His creation,
Saint John Damascene considers first and foremost the way of natural knowledge:
God, didnt let us in complete ignorance, for the knowledge of Gods existence is
impregnated by Him naturally in all the people. Besides this, creation itself, its
conservation and government speak about the greatness of the divine nature
21
.

16
PG 49, 133 and 55,251, apud Iustin Moisescu, Complete Works 3, The Holy Scriptures and their
Interpretation in the Works of Saint John Chrysostom (Bucharest: Bishopry of Arge and Muscel/
Anastasia, 2003).
17
PG. 54,471; 48,1059, apud Moisescu, 33.
18
Richard Alan Young, The Knowledge of God in Romans 1:18-23: Exegetical and Theological
Reflections, in: JETS 43/4 (Dec. 2000), p. 695.
19
James D. G. Dunn, Romans 1-8, WBC vol. 38a (Dallas: Word Incorporated, 1988), 56.
20
PG 49, 105, apud Moisescu, 33.
21
Saint John Damascene, Dogmatics, I (Apologeticum, 2004), 10. Saint John continues with the
presentation of the divine revelation through the Law and the prophets and then, through His
Son Himself. We must emphaasize on the fact that all these exceptional ways of Revelation are
preceeded by the natural revelation.
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Saint John Chrysostom expresses very clear the fact that the Scriptures have not
been given to the humankind from the very beginning, but only later on, because
It was because God was desirous of instructing the nature of man, not by letters,
but by things. But what does the expression by things signify? It signifies by means
of the Creation itself
22
. Therefore, according to the word of Saint Paul, not even the
pagans have an excuse before God that they didnt serve Him, because although
they didnt know the Gospels, they could get to know God from his creatures.
Saint John explains in detail this possibility offered to the nations:
How were they able to know God, and who hath shewed? Declare this. God,
saith he, hath shewed it unto them. In what manner? By the sending of what
kind of prophet? what evangelist? what kind of teacher? if the holy Scriptures
were not yet given. The invisible things of Him, says he, from the creation of
the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even His
eternal Power and Godhead, so that people are without excuse (Romans 1:20).
But what he means is just this, He hath placed His Creation in the midst, before
the eyes of all men, in order that they may guess at the Creator from His works
23
.
Explaining a passage from the Genesis, Saint Basil the Great prays for the
people to understand Him and to know God from the contemplation of the creation:
May God who, after having made such great things () grant you the intelligence
of His truth, so that you may raise yourselves from visible things to the invisible
Being, and that the grandeur and beauty of creatures may give you a just idea of
the Creator for the visible things of Him from the creation of the world are
clearly seen ... thus earth, air, sky, water, day, night, all visible things, remind us
of who is our Benefactor
24
.
He who understands His creator from the creation of the world, also
knows God from the wisdom with which the world has been created. For Gods
invisible qualities since the creation of the world are visible when you think of
what He has created
25
. Furthermore, he explains in what manner the divine
wisdom is revealed in the creatures: the wisdom revealed in the world, almost
speaking, through the visible things, that they were made by God, for not
randomly shines in the creation such a sapience. For as the heavens declare the
glory of God, the skies proclaim the work of His hands (Psalm 18:1) and they
proclaim it without voice they have no speech, they use no words, no sound is
heard from them (Psalm 18:3), so are some of the words of the wisdom ()
which proclaim silently the Lord God, for you to mount to the idea of the unique
Wiseman
26
. The whole world is, as seen by the Fathers, built as an environment

22
Saint John Chrysostom, Homily addressed to the People of Antioch, on http://www.synaxis.org/cf/
volume18/ECF00018.htm, p. 1.
23
Saint John Chrysostom, Homily addressed to the People of Antioch, p. 1.
24
Saint Basil the Great, Homilies on Hexaemeron (Bucharest, IBMBOR, 1986), 109.
25
Saint Basil, Homilies on Hexaemeron, 469.
26
Saint Basil, Homilies on Hexaemeron, 469-470.
PAULA BUD

20
of the meeting between man and God, so the man must contemplate what he sees
in order to understand what he doesnt see. In a poetical expression, the created
world is named the school of souls on the way to finding the kingdom of heaven:
for this world has not been conceived in vain, but for a useful purpose and
for the great need that it brings to those who live on earth, if the world is truly a
school for the souls gifted with reason and a place where you can learn the
knowledge of God, being through what you see and feel in the world a guide of the
mind for the contemplation of the invisible things, as the disciple says, that the
invisible qualities (Romans 1:20)
27
.
Gods kindness and His care for man are also manifested through the fact
that He doesnt abuse of His invisible nature to remain forever unknown, but reveals
Himself out of love
28
. In order to fully understand the manner in which this revelation
is transmitted through the creatures, Saint Athanasius of Alexandria appeals to an
analogy with the well-known sculptor Phidias, very appreciated by his contemporaries:
it is said about the sculptor Phidias that his works were recognized as his
even when he wasnt present, from the symmetry and the proportion of the parts.
The same way you can recognize God, the Creator and Organizer of the world
from the creation, even though you cannot see Him with the eyes of your body.
For God has not abused His invisible nature may no-one say that in order to
remain utterly unknown to the people
29
.
The definition of the knowledge of which the Apostle speaks about, is the
following, according to Saint Theofilact:
Some of Gods qualities are unknown as His own nature is, and some are known,
so as all the features that are said to be His nature: kindness, wisdom, power, divinity
(meaning glory)
30
, which Paul names here God invisible qualities, understood
through His creatures. So God showed to the Greeks His knowledge, meaning what
is said about His nature, which is invisible to the human eye, but understood by
reason from the order of all things.
31

27
Saint Basil, Homilies on Hexaemeron, 77.
28
The creation can only know God to the extent to which He reveals Himself whilingly. This idea is
explained by Saint Athanasius: In fact, because God is good and loving and caring for the souls He
has created, but is invisible and boundless through His nature and past all creature and that is why
humankind cannot come easily to His knowledge, because all are created and He is uncreated, He
created everything with His word (with His Reason) so that He could be known by people through
His works, although He is invisible through His nature. Because the master is often known from his
works, although He remains invisible. Sermon against the Greek (Bucharest: EIBMBOR, 1987), 69-70.
29
Saint Athanasius, XXXV, 70.
30
Saint Theofilact refers here to quotes belonging to two Fathers of the Church. Firstly, Saint Maximus
who says that of Gods qualities some are understood and some are misunderstood by men
(chapter 5 of the four hundred about love), and then Saint Basil the Great: Of all Gods works
mounting and understanding the Creator from His creatures, we learn about His kindness and His
wisdom; for these are known about God, which He inspired into all people (1
st
Book against
Eunomius), in Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans of the praised Apostle Paul (Bucharest,
Sophia, 2005), footnotes 85, 41-42.
31
Saint Theofilact, 41-42.
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21
Saint Theofilact identifies here five causes for which the creatures of the
visible world have been made, amongst which there is the knowledge of God through
their contemplation
32
.
Saint John Chrysostom underlines the fact that nobody can give an answer
for faithless, as long as we can all see the greatness of the nature which speaks
herself about her Creator:
Did ye then not hear the heaven sending forth a voice by the sight, while the
well-ordered harmony of all things spake out more clearly than a trumpet? Did ye
not see the hours of night and day abiding unmoved continually, the goodly order
of winter, spring, and the other seasons remaining both sure and unmoved, the
tractableness of the sea amid all its turbulence and waves? All things abiding in
order and by their beauty and their grandeur, preaching aloud of the Creator?
33

So this is the praise of the silent creatures, which can be understood both
by those who can read and by the illiterates, by the uneducated and by the learned,
by poor and by rich, by masters and by servants, by Scythians and barbarians, each
person being able to find in it the knowledge about God that his soul desires
34
.
This type of communication, through things, is accessible to all the nations, and
this is why they are a law to themselves.
Besides this means of communication, Saint John Chrysostom invokes the
idea of a direct communication, through which God, looking into peoples
consciences and finding them pure, spoke to them directly, degrading Himself to
their capacity of understanding
35
. The direct communication is not restricted only
to the Edenic period, but continues after the fall, conditioned by the purification of
the heart, that is why those who become part of this communication are real
examples of virtue: Noah, Abraham, Job and Moses, the Prophets. And this means
of communication is superior to the written communication, Saint John asserting
that this is the cause why the written communication didnt exist in the beginning
as a way of communication between God and man. Both the Old Testament and

32
The four other causes are: to learn from them, to give us the daily food necessary for us to live, to
thank God for this and, finally, to accomplish the praise for which we have been created: for this
purpose God has created the world, for Him to be praised by the creatures. This is why saint David
said: The heavens declare the glory of God (Psalm 18:1), Saint Theofilact, footnote 89: Because
in these creatures like in a mirror we are to see their Creator, to understand Him and believe that God
is their creator. () from the creatures kindness, we must understand their Creators kindness,
and from their wisdom and power, we come to know the Creators wisdom and power. () And
this is what the Disciple said not long befor: Gods invisible qualities. And Dionysius the Areopagite
says that the visible things are images of the invisible things and the sensitive things are images of
our thoughts, 43-44.
33
Saint John Chrysostom, Homilies on the Epistle to the Romans, III (Bucharest, Christiana Publishing
House, 2005), 11.
34
PG 49,112, apud Moisescu, 33.
35
PAULA BUD

22
the New Testament have been arranged by God and were fixed in writing because
of the feeble nature of man
36
, who couldnt stay close to Him, through the moral
natural law and through the knowledge about the divinity given to them directly
or through creation. Thus, the Scripture is mans communication with God, the
second way
37
. In order to support this assertion, I will present here several
passages from the works of Saint John Chrysostom.

Saint John Chrysostom, exegete of the history of salvation
I introduced this concept of history of salvation because, although Saint
John Chrysostom is the most representative scholar of the Exegetical School from
Antioch, well known for its historical-literal exegetical method, he doesnt
conceive history as being limited to man and his powers and works, but considers
it to be a space in which God is present and works directly
38
for the salvation of
the humankind. The exegesis that he proposes is based on his spiritual experience
which requires a direct implication of the Holy Spirit in the interpretation of the
sacred texts: Everything that is written in the Holy Scripture () are words of
the Holy Spirit
39
, words of the divine grace, which determined the author to write
40
,
words of our Lord, spoken through the prophets mouth. The prophets mouths are
in fact Gods mouth
41
42
. But the Spirits work is double: he inspires the one who
writes, he illuminates the one who reads. For the latter the word of the Scripture
is not necessary self-revealing, but only Gods Word, working through the Spirit,
can open peoples minds for them to understand the Scriptures, reminding them
or illuminating those about Himself, revealing hidden truths of the eschatological
time, to His praise and to the Fathers praise (John 14:26; 16:13-15)
43
. In this work,
man has to participate with the expression of his willingness to know, to understand,
to search for the meanings of the Scripture, but this research must not be done with
a suspicious mind, but in a humble state of mind proper to our helplessness
44
.
Speaking about the different ways of interpretation of the two exegetical
schools, the Patriarch Iustin Moisescu noted the fact that the distinction was not
one of substance, but of the manner of interpretation of the exegetical principles

36
37
Constantin Coman, The Spirits Hermeneia. Fundamental Texts for a Spiritual Hermeneutics
(Bucharest: Byzantine Publishing House, 2002), 124.
38
Coman, 128.
39
Homilies LIX Genesis, Migne, PG 54, 514, Homilies VII Genesis, Migne, PG 53, 65, apud Moisescu, 53.
40
Homilies I On the Statues, Migne, PG 49, 17-18. See also Homilies to Jeremiah, X 23, Migne, PG 56,
156, apud Moisescu, 53.
41
Comentary to Isaiah II, Migne, PG 56, 110, apud Moisescu, 53.
42
Moisescu, 53.
43
Breck, 10.
44
Saint John Chrysostom, Homilies to Genesis, II, III, 42-43.
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MILLENNIUM

23
mostly common, as a matter of fact according to the social-cultural context. In
this context, Saint John Chrysostom appears, whose person was guarantee enough
for the orthodoxy of a writing
45
. He is considered to be the meeting point, that of
harmonization and completion of the two schools, he is the exegetical personality
who fixes the fundamental rules of the biblical hermeneutics. A single example is
enough to understand the equilibrium that dominates his exegesis. In his commentary
to Psalms (9:4), Saint John distinguishes three types of biblical assertions: the first
type which represents only symbolic figures or images, revealing a theoretical
or spiritual meaning, and gives the example from Proverbs 5:18-19: A loving doe,
a graceful deer . a second type of assertions are those which have only a literal
meaning (Genesis 1:1): In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth. Finally,
the third category of assertions is of those which are authentically typological, in
which the divine meaning receives expression in the historical event (John 3:14):
Just as Moses lifted up the snake in the wilderness, so the Son of Man must be lifted up
46
.
A special preoccupation for Saint John Chrysostom is the unity/perfect
agreement between the two Testaments
47
. To this respect, his fundamental
observation is that God in His great wisdom reveals dogmatic truths, establishes
moral rules, according to the ability of understanding and of living of the people to
whom He addresses. And if He had established the two testaments in the same
time, for these people, who lead the same life, then there wouldnt have been any
formal differences between them
48
. What is the basis of this unitary perception
of the Scripture, visible in the entire exegetical corpus of Saint John Chrysostom?
He doesnt dissociate the Scripture from history, but considers it to be rather a
recording in special conditions of the biblical history
49
, the biblical history itself
becoming a fundament, and this because it is a unitary history, which notes the
development within time of the dialogue between God and His people
50
. But
comparing the two laws from the point of view of the content, Saint John Chrysostom
finds the Old Testament to be inferior to the New Testament; of course, not because
of God, but because of the people to whom these laws have been addressed. This
meaning that in the functioning of a text or of any kind of message, an important

45
Moisescu, 13.
46
Breck, 89.
47
The unity of the Holy Scripture is a subject upon which there is a patristic consensus, even though
the arguments may be different. An eloquent example to this respect is Saint Basil the Great who
states that the character of unity of the Scripture based on the typological relationship between the
two Testaments and on the Christocentric character, Mircea Basarab, The Interpretation of the Holy
Scripture in the Orthodox Church (Cluj-Napoca: Alma Mater, 2005), 106. the idea of the unity of the
Holy Scipture appears even from the Apostolic Fathers, though not explicitly expressed, David L.
Baker, Two Testaments, One Bible. The Theological Relationship Between the Old and the New
Testaments (IVP Academic, 2010), 36.
48
49
Coman, 144.
50
Coman, 144.
PAULA BUD

24
role is given to the addressee, directly involved in the understanding, bringing up-
to-date and interpretation of the respective text
51
. The same type of reasoning
brings Saint John to conclude that there is a better way to communicate with God
than the Scripture, an assertion which may surprise in the beginning, but this
better doesnt refer to the quality of the biblical discourse, but to its efficiency in
comparison with the receiver of the message which is man
52
. As we have already
seen, the divine pedagogy considered education through things to be a priority,
followed by the education through writings and having a descenting character
53
,
for our weakness and helplessness.

The Holy Scripture a permanently new pathway
In the Eastern theology there is no such thing as exclusively scientific
biblical research, for in the Eastern exegetic discourse the ecclesial, martyrical aspect,
is always a constant co-ordinate. This aspect is based on the patristic tradition, on
the perseverance and the unity of the patristic hermeneutical perspective, dominated
by the spiritual dimension
54
. And this because within the Orthodox theological
space, lingers the belief that the Scripture is a way of communication, a way of
revelation, a way of repairing the communion relationship with God and not a
purpose in itself. Saint John Chrysostom says that when God knew that we have
gone astray, he started to send us His word through letters, for we find ourselves
in a country far away. Thus, the first writings sent by God with the aim to renew
the love between Him and the people, have been brought by Moses
55
, followed by
the other sacred writings. That is why because we have sent away that grace,
lets start a new way (to receive it back again)
56
. The first step on this pathway
remains that of reading more from the Holy Scripture for, as Saint John says, the
sacred books are similar to flavours
57
, and thus, through the continuous reading
of the Scripture, we will always have its spiritual perfume all around us.

51
Umberto Eco, The Limits of the Interpretation (Constana: Pontica, 1996), 18.
52
Coman, 134.
53
Coman, 135.
54
Coman, 126.
55
56
Coman, 145.
57
Homilies XIII Genesis, Migne, PG 53, 106, apud Moisescu, 99.


RECEPTAREA I INTERPRETAREA PSALMILOR
N TRADIIA PATRISTIC

STELIAN PACA-TUA
*

REZUMAT. n studiu de fa ne propunem s realizm o scurt perspectiv
istoric asupra modului n care Psaltirea a fost receptat i interpretat n
scrierile patristice. n acest sens am expus sistematic exemple efective de
exegez, extrase din comentariile prinilor, pentru a oferi o perspectiv ct mai
ampl asupra subiectului pe care dorim s l dezvoltm. Vom ncepe demersul
nostru prin menionarea premiselor dezvoltate de prinii apostolici i de
apologeii cretini, l vom continua cu precizarea metodelor exegetice de analiz
a textului sfnt caracteristice colilor din Alexandria, Antiohia i Cezareea Capadociei
i l vom ncheia cu prezentarea aportului reprezentanilor trzii ai perioadei
patristice la dezvoltarea literaturii exegetice a psalmilor. Vom extinde cercetarea
noastr i n spaiul apusean pentru a puncta evoluia pe care interpretarea
Psaltirii a avut-o n operele celor mai reprezentativi exponeni. Astfel c am
cutat s expunem, pentru fiecare etap a demersului nostru, detaliile cele mai
semnificative care surprind caracteristicile colii sau metodei exegetice analizate.
Iar, nu n ultimul rnd, am alctuit, n notele adiacente lucrrii, scurte repere bio-
bibliografice, ce au menirea de a nlesni nelegerea ct mai adecvat a contextului
n care autorii menionai au creat aceste comentarii la Cartea Psalmilor.

Cuvinte-cheie: Psalmi, prini apostolici, apologei cretini, coli catehetice,
Sf. Prini, interpretare, metode exegetice, comentarii.

Preliminarii
Prinii i scriitorii bisericeti au manifestat fa de Cartea Psalmilor un
interes cu totul aparte. Acesta s-a datorat n mare msur coninutului dogmatic
i nsemntii pe care psalmii au dobndit-o n cadrul comunitilor iudaice i
mai apoi n cele cretine.
Psalmii n-au lipsit din preocuprile i cultul cretin nici dup ce Biserica s-
a separat definitiv de iudaism (a doua jumtate a sec. I); din contr, acetia au
dobndit parc o preponderen i mai mare. Apologetul Tertulian consemneaz

*
Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
stelianpascatusa@yahoo.com
STELIAN PACA-TUA

26
faptul c n timpul su psalmii erau folosii ca structuri cultice de baz n adunrile
cretine. n cadrul unui serviciu divin de duminic, el subliniaz urmtoarele:
ntr-adevr, dup ce se citesc Scripturile, se cnt psalmi, se rostesc cuvntri
sau se adreseaz rugmini, la fel se prilejuiesc ocazii pentru viziuni.
1
. Documentul
cretin Constituiile apostolice (II, 57) care dateaz din secolul al III-lea, semnaleaz
aceiai practic, menionnd n plus faptul c lecturile biblice erau ncadrate de
cntarea unor psalmi
2
. Sfntul Vasile cel Mare i atenioneaz la un moment dat pe
credincioii si aflai n biseric s i-a aminte la ndemnurile pe care le-au primit
prin textele citite la Sfnta Liturghie: profei, psalmi, epistole i Evanghelie
3
. Rednd
textul unei epistole adresate episcopilor Dionisie al Romei i Maxim al Alexandriei
n care sunt condamnate purtrile necuviincioase ale episcopului Pavel de Samosata,
istoricul Eusebiu de Cezareea subliniaz i faptul c episcopul antiohian a ndrznit
s nlocuiasc n cult psalmii davidici cu nite imne necuviincioase interpretate de
nite femei uuratice pe motiv c acetia au fost compui ntr-o perioad trzie i,
prin urmare, nu ar fi inspirai: Ct privete psalmii n care se vorbete despre Domul
Iisus Hristos, el i-a interzis, pretextnd c ar fi de dat prea recent compui, zice
el, de poei mai noi, de aceea, n mijlocul bisericii, din ordinul lui personal au fost
puse nite femei s execute tocmai n zilele de Pati nite cntece, de care te cruceti
cnd le auzi. O atitudine similar ngduie i la episcopii i preoii din satele i
oraele care-l ridic n slav n cuvntrile pe care le in poporului
4
. Din acest text
rezult faptul c psalmii care aveau o dimensiune mesianic bine definit erau
folosii frecvent n cult, cu precdere n zilele de srbtoare, pentru a sublinia
nvtur hristologic.
Aadar, se poate sesiza cu uurin faptul c nc din primele veacuri
cretine Psaltirea a fost cea mai utilizat carte n cadrul cultului, nct nu a existat
niciun serviciu liturgic care s nu aib n cuprinsul lui un psalm sau cel puin cteva
versete dintr-unul
5
. Grupai n catisme sau luai n parte, psalmii au mbogit
consistent i au umplut de sens toate slujbele Bisericii. Utilizarea frecvent a
psalmilor n cultul cretin poate s reias i din faptul Psaltirea era una din cele mai
prezente cri scripturistice n Biserica Primar. Eusebiu de Cezareea menioneaz

1
Tertulian, Despre suflet, n PSB 3, ed. Nicolae Chiescu (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 271.
2
Alexander Roberts et al., trans., Apostolic Teachings and Constitutions, n The Ante-Nicene Fathers:
Translations of the Writings of the Fathers Down to A.D. 325, vol. 7 (Oak Harbor: Logos Research
Systems, 1997), 421.
3
Tu, ns, nu pregei, te gndeti, amni, dei ai fost nvat de profei [...], ai fost sftuit de psalmi [...], i
s-a binevestit de apostoli [...] i eti chemat chiar de Domnul, care-i spune: Venii la mine toi cei
ostenii i mpovrai i Eu v voi odihni (Mt. 11, 28), c toate aceste cuvinte au fost citite astzi. Sf.
Vasile cel Mare, Omilii i cuvntri, n PSB 17, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1986) 489.
4
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Istoria bisericeasc, n PSB 13, ed. Teodor Bodogae (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1987),
304.
5
Nicolae Neaga, Vechiul Testament n cultul Bisericii. Sugestii n problema reconsiderrii citirilor
din Vechiul Testament, MB 4-6 (1971): 228.
RECEPTAREA SI INTERPRETAREA PSALMILOR IN TRADITIA PATRISTICA

27
c Origen a folosit n Hexapla sa nu patru, ci apte versiuni ale Psaltirii: n Hexaplele
sale la psalmi, n afar de cele patru ediii cunoscute, el a adugat nu numai o a
cincea, ci i o a asea i chiar o a aptea: despre una spune c a gsit-o la Ierihon,
ntr-un vas, pe timpul mpratului Antonin, fiul lui Sever
6
.
Rostirea psalmilor i meditarea zilnic la versete din Psaltire nu a fost
limitat la spaiul liturgic sau la comunitile monahale. Clement Alexandrinul
ne ofer o informaie care atest de timpuriu folosirea psalmilor n afara cultului.
Acesta arat c ntre cretini exista obiceiul de a cnta psalmi chiar i atunci cnd
se mnca la mas. Este foarte probabil ca obiceiul ncetenit la agapele cretine
de dup serviciul religios s fi fost preluat de cretini i n viaa lor particular:
Dup cum este potrivit ca nainte de a mnca s binecuvntm pe Fctorul
tuturor lucrurilor, tot aa se cuvine s-I cntm psalmi i cnd bem, pentru c
ne mprtim din cele create de El. Psalmul este o binecuvntare armonioas
i neleapt. Apostolul a numit psalmul cntare duhovniceasc (Ef. 5, 19)
7
.
Acelai Clement i ndeamn pe cretini s nlocuiasc, n cadrul petrecerilor i
ospeelor lumeti, cntrile pgneti cu psalmi pentru a preamri n tot locul
pe Dumnezeu
8
.
n afara cultului i a rugciunilor particulare, psalmii au fost considerai
folositori i pentru formarea spiritual a credincioilor. Biserica a ncurajat
constant, pe lng folosirea acestora n rugciune, studiul i meditaia asupra lor.
Folosirea frecvent a textelor din psalmi a favorizat memorarea i asumare
acestora n vederea desvririi duhovniceti. n acest sens, Sfntul Vasile cel Mare
scrie: Psalmul este carte elementar de nvtur pentru cei ce intr n via,
cretere pentru cei ce nainteaz n vrst, ntrire pentru cei maturi.
9
. Nu
este de mirare deci c primii cretini ca i cei din secolele urmtoare aveau
Psaltirea nu numai n memorie, ci i pe buze, rostind-o nencetat n timpul
ocupaiilor zilnice. n acest context, Sfntul Ambrozie considera c este nefiresc i
necuviincios ca un cretin s lase s treac o zi fr s fi recitat din Psaltire:
Cci cine avnd simire omeneasc, nu se ruineaz a sfri ziua fr a cnta
psalmi, cnd i psrile cele mrunte i nsoesc nceputul zilelor i al nopilor
cu slvit nchinciune i dulce cntare.
10
, iar Sfntul Augustin vedea n rostirea
psalmilor de ctre martirii aflai n suferin modul cel mai potrivit prin care
acetia se ntreau sufletete
11
.

6
Eusebiu de Cezareea, 240.
7
Clement Alexandrinul, Pedagogul, n PSB 4, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1984), 255-6.
8
Idem, Stromatele, n PSB 5, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1982), 457.
9
Sf. Vasile cel Mare, Omilii la Psalmi, n PSB 17, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1986), 184.
10
Sf. Ambrozie al Milanului, Tlcuiri la Facere, vol. 1, ed. Andreea Stnciulescu (Galai: Egumenia,
2007), 224.
11
St. Augustin, The city of God, n The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, vol. 2, ed. Philip Schaff
(Oak Harbor: Logos Research Systems, 1997), 393.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

28
1. Prinii apostolici
Dac privim cu atenie scrierile prinilor apostolici putem observa cu
uurin c textul sfnt a devenit pentru ei o coordonat esenial a operelor lor.
Naturaleea cu care acetia au inserat n scrierile lor psalmi ntregi
12
, versete i
sintagme din Psaltire confirm cunoaterea amnunit a acestei cri
13
. Pe lng
acestea, Herma
14
, autorul primului tratat de moral din perioada patristic
Pstorul lui Herma (sec. al II-lea), ne face cunoscut faptul c n timpul meditaiei
sale obinuia s foloseasc versete din psalmi pentru a mulumi i a da slav lui
Dumnezeu pentru descoperirile de care se nvrednicise: Pe cnd edeam eu n
casa mea, slvind pe Domnul pentru toate cte am vzut i cugetam la porunci
c sunt bune, puternice, pline de veselie, slvite i n stare s mntuie sufletul
omului, ziceam n mine acestea: Fericit voi fi, dac voi umbla n poruncile acestea i
fericit va fi acela care va umbla n ele (Ps. 1, 1-2; 118, 1)
15
.
n cele mai multe situaii, prinii apostolici au folosit Psalmii pentru a
confirma veridicitatea profeiilor mesianice
16
i pentru a argumenta scripturistic
exprimrile lor dogmatice
17
i ndemnurile care privesc viaa moral a cretinilor.
n cazul acestora din urm, se poate sesiza tendina prinilor de a imita stilul pe
care Sfinii Apostoli l foloseau atunci cnd doreau s ndrepte neajunsurile morale

12
Clement Romanul, Epistola ctre Corinteni, n PSB 1, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1979),
56.
13
Textul pe care l vom expune va oferi cititorului posibilitatea de a se familiariza cu modalitatea
prin care acetia fac trimitere la textul sfnt: Iat, Dumnezeul puterilor (Ps. 58, 5; 79, 5, 8, 15,
20; 83, 8; 88, 9), Care a zidit lumea cu putere nevzut i cu pricepere adnc i mare, Care cu
cuvntul lui puternic a ntrit cerul (Ps. 32, 6) i a ntemeiat pmntul pe ape (Ps. 135, 6; 103,
6; 118, 90), Care cu nelepciunea i cu purtarea Sa de grij a ntemeiat Biserica Lui cea sfnt
i a binecuvntat-o, iat mut cerurile i munii (Ps. 45, 2) i dealurile i mrile i se fac acestea
netede pentru alei si.... Herma, Pstorul, n PSB 1, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO,
1979), 229-30. Vezi exemple similare n Clement Romanul, 54, 58.
14
Herma unul din scriitorii ncadrai n categoria prinilor apostolici. Datele biografice pe
care le avem despre el, provin din scrierea sa. Unii consider c Herma ar fi un om de vaz al
clerului roman, iar Canonul Muratori l identific cu fratele episcopului Romei, Pius I.
15
Herma, 276.
16
Vorbind despre cerbicia evreilor prin care acetia refuzau s vad n Iisus Hristos pe Mesia, Barnaba
afirm c David insuflat de Duhul Sfnt rostete o profeie pe prentmpina eventuala lor necredin:
Aadar, pentru c [iudeii] [n. n.] vor zice c Hristos este Fiu al lui David, David nsui temndu-se i
nelegnd rtcirea pctoilor, a profeit: Zis-a Domnul, Domnului meu: ezi de-a dreapta Mea
pn ce voi pune pe vrmaii Ti aternut picioarelor Tale (Ps. 109, 1)... Iat c David n numete
Domn i nu Fiu. Barnaba, Epistola, n PSB 1, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1979), 130.
17
n scrierile prinilor apostolici gsim puine exprimri de ordin dogmatic i prin urmare, dezvoltarea
i explicarea lor este destul de modest. Iat, cum consider Sfntul Clement Romanul c este
potrivit s scrie despre nviere: Mai putem socoti oare mare i minunat lucru dac Creatorul
lumii va nvia pe toi aceia care i-au slujit cu cuvioie n ncrederea bunei credine, cnd chiar
printr-o pasre [phoenix] [subl. ns.] ne arat mreia fgduinei Lui. C spune undeva Scriptura: i
m vei scula i m voi mrturisi ie (Pss. 27, 7; 87, 11) i: m-am culcat i am adormit, sculatu-m-am,
c Tu cu mine eti (Pss. 3, 5; 22, 4) Clement Romanul, 60.

29
din comunitile pe care le ntemeiau. Spre exemplu, n cuvintele pe care Sfntul
Policarp al Smirnei
18
le adreseaz Filipenilor se poate sesiza cu uurin maniera
paulin de exprimare: Sunt convins c voi cunoatei bine Sfintele Scripturi i c
nimic nu v este necunoscut; mie ns nu mi-i dat acest lucru. Spun att numai c
n aceste Scripturi se spune: Mniai-v i nu pctuii (Ps. 4, 4); i s nu apun
soarele peste mnia ta (Ef. 4, 26). Fericit este cel ce-i aduce aminte de aceste
cuvinte; i aceasta o cred despre voi
19
.
Prima tendin de interpretare a Crii Psalmilor n cadrul acestei categorii
de scrieri poate fi sesizat n Epistola atribuit lui Barnaba. Autorul face primii pai
n explicarea unor versete din psalmi folosind metoda alegoric de interpretare
care va caracteriza puin dup aceea abordarea exegetic alexandrin: i David a
primit gnoza celor trei nvturi [despre mncare, pe care Moise le privea n chip
spiritual] [subl. ns.] i griete la fel: Fericit brbatul, care n-a umblat n sfatul
necredincioilor, ca peti ce umbl pe ntuneric n adncuri; nici n calea pctoilor
nu a sttut, ca aceia care, ca porcul, par c se tem de Domnul, i nici n scaunul
ciumailor n-a ezut (Ps. 1, 1), ca psrile care sunt gata de prad. Avei, deci n
chip desvrit, i nvtura despre mncare
20
.

2. Apologeii cretini
Scrierile unor apologei cretini, printre care se cuvine s-l menionm n
primul rnd pe Sfntul Iustin Martirul i Filosoful
21
, reprezint etapa intermediar
ce a nlesnit trecerea de la folosirea psalmilor ca structuri complementare i
argumentative la analiza i interpretarea lor efectiv. Redm n vederea unei
exemplificri concrete cteva fraze din opera sfntului amintit mai sus: Voi
ndrznii s zicei c acest psalm (109) trebuie explicat, ca i cum ar fi fost zis
pentru regele Iezechia. Eu nu ignor aceasta, numai adaug: c voi rtcii i v voi
arta ndat din nsei aceste cuvinte: juratu-s-a Domnul i nu-i va prea ru,
precum i: Tu eti preot n veac, dup rnduiala lui Melchisedec, ca i cuvintele care
urmeaz i cele ce sunt mai naintea lor. Iar c Iezechia nici nu a fost preot i c
nici nu este preot venic al lui Dumnezeu, nici chiar voi nu ndrznii s spunei
contrariul. i c acestea s-au spus despre Hristosul nostru, nsei cuvintele o arat.
Urechile voastre, ns, s-au astupat i inimile voastre s-au nvrtoat. Cci prin

18
Sfntul Policarp al Smirnei (70-156) ucenic al Sfntului Apostol Ioan a fost supranumit
nvtorul Asiei i printele cretinilor. Pe plan eclezial este cunoscut pentru dialogul pe care
l-a avut cu papa Anicet despre data serbrii Patilor.
19
Sf. Policarp al Smirnei, Scrisoarea ctre Filipeni, n PSB 1, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO,
1979), 231.
20
Barnaba, 127. Vezi i textul de la pp. 132-3.
21
Sfntul Iustin este primul dintre scriitorii bisericeti care realizeaz un comentariu efectiv la un
psalm (21) n cadrul dialogului pe care l are cu un iudeu. Sf. Iustin Martirul i Filosoful, Dialogul
cu iudeul Tryfon, n PSB 2, ed. Olimp Cciul, (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1980), 209-18.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

30
cuvintele: Juratu-S-a Domnul i nu Se va ci i Tu eti preot n veac, dup rnduiala
lui Melchisedec, Dumnezeu L-a artat cu jurmnt arhiereu dup rnduiala lui
Melchisedec, din cauza necredinei voastre; cu alte cuvinte dup cum s-a scris de
Moise c Melchisedec a fost preot al Celui Prea nalt i acesta era preot al celor ce
se gseau n necircumciziune i a binecuvntat pe Avraam, cel din circumciziune,
care i-a oferit lui zeciuial tot asemenea Dumnezeu a artat c preotul Lui cel
venic, care a fost numit i Domn

de ctre Duhul Sfnt, este al celor din necircum-
ciziune. i c pe cei din circumciziune, care vin la El, adic pe cei care cred n El i
cer binecuvntrile de la El, i primete i pe acetia i-i binecuvnteaz
22
. Fcnd
abstracie de caracterul polemic al acestei expuneri, putem sesiza modalitatea prin
care Sfntul Iustin
23
, mbinnd textul psalmic cu evenimente i persoane descrise
n Cartea Facerii, IV Regi i Isaia, demonstreaz veridicitatea interpretrii sale,
aplicnd cteva reguli de baz ale hermeneuticii biblice care vor fi teoretizate
ceva mai trziu.
Pe lng acest model de analiz a psalmilor Sfntul Iustin mai folosete ca
metod de interpretare i alegoria atunci cnd ncearc s explice anumite pasaje
din psalmii. Dar s-a ntmplat, cum a fost i cazul multor alegoriti, ca speculaia
lui s fie exagerat. S vedem n acest sens un exemplu: Cuvintele acestea prezic
de asemenea c El avea s moar rstignit. Mntuiete-m din gura leilor i din
coarnele rinocerilor umilina mea (Ps. 21, 22), las s se neleag ptimirea prin
care avea s moar, adic cum c avea s fie rstignit. Astfel, dup cum am explicat
mai nainte coarnele rinocerilor sunt numai o figur a crucii...
24
.
Cu toate c Sfntul Iustin a contribuit real la mbuntirea metodei
de interpretare a psalmilor, majoritatea apologeilor cretini rmn n cadrele
deja stabilite de prinii apostolici, aducnd doar uneori elemente noi de analiz
psalmic. Prin urmare, Teofil al Antiohiei
25
se dovedete a fi doar un bun cunosctor
al textelor psalmice cnd l descrie pe Dumnezeu prin cteva citate preluate aproape
exclusiv din Cartea Psalmilor: Acesta este Dumnezeul meu, Stpnul universului,
Cel ce singur a ntins cerul (Ps. 103, 3) i a rnduit limea pmntului sub cer (Iov
38, 18); Cel ce tulbur adncul mrii i face s rsune valurile ei (Ps. 64, 7); Cel ce
stpnete puterea mrii i potolete frmntarea valurilor ei (Ps. 88, 10); Cel ce a
ntemeiat pmntul pe ape (Ps. 23, 2; 103, 6)

i i-a dat duh ca s-l hrneasc, a
Crui suflare d via universului; c dac-i va opri Duhul Su, universul va pieri

(Iov 34, 14-15)
26
.

22
Sf. Iustin Martirul i Filosoful, 127.
23
Sf. Iustin Martirul i Filosoful (100?-165/166) apologet cretin provenit, probabil, dintr-o familie
de origine latin din Flavia-Neapolis. Dorind s demonstreze c cretinismul este adevrata filosofie,
Sfntul Iustin scrie dou apologii i un dialog celebru cu un iudeu: Dialogul cu iudeul Tryfon.
24
Sf. Iustin Martirul i Filosoful, 126.
25
Sf. Teofil al Antiohiei (sec. II) episcop originar din prile Tigrului i Eufratului. Dei s-au
pstrat pn astzi doar cele Trei cri ctre Autolic, Eusebiu de Cezareea i Sfntul Ieronim ne
informeaz c acesta a mai scris i alte opere.
26
Sf. Teofil al Antiohiei, Trei cri ctre Autolic, n PSB 2, ed. Olimp Cciul (Bucureti: EIBMO,
1980), 286.

31
Vorbind despre pocin, Tertulian
27
considera c este potrivit s foloseasc
o exprimare metaforic din psalmi pentru a-l asemna pe omul care a ajuns s se
bucure de roadele ei cu un pom rsdit lng ap: Aceasta [pocina] [subls. ns.]
te va ridica pe tine cel cufundat n valurile pcatelor i te va aduce n portul iertrii
divine. Profit de ocazia fericirii nebnuite, cci tu, care nu eti n faa lui Dumnezeu
dect o pictur mic dintr-un vas, un grunte de pulbere dintr-o arie, o ulcic n
mina olarului (Is. 40, 15), poi deveni acel arbore care se planteaz la marginea
apelor i, cu frunze nevetejite, rodete la vremea sa (Ps. 1, 3), care nu va vedea nici
focul, nici securea (Mt. 3, 10)
28
.
Cu toate c se numra printre apologeii care promoveaz interpretarea
alegoric a textelor biblice, Sfntul Ciprian al Cartaginei
29
folosete aceast metod
destul de rar cnd analizeaz psalmi mesianici. Unul din puinele exemple este
acesta: Hristos este soarele cel adevrat i ziua cea adevrat, n faa cruia soarele
i zilele lumii acesteia se vor retrage. Iar cnd ne rugm i cerem ca asupra noastr
s vin iari lumina, atunci implorm venirea lui Hristos, care va aduce harul luminii
venice. Sfntul Duh numete pe Hristos zi n psalmi: Piatra pe care n-au luat-o
lucrtorii n seam zice El a ajuns n capul unghiului. Acest fapt s-a svrit de
Domnul i minunat este n ochii notri. Aceasta este ziua pe care a fcut-o Domnul: s
ne bucurm i s ne veselim ntru dnsa (Ps. 117, 22-24)
30
.

3. Reprezentanii colii din Alexandria
Folosind metoda de interpretare alegoric prin reprezentaii ei de seam,
reprezentanii colii din Alexandria
31
a realizat primele comentarii exegetice
ale Psaltirii. Se presupune c primul dintre ele a fost scris, potrivit lui Eusebiu de
Cezareea
32
, de ntemeietorul colii, Panten
33
, dar informaia istoricului este destul
de neclar.

27
Tertulian (160-240/250?) apologet cretin nscut n familia unui centurion roman, n Cartagina.
Dup convertirea sa la cretinism ajunge s mbrieze nvtura montanist i s i creeze
spre sfritul vieii propria lui sect.
28
Tertulian, Despre pocin, n PSB 3, ed. Nicolae Chiescu et al. (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 211.
29
Sf. Ciprian al Cartaginei (200-258) de numele su se leag disputele care priveau pe lapsi, adic
aceia care se lepdau de credin n timpul persecuiilor i doreau s revin ulterior n cretinism.
30
Sf. Ciprian al Cartaginei, Despre rugciunea domneasc, n PSB 3, ed. Nicolae Chiescu et al.
(Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 485.
31
coala din Alexandria a fost o creaie a cretinismului alexandrin i a mediului intelectual
din marea capitala a Egiptului elenistic. Aceasta este prima coala cretin n sensul strict tehnic i
tiinific al cuvntului, un institut propriu-zis de nvmnt, cu constituie organic i cu program
precis de studii. Activitatea ei a luat sfrit n timpul lui Rodon (395) care o transfer la Side n
Pamfilia. n timpul lui Origen, programa de nvmnt era orientat spre dou cicluri distincte:
ciclul profan care cuprindea dialectica, tiinele naturii i etica i ciclul cretin orientat spre exegeza
biblic i filosofia cretin. Metodele consacrate de interpretare a Sfintei Scripturi la aceast
coal erau cea alegoric i cea mistic.
32
Eusebiu de Cezareea, 200.
33
Panten ( 200) dasclul lui Clement Alexandrinul, s-a nscut n Sicilia i a fcut parte din
categoria filosofilor stoici. Dup convertire ntreprinde cteva cltorii misionare i ajunge n
prile Indiei i a Arabiei de Sud.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

32
Acestuia i-a urmat Origen
34
care folosind ndeosebi metoda alegoric
35

a alctuit un comentariu extins la Psalmi, din care se mai pstreaz azi doar
cteva fragmente. Din pcate, multe din interpretrile sale care fac trimitere la
evenimentele i personaje veterotestamentare sunt exagerate. Totui, este notabil
capacitatea renumitului exeget de a realiza prin raportri directe la textele psalmice,
conexiuni ntre cele dou Testamente care strnesc admiraia: A murmurat deci
Aaron, preotul iudeilor, murmur i Miriam i sinagoga lor [mpotriva Semforei,
soia lui Moise] [subl. ns.]. Moise nu-i aduce aminte de murmurul lor, el i iubete
etiopian sa, despre care se zice de ctre profet: Din insulele cele mai ndeprtate
aduce daruri (Ps. 71, 10) i nc: Etiopia va ntinde mai nainte la Dumnezeu mna
ei (Ps. 67, 32). E frumos zis: va ntinde mai nainte. n Evanghelie aceast femeie,
care avea o curgere de snge, ntrece n vindecare pe fiica mai marelui sinagogii
(Mt. 9, 18). n felul acesta Etiopia este vindecat, ct vreme Israel este nc bolnav:
Prin cderea lui, neamurilor le-a venit mntuirea, ca Israel s rvneasc la ele
(Rm.11, 12).
36

Alte comentarii scrise sub influena colii alexandrine au fost alctuite de
Eusebiu de Cezareea
37
, Sfntul Athanasie cel Mare
38
, Didim cel Orb
39
, Sfntul Isihie
al Ierusalimului
40
i de Sfntul Chiril al Alexandriei
41
.

34
Origen (185-253) se nate ntr-o familie cretin de neam egiptean. La 18 ani este numit, datorit
calitilor sale, conductor al colii din Alexandria de ctre episcopul Demetru. Moare n urma
chinurilor ndurate n detenia avut sub mpratul Deciu. Fragmente din comentariul su la
Psalmi se pstreaz n PG 12, 1053-1686; 17, 105-150.
35
Pe lng alegorie, Origen folosete uneori n comentariile sale sensul figurat i simbolic al unor
noiuni: Presupunem deci, c acum, n chip figurat, toi oamenii pot s conin vin. Eu i numesc
ulcioare i zic c cel ru este plin cu vin din via Sodomei, plin cu vin egiptean, plin cu vinul vrjmailor
lui Israel. Iar omul nevinovat i naintat n virtute este plin cu vin din via Sorec [o vale fertil] [n. n.],
vin despre care s-a scris: Paharul tu este adpndu-m, ca un puternic (Ps. 22, 6), i iari, omul
nevinovat este plin cu vinul pe care l-a amestecat nelepciunea. Aa putem presupune c se
umplu cu vin ulcioarele, cnd este vorba de virtute i pcat.. Origen, Din lucrrile exegetice la
Vechiul Testament, n PSB 6, ed. Teodor Bodogae et al. (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 400-401.
36
Origen, 318.
37
Eusebiu de Cezareea (265-340) episcopul i istoricul de curte al mpratului Constantin
cel Mare. n controversa Sinodului I Ecumenic l regsim ca partizat al unui arianism moderat.
Comentariul su la Psalmi se pstreaz n PG 23, 66-1396; 24, 9-76.
38
Sf. Atanasie cel Mare (295-373) episcop al Alexandriei. n calitate de diacon al episcopului
Alexandriei a jucat un rol decisiv n combaterea arianismului la Sinodul de la Niceea. A fost unul
dintre primii episcopi nemartiri care a avut un cult public. Comentariul su la psalmi se gsete n
PG 27, 60-545, 548-589.
39
Didim cel Orb (313/314-395) ultimul conductor al colii catehetice din Alexandria. Dei a
fost orb de la vrsta de 4 ani, Didim a reuit s acumuleze o vast cultur teologico-filosofic.
Explicaiile sale fcute pe marginea Psaltirii se gsesc n PG 33, col. 1155-1622.
40
Sf. Isihie al Ierusalimului, Expositio In Psalmos, n PG 27, 849-1344; 93, 1179-1340.
41
Sf. Chiril (370-444) a avut o contribuie esenial n condamnarea nestorianismului, fiind pentru
aceast erezie ceea ce fusese Sf. Atanasie pentru arianism. Dintre operele sale mai importante
amintim nchinarea n duh i adevr, celebrele Anatematisme i Comentariul la Psalmi (PG 69,
767-1274).

33
Sfntul Atanasie cel Mare, consider c n Psaltire omul se poate regsi
pe sine nsui cu uurin, deoarece aceast carte cuprinde n sine zugrvite
toate simmintele oricrui suflet omenesc, schimbrile i nnoirile lui, aa c dac
cineva voiete, poate s-i ia i s-i nsueasc zugrvirea care i se potrivete [...]
pentru c Psaltirea este o icoan a vieii sufletelor, fiecare putnd s afle n
ea micrile i simmintele lui nsui
42
. Tot el subliniaz c nicio alt scriere
scripturistic nu este asumat de sufletul omului cu atta naturalee ca Psaltirea.
Nimeni nu folosete cuvintele patriarhilor ca i cum ar fi ale lor nii i nici nu se
adreseaz Domnului aa cum a fcut-o Moise sau ali profei. ns cnd este vorba
de psalmi, cititorul i-a toate rostirile (exceptnd pe cele privitoare la Hristos i la
neamuri) pe buzele sale ca i cum ar fi ale lui i fiecare cnt psalmii ca i cum
acetia ar fi fost scrii pentru uzul su personal i i ia, i recit [...] ca i cum ar
vorbi el i ofer aceste cuvinte Domnului ca din adncul inimii sale
43
.
n epistola sa privitoare la interpretarea psalmilor adresat episcopului
Marcellin, Sfntul Atanasie cel Mare alexandrin evideniaz efectul terapeutic
pe care cntarea armonioas a psalmilor l are, att asupra celui ce interpreteaz
imnul, ct i asupra celui care ascult. Pentru a-i argumenta afirmaiile acesta
descrie nti de toate maniera inedit prin care interpretul psalmului dobndete
n timpul cntrii linite sufleteasc
44
, iar apoi, pentru cel de-al doilea caz, Sfntul
Atanasie l ofer ca exemplu pe regele Saul care i potolea tulburarea interioar
pricinuit de un demon prin ascultarea cntecelor interpretare de tnrul David
la harf (1 Rg. 16, 23).
Revenind la aspectele ce in de interpretare pe care reprezentanii acestei
coli o confer textelor psalmice, se cuvine s menionm faptul c n cazul
Sfntului Chiril avem de-a face cu o exegez destul de echilibrat. Dei face parte
din categoria mai sus amintit, acest Sfnt Printe i fundamenteaz de fiecare dat
scripturistic afirmaiile i ine cont de amnuntele gramaticale pe care le conine
textul sfnt. n vederea unei exemplificri am ales un fragment din comentariul
su la Psalmul 50: Ca s fii ndreptit ntru cuvintele Tale i s biruieti cnd vei
judeca Tu (v. 5). Eu, zice [David] [subl. ns.], m-am fcut pricin a pcatelor mele,
dar dreptatea Ta lumineaz i prin aceasta. Cci fcndu-se judecat i artndu-se
faptele Tale fa de mine i ndrznelile mele opuse acelora, Tu Te vei arta drept,
iar eu m voi arta ca cel fr de lege i nemulumitor. Cuvntul ca nu arat deci
aici cauza [pcatului] [subl. tr.]. Cci n-a pctuit David ca s se ndrepteasc
Dumnezeu, ci, dimpotriv, dreptatea lui Dumnezeu se arat i prin pcatul aceluia.
Cci Dumnezeu se ngrijete de toi oamenii
45
.

42
St. Athanasius the Great, The Life Of Antony And The Letter To Marcellinus, ed. Robert C. Gregg (New
York: Paulist Press, 1980), 109.
43
St. Athanasius the Great, 111.
44
Cntarea psalmilor impune concentrarea ntregii fiine umane asupra acestora, nct, n timpul
interpretrii, lipsa de armonie din minte i nelinitile trupeti care i corespund se potolesc, la fel cum
notele cntate la un flaut sunt aduse prin armonie la un singur efect. St. Athanasius the Great, 124.
45
Sf. Chiril al Alexandriei, Tlcuirea psalmilor, ed. Dumitru Stniloae MO 1 (1991): 55.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

34
4. Reprezentanii colii din Antiohia
coala din Antiohia
46
care promova interpretarea literal a Scripturii s-a
bucurat i ea de muli adepi. Ca urmare a acestui fapt, cele mai multe comentarii la
Psalmi s-au scris folosindu-se aceast metod. Dintre acetia amintim pe Apolinarie
din Laodiceea
47
, Diodor din Tars
48
, Teodor de Mopsuestia
49
i Teodoret de Cir
50
.
Considerm c este reprezentativ, pentru a exemplifica maniera antiohian
de exegez, s expunem un fragment din comentariul episcopului de Cir la versetul
5 din primul psalm
51
: Preasfntul Duh le povestete pe toate cu mult descoperire,
c n-a zis: Nu vor nvia necredincioii
52
, ci: la judecat nu vor nvia, n loc de: Nu vor
nvia spre judecat, ci spre osnd. Aceia nu au trebuin de mustrri, avnd artat
pgntatea, ci primesc pedeapsa singur. Precum pe ucigaii de oameni prini
ntru nsui lucrul uciderii, judectorul nu i bag n judectorie ca s-i mustre,
ci ca s scoat asupra lor hotrrea hotrt de legi, aa i cei ce au trit ntru
pgntate ptimesc munca ndat dup nviere, neadunndu-se la judecat, ci
primind hotrrea pedepsei. nc i cei izbvii de dogmele pgneti, dar care
au vieuit via nelegiuit, se vor aeza undeva departe de adunarea drepilor.
Pentru c acest nume, adic sfat, Achila i Teodotion l-au tlmcit adunare, iar
Simmah strngere
53
.

46
coala din Antiohia i-a fiin n jurul anului 260 la iniiativa episcopului Lucian de Antiohia i
ajunge la apogeu n perioada 360-430 dup care decade. Exegez pe care o propunea sistemul
antohian era una tiinific, bazat pe cercetarea riguroas a textelor scripturistice i pe interpretarea
lor istorico-gramatical. Meritul cel mai de seama al acestei coli a fost elaborarea unei exegeze
raionale. Moralismul i folosirea filosofiei aristotelice au fost dou din principalele tendinele
utilizate de reprezentanii colii.
47
Apolinarie de Laodiceea ( 390) este autorul primei mari erezii hristologice. El afirma c
Hristos este deosebit radical de noi fiindc nu are suflet uman. Explicaiile sale la Psalmi se
pstreaz n PG 32, 1313-1537.
48
Diodor de Tars (330-392) dascl al Sfntului Ioan Gur de Aur i Teodor de Mopsuestia. Datorit
doctrinei sale hristologice eronate a fost considerat de Sfntul Chiril al Alexandrei drept prin autor al
nestorianismului. Fragmente din comentariu su la Cartea Psalmilor se afl n PG 33, 1587-1628.
49
Teodor de Mopsuestia (350-428) episcop i prieten apropiat al Sfntului Ioan Gur de Aur. Dei a
luptat mpotriva multor erezii, Teodor este considerat potrivit operei i afirmaiilor sale promotorul
nestorianismului. Scurte pri din comentariul su la Psalmi se gsesc n PG 66, 641-696.
50
Teodoret de Cir (392-457) ucenic al lui Teodor de Mopsuestia. Fiind un susintor al ideilor
nestoriene, Teodoret a fost condamnat la Sinodul V Ecumenic de la Constantinopol cu toate c
fusese reabilitat i considerat nvtor ortodox dup ce a anatematizat pe Nestorie la Sinodul IV
Ecumenic de la Calcedon. Interpretarea sa integral a Psaltirii se pstreaz n PG 80, 857-1997.
51
De aceea nu se vor ridica necredincioii la judecat, nici pctoii n sfatul drepilor.
52
Teodoret prefer s fac n comentariul su la acest verset o trimitere la nvtura anastasic. Din
acest motiv el traduce verbul cu termenul a nvia.
53
Teodoret de Cir, Tlcuire a celor o sut cincizeci de psalmi ai proorocului mprat David, ed. Iosif al
Argeului i fratele Florin (Petru Vod: Sf. Mnstire Sfinii Arhangheli, 2003), 7.

35
Spre deosebire de ceilali exegei, Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur
54
a dezvoltat o
metod proprie de exegez care viza caracterul moralizator al textului sfnt. Acesta
pornea de la textul Septuagintei (pe care l analiza cu atenie) i cuta noiuni
relevante pentru viaa duhovniceasc. S-ar putea spune c Sfntul Ioan propunea
prin omiliile sale exegetice o adevrat meditaie duhovniceasc asupra textului
biblic. Iat, cum tlcuiete versetul Cnd Te-am chemat, m-ai auzit, Dumnezeul
dreptii mele (Ps. 4, 1): Proorocul a spus acestea nu pentru ca noi doar s
nelegem c a fost ascultat, ci ca s nvm cum putem i noi nine s fim auzii
degrab cnd l chemm pe Dumnezeu i s primim cele cerute chiar nainte de
sfritul rugciunii. Cci nu a spus: dup ce te-am chemat m-ai auzit, ci cnd te-am
chemat, m-ai auzit. O asemenea promisiune aparine lui Dumnezeu nsui care spune
ctre cel pe care l-a ascultat nc grind tu, i voi zice: Iat sunt de fa (Is. 58, 9).
Pe Dumnezeu nu-L convinge mulimea de vorbe, ci sufletul curat i artarea faptei
celei bune
55
.
Apreciind dup cuviin importana textelor, Sfntul Ioan interpreteaz
uneori strict literal Psaltirea, innd seam de regulile gramaticale, de nsemnarea
cuvintelor, de valoarea particulelor de legtur i de semnele de punctuaie.
Alteori, trecnd cu uurin peste rigorile antiohiene de interpretare, evideniaz
sensul anagogic al textului sfnt. Acesta nu suprim sensul istorico-literal, ci l
nsoete i l ntregete prin adugirea unei idei mai nalte, care rezult din
reflexia interpretului asupra evenimentelor viitoare sau din consideraii de ordin
moral. Dup ce comenteaz literal primul verset din Psalmul 147
56
, dumnezeiescul
Gur de Aur adaug: Referitor la text sunt de ajuns cele spuse; iar dac cineva
dorete s neleag psalmul n mod anagogic, nu refuzm s mergem i pe aceast
cale, nevtmnd istoria Doamne ferete , ci mpreun cu aceea, adugm i
acestea pentru cei mai srguincioi, dup putin. Proslvete pe Domnul, Ierusalime,
laud pe Dumnezeul tu, Sioane! Pavel nelege Ierusalimul de sus, despre care
zice: Iar Ierusalimul de sus este liber i este mama noastr, dup cum i prin Sion
nelege Biserica, zicnd: Voi nu v-ai apropiat nici de muntele ce putea fi pipit,
nici de focul care arde cu flacr, nici de nor, nici de bezn, nici de vijelie, ci v-ai
apropiat de cetatea Sionului i de Biserica celor dinti nscui, care sunt scrii n
ceruri. Este cu putin deci s explicm n mod anagogic i acestea [referitor la
Biseric] [subl. tr.]: Proslvete pe Domnul Ierusalime, laud pe Dumnezeul tu
Sioane, cci El a ntrit zvoarele porilor tale i a binecuvntat n tine pe feciorii ti.
Cci a zidit-o pe aceasta mai puternic dect Ierusalimul, nu cu zvoare i cu pori,

54
Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur (354-407) patriarh al Constantinopolului. Figur emblematic a colii
antiohiene, Sfntul Ioan s-a remarcat prin viaa sa ascetico-moral i prin omiliile sale exegetice.
Comentariile sale la Psalmi se gsesc n PG 55, 39-498.
55
Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur, Tlcuiri la Psalmi. Psalmul 4, ed. Alexandru Mihil i Sabin Preda, ST 1
(2008): 159-160.
56
Laud, Ierusalime, pe Domnul, laud pe Dumnezeul tu, Sioane.
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36
ci nconjurnd-o cu crucea i cu hotrrea puterii Lui, prin care a ntins curtea ei
n toat lumea, zicnd c porile iadului nu o vor sfrma
57
.
Interpretnd acest verset n mod anagogic, observm c Sfntul Ioan nu
descoper n textul istoric o idee nou, cu totul neateptat, un alt adevr dect cel
care rezult din explicarea gramatical, ci mai mult extinde ideea existent i
asupra altor lucruri mai nalte.

5. Reprezentanii colii din Capadocia
Subliniind aspectul mistico-moral al Psalmilor, reprezentanii colii din
Cezareea Capadociei
58
a ncercat s menin un echilibru ntre cele dou metode
deja consacrate de interpretare. Sfntul Vasile cel Mare
59
, cel mai emblematic
personalitate a acestei coli, a ncercat s identifice pe lng nelesul istoric al unui
text scripturistic i un sens tainic pe care s l aplice realitilor spirituale. Aa se
explic faptul c dup fixarea sensului gramatical, la anumite texte scripturistice,
Sfntul Vasile vorbete de un al doilea sens, de o a doua interpretare ce se refer la
Hristos, Biseric sau evenimente din istoria Noului Testament. Prin aceast atitudine,
ierarhul capadocian a evitat exagerrile celor dou coli exegetice, oferind textului biblic
valoarea lui plenar. Evideniind sensul tipic al Scripturii, el nu a anulat dimensiunea
literal a textului, ci a subliniat valena spiritual pe care acesta o are n sine
60
.
Analiznd primul verset al Psalmului 44
61
ierarhul a accentuat elementele
care sunt n mod real tipologiile menionnd comentariile eronate pe care unii,
din prea mult zel, le-au atribuit i altor cuvinte din psalmi
62
: Unii au socotit c aceste
cuvinte au fost spuse din partea Tatlui despre Cuvntul, Care a fost dintru nceput
la El, pe Care, spun aceia, L-a scos ca din inim i din cele dinuntru ale Lui; dintr-
o inim bun, spun ei, a ieit Cuvnt bun. Dup cum socot eu, cuvintele acestea se
refer la o persoan profetic. ntr-adevr, cuvintele care urmeaz nu ne arat c
interpretarea se refer la Tatl, c Tatl n-ar fi spus despre limba Lui: Limba mea

57
Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur, Omilii la Psalmi, ed. Laura Enache (Iai: Doxologia, 2011), 716-717.
58
coala din Cezareea a fost ntemeiat n jurul anului 231 prin venirea lui Origen n Capadocia.
Aceasta instituie fcea parte din curentul neo-alexandrin care depise n mare parte erorile
dogmatice i de interpretare ale lui Origen. Promovnd speculaia dogmatic, reprezentaii ei
de seam s-au dovedit a fi cei mai buni aprtori ai nvturii trinitare. Sub influena criticii
antiohiene, acetia nu mai folosesc att de mult metoda alegoric, iar n discuiile lor dogmatico-
polemice au nceput s se foloseasc de metoda istorico-gramatical.
59
Sf. Vasile cel Mare (330-379) episcop n Cezareea Capadociei i iniiator al micrii sociale
numit vasiliada. Organizeaz monahismul obtesc prin celebrele sale Reguli monahale mari i
mici. Dintre tratatele sale exegetice remarcm operele Hexaemeronul i Tlcuirea duhovniceasc la
Psalmi (PG 29, 209-424).
60
Vezi amnunte n Mircea Basarab, Sfnta Scriptur i interpretarea ei n concepia Sf. Vasile cel
Mare, MB 4-6 (1979).
61
Scos-a inima mea cuvnt bun; gri-voi cntarea mea mpratului.
62
Forarea textului n vederea identitii perfecte a tipului cu antitipul (metod utilizat de adepii
alegorismului excesiv) este sancionat de Sfntul Vasile.

37
este trestie de scriitor, ce scrie degrab [...] i n-a spus: Te-am uns Eu, Dumnezeul, ci:
Te-a uns, nct din aceasta se vede c este vorba de o alt persoan. i care persoan
poate fi dect profetul, care a primit lucrarea care era n el, a Sfntului Duh?
63

Sfntul Printe i argumenteaz afirmaiile ntr-un mod evident. Plecnd
de la elementele gramaticale ce indicau dou persoane diferite, Sfntul Vasile cel
Mare demonstreaz c acela care rostete cuvintele introductive nu poate fi altcineva
dect autorul inspirat, adic psalmistul David care purtat fiind de Duhul vestete
n chip profetic adevruri privitoare la Hristos. Prin urmare, el conchide afirmnd:
Cuvintele care urmeaz n psalm, mi se pare c trebuie s le lum ca nceput propriu;
s nu le legm cu cuvintele de mai nainte, ci s le unim cu cele ce urmeaz
64
.
Considerm c este potrivit s l menionm n aceast categorie i pe
Sfntul Grigorie de Nyssa
65
, fratele dup trup al Marelui Vasile, cu toate c n
scrierile sale se observ un interes vdit pentru metoda alegoric de interpretare.
ncercrile de realizare a unei exegeze echilibrate de ctre prinii capadocieni nu
a exclus preferina acestora fa de una din cele dou tendine amintite mai sus.
n comentariul su la titlurile psalmilor, Sfntul Grigorie remarc adeseori
faptul c armonia i bucuria pe care cntarea psalmilor o produce n sufletele
credincioilor determin asumarea cu mare uurin a nvturilor dogmatice.
Abordnd aceast chestiune, autorul construiete la un moment dat demersul su
argumentativ pornind de la armonia care exist n cosmos. n opinia sfntului
Universul este marcat de o ordine impresionant, iar legile lui sunt asemntoare
cu cele ale armoniei muzicale fiindc acesta se armonizeaz cu sine nsui ntr-o
succesiune i ntr-un ritm constant cu toate c este alctuit din elemente diferite.
Dei se observ o mare deosebire ntre lucrurile existente, toate consun ntre ele
fr a iei vreodat din aceast simfonie. Prin urmare, ceea ce exist n macrocosmos
exist n microcosmos, adic n om. Deci, fiindc tot ce este conform cu natura,
este ntregit de natur, iar muzica este conform cu natura noastr, marele David
a amestecat cntarea cu filosofia despre virtute, revrsnd peste nvturile cele
mai nalte un fel de dulcea de miere. Prin aceasta, firea se reconsider pe sine i
se vindec, iar vindecarea firii este buna rnduire a vieii, spre care mi se pare c
ne povuiete cntarea, prin cuvinte nelmurite.
66

Dintre reprezentanii colii mai amintim pe Asteriu de Cezareea numit i
Arianul
67
, iar ceva mai trziu pe Eustaiu al Tesalonicului (sec. XII)
68
i pe Euthimie

63
Sf. Vasile cel Mare, 286-287.
64
Sf. Vasile cel Mare, 288.
65
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa (335-395/400) mitropolit de Sevasta i frate al Sf. Vasile cel Mare. n
urma morii soiei sale se retrage la ndemnul fratelui su n mnstirea din Pont. Comentariul
su la titlurile Psalmilor se pstreaz n PG 44, 431-608.
66
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, La titlurile Psalmilor, n PSB 30, ed. Teodor Bodogae (Bucureti: EIBMO,
1998), 141.
67
Asteriu de Cezareea (sec. IV) episcop de Amasia care s-a remarcat, n ciuda stoicismului i
cinismului pe care le mprtea, prin caracterul moralizator al scrierilor sale. Omiliile lui la
Cartea Psalmilor se gsesc n PG 40, 389-478.
68
Eustaiu al Tesalonicului, Explications sur le Psautir, n PG 142, 1197-1272.
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38
Zigabenul (1118)
69
. Compilaia cuviosului Euthimie a fost asumat i promovat
n Biserica de Rsrit datorit Sfntului Nicodim Aghioritul care a continuat munca
acestuia menionnd poziiile altor prini i scriitori bisericeti fa de textul
Psaltirii
70
.

6. Reprezentanii colii Apusene
n Biserica de Apus metoda alegoric de interpretare a Psaltirii a fost
predominant. Aceasta s-a datorat influenei semnificative a Sfntului Ambrozie
71

i Sfntului Augustin
72
, cu toate c Iuniliu
73
i Cassiodor
74
au ncercat s modifice
aceast tendin promovnd modul antiohian de interpretare. Se cuvine s
menionm c un rol de intermediere ntre cele dou coli (Alexandria i Antiohia)
a fost asumat de Sfntul Ieronim
75
care a militat pentru o expunere istoric i
gramatical cu toate c din scrierile sale reiese c a inclinat mai mult spre metoda
alegoric.
Dintre aceti exegei, Ambrozie, care poate fi considerat printele apusean
al interpretrii Psaltirii, a fost singurul care a alctuit un comentariu original i
independent n spirit latin folosind metoda alegoric. Prezentm un fragment n
vederea unei exemplificri concrete: Mai vrtos m spal de frdelegea mea i de
pcatul meu m curete (Ps. 50, 3). David nu cere s fie splat deseori, ct mai
ales s fie splat deplin, pentru ca s poat fi tears necuria care s-a adunat. El
tie c dup Lege, existau n mod sigur mijloace eficace de a se curai, dar ele
nu erau nici depline, nici desvrite. Prin urmare, ctre acel mijloc desvrit de
curire tinde i David din toat puterea lui, grbindu-se ctre mijlocul mulumit
cruia, se mplinete toat dreptatea; ctre taina Botezului precum o nva nsui

69
Euthimie Zigabenul, Expositio In Psalmos, n PG 129, 41-1326.
70
Eftimie Zigabenul i Nicodim Aghioritul, Psaltirea n tlcuirile Sfinilor Prini, 2 vol., ed. tefan
Voronca (Galai: Egumenia, 2006).
71
Sf. Ambrozie ( 397) prefect i episcop al oraului Mediolanum (ales mpotriva voinei sale
de popor). Din scrierile sale pe Psalmi s-au pstrat urmtoarele: Apologia Altera Prophetae
David, n PL 14, 887A-916C; Apologia Prophetae David Ad Teodosium Augustus, n PL 14,
851B-884B; Enarrationem In XII Psalmos Davidicos, n PL 14, 921A-1160D; In Psalmul
David CXVIII. Expositio, n PL 15, 1197-1526A.
72
Sf. Augustin (354-430) episcop n Hippo-Regius i scriitorul cel mai prolific al Bisericii Apusene.
Opera sa (93 de lucrri n 232 de cri, afar de scrisori i predici) nu este depit cantitativ dect
de cea a lui Origen. Omiliile lui la Cartea Psalmilor se gsesc n PL 36, 67-1027; 37, 1033-1967.
73
Iuniliu ( 552) episcop african. Influenat de metoda exegetic a colii din Nisibi a scris o
carte Instituta regularia divin legis care nu este altceva dect un studiu de isagogie biblic n
sensul modern al expresiei.
74
Cassiodor (490-583) scriitor roman, om politic i clugr. A realizat n urma unei munci de
civa ani un comentariu amplu la Cartea Psalmilor (PL 70, 25-1056C).
75
Sf. Ieronim (340/350-419) apusean de origine ajunge s ntemeieze o mnstire lang Betleem.
De numele su se leag revizuirea Italei i apariia Vulgatei. Breviarum-ul su la Psalmi se pstreaz
n PL 26, 821-1270.

39
Domnul Iisus... Cnd, prin urmare, sunt numeroase murdriile i pcatele, nu o
baie grbit, ci numai o baie repetat e cea care le cur. Dac cineva voiete s
neleag altfel textul, iat cum s-ar putea forma exegeza: cuvntul divin cur,
mrturisirea noastr purific prima dat cnd l asculi, a doua oar (mrturisirea)
cnd o afirmi. Un gnd bun cur, o fapt bun cur i ea, dar tot aa i practicarea
unei purtri bune. Curit prin toate acestea, fiecare are mai mult uurin pentru
a se mbiba cu splendorile harului duhovnicesc i dac s-ar putea spune aa, s
pun stpnire deplin pe el i s i-l nsueasc.
76

Cu toate acestea comentariul integral la Cartea Psalmilor al Sfntului
Augustin este cel mai reprezentativ pentru Biserica Apusean fiindc n scrierea
sa se pot distinge patru moduri de analiz exegetic: istoric, analogic, tipologic i
alegoric. Menionm n acest sens cteva fragmente din comentariul su la Psalmul
90: ...A spus acestea (Cu spatele te va umbri pe tine i sub aripile Lui vei ndjdui; ca o
arm te va nconjura adevrul Lui v. 4) ca nu cumva s ii imaginezi c protecia
ta este de la tine i c te poi apra singur. El te va apra Expresia in scapulis suis
(ntre umerii Lui) poate fi neleas ca o referire att la partea din spate, ct i la cea
din fa, pentru c umerii sunt sub cap. Dar cuvintele sub aripile lui vei ndjdui
indic clar c protecia aripilor lui Dumnezeu este cuprins n locul ntins dintre
umerii Lui n aa fel nct aripile lui Dumnezeu s te aib la mijloc. Acolo nu ai de
ce te teme pentru c nimeni nu i face ru dect dac eti att neglijent nct s
prseti acel punct, unde nici un duman nu ndrznete s se apropie. Dac cloca
i apr puii sub aripile ei, oare nu cu mult mai mult vei fi n siguran sub aripile
lui Dumnezeu, chiar dac e vorba de atacurile diavolului i a ngerilor lui, care zboar
n cerc asemenea vulturilor pentru a-i apra puii slbii? Aceast comparaie cu
cloca nu este fr acoperire pentru c nsui Hristos, Domnul i Mntuitorul,
vorbete despre Sine asemnndu-se unei cloti (Mt 23,37). Dac Ierusalimul nu a
vrut [s rspund chemrii] [subl. ns.], s fim noi dispui
77
.
Printre scriitorii apuseni care au alctuit comentarii la Psalmi amintim pe
Sfntul Ilarie de Pictavium
78
, Sfntul Grigorie cel Mare
79
i Rufin
80
.

76
Sf. Ambrozie al Milanului, Psalmul 50, ed. Nicolae Neaga, AB 5-6 (1990), 59-60.
77
Augustin, Expositions on the Psalms, n The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers 8, ed. Philip Schaff
(Oak Harbor: Logos Research Systems, 1997), 447.
78
Sf. Ilarie de Pictavium ( 367) provenit dintr-o familie de pgni, acesta se convertete
mpreun cu familia sa la cretinism i dup o perioad de timp ajunge episcop. Datorit luptei sale
mpotriva arienilor i a mpratului Constantiu este exilat. Tratatul su la Cartea Psalmilor se pstreaz
n PL 9, 231-890A.
79
Sf. Grigorie cel Mare (540-604) pap al Romei, supranumit i Dialogul. Este o figur emblematic a
Bisericii Apusene fiindc a reuit s realizeze o reform religioas n aproape toate structurile
Bisericii. Comentariul su la apte psalmi peniteniali este pstrat n PL 79, 549-658B.
80
Rufin (345-411) preot, erudit scriitor apusean care a mbriat viaa monahal n pmntul
natal Aquileea i ntemeiaz o mnstire n Muntele Mslinilor. Comentariile sale la 75 de Psalmi se
gsesc n PL 21, 645-960B.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

40
Concluzii
Urmnd exemplul Sfinilor Apostoli, prinii apostolici i apologeii
cretini s-au rezumat, n ceea ce privete receptarea i interpretarea Psaltirii, la
simple menionri ale unor versete din psalmi n vederea susinerii unor idei
dogmatice sau morale. Excepie au fcut autorul Epistolei atribuite lui Barnaba i
Sfntul Iustin care au realizat scurte exerciii de interpretare scripturistic.
Comentarea efectiv a Crii Psalmilor a fost realizat de reprezentanii
colii din Alexandria care foloseau metoda alegoric de interpretare. Primul
comentariu la ntreaga carte a fost alctuit de Origen.
Promovnd exegeza literal a Sf. Scripturi, coala din Antiohia a produs i
ea un numr semnificativ de comentarii la Psaltire. De remarcat, ns, este aportul
Sfntului Ioan Gur de Aur care a dezvoltat o metod proprie de interpretare ce a
vizat dimensiunea moralizatoare a textului sfnt.
coala neo-alexandrin din Cezareea Capadociei s-a evideniat printr-o
serie de comentarii ce erau menite s echilibreze tendinele opuse de interpretare
dezvoltate de colile mai sus menionate. Rolul principal n acest demers a fost
atribuit Sfntului Vasile cel Mare.
Tendinele de interpretare rsritene au fost preluate i n Biserica
Apusean. n cadrul acesteia se distinge Sfntul Ambrozie cu un comentariu original
la Psaltire i Sfntul Augustin care impune un stil exegetic ce va fi preluat de
majoritatea interpreilor care i-au urmat.
Aadar, n primele secole cretine s-au putut observa n rsritul i apusul
cretin trei tendine exegetice de interpretare a Psaltirii: 1. Alegoric i mistic;
2. Literal i tradiional; 3. Istoric i moral. Acestea nu s-au exclus reciproc cu
toate c uneori au fost divergene puternice ntre susintorii lor, ci s-au mpletit
n scrierile Prinilor pentru a deschide spre oameni ct mai mult nelesurile
tainice ale Psaltirii
81
.

81
Louis Jacquet, Les Psaumes et le coeur de lhomme: tude textuelle, littraire et doctrinale, vol. 1
(Gembloux: Duculot, 1975), 31-33.


RECEPTION AND INTERPRETATION OF PSALMS
IN PATRISTIC TRADITION

STELIAN PACA-TUA
*

ABSTRACT. In the present study we set off to outline a short historical perspective
of the way in which the Psalms were received and interpreted in the Patristic
writings. We have systematically presented actual examples of exegesis from
the Holy Fathers commentaries so that we would be able to offer as large a view
as possible of this topic. Our approach will begin with the mentioning of the
premises the apostolic and the apologetic fathers draft in their works, it will
then continue with the exegetic methods for the analysis of the sacred texts
characteristic to the schools of Alexandria, Antioch and Caesarea in Cappadocia,
and it will end with a presentation of the contribution brought to the development
of the exegetic literature on the Psalms by the representative figures of the late
patristic period. The research will also extend to the Western space in order
to see the evolution the interpretation of the Book of Psalms underwent in the
works of its foremost figures. Therefore, at each stage of our approach the
most significant details determining the characteristics of the exegetic school
or method being analysed have been indicated, and last but not least, we have
provided the reader with the authors biographical and bibliographical data in
the footnotes, so as to ensure an adequate understanding of the context in
which they had created these commentaries on the Book of Psalms.

Keywords: Psalm, Apostolic fathers, Apologetic fathers, catechetical schools,
Holy Fathers, interpretation, exegetic methods and commentaries.

Preliminaries
The Church Fathers have proven to be particularly interested in the Book of
Psalms, mainly due to the dogmatic content and the meaning the psalms had
acquired within the Jewish, and later, the Christian communities.
The Psalms have never been missing from Christianity and its preoccupations,
not even after the Church has peremptorily separated from Judaism (the 2
nd
half of
the 1
st
century), but it seems that they have acquired an even larger preponderance.
The apologist Tertullian notes that in his times the psalms were basic religious

*
PhD, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
stelianpascatusa@yahoo.com
STELIAN PACA-TUA

42
structures in the Christian assemblies. During a Sunday Divine Service, he underlines
the following: Whether it be in the reading of Scriptures, or in the chanting of
psalms, or in the preaching of sermons, or in the offering up of prayers, in all these
religious services matter and opportunity are afforded to her of seeing visions.
1
.
The Christian document called The Apostolic Constitutions (II, 57) which dates back
to the 3
rd
century, signals the same practice and adds the fact that the Biblical
readings were being framed by the chanting of the psalms
2
. At a certain moment,
Saint Basil the Great reminds the Christians gathered in the church to be attentive
to the pieces of advice they have received through the texts read during the
Divine Liturgy: prophecies, epistles and the Gospel
3
. Reproducing the text of an
epistle addressed to the bishops Dionysius of Rome and Maxim of Alexandria
where the impious manners of the bishop Paul of Samosata are decried, the historian
Eusebius of Caesarea also underlines that the Antiochian bishop has dared to replace
the Davidic psalms with some impious hymns interpreted by some easy women
on the reason that they have been composed in a late period and, consequently,
according to him, they have not been inspired by the Holy Spirit: He stops the
psalms to our Lord Jesus Christ, as being the modern productions of modern
men, and trains women to sing psalms to himself in the midst of the church on the
great day of the passover, which any one might shudder to hear, and persuades the
bishops and presbyters of the neighboring districts and cities who fawn upon
him, to advance the same ideas in their discourses to the people.
4
. That text shows
that the psalms having a well-defined messianic dimension were frequently used by
Christians, especially on religious holidays, in order to emphasize the Christological
teaching.
Therefore, it can be easily noticed the fact that even from the very first
Christian centuries, the Psalter was the most used book, that there was no liturgical
service which did not have included a psalm or at least some verses selected from
one of them
5
. Grouped in kathismas or read independently, the psalms have notably
enriched all the Churchs services and helped them to make sense. That the psalms
were frequently used in Christianity can be deduced also from the fact that the
Psalter was one of the most present scriptural writing in the Early Church. Eusebius

1
Tertulian, Despre suflet, in PSB 3, ed. Nicolae Chiescu (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 271.
2
Alexander Roberts et al., trans., Apostolic Teachings and Constitutions, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers:
Translations of the Writings of the Fathers Down to A.D. 325, vol. 7 (Oak Harbor: Logos Research
Systems, 1997), 421.
3
But you hesitate, you are still undecided, you keep on shelving, even though you have been thought
by the prophets [], you have been advised by the psalms [], the apostles brought the good
tidings [] and you are called by the Lord Himself: Come to Me, all who labour and are heavy laden,
and I will give you rest. (Mt. 11, 28), for all these words have been read today. St. Basil the Great,
Omilii i cuvntri, in PSB 17, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1986) 489.
4
Eusebius of Caesarea, Istoria bisericeasc, in PSB 13, ed. Teodor Bodogae (Bucureti: EIBMO,
1987), 304.
5
Nicolae Neaga, Vechiul Testament n cultul Bisericii. Sugestii n problema reconsiderrii citirilor
din Vechiul Testament, Mitropolia Banatului 4-6 (1971): 228.
RECEPTION AND INTERPRETATION OF PSALMS IN PATRISTIC TRADITION

43
of Caesarea mentions that Origen used in his Hexapla not four, but seven versions of
the Psalter: In the Hexapla of the Psalms, after the four prominent translations, he
adds not only a fifth, but also a sixth and seventh. He states of one of these that he
found it in a jar in Jericho in the time of Antoninus, the son of Severus.
6
.
The reading of the psalms and daily rumination on verses from the Psalter
has not been limited to the liturgical space or to the monastic communities. Clement
of Alexandria offers us a piece of information that attests the early usage of psalms
outside these ambiences. He shows that the Christians would chant psalms even
when they were having meals. It is very probable that the abiding custom of the
Christians agape meals organized after the religious service has been implemented
by the Christians in their private life as well: And as it is befitting, before
partaking of food, that we should bless the Creator of all; so also in drinking it is
suitable to praise Him on partaking of His creatures. For the psalm is a melodious
and sober blessing. The apostle calls the psalm a spiritual song (Eph 5:19)
7
. The
same Clement advises them to replace, in the laic feasts, the pagan chants with the
psalms, in order to adore the Lord on any occasion
8
.
Outside the liturgic space and the particular paryers, the psalms have been
considered to be useful also for the spiritual formation of the faithful. The Church
has constantly encouraged, beside using them when praying, their study and the
rumination upon them. The frequent usage of the psalms texts has favoured
memorizing and assuming them in order to reach spiritual perfection. In what
concerns this aspect, Saint Basil the Great writes: The Psalter is the basic
teaching book for those who enter life, it is rise for those who are growing up
and strengthening for the adults
9
. So there is no wonder that the early Christians
and those living in the following centuries had the Psalter not only in their minds,
but also on their lips, as they were reciting it continually while doing the everyday
chores. In this context, Saint Ambrose believed that it is unnatural for a Christian to
let a day pass without having recited from the Psalter: For who, having human
feeling, does not feel ashamed to end the day without chanting psalms, when even
the small birds accompany the beginning of the days and of the nights with
glorifying reverence and sweet chant?
10
. Moreover, Saint Augustine used to see in
the suffering martyrs reciting of the psalms the most proper way through which
they were spiritually strengthening themselves
11
.

6
Eusebius of Caesarea, 240.
7
Clement of Alexandria, Pedagogul, in PSB 4, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1984), 255-6.
8
Clement of Alexandria, Stromatele, in PSB 5, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1982), 457.
9
St. Basil the Great, Omilii la Psalmi, in PSB 17, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1986), 184.
10
St. Ambrose of Mediolanum, Tlcuiri la Facere, vol. 1, ed. Andreea Stnciulescu (Galai: Egumenia,
2007), 224.
11
St. Augustine, The city of God, in The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, vol. 2, ed. Philip Schaff (Oak
Harbor: Logos Research Systems, 1997), 393.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

44
1. The Apostolic Fathers
The unaffected manner in which the Apostolic fathers inserted whole
psalms
12
in their writings, or verses and phrases from the Psalter is a confirmation
of their detailed knowledge of this book
13
. Besides, Hermas
14
lets us know that
during his usual meditation he used employ psalm verses to thank and praise God
for the discoveries he had received: Sitting in my house, and glorifying the Lord
for all that I had seen, and reflecting on the commandments, that they are excellent,
and powerful, and glorious, and able to save a mans soul, I said within myself, I
shall be blessed if I walk in these commandments, and everyone who walks in them
will be blessed (Ps 1:1-2; 118:1)
15
.
The Apostolic fathers had mostly used the Psalms in order to confirm that
the messianic prophecies were true
16
and to support their dogmatic ideas
17
and
advices for the Christians moral lives with arguments drawn from the Scriptures. In
giving these advices it is easy to note the tendency the Fathers shared of emulating
the style of the Holy Apostles when dealing with the moral shortcomings of the
communities they had founded. For instance, in the letter St. Polycarp of Smyrna
18

12
Clement of Rome, Epistola ctre Corinteni, in PSB 1, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1979), 56.
13
The text below will offer the reader the possibility to become acquainted with the way they refer to
the scriptures: Lo, the God of powers (Pss.58:5; 79:5, 8, 15, 20; 83:8; 88:9), who by His invisible strong
power and great wisdom has created the world, and by His glorious counsel has surrounded His
creation with beauty, and by His strong word has fixed the heavens (Ps 32:6) and laid the foundations of
the earth upon the waters (Pss 135:6; 103: 6; 118:90), and by His own wisdom and providence has
created His holy Church, which He has blessed, lo! He removes the heavens and the mountains (Ps 45:2),

the hills and the seas, and all things become plain to His elect.... Hermas, Pstorul, in PSB 1, ed.
Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1979), 229-30. Also see Clement of Rome, 54, 58.
14
Hemas one of the authors included in the wider category of the apostolic fathers. The biographical
data we have on him all come from his writing. Some believe Hermas must have been a prestigious
member of the Roman clergy, and the Canon Muratori identifies him as the brother of Pius I,
the bishop of Rome.
15
Hermas, 276.
16
Speaking of the Jewish stubborn refusal to accept Jesus Christ as the Messiah, Barnabas says that
David inspired by the Holy Spirit utters a prophecy foreseeing their future disbelief: Since, therefore,
they [the Jews] [o. n.] were to say that Christ was the son of David, fearing and understanding the
error of the wicked, he saith: The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit at My right hand, until I make Thine
enemies Thy footstool (Ps 109:1)... Behold how David calleth Him Lord and the Son of God. Barnabas,
Epistola, in PSB 1, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1979), 130.
17
There are only a few dogmatic expressions to be found in the writings of the apostolic fathers
and therefore, their development and explanation is quite poor. This is how St. Clement of Rome
(bishop of the end of the 1
st
and the beginning of the 2
nd
centuries) thinks it suitable to speak
of the Resurrection: Do we then deem it any great and wonderful thing for the Maker of all
things to raise up again those that have piously served Him in the assurance of a good faith, when
even by a bird [phoenix] [o. n.] He shows us the mightiness of His power to fulfil His promise?
For [the Scripture] [t. n.] saith in a certain place, Thou shalt raise me up, and I shall confess unto Thee
(Pss 27:7; 87:11); and again, I laid me down, and slept; I awaked, because Thou art with me (Pss 3:5;
22:4). Clement of Rome, 60.
18
St. Polycarp of Smyrna (70-156) disciple of John the Apostle was also called doctor of Asia and
father of the Christians. He is known for his dialogue with pope Anicetus on when the Eastern
should be celebrated.

45
writes the Philippians one can easily detect a Pauline way of speaking: For I trust
that ye are well versed in the Sacred Scriptures, and that nothing is hid from you;
but to me this privilege is not yet granted. It is declared then in these Scriptures, Be
ye angry, and sin not (Ps 4:4) and, Let not the sun go down upon your wrath (Eph
4:26). Happy is he who remembers this, which I believe to be the case with you
19
.
The first tendency in interpreting the Book of Psalms within this particular
category of writings can be identified in the Epistle of Barnabas. its author is the
first who attempts to explain verses from the psalms with the help of the allegorical
method of interpretation, soon to be the trade mark of the Alexandrian exegetical
style: Moses then issued three doctrines concerning meats with a spiritual
significance; but they received them according to fleshly desire, as if he had merely
spoken of [literal] meats. David, however, comprehends the knowledge of the three
doctrines, and speaks in like manner: Blessed is the man who hath not walked in the
counsel of the ungodly, even as the fishes [referred to] go in darkness to the depths
[of the sea]; and hath not stood in the way of sinners, even as those who profess
to fear the Lord, but go astray like swine; and hath not sat in the seat of scorners
(Ps 1:1), even as those birds that lie in wait for prey. Take a full and firm grasp of
this spiritual knowledge
20
.

2. The Apologetic Fathers
The intermediary phase consisting of the transition from the use of psalms
as complementary and argumentative structures to their actually being analysed and
interpreted is made manifest in the works of certain Christian apologists, among
whom we must mention St. Justin the Martyr and Philosopher
21
. The following
excerpt belonging to one of his writings is given here as an illustration: I am not
ignorant that you venture to expound this psalm [109] [o. n.] as if it referred to king
Hezekiah; but that you are mistaken, I shall prove to you from these very words
forthwith. The Lord hath sworn, and will not repent, it is said; and, Thou art a priest
forever, after the order of Melchizedek, with what follows and precedes. Not even
you will venture to object that Hezekiah was either a priest, or is the everlasting
priest of God; but that this is spoken of our Jesus, these expressions show. But
your ears are shut up, and your hearts are made dull. For by this statement, The
Lord hath sworn, and will not repent: Thou art a priest for ever, after the order of
Melchizedek, with an oath God has shown Him (on account of your unbelief) to
be the High Priest after the order of Melchizedek; as Melchizedek was described

19
St. Polycarp of Smyrna, Scrisoarea ctre Filipeni, in PSB 1, ed. Dumitru Fecioru (Bucureti: EIBMO,
1979), 231.
20
Barnabas, 127. Also see the text from p. 132-3.
21
St. Justin is the first Christian author to write an actual commentary on a psalm (21) in the
framework of his dialogue with a Jew. St. Justin the Martyr and Philosopher, Dialogul cu iudeul
Tryfon, in PSB 2, ed. Olimp Cciul, (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1980), 209-18.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

46
by Moses as the priest of the Most High, and he was a priest of those who were in
uncircumcision, and blessed the circumcised Abraham who brought him tithes, so
God has shown that His everlasting Priest, called also by the Holy Spirit Lord, would be
Priest of those in uncircumcision. Those too in circumcision who approach Him, that
is, believing Him and seeking blessings from Him, He will both receive and bless
22
.
Irrespective of the polemical tone of his expos, we can notice the manner
in which St. Justin
23
proves the truth of his interpretation by combining the text of
the psalms with events and characters described in the Books of Genesis, 4 Kings
and Isaiah, applying some of the basic rules of biblical hermeneutic which will
later be theorized.
In addition to this type of scriptural analysis the renowned apologist
also uses the allegory as a method of interpretation when attempting to explain
certain psalm fragments. Nevertheless, just as in the case of many allegorists, his
speculations might prove exaggerated at times. Here is such an example: Moreover,
it is similarly foretold that He would die by crucifixion. For the passage, Deliver
my soul from the sword, and my only-begotten from the hand of the dog; save me
from the lions mouth, and my humility from the horns of the unicorns (Ps 21:22), is
indicative of the suffering by which He should die, by crucifixion. For the horns of
the, unicorns, I have already explained to you, are the figure of the cross only
24
.
Although St. Justin really contributed to improving the method of the
interpretation of psalms, most of the Christian apologists still lingered in the
framework previously delineated by the Apostolic fathers, with only a few new
elements of their own.
This is why St. Theophilus of Antioch
25
merely appears to know the
Scriptures text very well when he describes God with biblical quotations: This is
my God, the Lord of all, who alone stretched out the heaven (Ps 103:3), and
established the breadth of the earth under it (Jb 38:18); who stirs the deep recesses of
the sea, and makes its waves roar (Ps 64:7); who rules its power, and stills the
tumult of its waves (Ps 88:10); who founded the earth upon the waters (Pss 23:2;
103:6), and gave a spirit to nourish it; whose breath giveth light to the whole,
who, if He withdraw His breath, the whole will utterly fail (Jb 34:14-15)
26
.

22
St. Justin the Martyr and Philosopher, 127.
23
St. Justin the Martyr and Philosopher (100?-165/166) early Christian apologist apologet,
probably from a Latin family from Flavia-Neapolis. In his wish to prove that Christianity is the
true philosophy, St. Justin writes two apologies and a famous dialogue: Dialogue of Justin with
Trypho, a Jew.
24
St. Justin the Martyr and Philosopher, 216.
25
St. Theophilus of Antioch (sec. II) bishop from the region of Hiddekel and Euphrates. Although
we have today just the three books of Theophilus to Autolycus, Eusebius of Caesarea and St.
Jerome tell us he had also written others books.
26
St. Theophilus of Antioch, Trei cri ctre Autolic, in PSB 2, ed. Olimp Cciul (Bucureti: EIBMO,
1980), 286.

47
Speaking of repentance Tertulian
27
finds it suitable to use a metaphorical
expression from Psalms in order to compare the person who can finally rejoice in
its rewards with a tree planted near the water: This [the repentance] [o. n.] will
draw you forth when sunk in the waves of sins, and will bear you forward into the
port of the divine clemency. Seize the opportunity of unexpected felicity: that you,
who sometime were in Gods sight nothing but a drop of a bucket and dust of the
threshing-floor and a potters vessel (Is 40:15) may thenceforward become that
tree which is sown beside the waters, is perennial in leaves, bears fruit at its own time
(Ps 1:3) and shall not see fire, nor axe (Mt 3:10)
28
.
Despite being one of the apologists who promoted the allegorical
interpretation of the biblical texts, St. Cyprian of Carthage
29
seldom makes use
of it when he analyses messianic psalms. This is one of the few instances: Christ
is the true sun and the true day, as the worldly sun and worldly day depart,
when we pray and ask that light may return to us again, we pray for the advent of
Christ, which shall give us the grace of everlasting light. Moreover, the Holy
Spirit in the Psalms manifests that Christ is called the day. The stone, says He,
which the builders rejected, is become the head of the corner. This is the Lords
doing; and it is marvellous in our eyes. This is the day which the Lord hath made;
let us walk and rejoice in it (Ps 117:22-24)
30
.

3. The representative figures of the School of Alexandria
The School of Alexandria
31
created some of the first exegetical
commentaries to the Psalms by developing the method of allegorical interpretation.
According to Eusebius of Caesarea
32
it is believed that the first commentary of
this sort was written by the Schools founder, Pantene
33
, but the historians

27
Tertulian (160-240/250?) born in the family of a Roman centurion of Carthage, he is one of
the Christian apologists. After being converted to Christianity he embraces the Montanist teachings
and by the end of his life creates his own sect.
28
Tertulian, Despre pocin, in PSB 3, ed. Nicolae Chiescu et al. (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 211.
29
St. Cyprian of Carthage (200-258) his name is connected with the disputes on the lapsi, namely
those who had denied their faith during persecutions and who later wanted to return to Christianity.
30
St. Cyprian of Carthage, Despre rugciunea domneasc, in PSB 3, ed. Nicolae Chiescu et al.
(Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 485.
31
The School of Alexandria was the joined fruit of the Alexandrian Christianity and the intellectual
milieu of the capitol of Hellenistic Egypt. This is the first Christian school in the strictly technical
and scientific understanding of the word, a learning institute with an organic structure and a
precise plan of studies. Its activity ended during the reign of Rhodon (395) who transfers it to
Syde, in Pamphylia. At the time of Origen, the studies were divided between two different cycles:
the pagan cycle dedicated to dialectics, nature sciences and ethics, and the Christian cycle oriented
towards biblical exegesis and Christian philosophy. The main interpretation methods this school
used for the Holy Scriptures were the allegorical and the mystical ones.
32
Eusebius of Caesarea, 200.
33
Pantene ( 200) the teacher of Clement of Alexandria, was born in Sicily and was a stoic
philosopher. After his conversion to Christianity he makes some missionary journeys as far as
India and South Arabia.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

48
information is relatively vague. He was followed by Origen
34
who wrote an
extended commentary on the Book of Psalms where he employed the allegorical
method
35
. Unfortunately, many of his interpretations referring to Old Testament
events and characters are exaggerated. It is nevertheless, commendable the
way in which he connects the two Testaments by making direct references to the
psalms texts: Then Aaron, the priest of the Jews murmured, and as well did
Myriam and their Synagogue [against Sephora, the wife of Moses] [o. n.]. Moses
does not recall their murmur, as he loves his Ethiopian woman, of which the
prophet sais: The kings of Tarshish and of the isles shall bring presents (Ps 71:10)
and still: Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God (Ps 67:32). How beautiful
it is said: shall soon stretch out. In the Gospel the woman with the flow of blood
surpasses in healing even the daughter of the chief of the Synagogue (Mt 9:18). In
this way Ethiopia is cured, whereas Israel is still sick: Through their fall salvation
is come unto the Gentiles, for to provoke them to jealousy. (Ro 11:12)
36
.
Other commentaries written under the influence of the Alexandrian School
belong to Eusebius of Caesarea
37
, St. Athanasius the Great
38
, Didymus the Blind
39
,
St. Isichios of Jerusalem
40
and St. Cyril of Alexandria
41
.
Saint Athanasius the Great believs that man can easilly find himself in the
Psalter, because in this book are represented and portrayed in all their great

34
Origen (185-253) is born in a Christian Egyptian family. Due to his outstanding qualities he is
made the head of the School of Alexandria when he is only 18 of age, by bishop Demetrius. He dies
as a result of the tortures he had endured during his imprisonment under the reign of Decius.
Fragments of his commentary on the Psalms are recorded in PG 12, 1053-1686; 17, 105-150.
35
Besides allegory, Origen sometimes uses in his commentaries the figurative and the symbolic
meaning of words: Suppose now, that all people could figuratively contain wine. I call them
pitchers and say that the bad one is filled with wine from the vines of Sodom, or with Egyptian
wine, or with the wine of the enemies of Israel. And that the innocent and virtuous man is filled
with the wine of the vines from Sorec [a fertile valley] a wine of which it was written my cup
runneth over (Ps. 22, 6), and again, the innocent man is filled with the wine of wisdom. This is what
we can suppose fills the pitchers when it comes to virtue and sin. Origen, Din lucrrile exegetice la
Vechiul Testament, in PSB 6, ed. Teodor Bodogae et al. (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1981), 400-401.
36
Origen, 318.
37
Eusebius of Caesarea (265-340) the court bishop and historian of Emperor Constantine
the Great. In the controversies of the First Ecumenical Council he sides with the moderate Arians.
His commentary on the Psalms is preserved in PG 23, 66-1396; 24, 9-76.
38
St. Athanasius the Great (295-373) bishop of Alexandria. As a deacon of the bishop of
Alexandria he played a decisive role in fighting the Arianism during the the Council of Nicaea.
He was one of the first bishops who had a public cult although he had not been a martyr. His
commentary on the Psalms can be found in PG 27, 60-545, 548-589.
39
Didymus the Blind (313/314-395) the last leader of the catechetical school of Alexandria.
Despite being blind from the age of 4, Didymus accumulated a vast theological and philosophical
culture. His explanations on the Psalms are to be found in PG 33, col. 1155-1622.
40
St. Isichios of Jerusalem, Expositio In Psalmos, in PG 27, 849-1344; 93, 1179-1340.
41
St. Cyril of Alexandria (370-444) he brought a substantial contribution to the condemnation of
the Nestorian heresy, and to this respect he is for this heresy what St. Athanasius had been for the
Arianism. Some of his major works are Scholia on the incarnation of the Only-Begotten, the famous
Anathemas and the Commentary on the Psalms (PG 69, 767-1274).

49
variety the movements of the human soul. It is like a picture, in which you see
yourself portrayed, and seeing, may understand and consequently form yourself
upon the pattern given. [] in the Psalter, besides all these things, you learn about
yourself. You find depicted in it all the movements of your soul, all its changes, its
ups and downs, its failures and recoveries.
42
. He also emphasizes that no other
scriptural writing is so naturally assumed by the human soul as the Psalter. Nobody
uses the words of the patrirachs as being their own and does not address to the Lord
the way in which Moses or other prophets did. However, when it comes to the
psalms, the reader assumes all the recitings (except those regarding Jesus Christ
and the nations) upon his lips as though they were his own, and each one sings
the Psalms as though they had been written for his special benefit, and takes them
and recites them [...] as himself speaking of himself, offering the words to God as
his own hearts utterance, just as though he himself had made them up
43
.
In his epistle concerning the interpretation of the psalms, addressed to the
bishop Marcellinus, Saint Athanasius the Great highlights the therapeutic effect which
the harmonious chanting of the psalms has both on the person interpreting the
hymn and on the listener. In order to support these affirmations, he firstly describes
the unprecedented way by which the interpreter of the psalm acquires inner peace
when chanting
44
, and then, as for the second case, Saint Athanasius gives the
example of the King Saul, who used to temper his inner agitation caused by a
demon by listening young David playing the harp (1S 16:23).
Going back to the aspects regarding the interpretation, which the spokesmen
of this school give to the psalms texts, it should be noted that in the case of St. Cyril
we are dealing with a quite well balanced exegesis. Although he is a member of
this school this Holy Father always bases his assertions on biblical fragments and
considers their grammar details. Here is an example drown from his commentary
on Psalm 50: That thou mightest be justified when thou speakest, [and] be clear
when thou judgest (v. 5). I, [says David] [o. n.] became of my sins, but thy justice
shines through. For sitting for judgement and thy works with me being shown
alongside my deeds opposing them, Thou shall be shown righteous whilst I as
outlaw and ungrateful. The word as does not show here the causes [of the sin],
for David had not sinned so that God would be proven righteous, but to the
contrary, Gods righteousness is shown even through his sin, for God cares for
all men
45
.

42
St. Athanasius the Great, The Life Of Antony And The Letter To Marcellinus, ed. Robert C. Gregg
(New York: Paulist Press, 1980), 109.
43
St. Athanasius the Great, 111.
44
For to sing the Psalms demands such concentration of a mans whole being on them that, in
doing it, his usual disharmony of mind and corresponding bodily confusion is resolved, just as
the notes of several flutes are brought by harmony to one effect St. Athanasius the Great, 124.
45
St. Cyril of Alexandria, Tlcuirea psalmilor, ed. Dumitru Stniloae, Mitropolia Olteniei 1 (1991):
55.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

50
4. The representative figures of the School of Antioch
The School of Antioch
46
which promoted the literal interpretation of the
Scriptures has also had many adherents, among whom Apollinaris of Laodicea
47
,
Diodore of Tarsus
48
, Theodore of Mopsuestia
49
and Theodoret of Cyrus
50
should be
mentioned
51
: The Holy Spirit says everything in revelations, as it was not said the
ungodly shall not be resurrected
52
, but the ungodly shall not stand in judgement
instead of shall not come forth unto the resurrection of judgement, but unto the
resurrection of damnation. They need not be reprehended for their profanity
had been shown, and their punishment is certain. For as those caught in the very
act of killing are not made to stand in judgement by the judge so that they should
be rebuked, but so that the sentence previously stipulated by the laws should be
given onto them, in the same way, those who had lived in profanity endure the toils
immediately after the resurrection without standing in judgement, but by receiving
the sentence of their punishment. But even those free from the pagan dogmas will
sit afar from the congregation of the righteous, had they lived ungodly lives. For
this noun, namely counsel, was translated by Aquila and Theodotion as congregation,
and by Symmachus as gathering
53
.

46
The School of Antioch was founded around 260 upon the initiative of bishop Lucian of Antioch
and reached its peak in the years 360-430 but then falls into decline. The exegesis of the
Antiochian system was scientific, based on the rigorous analysis of the biblical texts and their
historical and grammatical interpretation. The most important contribution of this school was
the creation of a rational exegesis. Two of its main tendencies were the moralism and the use
of Aristotelian philosophy.
47
Apollinaris of Laodicea ( 390) is the creator of the first major christological heresy. He
stated that Christ is radically different from us because he does not have a human soul. His
explanations on the Psalms are kept in PG 32, 1313-1537.
48
Diodore of Tarsus (330-392) teacher of St. John Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia.
Due to his erroneous christological doctrine St. Cyril of Alexandria had considered him to be
the author of the nestorianism. PG 33, 1587-1628 records fragments of his commentary on
the Book of Psalms.
49
Theodore of Mopsuestia (350-428) a close friend of St. John Chrysostom. Despite the fact
that he had fought against a number of heresies, Theodore is considered a promoter of
nestorianism, based on some of his statements and his work. Short fragments of his interpretation
of the Psalms are to be found in PG 66, 641-696.
50
Theodoret of Cyrus (392-457) disciple of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Theodoret was condemned
by the Fifth Ecumenical Council in Constantinople for supporting the nestorian ideas, although he
had been rehabilitated and considered an orthodox teacher after he had condemned Nestorius
at the Fourth Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon. His complete interpretation of the Psalms can
be found in PG 80, 857-1997.
51
Therefore the ungodly shall not stand in the judgment, nor sinners in the congregation of the
righteous.
52
In his commentary on this verse, Theodoret chooses to refer to the teaching on the Resurrection
and therefore translates the verb with to resurrect.
53
Theodoret of Cyrus, Tlcuire a celor o sut cincizeci de psalmi ai proorocului mprat David, ed.
Iosif al Argeului and fratele Florin (Petru Vod: Sf. Mnstire Sfinii Arhangheli, 2003), 7.

51
Unlike the other exegetes, St. John Chrysostom
54
has developed his own
method of exegesis which took into account the moral intents of the sacred text.
The first text he would begin with was the Septuagint, which he carefully analysed
in search for elements bearing significance for the spiritual life. One might say that
St. John proposed through his exegetic homilies a real spiritual meditation on the
biblical text. Here is how he explains the verse Hear me when I call, O God of
my righteousness (Ps 4:1): The prophet said this not only so that we should
understand that he had been heard, but so that we should learn how we ourselves
can be promptly heard when we call onto God and how we can receive those we
ask for even before our prayers end. For he did not say you have heard me after
I called you but when I called you heard me. Such a promise belongs to God Himself
who tells the one he had heard you shall cry, and He will say, Here I am (Is 58:9).
God is not convinced by the profusion of words, but by the pure heart and by the
act of the good deed
55
.
Weighing the importance of the texts St. John sometimes interprets the
Psalms strictly literally, considering the grammar rules, the words significance, the
value of the connective particles, and the punctuation marks. Other times, ignoring
the Antiochian rules of interpretation, he underlines the anagogic meaning of
the biblical text, which does not eliminate the historical-literal meaning but it
accompanies and complements it by adding a higher idea to it, an idea arising from
the interpreters reflection on future events or form moral considerations.
After a literal commentary of the first verse of Psalm 147
56
, Chrysostom
adds the following: As to the text, enough said; if someone wants to understand the
psalm anagogically, we will not refuse to walk this path, without harming history
God forbid! but in its company, and we will add these for the more studious. Praise
the Lord, O Jerusalem; praise thy God, O Zion! Paul understands the Jerusalem from
above, of which he says: the Jerusalem from above is free and it is our mother; and
by Zion he understands the Church, saying: You have neither approached the
palpable mountain, nor the fire burning with flames, neither the cloud, nor the
darkness, nor the tempest, but you have approached the city of Zion and the Church
of the first born, whose names are written in the heavens. It is therefore possible
to explain anagogically even these things [about the Church]: Praise the Lord, O
Jerusalem; praise thy God, O Zion. For he hath strengthened the bars of thy gates; he
hath blessed thy children within thee. Because he built it stronger than Jerusalem, not
with locks and gates, but surrounding it with the His strengths Cross and firmness,
by which he extended its court in the entire world saying that the gates of hell will
not overcome it
57
.

54
St. John Chrysostom (354-407) archbishop of Constantinopol. A famous figure of the school of
Antioch, St. John stood out because of his moral and ascetic life, as well as through his exegetic
homilies. His commentaries on the Psalms are in PG 55, 39-498.
55
St. John Chrysostom, Tlcuiri la Psalmi. Psalmul 4, ed. Alexandru Mihil and Sabin Preda, Studii
Teologice 1 (2008): 159-160.
56
Praise the LORD, O Jerusalem; praise thy God, O Zion
57
St. John Chrysostom, Omilii la Psalmi, ed. Laura Enache (Iai: Doxologia, 2011), 716-7.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

52
We can see that when St. John Chrysostom analyses this verse anagogically,
he does not discover a new and unexpected idea in the historical text or another
truth than the one a grammatical explanation would convey, but what he does is
extend the existing idea in the sphere of higher realities.

5. The representative figures of the School of Caesarea
By emphasizing the mystical and moral aspects of the Psalms the
School of Caesarea
58
tried to balance the two methods of interpretation that had
already outlined their directions.
St. Basil the Great
59
, the representative figure of this school, tried to identify
a deeper meaning of the biblical text, besides its historical sense, a meaning that
could be attached to the spiritual realities. This explains the fact that in certain
scriptural texts, after having determined the grammatical sense St. Basil speaks of
a second meaning, of a second interpretation referring to Christ, to the Church or
to events that had happened in the New Testaments history. This attitude helped
the Cappadocian hierarch avoid the exaggerations of the two exegetical schools
and present the biblical text in its true light. By underlining the typological sense
of the Scriptures he did not suspend the texts literal dimension, but in turn
showcased the spiritual perspective it encapsulated
60
.
When he analysed the first verse of Psalm 44
61
, St. Basil drew attention
on the elements which were the actual typologies, mentioning the incorrect
commentaries some overzealous interpreters had associated to certain words of
the psalms
62
: Some have believed that these words were said by the Father of the
Word Who was with him from the beginning, whom they say, he took out like out
of his heart or out of his entrails: out of a good heart came forth the good Word,
they say. As I see it, these words refer to a prophetic person. Indeed, the following
words do not prove this interpretation is ascribed to the Father because the Father

58
The School of Caesarea was founded around 231 when Origen came to Cappadocia. This
institution belonged to the neo-Alexandrian trend which had mostly overcome the dogmatic and
interpretation errors of Origen. By promoting the dogmatic speculation, its foremost representatives
proved themselves the best defenders of the trinitarian teachings. Influenced by the Antiochian
critic they do longer use the allegorical method heavily, but instead they employ the historical
and grammatical methods in their dogmatic and polemic discussions.
59
St. Basil the Great (330-379) bishop of Caesarea and the initiator of the social movement called
the Basiliad. He organizes the cenobitic monasticism in his famous Monastic Rules. The Hexaemeron
and The Homilies on the Psalms (PG 29, 209-424) are two of his exegetical writings.
60
See Mircea Basarab, Sfnta Scriptur i interpretarea ei n concepia Sf. Vasile cel Mare, Mitropolia
Banatului 4-6 (1979).
61
My heart is inditing a good matter: I speak of the things which I have made touching the king.
62
St. Basil disagrees with forcing the text into allowing for a perfect identity between the typos
and the anti-typos (a method used by the excessive allegorism).

53
would neither say of his tongue: my tongue [is] the pen of a ready writer [] nor did
he say I, your God, anointed you, but Your God, has anointed You from which we
understand he refers to someone else. And who could it be if not the prophet, he
who had received the work of the Holy Spirit who was within him?
63
.
The Holy Father puts forth clear arguments: having the grammatical
elements indicating two different persons as a starting point, St. Basil the Great
proves that he who says the first words is no other than the author, namely king
David, who, inhabited by the Holy Spirit prophetically announced truths referring
to the Christ. He consequently states that the words which follow in the psalm I
believe should be considered as the actual beginning; let them not be connected to
the preceding words, but with those following now.
64

We think it only fitting to also mention in this category St. Gregory of
Nyssa
65
, the brother of St. Basil the Great, although in his works, a clear penchant
for the allegorical method of interpretation is made manifest. The attempt the
Cappadocian fathers made at creating a balanced exegesis did not exclude their
having a certain preference for one of the two tendencies mentioned above.
In the work regarding his comments on the titles of the psalms, Saint
Gregory frequently notices that the harmony and the joy that the chanting of
psalms produce in the souls of the faithful determines the assumption of the
dogmatic teachings with great easiness. The author supports this idea starting
with describing the harmony that governs the cosmos. In the opinion of the Saint,
the Universe is characterized by an impressive order and that its laws are similar
to those of the musical harmony, because it harmonizes with itself in a certain
succession and in a constant rhythm even though it is composed by various
different elements. Despite the fact that one can observe great differences between
the existing things, they all find an echo one in another and never abandon this
symphony. Consequently, everything existing in the macrocosm exists in the
microcosm as well, meaning in the human being. Therefore, since everything
which is compliant with the nature is completed by nature and since music is
compliant to our nature, great David mixed chanting with the philosophy on virtue
and made the highest teachings to be brimming over with a sort of honey-like
sweetness. Through this, ones nature reconsiders and heals itself and the healing
of ones nature means giving sense to ones life, this being, in my opinion, to
what the chant advises us through unrevealed words.
66
.

63
St. Basil the Great, Omilii la Psalmi, 286-7.
64
St. Basil the Great, Omilii la Psalmi, 288.
65
St. Gregory of Nyssa (335-395/400) metropolitan of Sevasti and the brother of St. Basil the
Great. Following the death of his wife he retreats to a monastery in Pont. His commentary on
the Psalms titles can be found in PG 44, 431-608.
66
St. Gregory of Nyssa, La titlurile Psalmilor, in PSB 30, ed. Teodor Bodogae (Bucureti: EIBMO, 1998),
141.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

54
Among the personalities this school has given we note Asterios of Caesarea
also known as the Arian
67
, Eustathius of Thessalonica (1194)
68
later on, and
Euthymius Zigabenos (1118)
69
. The latter wrote a compilation the Eastern
Church received and promoted thanks to St. Nicodemus Aghiorite who continued
his predecessors work, also pointing out the way other fathers and writers
related to the text of the Psalter
70
.

6. The representative figures of the Western School
The allegorical method of interpretation was predominant in the Western
Church, mostly because of the significant influence of St. Ambrose
71
and St.
Augustin
72
although Julius
73
and Cassiodorus
74
did try to modify this tendency by
promoting the Antiochian model. We should note that St. Jerome
75
was a
mediator between the two schools (Alexandria and Antioch): he stood for a
historical and grammatical manner of writing, even though his works testify to his
affinity towards the allegorical method.
The one who could be considered the father of the western interpretation
of the Psalter, St. Ambrose, was the only one who wrote an original and independent
Latin commentary employing the allegorical method. The following fragment is
intended to illustrate this fact: Wash me throughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse
me from my sin (Ps 50:3). David does not ask to be repeatedly but completely
cleansed, so that the impurity that had gathered could be removed. He was of
course, aware that the Law specified means of cleansing, but they were neither

67
Asterios of Caesarea (sec. IV) bishop of Amaziah was known for the moralizing character
of his works, despite his stoic and cynic penchant. His homilies on the Book of Psalms are to
be found in PG 40, 389-478.
68
Eustathius of Tessalonica, Explications sur le Psautir, in PG 142, 1197-1272.
69
Euthymius Zigabenos, Expositio In Psalmos, in PG 129, 41-1326.
70
Euthymius Zigabenos and St. Nicodemus Aghiorite, Psaltirea n tlcuirile Sfinilor Prini, 2 vol., ed.
tefan Voronca (Galai: Egumenia, 2006).
71
St. Ambrose ( 397) prefect and bishop of Mediolanum (chosen against his will by the people).
The following works on the Psalms were preserved: Apologia Altera Prophetae David, in PL 14,
887A-916C; Apologia Prophetae David Ad Teodosium Augustus, in PL 14, 851B-884B; Enarrationem
In XII Psalmos Davidicos, in PL 14, 921A-1160D; In Psalmul David CXVIII. Expositio, in PL 15,
1197-1526A.
72
St. Augustin (354-430) bishop of Hippo-Regius and the most prolific writer of the Western
Church: his works a (93 opuses in 232 books, except for letters and sermons) is only surpassed by
Origens. His homilies on the Book of Psalms are to be found in PL 36, 67-1027; 37, 1033-1967.
73
Julius Africanus ( 552) bishop. He was influenced by the exegetical method of the School
of Nissibi; he wrote a book entitled Instituta regularia divin legis which is no more than a
study of biblical isagogy, in the modern sense of the word.
74
Cassiodorus (490-583) Roman writer, politician and monk. At the end of a several years
long effort he completed a vast commentary on the Book of Psalms (PL 70, 25-1056C).
75
St. Jerome (340/350-419) born in the West, he will create a monastery near Bethlehem. His
name is connected with the revising of the Itala and the translation of the Vulgate. His Breviarum
on the Psalms is preserved in PL 26, 821-1270.

55
perfect, nor thorough. Therefore, David strives with all his powers after this perfect
means of cleansing, making haste towards it through which all righteousness is
fulfilled, towards the sacrament of Baptism, of which Lord Jesus Christ Himself
teaches... For when the soils and sins so numerous are, they shall not be cleansed
by hasty bathing, but by repeated bathes. Would someone wish to understand the
text differently, here is how an exegesis could look like: the divine word cleanses
the first time the confession is heard, the second time, when the confession is
spoken. A pure thought absolves, as well as a good deed and the practice of good
demeanour. Cleansed by these things, each of us can absorb the splendours of the
divine grace and, if one may say so, even make it its own.
76
.
Nevertheless, the most representative example for the Western Church is
St. Augustines commentary on the whole of the Book of Psalms, because therein
we can distinguish four types of exegetic analysis: historical, analogical, typological
and allegorical. The following fragments are excerpts of his commentary on Psalm
90: He says this (He shall defend thee between His shoulders, and thou shall hope
under His wings v. 4), that thy protection may not be to thee from thyself, that
thou mayest not imagine that thou canst defend thyself; He will defend thee, to
deliver thee from the hunters snare, and from an harsh word. The expression,
between His shoulders, may be understood both in front and behind: for the
shoulders are about the head; but in the words, thou shalt hope under His wings, it
is clear that the protection of the wings of God expanded places thee between His
shoulders, so that Gods wings on this side and that have thee in the midst, where
thou shalt not fear lest any one hurt thee: only be thou careful never to leave that
spot, where no foe dares approach. If the hen defends her chickens beneath her
wings; how much more shalt thou be safe beneath the wings of God, even against
the devil and his angels, the powers who fly about in mid air like hawks, to carry
off the weak young one? For the comparison of the hen to the very Wisdom of God
is not without ground; for Christ Himself, our Lord and Saviour, speaks of Himself
as likened to a hen; how often would I have gathered thy children, etc (Mt 23:37).
That Jerusalem would not: let us be willing
77
.
Among the Western writers who wrote commentaries on the Psalms we
should mention the names of St. Hylarius of Pictavium
78
, St. Gregory the Great
79

and Rufinus
80
.

76
St. Ambrose of Mediolanum, Psalmul 50, ed. Nicolae Neaga, Altarul Banatului 5-6 (1990): 59-60.
77
St. Augustine, Expositions on the Book of Psalms, in The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers vol.
VIII, ed. Philip Schaff (Oak Harbor: Logos Research Systems, 1997), 447.
78
St. Hylarie of Pictavium ( 367) comes from a pagan family, but he converts to Christianity with
his entire family and later becomes a bishop. He suffers exile because of his attacks on Arians and
the emperor Constantine. His treatise on the Psalter is to be found in PL 9, 231-890A.
79
St. Gregory the Great (540-604) pope, also known as the Dialogist. He is an emblematic figure of
the Western Church because he succeeded in creating a religious reform in all the structures of the
Church. His commentary on seven penitential psalms is recorded in PL 79, 549-658B.
80
Rufinus (345-411) priest, learned western writer who embraced the monastic life in Aquileea,
his native region, and founded a monastery on the Mount of Olives. His commentaries on 75 psalms
are to be found in PL 21, 645-960B.
STELIAN PACA-TUA

56
Conclusions
Following the example of the Holy Apostles, the Apostolic Fathers and the
Christian Apologists restricted their reception and interpretation of the Psalms to
merely referring to verses in order to support their dogmatic or moral ideas. The
only exceptions are the author of the Epistle of Barnabas and St. Justin Martyr,
who also ventured in short exercises of scriptural interpretation.
The adherents of the School of Alexandria were the ones who wrote actual
commentaries on the Book of Psalms, using the allegorical method of interpretation.
The first complete commentary on the whole book belongs to Origen.
The School of Antioch promoted the literal exegesis in its significant number
of commentaries. An extremely important contribution was brought by St. John
Chrysostom who developed a personal method of interpretation envisaging the
moralizing dimensions of the sacred text.
The neo-Alexandrian school of Caesarea in Cappadocia emerged through
a series of commentaries meant to strike a balance between the opposing
interpretative tendencies of the above mentioned schools. St. Basil the Great is
the foremost figure of this school.
The eastern directions of interpretation were also adopted by the Western
Church. The works that stand out are those of St. Ambrose, with an original
commentary on the Psalter, and St. Augustin, who imposes an exegetical style that
will be emulated by most of the interpreters later on.
Therefore, three exegetical tendencies were present in the first centuries
of the Christian era, in both East and West, in the interpretation of the Psalter:
1. Allegorical and mystical. 2. Literal and traditional. 3. Historical and moral. They
were not mutually exclusive although their supporters were sometimes engaged
in strong differences. In stead, they blended in the writings of the Holy Fathers in
view of revealing the hidden meanings of the Psalms to the people
81
.

81
Louis Jacquet, Les Psaumes et le coeur de lhomme: tude textuelle, littraire et doctrinale, vol. 1
(Gembloux: Duculot, 1975), 31-3.


PINEA VIEII (IOAN 6, 22-59).
O ABORDARE EXEGETIC

IOAN FLORIN CODREA
*

REZUMAT. Textul cuvntrii Domnului din Ioan 6, 26-58 este aezat n contextul
relatrii nmulirii hranei ce are pentru noi o precis referin euharistic cci
indiferent de felul n care sunt interpretate variaiunile din diferitele manuscrise,
introducerea discursului ncepe cu referirea la acea nmulire: unde mncaser ei
pinea (6, 23) i tot cu o not euharistic se i ncheie discursul: se d ... pentru viaa
lumii ... De nu vei mnca Euharistia este, aa cum reiese din interpretarea noastr
nsi prezena plenar a lui Hristos n Biserica Sa i n umanitatea rscumprat i
ncorporat n ea, prin Trupul i Sngele Su pline de Duh Sfnt.
n prima parte a cuvntrii despre pinea vieii Iisus va face o comparaie ntre
mana pe care a mncat-o poporul ales n pustie i pinea cea adevrat pe care Tatl o
va trimite din cer (6, 32). Cu aceast ocazie El precizeaz c nu mana a fost pinea cea
adevrat, ci El nsui este pinea vieii (6, 35). Coninutul ultimei pri a acestei
cuvntri, considerate pe drept cuvnt euharistic (6, 53-59), poate fi rezumat astfel:
prin mprtirea cu Sfnta Euharistie, Hristos rmne n noi i noi n El.
Trei sunt elementele definitorii ale fragmentului analizat: motivul pascal,
asemnarea lui Iisus cu profetul Moise i ateptarea eshatologic. Ele sunt proiectate
pe fundalul euharistic al dialogului purtat de Iisus cu mulimea care l nconjoar.
Exegeza noastr d prioritate interpretrii sacramentale (i.e. euharistice) a cuvintelor
Domnului, menionnd ns i alte opinii exegetice, care resping aceast interpretare,
n virtutea acelei obligaii de onestitate tiinific care ne cere: audietur et altera pars.

Cuvinte cheie: pine, via, Hristos, Trup, Snge, Euharistie.

Discursul despre Pinea vieii constituie principala dezvoltare narativ
ioaneic a temei credinei ca izvor de via. Caracterul concret al expresiilor
folosite, cu referin soteriologic, oblig la citirea naraiunii evanghelice n cheie
sacramental, respectiv n lumina practicilor sacramentale ale Bisericii primare.
1

*
Drd., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
codrea.florin@yahoo.com
1
Desigur, nu trebuie s reducem Evanghelia a patra la un simplu ecou al practicilor sacramentale
din comunitatea ioaneic. Referina central a Evangeliei rmne cea hristologic, legat de
prezentarea tainei lui Iisus ca trimis al Tatlui pentru mntuirea lumii. (cf. Yves-Marie Blanchard,
Sfntul Ioan, traducere de Cornelia Cistelecan, ed. Galaxia Gutenberg, Trgu-Lpu, 2006, p. 113).
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

58
Capitolul ase al Evangheliei dup Ioan constituie practic fundamentul teologiei
euharistice ioaneice, oferind astfel att un rezumat, ct i o referin central pentru
toate refleciile teologice ulterioare asupra sacramentului euharistic.
2
Cele dou
pri ale capitolului 6 (vv. 1-21 i 22-71), alctuiesc, n mod evident, o unitate
literar. Aa cum discursul din cap. 5 (vv.16-47) const, ntr-o anumit msur,
dintr-un comentariu asupra naraiunii precedente, referitoare la omul bolnav (5,
1-15), tot astfel i n capitolul 6, ultima parte a acestuia implic aprofundarea
anumitor elemente ale naraiunii precedente. Se pot observa urmtoarele puncte
de continuitate ntre 6, 1-21 i discursul subsecvent:
a. Introducerea la relatarea nmulirii pinilor cu referirile ei la traversarea
mrii i la mulimea care l urma pe Iisus (6, 1-4), are ecou n tabloul introductiv al
mulimii care trece marea n cutarea lui Iisus (6, 22-25).
b. Prima parte a relatrii nmulirii pinilor, n care Iisus nfrunt perspectiva
limitat a lui Filip i Andrei (6, 5-9), este reluat de felul n care, n decursul
dialogului de la nceput, Iisus confrunt i dezvluie preocuprile limitate ale celor
de fa (6, 26-33).
c. Ultima parte a relatrii nmulirii, n care Iisus ia pinile i, dup ce
mulumete, i hrnete pe toi cu vizibil condescenden (i aeaz pe iarba deas,
i satur i are grij s nu se piard nimic), se reflect sub diferite aspecte, n ceea
ce Iisus va spune despre Sine i despre pinea vieii, ntr-un discurs cu o not
eshatologic i ntr-o manier care ne evoc Euharistia.
3
De fapt, n natura ei
intim, Euharistia, cuprinde o dimensiune eshatologic, care orict ar ptrunde
n istorie nu se transform n istorie, constituind cea mai dramatic mrturie a
unei ntlniri dintre eshaton i istorie, a desvritului cu relativul n existena
uman aici, i acum.
4

Discursul lui Iisus este n fond o chemare de a primi tot ceea ce Dumnezeu
face pentru noi oamenii, o chemare de a cuta adevrata via pe care o ofer doar
Dumnezeu.
5
Iisus vorbete parabolic despre acordarea i primirea providenei
iubitoare a lui Dumnezeu i cele patru seciuni ale sale reflect patru etape ale
creterii ntru comuniune i intimitate cu Dumnezeu.
6
Euharistia este nsi

2
Stelian Tofan, Cuvntarea despre Iisus Pinea vieii. Repere n teologia ioaneic sacramental,
n: Studia Universitatis Babe Bolyai, Theologia Orthodoxa, XLV (2000), p. 74.
3
Thomas L. Brodie, The Gospel according to John, Oxford University Press, New York, 1993, p. 273.
4
Ioannis Zizioulas, Creaia ca euharistie, traducere de Caliopie Papacioc, Editura Bizantin,
Bucureti, 1999, p. 23.
5
Thomas L. Brodie, The Gospel according to John, p. 274.
6
Legat de logica discursului, mai precis de accentul pus asupra perceperii providenei, se poate
remarca, n opinia lui Brodie, prezena unui nou factor, i anume Biserica. Dei cuvntul propriu-zis
nu este utilizat, este frapant faptul c n capitolul 6, cele dou momente culminante de percepere a
divinului apar n situaii care evoc Biserica: n corabie (6, 16-21) i momentul n care Petru
acioneaz ca reprezentant al celor Doisprezece (6, 67-69). De aici se poate afirma c pinea lui
Dumnezeu este n Biseric i c n special prin intermediul Bisericii, n ciuda tuturor greelilor ei
(cci unul dintre cei 12 este diavol, iar Petru va cdea i el la rndu-i) providena divin ajunge la
cunotina oamenilor, iar Hristos li se mprtete devenind astfel Pinea vieii lor. (cf. Thomas L.
Brodie, The Gospel according to John, pp. 275-276).
PINEA VIEII (IOAN 6, 22-59). O ABORDARE EXEGETIC

59
prezena plenar a lui Hristos n Biserica Sa i n umanitatea rscumprat i
ncorporat n ea, prin nsui Trupul i Sngele Su pline de Duh Sfnt.
7

Textul cuvntrii Domnului este aezat n contextul relatrii nmulirii
hranei ce are o clar referin euharistic i indiferent de felul n care sunt
interpretate variaiunile din diferitele manuscrise, discursul este precedat de
referirea la aceast nmulire - unde mncaser ei pinea (6, 23)- i tot n cheie
euharistic se i ncheie: o voi da pentru viaa lumii ... Dac nu vei mnca
(6, 51.53). Avnd n vedere caracterul unitar al textului, redactat cu grij, n jurul
ideii centrale a providenei divine, ar fi lipsit de sens s afirmm c o parte a
textului are coninut euharistic, iar cealalt, nu. Cu siguran, n anumite pri,
limbajul euharistic este mai evideniat, ns, acest limbaj, chiar localizat, circumscrie
ntregul ansamblu.
Dac e s facem dreptate att caracterului enigmatic al textului, ct i
aspectului su teologic, atunci, se pare c el ar trebui analizat, n primul rnd,
nu ca o relatare faptic sau istoric, ci mai degrab ca una parabolic. Corabia
este Biserica
8
sau un aspect particular al acesteia. Caracterul verosimil al referinei
la Biseric este ntrit de faptul c n cap. 6 este evideniat rolul ucenicilor,
incluznd rolul celor 12 i al lui Petru (6, 1-21, 60-70). Pinea intr la rndu-i n
acest cadru simbolic, fiind asociat cu corbiile din Tiberiada, ntruct pinea
euharistic este un semn al unitii Bisericii i al adunrii celor muli ntr-un
singur Trup (1 Cor. 10, 16-17). Cu alte cuvinte, legtura dintre pine i corbii poate
fi considerat o variaiune asupra relaiei dintre mulime, pinea euharistic i
Trupul lui Hristos.
9

De asemenea, aparenta lips de logic legat de percepia a ceva ce, n
mod normal, nu putea fi perceput (vzuser c acolo nu era dect o corabie
6, 22), poate, probabil, avea o legtur cu percepia extraordinar referitoare
la pinea euharistic i Trupul unic pe care l simbolizeaz. Sfntul Pavel, n
aceast ordine de idei, vorbete despre necesitatea receptivitii i a memoriei
(1 Cor. 11, 24-25; 28-29) iar textul sugereaz cu precizie tocmai aceste elemente,
n special pe cel al memoriei sau al anamnezei. Dup cum observ R. Brown, ceea
ce vrea s se sugereze aici este c n ziua urmtoare, ei i-au adus aminte.
10

Este util, pentru buna nelegere a textului s remarcm faptul c structura
i intenia introducerii alctuite din trei versete, este asemenea unui contrapunct
ascuns al introducerii corespunztoare din capitolul 5 (5, 16-18). n acel text s-

7
Dumitru Gh. Radu, Caracterul ecleziologic al Sfintelor Taine i problema comuniunii, tez de doctorat,
n: Ortodoxia, XXX (1978), p. 276.
8
Pentru Fericitul Augustin, corabia simbolizeaz Biserica ce navigheaz pe marea nvolburat a
lumii. Venirea lui Iisus pune capt tuturor calamitilor, iar Biserica ajunge cu bine la rmul
veniciei. (cf. augustin, Homelies sur lEvangile de Saint Jean, Bibliotheque augustinienne, Paris
1988, apud Evanghelia dup Ioan, introducere, traducere, comentariu i note patristice de
Cristian Bdili, Ed. Curtea Veche, Bucureti, 2010, p. 483).
9
10
Raymond E. Brown, The Gospel according to John I-XII, (Anchor Bible Commentary 29 A),
Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1966, p. 258.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

60
a spus pentru prima i ultima dat (v. 16 i 18), ntr-un limbaj aproape repetitiv,
c iudeii l urmreau i l cutau pe Iisus. n 6, 22-24, de asemenea, tot ntr-un
astfel de limbaj, se spune pentru prima i ultima dat (v. 22 i 24) c mulimea
i ducea lipsa i l cuta pe Iisus.
11

Structura acestei scene, bazat pe ntrebri i rspunsuri este o reminiscen
evident a celei cu femeia samarineanc.
12
Mai mult, n ambele texte, cele trei
rostiri ale celui care deschide dialogul devin tot mai lungi: cele ale lui Iisus, n
cap 4 (4, 7.10.13-14), iar cele ale interlocutorilor lui Iisus, n scena de fa (6,
25.28, 30-31).
Textul cuvntrii frapeaz prin accentul pus asupra ideilor de baz:
Dumnezeu i umanitatea. De altfel, dup cum remarc R. Schnackenburg, utilizarea
lui Dumnezeu ca ultimul cuvnt ntr-o propoziie n limba greac, este extrem de
neobinuit.
13
Cel puin o parte din ceea ce pare s abordeze textul, este legtura
intrinsec ntre umanitate i Dumnezeu. A purta pecetea lui Dumnezeu, nseamn a
purta ceva de-al lui Dumnezeu, a fi ntr-un fel asemenea lui Dumnezeu, ndeosebi a
purta n sine ceva din Duhul lui Dumnezeu care mprtete i mrturisete.
14

Aceasta este pecetea pe care o poart Iisus ca Fiu al omului i care este dat
celor care l primesc.
15

Contextul rostirii cuvntrii (6, 22-25). Enigme exegetice
Dup cum reiese din contextul narativ, mulimea care fusese sturat de
cealalt parte (6, 1) a rmas acolo n timpul evenimentelor relatate n 6, 16-24. A
doua zi, au sosit nite corbii din Tiberiada la locul unde se afla mulimea
(probabil, dincolo de lac, la est de Tiberiada). n cele din urm, mulimea i
oamenii din corbii s-au hotrt s se ntoarc n Capernaum, strbtnd partea
de miaznoapte a lacului.
Expresia la locul unde mncaser ei pinea de la 6, 23, rezum istoria
sturrii mulimilor. De cealalt parte a mrii se refer la Capernaum, sau la
zona nconjurtoare (cf. 6, 24.59). Aceast expresie poate face aluzie i la maniera

11
n ambele cazuri, expresia repetitiv (5,19; 6,24) implic o intensificare a ceea ce s-a spus nainte
(5, 17; 6, 22), doar c, n timp ce cutarea evreilor este pentru a-L ucide, cea a mulimii este diferit
orientat i mai lipsit de prejudeci. Concluzia ce se impune este c, n timp ce 5,17-19 ne
prezint o aversiune crescnd a iudeilor fa de Iisus, 6,22-24 ne arat c mulimea devine tot mai
receptiv i mai interesat. n ambele cazuri, expresia repetitiv (5,19; 6,24) implic o intensificare
a ceea ce s-a spus nainte (5, 17; 6, 22), doar c, n timp ce cutarea evreilor este pentru a-L ucide,
cea a mulimii este diferit orientat i mai lipsit de prejudeci. Concluzia ce se impune este c, n
timp ce 5,17-19 ne prezint o aversiune crescnd a iudeilor fa de Iisus, 6,22-24 ne arat c
mulimea devine tot mai receptiv i mai interesat.
12
Raymond E. Brown, The Gospel according to John I-XII, p. 267.
13
Rudolf Schnackenburg, The Gospel according to St. John, Crossroad, New York, 1990, vol. 2, p. 38.
14
15
Aadar, orict de nstrinai s-ar putea simi uneori oamenii, departe de Dumnezeu i de viaa
venic, acetia sunt mai aproape de Dumnezeu dect cred ei. Chiar dac uneori sarcina poate prea
dificil sau descurajatoare, oamenii sunt fcui pentru aceasta: se afl n genele sufletului lor.

61
supranatural n care Iisus a traversat marea. Cei doi termeni utilizai pentru
corabie, ploi=on, i diminutivul acestuia, ploia/rion, par s fie utilizai fr
deosebire de sens.
16

Desigur, legtura dintre corbii i nmulirea pinii nu este una pur i
simplu aleatorie. Textul nsui le conecteaz pe cele dou n mod explicit. Acesta
descrie faptul c brcile se aflau aproape de locul n care mncaser pinea
o specificare, geografic vorbind, destul de obscur, dar care, tocmai prin aceasta
scoate n eviden faptul c ntre corbii i pine exist o legtur. Urmtorul
indiciu, corbiile din Tiberiada are i el sens dac Tiberiada este vzut n
primul rnd nu din punct de vedere geografic, ci ntr-un fel asemntor celui din
relatarea nmulirii (6, 1) ca mod de evocare a lumii. Astfel, corbiile trebuie
conectate simbolic att cu pinea, ct i cu lumea n ansamblul ei.
17

Tabloul mulimii care traverseaz spre Capernaum ca s-L caute pe
Iisus (6, 24), o scen cu ecouri n atragerea primilor ucenici (1, 36-38), se refer
probabil la venirea neamurilor. Aceeai Providen divin care le dduse pinea,
i nzestreaz acum cu corbiile care le vor permite s se alture pentru a-I deveni
ucenici. De acum nainte nu li se va mai spune gloat; acest cuvnt nu mai
apare deloc n capitolul 6. Cu o precizie i un echilibru matematic, textul ne ofer
doar dou momente n care apar cuvintele gloat i evrei (cf. 6, 22.24.41.52).
Dup aceasta, exist doar referine la ucenici i, n final, la cei doisprezece
(cf. 6, 60.61.66.67.70.71).
18

Adresndu-I-se cu nvtorule, oamenii se vor angaja ntr-o discuie
asupra nvturii lui Iisus, care ne dezvluie nc odat neputina lor de a nelege
adevrata Lui identitate. ntrebarea Cnd ai venit aici? reliefeaz i mai mult
ignorana i confuzia mulimii.
19
Pe de alt parte, aceast exprimare neobinuit
reuete deopotriv s juxtapun o ntrebare foarte frecvent cu o aluzie la originile
ndeprtate ale lui Iisus. ntr-un context n care Iisus a fost vzut ultima oar
ntr-o teofanie (6, 19-20), o astfel de ntrebare este ct se poate de potrivit, cu
sensul sugerat c acolo este prezent Cineva care transcende imediatul i realitatea
contingent.
20

Asemnarea dintre aceti oameni i femeia samaritean reiese, n primul
rnd, din atitudinea lor. Dup cum ea, cu mintea preocupat s scoat ap, ncepe o

16
C.K. Barret, The Gospel according to St. John, 2nd edition, Westminster, Philadelphia, 1978, p. 285.
17
18
Aceast tranziie lingvistic nu este ntmpltoare sau cauzat de vreo confuzie, ci un mod de
a sugera, prin estura textului, c neamurile i evreii sunt integrai n calitatea de ucenici i
ntr-o unitate subneleas cu cei doisprezece. Astfel, chiar i n cele ce, la nceput, pot prea
detalii confuze, exist indicii asupra temei principale a naraiunii: providena divin care aduce
neamurile i evreii la unitate ntre ele i n comuniune cu Dumnezeu. (Thomas L. Brodie, The
Gospel according to John, p. 279).
19
Andreas J. Kstenberger, John, Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament, Grand
Rapids, Michigan, 2007, p. 206.
20
Thomas L. Brodie, The Gospel according to John, pp. 279-280.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

62
discuie cu o Persoan care desfiineaz tiparele, la fel i ei, preocupai de pine,
se apropie treptat de taina Iubirii provideniale. Cea dinti realitate la care Iisus i
ajut s rzbeasc este cea a sinelui propriu. Cu un solemn: Amin, amin, zic vou, o
expresie ce semnaleaz declararea autoritii divine, El le va vorbi despre natura
i motivele aciunilor lor, cci cu toate c vin la El, viaa lor este superficial.

Coninutul cuvntrii
Dup ce, prin nmulirea minunat a pinilor Mntuitorul sturase
mulimile care-L urmau, n prima parte a cuvntrii despre pinea vieii El
va face o comparaie ntre mana pe care a mncat-o poporul ales n pustie i pinea
cea adevrat pe care Tatl o va trimite din cer (6, 32).
21
Cu aceast ocazie,
Mntuitorul precizeaz c, nu mana a fost pinea cea adevrat, ci El nsui este
pinea vieii (6, 35). Coninutul ultimei pri a acestei cuvntri euharistice
(6, 53-59), poate fi rezumat n urmtoarea afirmaie: Prin mprtirea cu Sfnta
Euharistie, Hristos rmne n noi i noi n El.
22

n prima seciune (vv. 26-33) a cuvntrii, n dialogul deschiztor, care
se aseamn, aa cum s-a spus, dialogului cu femeia samaritean (4, 7-15),
Iisus ncearc s treac dincolo de anumite bariere umane i s propun ideile
fundamentale plecnd de la a da (pine) i de a crede. n acest moment, care
este unul al primului contact, ideile i imaginile despre unire sunt minimale. Abia
n cea de-a doua seciune (vv. 34-40), dup ce problema barierelor umane a
fost rezolvat, Iisus face declaraia Sa fundamental n legtur cu providena
lui Dumnezeu. El vorbete despre Dumnezeu ca despre Cineva care vrea s
mntuiasc i s dea via i despre Cel care, n acest scop, a invitat lumea s
vin la Iisus. Imaginea implicat este aceea a unui praznic asigurat de Dumnezeu
i oferit prin Iisus, care este Pinea vieii. n acest moment al discursului ideea
unirii cu Hristos dei prezent, e doar n stadiu experimental, fiind exprimat n
mod negativ: cel care vine, nu va flmnzi, nu va fi dat afar, adic nu va pieri.
n cea de-a treia seciune (vv. 41-51), mpotriva tradiiei evreilor preocupai
de chestiunea descendenei i a relaionrii umane, Iisus mut discuia de la
aspectele fundamentale ale providenei divine, la reafirmarea prii ei centrale:
felul n care Dumnezeu i atrage pe oameni, i nva, i astfel, construiete cu
ei acea relaie care este cu adevrat crucial. n acest moment, ideea uniunii
este dezvoltat: aceasta implic atragerea i ascultarea, predarea i nvarea.
Unirea sau comuniunea descris n aceste cuvinte este profund spiritual i nu
exist nimic asemntor care s o egaleze, n prile precedente ale discursului.

21
Dup H. Ridderbos, n contextul lor original, cuvintele lui Iisus din acest discurs nu se refer
att la Euharistie ct la identitatea Lui ca mesager al lui Dumnezeu (6,29) i la binecuvntarea
vieii venice la care putem ajunge prin El. (Herman N. Ridderbos, The Gospel according to John,
translated by J. Vriend, Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1997, p. 225).
22
Ioan Sabadu, Ecclesiologia n scrierile Sfntului Apostol i Evanghelist Ioan, n: Ortodoxia, XVII
(1965), pp. 310-311.

63
n seciunea a patra (vv. 52-59), mpotriva evreilor care se resping unul pe
cellalt (acetia sunt nfiai adesea certndu-se ntre ei) Iisus vorbete despre
componenta final a providenei divine, considerat de altfel i cea mai dificil:
acceptarea total, respectiv consumarea trupului i sngelui lui Iisus. Aceasta
este treapta final a unei Providene ce caut, mai presus de toate, s dea via
tuturor, i care, chiar n moarte, continu s fac lucrul acesta. n acest moment,
imaginea unitii atinge un punct culminant: acceptarea aspectului final al
providenei divine centrate pe Iisus nu duce la altceva dect la perihorez (6,
56-57).
23
Dac Iisus este mncarea care rmne, despre care se vorbete aici,
i dac El rmne pentru venicie
24
, n contrast cu pinea material i chiar cu
pinea primit din cer n timpul Exodului, atunci viaa pe care o d El, prin
mprtire este i ea venic. Din punct de vedere literar, exist o legtur ntre
grija anterioar a lui Iisus pentru strngerea frmiturilor, pentru ca acestea s
nu se piard, i referirea pe care o face El aici, la mncarea care rmne pentru
viaa venic.
ndemnul de la nceputul cuvntrii (v.27) Lucrai pentru, este explicat
de ndat, n sensul credinei n Iisus, n timp ce expresia pe El (tou/ton) se
refer la desemnarea i autorizarea exclusiv a lui Iisus de ctre Dumnezeu, ca
aductor al mntuirii.
25

Atunci cnd interlocutorii i rspund lui Iisus, acetia par s gndeasc
tot la nivel superficial acela al unei lucrri exterioare. Iisus pstreaz cuvntul
munc, ns i acord o nou semnificaie: Lucrarea lui Dumnezeu ... este ... ca voi
s credei n Acela pe care L-a trimis(6, 29). Astfel, n loc s creeze o dihotomie
ntre a lucra i a crede
26
, evanghelistul combin cele dou concepte: a crede,
este totuna cu a lucra, este o form superioar de lucrare, n special pentru c
deschide calea lucrrii lui Dumnezeu.
27
La fel ca i n ocaziile anterioare, Iisus
va discerne adevratele motive ale oamenilor care-L caut (cf. 2, 23-25; 4, 16-18).
Acetia nu sunt cu adevrat interesai de semnificaia profund a semnelor,
fapt menionat ultima oar n 6, 2, ci, pur i simplu, dornici de a se vedea stui.
Ceva mai devreme, aceiai oameni ncercaser s-L fac pe Iisus rege, ca urmare a

23
Thomas L. Brodie, The Gospel according to John, pp. 274-275.
24
i Se numete pe Sine pinea cea adevrat, nu ca i cum mana ar fi fost mincinoas, ci fiindc
aceea a fost chip [prenchipuire] i umbr i nu nsui adevrul. Cci, dup adevr, man este Fiul
lui Dumnezeu, Cel Unul-Nscut, Care S-a fcut om, [lucru] care este nspimnttoare grire i auzire!
Pentru c man se tlcuiete Ce este aceasta? (Ieire 16,15); cci, vznd fiecare mana naintea
cortului su revrsat grmad i dintru neobinuita i strina minune spimntndu-se, evreii se
ntrebau unul pe altul: Ce este aceasta? Deci, Domnul, Fiul lui Dumnezeu, Om fcndu-Se, Acesta
este mana, cea care-i spimnteaz pe toi, nct fiecare, nedumerindu-se, zice: Ce este aceasta?
Cum, Fiul lui Dumnezeu este i Fiu al Omului? Cum, din dou (firi) care sunt mpotriv, s-a fcut o
Fa [Persoan]? Ce este aceast tain?(Sfntul Teofilact, Arhiepiscopul Bulgariei, Tlcuirea Sfintei
Evanghelii de la Ioan, Editura Sophia, Bucureti, 2009, p. 173).
25
Francis J. Moloney, The Gospel of John, Sacra Pagina Series, vol. 4, Collegeville, Minnesota, The
Liturgical Press, 1998, p. 211.
26
Dihotomie ntre fapte i credin, asemenea celei ntlnite n epistolele pauline i n epistola lui Iacov.
27
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

64
hrnirii miraculoase (6, 14-15). De aceea, n loc s le rspund la ntrebare,
Iisus i ndeamn, ndreptndu-i ntr-o direcie spiritual, s lucreze nu pentru
mncarea pieritoare, ci pentru hrana care rmne pentru viaa venic, pe
care le-o va da Fiul Omului (6, 27).
Dei este posibil ca participanii s fi privit nmulirea pinilor ca pe un
semn (6, 14), ideea lor de semn este ns att de goal de sens nct, pur i
simplu, nu conteaz. Astfel c, Iisus le poate spune c de fapt, ei nu au vzut
niciun semn. Pentru ei, tot ceea ce conteaz cu adevrat este pinea. Totui, Iisus
ncepe s zideasc pe aceast temelie. Aceti oameni sunt preocupai de munca
pentru asigurarea hranei i atunci, El le va vorbi despre cum trebuie s lucrezi
pentru hran. ns Iisus d acestei idei o evoluie radical: Nu lucrai pentru
mncarea pieritoare, ci pentru mncarea care rmne pentru viaa venic ... (6,
27) Astfel i provoac s-i ridice privirea spre un scop mai nalt.
28
Conversaia
a avut loc, dup ct se pare, n sinagoga din Capernaum. ntrebri asemntoare
celei din versetul 28 mai sunt puse lui Iisus de ctre tnrul bogat (Mt. 19, 16)
i lui Petru de ctre mulimea adunat n Ierusalim, la Cincizecime (F.Ap. 2, 37).
Rspunsul mulimii sugereaz o nelegere minimal a faptului c Iisus le cere
s priveasc dincolo de necesitile lor fizice. Totui exist i o nenelegere
referitoare la cuvintele din versetul anterior.
29

Cei de fa mai afirm c dac Iisus ar face semnul cerut de ei, ar crede.
Aceast afirmaie constituie probabil, un alt exemplu al ironiei ioaneice, ntruct
Iisus fcuse deja cteva semne, incluzndu-l pe cel al sturrii mulimii, i totui,
oamenii persistau n necredina lor.
30

La fel ca la nceputul dialogului, cnd a rspuns preocuprilor legate de
mncare, tot aa i acum, cnd rspunde preocuprilor legate de tradiie, reacia
lui Iisus nu intenioneaz att s contrazic punctul de vedere al interlocutorilor
Si, ct s-i ajute s-l depeasc, i s-i ridice la un alt nivel. El accept
afirmaia lor ns i confer o dezvoltare radical. Pinea de odinioar a lui
Moise, a lsat locul adevratei Pini de aici i acum: Cci pinea lui Dumnezeu
este aceea care se coboar din cer i d via lumii (6, 33). Cu aceast expresie
final dialogul atinge un nou nivel. Iisus a fost gsit de ctre cei care fuseser

28
Verbul a munci, care se refer la munca fizic, este utilizat deopotriv i pentru efortul moral (cf.
F.Ap. 10,35; Rom. 2,10; 13,10; Gal. 6,10), un efort moral care, n acest context, continu munca de
creaie sau activitatea creatoare (cf. 5,17) (Thomas L. Brodie, The Gospel according to John, p. 281).
29
De aceea, din multa lor ngmfare i pruta lor nelepciune, zic: Ce s facem ca s mplinim
lucrul lui Dumnezeu?. Deci, bun este cugetarea cumptat, i lucrul sufletului nobil este a socoti
c nvtorii cunosc mai bine cele de folos i a primi astfel nvturile lor, ca pe ale unora ce
sunt ntr-o cunotin mai bun (Sfntul Chiril al Alexandriei, Comentariu la Evanghelia Sfntului
Ioan, n Scrieri, partea a patra, PSB, 41, traducere, introducere i note de Preotul Profesor Dumitru
Stniloae, EIBMBOR, Bucureti, 2000, pag
30
Nenelegerea atrn probabil i de cele dou sensuri diferite ale cuvntului semn. Evreii
continu s cear dovezi pentru confirmarea lui Iisus. Evanghelistul prezint ns drept semne nu
numai miracolele propriu-zise, ci i anumite lucrri ale lui Iisus, semnificative din punct de
vedere hristologic. (Herman N. Ridderbos, The Gospel according to John, p. 226).

65
absorbii de diversele lor preocupri. El i ascult, i invit s devin mai contieni
i le vorbete despre deschiderea n faa lui Dumnezeu, Acel Dumnezeu a Crui
pecete este pus asupra Fiului Omului. n final, Iisus pune n faa lor o realitate
copleitoare: aceea a lui Dumnezeu care d via lumii.
31

Pinea din cer arat i originea cereasc a lui Iisus. n timp ce mulimea
interpreteaz cuvintele n mod impersonal, sensul personal se cldete n mod
treptat pn la 6, 35.
32
Expresia cea care se pogoar din cer (6, 33) se repet
de apte ori n discursul de fa, ceea ce constituie un alt indiciu al valorii
sacramental-simbolice, ce-i este ataat. n ceea ce privete formula d via
lumii, unii exegei au observat faptul c n nvtura rabinic, darea legii pe
Muntele Sinai era descris n termeni asemntori: pmntul s-a cutremurat
cnd El a dat via lumii (Exod. Rab. 29, 9).
33
n prezentul pasaj se spune c
aceeai funcie este ndeplinit de ctre Iisus (cf. 5, 39).
Expresia Eu sunt pinea vieii (6, 35 reiterat la 6, 48.51) este prima, din
cele apte consemnri ioanine ale rostirii Eu sunt, cu referin indubitabil
la teofania prin excelen.
34
Cuvintele lui Iisus sunt destinate i s corecteze
nenelegerea evreilor din versetul anterior. n contrast cu nevoia unei furnizri
constante de pine, ca n cazul manei din pustie, Iisus i lmurete c oamenii nu au
nevoie s primeasc pinea Sa n mod repetat (cf. 13, 9-10). Pinea cea vie (o(a)/rtoj
o(zw/n), mai exact, pinea care triete, este plin de via i druiete via.
Iisus Se definete astfel pe Sine ca hran concret-spiritual pentru
oameni.
35
Cei hrzii morii vor tri n msura n care se vor hrni cu aceast
Pine vie. Evanghelia dup Ioan cuprinde, dup cum s-a artat, un ir de metafore-
simboluri legate de hran (carne, vin, pine, vi-de-vie, etc), care subliniaz ideea
comuniunii mistice cu persoana Mntuitorului. Iisus trebuie asimilat organic,
interior ntru dobndirea vieii venice, echivalent cu mpria cerurilor.
Dumnezeu S-a fcut, pentru noi, pine care triete.
36

Expresiile: viaa venic (6, 40), i voi nvia (6, 39-40), continu tema
vieii anunat la 6, 33 i 6, 35, subliniind permanena vieii druite n i prin
Iisus, n contrast cu natura temporar a trimiterii manei de ctre Dumnezeu,
evreilor aflai n pustie. Dobndirea vieii venice poate fi exprimat ca i cum
acest lucru ar avea loc n prezent (6, 40) dar acest lucru st n strns legtur
cu repetatele referiri la nvierea din ziua cea de apoi. Astfel, eshatologia viitoare nu

31
32
33
Apud. Andreas J. Kstenberger, John, p. 209.
34
Atunci Dumnezeu a rspuns lui Moise: "Eu sunt Cel ce sunt". Apoi i-a zis: "Aa s spui fiilor lui
Israel: Cel ce este m-a trimis la voi!" (Ex. 3,14).
35
Evanghelistul surprinde aici subtila polemic cu Sinagoga: adevrata hran nu rezid nici n
darul lui Moise, nici n Lege, aa cum se credea, ci n Fiul, pe care Tatl l ofer drept jertf
pentru ntreaga omenire. (Stelian Tofan, Cuvntarea despre Iisus Pinea vieii. Repere n
teologia ioaneic sacramental, p. 84).
36
Cf. Evanghelia dup Ioan, ediie bilingv, introducere, traducere, comentariu i note patristice
de Cristian Bdili, editura Curtea Veche, Bucureti, 2010, pp. 239-240.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

66
este anulat de eshatologia actual. ntruct viitoarea nviere a credincioilor de
ctre Iisus este o certitudine, se poate afirma c ei au deja via venic, aici i
acum.
Verbul utilizat pentru a vedea este qewre/w, care are nenumrate conotaii
teologice i metafizice.
37
Concepia afirmat aici este similar cu cea de la 3,
13-14 de unde reiese c evreii priveau la i credeau n arpele nlat, pe
care l-a rnduit Dumnezeu pentru salvarea lor. Ioan 6, 40 ncheie unitatea
care ncepe cu 6, 35, rezumnd 6, 35-39.
Ioan 6, 44 este concluzia logic, n formulare negativ, a locului de la 6,
37a. Revelaia divin este mijlocit exclusiv prin Fiul, Iisus. De asemenea, prin
aceasta se face distincie ntre a asculta pe Tatl (6, 45) i a vedea pe Tatl
(6, 46). Primul lucru se poate mplini numai prin mijlocirea lui Iisus, ntruct
numai El singur L-a vzut pe Tatl. Conform prologului, acest lucru este ceva
ce nici mcar Moise nu a fcut; descoperirea lui Dumnezeu prin Iisus este mai
mare dect cea fcut prin Lege (In. 1, 17-18; cf. 3, 13; 5, 37; 14, 7-11).
38
Ioan
6, 44-46 dovedete conlucrarea dintre Tatl i Fiul la mntuirea personal.
Dac mntuirea este rezultatul activitii de atragere a Tatlui, aceasta se realizeaz
prin receptarea personal, prin credin, a descoperirii lui Dumnezeu n Iisus.
39

n seciunea 6, 47-51 Iisus se rentoarce la tema pinii (care s-a pogort)
din cer, introdus iari prin formula a)mh/n a)mh/n: oricine crede, are via venic.
Exist asemnri structurale ntre 6, 32-35 i 6, 48-51 ns, al doilea text face
un pas nainte n lmurirea conceptului de mncare. Iisus face deosebirea
ntre beneficiarii manei din pustie-acetia tot au murit-i cei care mnnc din
pinea cea din cer i care nu mor, ci triesc n veci:
n continuare, El dezvolt semnificaia afirmaiilor Sale referitoare la
pinea vieii:
(1) aceast pine este trupul lui Iisus;
(2) El o va da pentru viaa lumii.
Faptul c termenul utilizat pentru trupul lui Iisus este carne, sa/rx, n
loc de sw=ma, mult mai frecvent utilizat n legtur cu Euharistia, aparent, pare
s pledeze mpotriva unei semnificaii sacramentale a acestor versete. Termenul,
face ns, probabil, trimitere la 1, 14: i Cuvntul S-a fcut trup i S-a slluit
ntre noi i am vzut slava Lui, slav ca a Unuia-Nscut din Tatl, plin de har i de
adevr. Expresia l voi da pentru viaa lumii are evidente conotaii sacrificiale. n
contextul mai larg al povestirii, acesta se refer la trupul lui Iisus jertfit pe
cruce, pentru pcatele omenirii. Ideea de a mnca trupul lui Iisus reprezint
subiectul urmtoarei dispute i al explicaiilor date n continuare de ctre Iisus
la 6, 52-58.

37
El poate ns exprima i simpla noiune de perceptibilitate. Legtura dintre vedere i credin
de la 6, 40 este att de profund, nct merge pn la identificarea lor ntr-o hendiad. (Andreas J.
Kstenberger, John, p. 212).
38
Francis J. Moloney, The Gospel of John, p. 218.
39
Andreas J. Kstenberger, John, p. 214.

67
Concluzia discursului
La ncheierea cuvntrii, prima reacie a fost constatarea c ceea ce
propune Iisus este greu de acceptat. La fel ca discursul lui Pavel asupra rstignirii,
i acesta este un scandal pentru logica obinuit, comun (6, 60; cf. 1 Cor 1, 23).
Dar ntr-un mesaj care are ecou n cel transmis odinioar lui Nicodim, Iisus spune
efectiv c prin ajutorul Duhului, el poate fi acceptat i chiar dac iminenta trdare
a lui Iuda vestete venirea crucii (6, 64.70-71), fcnd s sporeasc umbrele morii
care vine tot mai aproape, Petru reuete totui ca n numele celor Doisprezece, s
perceap n Iisus sfinenia lui Dumnezeu. Cu alte cuvinte, chiar atunci cnd
moartea se ntrevede, i Dumnezeu se ivete.
40
Utiliznd nc odat introducerea
solemn, autoritar, a)mh/n a)mh/n, Iisus i reafirm declaraiile anterioare, att
n exprimare negativ: dac nu vei mnca trupul Fiului Omului i nu vei bea
sngele Lui, nu vei avea via ntru voi ct i n exprimare pozitiv: cel ce
mnnc trupul Meu i bea sngele Meu are via venic i Eu l voi nvia n
ziua cea de apoi.

Utilizarea de ctre Iisus a titulaturii Fiul Omului implic o
nelegere sacramental, dei aici Iisus vorbete despre oferirea spre moarte a
trupului i sngelui Su o expresie evreiasc ce vizeaz persoana n integralitatea
ei (cf. Mt. 16, 17; 1 Cor. 15, 50; Gal. 1, 16; Ef. 6, 12; Evr. 2, 14) i despre credincioii
care mnnc i beau din acestea.
Ioan 6, 55, trimite napoi la 6, 27 i 6, 32 afirmnd n mod autoritar c
trupul i sngele lui Iisus sunt adevrata mncare i butur spiritual. n limbajul
ioaneic, cuvntul adevrat poart conotaiile mplinirii eshatologice i tipologice
n raport cu precedentele din Vechiul Testament. Trebuie spus c versetele 53-58
au strnit adesea polemici teologice, de-a lungul timpului, ncepnd cu perioada
patristic i pn la Reform. S-au propus, n mare, trei soluii:
1) pasajul vorbete despre Euharistie (interpretarea sacramental);
2) pasajul vorbete despre comuniunea mistic, total cu Iisus (interpretarea
hristologic);
3) o combinare a celor dou perspective.
Acesta nu este, de altfel, singurul loc n care Ioan suprapune probabil
relatrii istorice o viziune exegetic, post-pascal.
41
n consecin, nu se poate
spune dac discursul aparine realmente lui Iisus cel istoric, sau dac este discurs
catehetic, fcnd parte din strategia de convertire a comunitii ioaneice. Deoarece
Euharistia se instituie la sfritul vieii lui Iisus a doua variant pare mai plauzibil.

40
Aceasta este de fapt perceperea, fie i n cele mai ntunecate momente ale vieii, a prezenei
providenei lui Dumnezeu, cea dttoare de via. ntruct ntregul discurs descrie tabloul unei
comuniuni avansate ntre divin i uman, prin aceasta se dezvolt ideea iniial din Prolog a mpletirii
progresive a Cuvntului cu trupul. (Thomas L. Brodie, The Gospel according to John, p. 275).
41
Evanghelia dup Ioan, ediie bilingv, introducere, traducere, comentariu i note patristice de
Cristian Bdili, p. 240.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

68
Chiar verbul folosit pentru a mnca (trw/gwn) e diferit de cel folosit n alte contexte,
deoarece nu nseamn pur i simplu a mnca ci a roade, a mesteca.
42
Textul de
mai sus confirm ca rezultat al mprtirii credincioilor cu trupul i sngele
lui Iisus slluirea reciproc (perihoreza).
n continuare, 6, 57 lmurete faptul c la baza unirii credincioilor cu
Iisus, st comuniunea dintre El i Tatl. nsui temeiul persoanei lui Iisus este
Tatl cel viu (5, 26). Tot astfel, Iisus reprezint temeiul existenei spirituale a
credincioilor.
43
Pronumele personal me (pe mine), n loc de carnea /sngele
meu sugereaz i el semnificaiile sacramentale.
44

Dei unii exegei precum H. Ridderbos invoc mpotriva unei nelegeri
sacramentale:
(1) faptul c evreii nu ar fi putut nelege cuvintele lui Iisus ntr-un sens
sacramental;
45

(2) cuvntul carne

nu este utilizat niciodat n Noul Testament n legtur
cu Euharistia;
(3) a face acest lucru nseamn a atribui o semnificaie improprie unei
astfel de practici
46
.
Trebuie spus totui c Ioan se putea atepta dect ca cititorii si s
interpreteze cuvintele lui Iisus n lumina tradiiei bisericeti legate de Jertfa
Euharistic, aadar ntr-un sens sacramental.
47

42
Desigur, totul trebuie citit n cheia ospului mesianic. Probabil i din cauza violenei imaginilor
folosite de Iisus muli dintre ucenici l vor prsi ndat aa nct nu trebuie diluat sau edulcorat
fora discursului ci trebuie recunoscut c Iisus folosete adesea imagini grele, uneori chiar ocante.
Expresia din 6,56 rmne n Mine i Eu n el exprim osmoza perfect ntre Cel nghiit i
cel care mnnc. Mncnd carnea i sngele lui Hristos, credinciosul se transform el nsui
ntr-o fiin hristomorf. (Evanghelia dup Ioan, ediie bilingv, introducere, traducere, comentariu i
note patristice de Cristian Bdili, p. 241).
43
Francis J. Moloney, The Gospel of John, p. 222.
44
Andreas J. Kstenberger, John, p. 216.
45
Pentru sensibilitatea iudeilor, s mnnce carne crud e ceva oribil, iar s bea snge e i mai oribil.
Carnea o mnnc gtit, curat, pregtit de haham (animalele se njunghie i se scurg de snge
etc. ). Ne dm seama ct de ocant este, aadar, cuvntul Domnului! Dar El i ocheaz din
necesitate: ca s evidenieze diferena total dintre legea veche i legea nou, dintre fptura veche
i cea nou. Hrana omeneasc ce vine din pmnt este necesar tuturor oamenilor, care primesc de
la ea o via unic. ns, prin venirea lui Iisus, a aprut o hran nou. Pentru a-i tri adevrata
via, omul nu mai mnnc lucruri pmnteti(Andr Scrima, Comentariu integral la Evanghelia
dup Ioan, traducere din arab de Monica Broteanu, traducere din francez de Anca Manolescu,
editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 2008, p. 90).
46
Herman N. RIDDERBOS, The Gospel according to John, pp. 240-241.
47
Donald A. Carson, The Gospel according to John (Pillar New Testament Commentary), Grand
Rapids, Eerdmans, 1991, pp. 296-97.


69

BIBLIOGRAFIE

Biblia sau Sfnta Scriptur, Ediie jubiliar a Sfntului Sinod, Versiune diortosit dup
Septuaginta, redactat i adnotat de Bartolomeu Valeriu Anania, EIBMBOR,
Bucureti, 2001.
Noul Testament comentat- tiprit cu binecuvntarea Prea Fericitului Parinte Teoctist,
Patriarhul Bisericii Ortodoxe Romane, versiune revizuita si comentat de nalt
Prea Sfinitul Episcop al Episcopiei Vadului Feleacului i Clujului, Editura
Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romane, Bucureti, 1993.
Noul Testament, vol. 2, Evanghelia dup Ioan, ediia bilingv, introducere, traducere,
comentariu i note patristice de Cristian Bdili, editura Curtea Veche, Bucureti,
2010.
Novum Testamentum Graece et Latine, Utrumque textum cum apparatu critico imprimendum
curavit Eberhard Nestle novis curis elaboraverunt Erwin Nestle et Kurt Aland,
Editio vicesima secunda, United Bible Societies, London, 1963.
Sfntul Chiril al Alexandriei, Comentariu la Evanghelia Sfntului Ioan, n Scrieri, partea
a patra, PSB, 41, traducere, introducere i note de Preotul Profesor Dumitru
Stniloae, EIBMBOR. Bucureti, 2000.
Sfntul Teofilact Arhiepiscopul Bulgariei, Tlcuirea Sfintei Evanghelii de la Ioan, ediie
ngrijit de R.P. Sineanu i L. S. Desartovici, editura Sophia, Bucureti, 2009.
Yves-Marie Blanchard, Sfntul Ioan, traducere de Cornela Cistelecan, ed. Galaxia Gutenberg,
Trgu-Lpu, 2006.
Brodie, Thomas L., The Gospel according to John, Oxford University Press, New York,
1993.
Brown Raymond E., The Gospel according to John I-XII, (Anchor Bible Commentary 29
A), Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1966.
Carson, Donald A., The Gospel according to John (Pillar New Testament Commentary),
Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1991.
Kstenberger, Andreas J., John, (Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament),
Grand Rapids, Michigan, 2007.
Moloney, Francis J., The Gospel of John, (Sacra Pagina Series, vol. 4, The Liturgical Press)
Collegeville, Minnesota, 1998.
Radu, Dumitru Gh., Caracterul ecleziologic al Sfintelor Taine i problema comuniunii,
tez de doctorat, n Ortodoxia, nr. 1-2/1978.
Ridderbos, Herman N., The Gospel according to John, translated by J.Vriend, Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997.
Scrima, Andr, Comentariu integral la Evanghelia dup Ioan, traducere din arab de
Monica Broteanu, traducere din francez de Anca Manolescu, editura Humanitas,
Bucureti, 2008.
Zizioulas, Ioannis, Creaia ca euharistie, traducerea de Caliopie Papacioc, Editura Bizantin,
Bucureti, 1999
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

70
Sabadu, Ioan, Ecclesiologia n scrierile Sfntului Apostol i Evanghelist Ioan, n Ortodoxia,
3/1965.
Tofan, Stelian, Cuvntarea despre Iisus Pinea vieii. Repere n teologia ioaneic
sacramental, Studia Universitatis Babe Bolyai, Theologia Orthodoxa, XLV, 1-2,
2000.

THE BREAD OF LIFE (JOHN 6, 22-29).
AN EXEGETICAL APPROACH

IOAN FLORIN CODREA
*

ABSTRACT. The text of the Lords speech from John 6, 26-58 is placed in the
context of the narrative of breads multiplication and has a precise Eucharistic
reference for us, because, no matter the way in which the variations from different
manuscripts are interpreted, the introduction of the discourse starts with a
reference to that multiplication: where they had eaten the bread (6, 23) and ends
also with an Eucharistic note: it is given for the life of the world Unless you will
eat. As it appears from our interpretation, the Eucharist is the plenary presence
of Christ in His Church and in the humanity redeemed and incorporated in it,
through His Body and Blood full of the Holy Spirit.
In the first part of the discourse about the bread of life Jesus makes a
comparison between the manna that the chosen people ate in the wilderness and
the real bread which will be sent from heaven by the Father (6, 32). On this
occasion, He specifies that the manna was not the real bread and that He Himself
is the bread of life (6, 35). The content of the last part of this speech, rightly
considered a Eucharistic speech (6, 53-59) may be summarized in this way: by
eating the Holy Eucharist, Christ remains in us and we remain in Him.
Three are the defining elements of the analyzed fragment: the paschal motive,
the resemblance between Jesus and Moses, the prophet, and the eschatological
expectation. These are projected on the Eucharistic background of the dialogue
between Jesus and the crowd that surrounds Him. Our exegesis gives priority to
the sacramental interpretation (i.e. Eucharistic) of the words of the Lord, but
mentions also other exegetical opinions, which reject this interpretation, because
this is required by the scientific honesty: audietur et altera pars.

Keywords: bread, life, Christ, Body, Blood, Eucharist.

The discourse about the Bread of Life represents the main narrative
development of John regarding the subject of faith as source of life. The concrete
character of the expressions used here, having a soteriological reference, determine
us to read the Gospels episode in a sacramental key, that is, in the light of the

*
codrea.florin@yahoo.com
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

72
sacramental practices of the primary Church.
1
As a matter of fact, the sixth chapter
of the Gospel of John represents the foundation of Johns Eucharistic theology, thus
offering both a summary and a central reference for all the subsequent theological
reflections on the sacrament of Eucharist.
2
The two parts of the sixth chapter (vv. 1-
21 and 22-27) constitute, evidently, a literary unity. As the discourse from the fifth
chapter (vv. 1-21 and 22-71) consists, in some degree, of a commentary of the
previous narrative, regarding the sick man (5, 1-15), so in the sixth chapter, the last
part of it implies a deeper analysis of some elements of the previous narrative.
Between 6, 1-21 and the subsequent discourse there can be observed the following
points of continuity:
a. The introduction to the narrative of breads multiplication, with its
references to the crossing of the sea and to the crowd that followed Jesus (6, 1-4)
has an echo in the introductory picture of the crowd that crosses the sea in search
for Jesus (6, 22-25).
b. The first part of the narrative concerning the multiplication of bread, in
which Jesus questions the narrow perspective of Philip and Andrew (6, 5-9) is
resumed by the way in which, during the dialogue from the beginning, Jesus
confronts and reveals the narrow preoccupations of those present (6, 26-33).
c. The last part of this episode of breads multiplication, in which Jesus
takes the bread and, after giving thanks, feeds all those present with an obvious
condescension (He lets them sit down on the grass, He feeds them and takes care
that nothing is lost) is reflected in different aspects, in what Jesus will say about
Himself and about the Bread of Life, in a discourse with an eschatological character
and in a manner which evokes the Eucharist.
3
In fact, in its intimate nature, the
Eucharist contains an eschatological dimension which, no matter how deep it
penetrates history, it does not transforms in history, thus being the most dramatic
testimony of a meeting between Eschaton and history, between the perfect and the
relative in the human existence, here and now.
4

Jesus discourse is, essentially, a calling for receiving all that God does for
humans, a calling to search for the true life which is granted by God only.
5
Jesus is
speaking in parables about the granting and receiving the loving providence of God,
and these four sections correspond to four stages of the growing in communion and

1
Of course, we cannot and must not reduce the fourth Gospel to a simple echo of the sacramental
practices which were in use in the Johannine community. The central reference of the Gospel
remains the Christological one, which presents the mystery of Jesus, Who is sent by the Father in
order to redeem the world (cf. Yves-Marie Blanchard, Saint John, translated by Cornelia Cistelecan
(Trgu-Lpu: Galaxia Gutenberg, 2006), 113.
2
Stelian Tofan, Cuvntarea despre Iisus Pinea vieii. Repere n teologia ioaneic sacramental,
Studia Universitatis Babe-Bolyai, Theologia Orthodoxa, XLV, 1-2 (2000): 74.
3
Thomas L. Brodie, The Gospel according to John (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 273.
4
Ioannis Zizioulas, Creaia ca euharistie, translated by Caliopie Papacioc (Bucureti: Editura Bizantin,
1999), 23.
5
Brodie, 274.
THE BREAD OF LIFE (JOHN 6, 22-29). AN EXEGETICAL APPROACH

73
intimacy with God.
6
The Eucharist is the plenary presence itself of Christ in His
Church and in the redeemed humanity, incorporated in it through His Body and
Blood, full of the Holy Spirit.
7

The text of the Lords speech is placed in the context of the narrative of
breads multiplication, which has a very obvious Eucharistic reference and, no
matter how the variations from the different manuscripts are interpreted, the
discourse is preceded by the reference to this multiplication where they had eaten
the bread (6, 23) and ends in an Eucharistic key as well: I will give it for the life of
the world Unless you will eat (6, 51.53). Taking into account the unitary character
of the text, carefully elaborated around the central idea of the divine providence, it
would be absurd to assert that one part of the text has a Eucharistic content, and the
other has not. Certainly, in some parts the Eucharistic language is more obvious, but
this language, even spotted, circumscribes the whole.
If we are to do justice both to the enigmatic character of the text and to its
theological aspect, then we have to analyze it, first of all, not as a factual or an
historical narrative, but as a narrative of a parable. The boat is the Church
8
or a
particular aspect of it. The likely character of this reference to the Church is
confirmed by the fact that, in the sixth chapter, what is pointed out is the role of the
disciples, including the role of those 12 and that of Peter (6, 1-21, 60-70). The bread
is also a part of this symbolic frame, being associated with the boats from Tiberias,
because the Eucharistic bread is a sign of Churchs unity and of the gathering of
those many in a single Body (1 Cor. 10, 16-17). In other words, the connection
between bread and boats may be considered as a variation on the relationship
between the crowd, the Eucharistic bread and the Body of Christ.
9

Likewise, the apparent lack of logic regarding the perception of something
that, normally, could not be perceived (they realized that only one boat had been
there 6, 22) may be connected to the extraordinary perception regarding the
Eucharistic bread and the unique Body it symbolizes. Concerning this aspect, Saint

6
Concerning the logic of the discourse, especially the accent stressed on the perception of
providence, it may well be observed, according to Brodie, the presence of a new factor, that is, the
Church. Although the word itself is not used, it is surprising that in the sixth chapter those two
culminations of perceiving the divine appear in situations in which the Church is evoked: in the
boat (6, 16-21) and in the moment in which Peter acts as a representative of those twelve (6, 67-
69). We may assert from here that the bread of God is in the Church and that, through the Church
and in spite of all its faults (for one of them is a devil, and Peter will deny Jesus), the divine
providence comes to be known by people and Christ gives Himself to them, becoming their Bread
of life (cf. Brodie, 275-276).
7
Dumitru Gh. Radu, Caracterul ecleziologic al Sfintelor Taine i problema comuniunii, PhD diss.,
Ortodoxia, 1-2 (1978): 276.
8
The blessed Augustine considers the boat as representing the Church which sails on the
tempestuous sea of the world. The coming of Jesus ends all these calamities, and the Church reaches
the shore of eternity (cf. Augustine, Homelies sur lEvangile de Saint Jean (Paris: Bibliotheque
augustinienne, 1988), apud Evanghelia dup Ioan, translated by Cristian Bdili (Bucureti: Ed.
Curtea Veche, 2010), 483).
9
Brodie, 278.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

74
Paul speaks about the necessity of receptivity and memory (1 Cor. 11, 24-25; 28-
29), and the text suggests precisely these elements, especially that of memory or
anamnesis. As R. Brown observes, what is suggested here is the fact that, on the
next day, they remembered.
10

For a good understanding of the text, it is useful to observe the fact that the
structure and the intention of the three verses introduction is like a hidden
counterpoint of the corresponding introduction from the fifth chapter (5, 16-18).
That text contains the sole references (vv. 16 and 18) expressed in an almost
repetitive language of the fact that the Jews were after and in search of Jesus.
Likewise, in 6, 22-24, in the same language form, it is said for the first and the last
time (vv. 22 and 24) that the crowd misses Jesus and was looking for Him.
11

The structure of this scene, based on questions and answers, is an obvious
reminiscence of the episode of the Samaritan woman.
12
Moreover, in both texts
those three utterances of the one who opens the dialogue become longer and
longer: those of Jesus in chapter 4 (4, 7.10.13-14) and those of Jesus interlocutors,
in the present scene (6, 25.28.30-31).
The speechs text surprises by the accent stressed on the main ideas: God
and humanity. Besides, as R. Schnackenburg observes, the using of God as the last
word in a sentence written in Greek is extremely unusual.
13
At least a part of what
seems to be approached by the text represents the intrinsic relationship between
humanity and God. To bear the seal of God means to bear something that belongs to
God, to be in a way like God, especially to carry in oneself something of the Spirit of
God, which shares and testifies.
14
This is the seal borne by Jesus as the Son of man
and which is granted to all those who receive Him.
15

The context of the speechs uttering (6, 22-25). Exegetical enigmas
As it follows from the narrative text, the crowd that had been given sufficient
food on the other side (6, 1) remained there during the events reported in 6, 16-24.
The next day, some boats from Tiberias arrived at the place where the crowd was
(probably across the lake, east from Tiberias). Finally, the crowd and the men from
the boats decided to go back to Capernaum, crossing through the north part of the lake.

10
Raymond E. Brown, The Gospel according to John I-XII, Anchor Bible Commentary 29 A (Garden
City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1966), 258.
11
In both cases, the repetitive expression (5, 19; 6, 24) implies an intensification of what has been
said earlier (5, 17; 6, 22), with the distinction that, while the Jews were after Jesus in order to kill
Him, the crowd was in search of Jesus from different motives. The conclusion is that, while 5, 17-19
presents a growing aversion of the Jews toward Jesus, 6, 22-24 shows us that the crowd becomes
more and more receptive and interested in Him.
12
Brown, 267.
13
Rudolf Schnackenburg, The Gospel according to St. John, vol. 2 (New York: Crossroad, 1990), 38.
14
Brown, 261.
15
Therefore, no matter how alienated men could feel themselves from God and from eternal life, they
are closer to God than they think. Even if, sometimes, this task may seem difficult or discouraging,
human beings are made for it: it is in the genes of their soul.

75
The expression the place where the people had eaten the bread (6, 23)
resumes the history of the crowds feeding. On the other side of the sea refers to
Capernaum or the surrounding area (cf. 6, 24.59). This expression may allude to the
supernatural manner in which Jesus has crossed the sea. The two terms which
render the word boat, ploi=on and its diminutive ploia/rion, seem to be used with
the same meaning.
16

Of course, the connection between the boats and the multiplication of bread
is not an aleatory one. The text itself connects them explicitly. It is written that the
boats were near the place where the people had eaten the bread an indication
quite obscure from the geographical point of view, but which points out, exactly
through this obscurity, the fact that there is a connection between boats and bread.
The next indication, the boats from Tiberias, has also a meaning, if Tiberias is
seen in the first place not as a geographic point, but in a similar way to that from
the multiplication narrative (6, 1) as a manner of evoking the world. Thus, the
boats must be symbolically connected both to the bread and to the world as a
whole.
17

The picture of the crowd which travels to Capernaum to find Jesus (6, 24),
a scene which echoes the calling of the first disciples (1, 36-38) refers probably to
the coming of the heathens. The same divine Providence that gave them bread gives
them now boats which will allow them to join Him and become His disciples. From
this moment, they will be called no more crowd; this word will not appear any
more in the sixth chapter. With a mathematical precision and equilibrium, the text
offers only two moments in which the words crowd and Jews appear (cf. 6,
22.24.41.52). After this, there are references only to disciples and, finally, to the
twelve (cf. 6, 60.61.66.67.70.71).
18

By addressing Him with the word Rabbi, they will start a discussion on the
teaching of Christ, a fact that reveals once more their incapacity of understanding
His true identity. The question When did you come here? point out the ignorance
and the confusion of the crowd.
19
On the other hand, this unusual expression
succeeds in juxtaposing a very frequent question and an allusion to the remote
origins of Jesus. In a context in which Jesus was seen last time in a theophany (6, 19-
20), such a question is a very reasonable one, implying that there is Someone who
transcends the immediate and the contingent reality.
20

16
C.K. Barret, The Gospel according to St. John, 2
nd
edition (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978), 285.
17
Brodie, 278.
18
This linguistic transition is not accidental or caused by any confusion, it is rather a way of
suggesting, through the texture of the text, that the heathens and the Jews are integrated as
disciples and in an implied unity with the twelve. Thus, even in what may seem at the very
beginning as confused details there are indications of the main theme of the narrative: the divine
providence that brings the heathens and the Jews to unity between them and to communion with
God. (Brodie, 279).
19
Andreas J. Kstenberger, John, Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament (Michigan:
Grand Rapids, 2007), 206.
20
Brodie, 279-280.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

76
The resemblance between these men and the Samaritan woman follows
firstly from their attitude. As the woman, who is concerned with getting water,
starts a discussion with a Person who speaks like no one before, so they, being
preoccupied with bread, come gradually to the mystery of the providential Love.
The first reality they come close to, with the help of Jesus, is that of the inner self. By
saying to them Amen, amen I tell you, an expression which points out the divine
authority, He will speak about the nature and the motives of their actions, because,
in spite of their coming close to Him, their life is superficial.

The content of the speech
After feeding the crowd with the bread multiplied in a miraculous way,
Jesus will compare, in the first part of His speech about the bread of life, the
manna which was eaten by their ancestors in the wilderness and the true bread
which the Father will give to them from heaven (6, 32).
21
On this occasion, our
Saviour specifies that the true bread was not the manna, but Himself: He is the
bread of life (6, 35). The content of the last part of this Eucharistic speech (6, 53-59)
may be resumed in the following assertion: By eating the Holy Eucharist, Christ
remains in us and we remain in Him.
22

In the first section (vv. 26-33) of the speech, in the opening dialogue, which
is similar to the dialogue with the Samaritan woman (4, 7-15), Jesus tries to surpass
certain human barriers and to bring forward the fundamental ideas, starting from
the words to give (bread) and to believe. In this moment, the moment of the first
contact, the ideas and the images about the union are minimal. Only in the second
section (vv. 34-40), after the human barriers have been surpassed, Jesus makes His
fundamental assertion regarding Gods providence. He speaks about God as about
Someone who wants to redeem and to give life, and for this purpose invited the
world to come to Jesus. The implied image is that of a feast provided by God and
offered through Jesus, the Bread of Life. In this moment of the discourse, the idea of
the union with Christ, although present, is only at an experimental stage, being
expressed in a negative way: the one who comes will not hunger, will not be cast
out, that is, he will not perish.
In the third section (vv. 41-51), contrary to the Jewish tradition, concerned
with the question of His human origin and relationship, Jesus moves the discussion
from the fundamental aspects of the divine providence to the reasserting of its
central part: the way in which God draws people, teaches them and thus achieves
this relationship which is really decisive. The idea of the union is developed in this

21
According to H. Ridderbos, the words of Jesus from this discourse do not refer, in their original
context, so much to the Eucharist as they refer to His identity as messenger of God (6, 29) and to
the blessing of the eternal life, to which we can come through Him (Herman N. Ridderbos, The
Gospel according to John, translated by J.Vriend (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997), 225).
22
Ioan Sabadu, Ecclesiologia n scrierile Sfntului Apostol i Evanghelist Ioan Ortodoxia XVII, 3
(1965): 310-311.

77
moment: this implies the drawing and the hearing, the teaching and the learning.
The union or the communion described with these words is a profoundly spiritual
one and there is nothing else alike in the previous parts of the discourse that could
equal it.
In the fourth section (vv. 52-59), against the Jews who reject one another
(they are often represented arguing between them), Jesus speaks about the final
component of the divine providence, which is considered the most difficult one: the
total acceptance, that is, the consuming of Jesus body and blood. This is the final
stage of a Providence that aims at giving life to everybody and continues, even in
death, to do this. In this moment, the image of the unity reaches the highest point:
the acceptance of the final aspect of the divine providence, centered on Jesus, does
lead to nothing else than to perichoresis (6, 56-57).
23
If Jesus is the food that
remains, which is mentioned here, and if He remains for eternity,
24
standing in
sharp contrast with the material bread and even with the bread received from
heaven during the peregrination through the wilderness, than the life He grants is
an eternal life. From the literary point of view, there is a connection between the
previous concern of Jesus of gathering the leftovers, in order to be no wasting, and
the reference He makes here, to the food that endures to eternal life.
The advice from the beginning of the discourse (v. 27), Work for is
immediately explained, meaning the faith in Jesus, while the expression on Him
(tou/ton) refers to the exclusive appointment and authorization of Jesus by God, as
the Redeemer.
25

When the collocutors answer to Jesus, these seem to think still superficially
in the way of an external working. Jesus uses the word work, but gives it a new
significance: The work of God is to believe in the one He has sent (6, 29). Thus,
instead of creating a dichotomy between to work and to believe,
26
the evangelist
combines the two concepts: to believe is the same with to work, it is a superior
form of working, especially because it opens the way for the working of God.
27
As in
the previous occasions, Jesus will discern the real motives of men who search for
Him (cf. 2, 23-25; 4, 16-18). These are not truly interested in the profound
significance of the signs, a fact mentioned last time in 6, 2; they only want to be well

23
Brodie, 274-275.
24
And He calls Himself the true bread not as if the manna would be false, but because it was an
image [typos] of the truth. For the real manna is the Son of God, the Only Begotten, Who became
man, a thing never to be heard before! The word manna means What is this? (Exodus 16, 15);
when the Jews saw the manna before their tents, they were afraid because of this unusual miracle
and they were asking one another: What is this? Is it possible that the Son of God is also the Son of
Man? Is it possible that the two natures, which are contrary to one another, have become a single
Face [Person]? What is this mistery? (Saint Teofilact, the Archbishop of Bulgaria, Tlcuirea Sfintei
Evanghelii de la Ioan (Bucureti: Editura Sophia, 2009), 173).
25
Francis J. Moloney, The Gospel of John, Sacra Pagina Series, vol. 4 (Collegeville, Minnesota: The
Liturgical Press, 1998) 211.
26
A dichotomy between deeds and faith, like the one found in the epistles of Paul or in the Epistle
of Jacob.
27
Brown, 265.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

78
fed. A little bit earlier, the same men tried to make Jesus king, as a consequence of
the miraculous feeding (6, 14-15). Therefore, instead of answering to the question,
Jesus advises them, by turning them towards a spiritual direction, to work not for
the perishable food, but for the food that endures to eternal life, that the Son of
Man (6, 27) will give to them.
Although it is possible that the participants would have considered the
multiplication of the bread as a sign (6, 14), their conception of a sign is so idle, that
it just doesnt matter. Thus, Jesus may say to them that they, in fact, have seen no sign.
For them, all that really matters is the bread. Nevertheless, Jesus starts to build up
on this foundation. The people are preoccupied with providing food through work,
and this is the reason why Jesus will speak to them about how one must work for
food. But this idea receives a radical meaning: Do not work for food that spoils, but for
food that endures to eternal life (6, 27). The people are, thus, called to look higher.
28

This conversation took place, as it seems, in the synagogue from Capernaum. Jesus
is faced with similar question to that in v. 28 in the dialogue with the rich young
man (Mt. 19, 16), and the same is true with Peter, when he is asked about the
Pentecost by the crowd gathered in Jerusalem (Acts 2, 37). The answer of the
crowd suggests a minimal understanding of the fact that Jesus asks them to look
beyond their physical necessities. Nevertheless, there is a misunderstanding
regarding the words of the previous verse, as well.
29

Those present say that, if Jesus would make the sign they ask for, they would
believe. This is, probably, another example of Johanneic irony, because Jesus has
already made some signs, including that of feeding the crowd, and yet, the people
persisted in their lack of faith.
30

As at the beginning of the dialogue, when He answered to the concerns
regarding food, so now, when He answers the concerns regarding tradition, Jesus
does not aim at contradicting the standpoint of their interlocutors, but at helping
them to go beyond it and to raise themselves to another level. He accepts their
assertion, but confers it a radical development. The bread of Moses from the past is
now replaced by the real Bread: For the bread of God is the bread that comes down
from heaven and gives life to the world (6, 33). With this final expression, the
dialogue reaches a new level. Jesus was found by those who were absorbed by their
different preoccupations. He listens to them, invites them to become more conscious

28
The verb to work, which refers to the physical work, is used for the moral effort as well (cf. Acts
10, 35; Rom. 2, 10; 13, 10; Gal. 6, 10), a moral effort that, in this context, continues the work of
creation or the creative activity (cf. 5, 17) (Brodie, 281).
29
Out of their vanity and apparent wisdom, they say: What should we do in order to fulfill the work
of God? So, it is good to be moderate in thinking, and it belongs to a noble soul to think that the
teachers know better what is useful and thus to receive their teachings, because they have a better
understanding (St. Cyril of Alexandria, Comentariu la Evanghelia Sfntului Ioan) (Bucureti: EIBMBOR,
2000).
30
This misunderstanding is due, probably, also to the two different meanings of the word sign. The
Jews continue to ask for proofs regarding Jesus. The Evangelist presents as signs not only the miracles,
but also some works of Jesus, significant from the Christological point of view. (Ridderbos, 226).

79
and speaks to them about the opening to God, that God Whose seal is imprinted on
the Son of Man. Finally, Jesus brings forward an overwhelming reality: that of God
which gives life to the world.
31

The bread from heaven reveals the heavenly origin of Jesus. While the
crowd interprets the words in an impersonal way, the personal sense appears step
by step until it is fully discovered in 6, 35.
32
The expression the bread that comes
down from heaven (6, 33) appears seven times in this discourse, which is another
indication of the implicit sacramental-symbolical value. As to the formula gives life
to the world, some exegetes have observed that in the rabbinic teaching, the giving
of the Law on the Mount Sinai is described in similar terms: the earth quaked when
He gave life to the world (Exod. Rab. 29, 9).
33
It is said that, in the present episode,
the same function is fulfilled by Jesus (cf. 5, 39).
The expression I am the bread of life (6, 35, reiterated in 6, 48.51) is the
first from those seven Johanneic registerings of the sayings I am, a clear reference
to the teophany par excellence.
34
The words of Jesus are destined to correct the
Jews understanding of the previous verse. In sharp contrast with the need of
constant providing with food, as in the case of manna, Jesus explains to them that
they need His bread repeatedly (cf. 13, 9-10). The living bread (o( a)/rtoj o( zw/n) or,
more exactly, the bread that lives is full of life and bestows life.
Thus, Jesus defines Himself as a concrete spiritual food for people.
35
Those
who are destined to death will live if they will eat this living Bread. The Gospel of John
contains a long row of metaphors-symbols concerning food (flesh, wine, bread, vine
etc.), which underlines the idea of the mystical communion with the person of our
Saviour. Jesus must be organically assimilated in order that we may gain eternal life,
which is equivalent to the kingdom of heaven. God has made Himself, for us, bread
that lives.
36

The expressions eternal life (6, 40) and we will raise up (6, 39-40) continues
the theme of life announced in 6, 33 and 6, 35, underlining the permanence of the life
given in and through Jesus, in contrast with the temporary nature of the mannas
sending by God to the Israelites found in the wilderness. The acquiring of the eternal
life may be expressed as it would take place in the present (6, 40), but this thing is in
close connection with the frequent references to the resurrection from that final day.
Thus, the future eschatology is not canceled by the actual eschatology. Because
the future resurrection of the believers is a certainty, it may be asserted that they
already have eternal life, here and now.

31
Brodie, 282.
32
Brown, 263.
33
Apud Kstenberger, 209.
34
God said to Moses: I am Who I am. This is what you are to say to the Israelites: I am has sent me to
you (Ex. 3, 14).
35
Here, the Evangelist gives us a glimpse of the subtle polemic with the Synagogue: the real food is
not either in the gift of Moses, nor in the Law, as it was thought, but in the Son, Whom the Father
gives as a sacrifice for the entire world. (Stelian Tofan, 84).
36
Cf. Evanghelia dup Ioan, translated by Cristian Bdili, 239-240.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

80
The Greek verb to see is qewre/w, a verb with numerous theological and
metaphysical connotations.
37
The conception presented here is similar to that in 3,
13-14, where it is said that the Jews were looking at and believed in the snake
lifted up for their salvation. John 6, 40 ends the unit which begins in 6, 35,
summarizing 6, 35-39.
John 6, 44 is the logical conclusion, negatively formulated, of the assertion
in 6, 37a. The Son, Jesus, is the sole mediator of the divine revelation. Likewise, this
makes the distinction between to hear the Father (6, 45) and to see the Father (6,
46). The first thing can be achieved only through Jesus, because He is the only One
Who has seen the Father. According to the prologue, this is something never done
before, even by Moses; the revelation of God through Jesus is greater than that
through the Law (Jn. 1, 17-18; cf. 3, 13; 5, 37; 14, 7-11).
38
The text from John 6, 44-46
testifies the cooperation between the Father and the Son in the personal redemption.
If the redemption is the result of the drawing activity of the Father, this is realized
through the personal receiving, by faith, of the revelation of God in Jesus.
39

In the section 6, 47-51, Jesus returns to the theme of the bread (that comes
down) from heaven, introduced again by the formula a)mh/n a)mh/n: whosoever
believes has eternal life. There are structural resemblances between 6, 32-35 and 6,
48-51, but the second text makes a step further in clarifying the concept of food.
Jesus makes the distinction between the beneficiaries of the manna in the
wilderness they have all died and those who eat the bread from heaven and do
not die, but live eternally.
Then, He develops the significance of His assertions regarding the bread
of life:
(1) this bread is the body of Christ;
(2) He will give it for the life of the world.
The fact that the term used here for the body of Christ is flesh, sa/rx,
instead of sw=ma, more frequently used in connection to the Eucharist, seems to
plead against a sacramental significance of these verses. Probably this term refers
to 1, 14: And the Word became flesh and made His dwelling among us. And we have
seen His glory, the glory of the only begotten from the Father, full of grace and truth.
The expression I will give Him for the life of the world has obvious sacrificial
connotations. In the wider context of the story, it refers to the body of Christ
sacrificed on the cross, for the sins of mankind. The idea of eating the body of Christ
represents the subject of the following dispute and of the explanations given by
Jesus in 6, 52-58.

37
It may express the simple notion of perceptibility. The connection between seeing and faith in 6,
40 is so profound, that it goes as far as being identified in a hendiadys. (Kstenberger, 212).
38
Moloney, 218.
39
Kstenberger, 214.

81
The conclusion of the discourse
When Jesus ended this speech, the first reaction was that of finding the
proposition of Jesus hard to accept. As Pauls discourse regarding crucifixion, this
speech is a scandal for the ordinary logic (6, 60; cf. 1 Cor. 1,23). But in a message
which echoes that transmitted to Nicodemus, Jesus really says that, with the help of
the Spirit, it can be accepted and even if the imminent betrayal of Judas announces
the coming of the cross (6, 64.70-71), enhancing the shadows of the approaching
death, nevertheless Peter succeeds to perceive, in the name of the Twelve, the
holiness of God in Jesus. In other words, even when death is visible, God is visible
too.
40
By using once more the solemn, authoritative introduction, a)mh/n a)mh/n, Jesus
reasserts His previous declarations, both in negative expression: unless you eat the
flesh of the Son of Man and drink His blood, you have no life in you and in positive
expression: whoever eats My flesh and drinks My blood has eternal life and I will raise
them up at the last day. The using of the title Son of Man implies a sacramental
understanding, although here Jesus speaks about the offering to death of His body
and blood a Jewish expression which points out the person in its integrality (cf. Mt.
16, 17; 1 Cor. 15, 50; Gal. 1, 16; Eph. 6, 12; Heb. 2, 14) and about the believers who
eat and drink from these.
John 6, 55 refers back to 6, 27 and 6, 32, asserting in an authoritative way
that the body and blood of Jesus is the real spiritual food and drink. In Johanneic
language, the word true has the connotations of the eschatological and typological
fulfillment in comparison with the precedents from the Old Testament. It must be
said that the verses 53-58 have often provoked theological polemics, starting from
the patristic period up to the Reformation. There have been proposed three solutions:
1) the passage speaks about the Eucharist (the sacramental interpretation);
2) the passage speaks about the mystical and total communion with Jesus
(the Christological interpretation);
3) a combination of these two perspectives.
As a matter of fact, this is not the only place in which John overlaps an
historical narration and an exegetical, post-paschal vision.
41
Accordingly, it cannot
be said with certainty if the discourse really belongs to the historical Jesus or if it is
a catechetical discourse, being a part of the conversion strategy of the Johanneic
community. Even the Greek verb used for to eat (trw/gwn) is different from that
used in other contexts, because it does not simply mean to eat, but to gnaw, to

40
This is, in fact, the perceiving of Gods providence, even in the darkest moments of life, a providence
that bestows life. Because the whole discourse describes the image of an advanced communion
between the divine and the human, the initial idea of the Prologue, that of the progressive blend
between the Word and the flesh, is developed. (Brodie, 275).
41
Evanghelia dup Ioan, translated by Cristian Bdili, 240.
IOAN FLORIN CODREA

82
masticate.
42
The above text confirms, as a result of eating the flesh and blood of
Jesus, the reciprocal dwelling of Jesus and the believers (perichoresis).
Then, the text from 6, 57 clarifies the fact that the communion between the
Son and the Father is at the bottom of the union between Jesus and the believers.
The ground of Jesus person is the living Father (5, 26). In the same way, Jesus
represents the ground of the spiritual existence of the believers.
43
The personal
pronoun me (me), instead of my flesh/ my blood suggests as well the sacramental
significances.
44

Although some exegetes like H. Ridderbos invokes, against a sacramental
understanding, the following arguments:
a) the fact that the Jews could not understand the words of Jesus in a
sacramental way;
45

b) the fact that the word flesh is never used in the New Testament in
connection to the Eucharist;
c) the fact that, to do this thing means to ascribe an improper signification
to such a practice,
46

nevertheless we must say that John may have expected that his readers would
interpret the words of Jesus in the light of the Church tradition referring to the
Eucharistic sacrifice, that is, in a sacramental way.
47

42
Of course, everything must be read in the key of the Messianic feast. Perhaps many of Jesus disciples
leave Him immediately because of the violence of the images used here, so that the force of the
discourse must not be attenuated, but it must be admitted the fact that Jesus uses often hard
images, sometimes even shocking ones. The expression in 6, 56: remains in Me and I in him shows
the perfect osmosis between the swallowed one and the one who eats Him. By eating the flesh
and blood of Christ, the believer turns into a Christomorphic being. (Evanghelia dup Ioan, translated
by Cristian Bdili, 241)
43
Moloney, 222.
44
Kstenberger, 216.
45
For the sensibility of the Jews it is a horrible thing to eat raw flesh and even a more horrible to
drink blood. They eat cooked and clean flesh, prepared by the haham (the animals are killed and
the blood flows out etc.). We realize, then, how shocking is the word of God! But He shocks them
out of necessity: in order to point out the total difference between the old law and the new law,
between the old man and the new man. The food that comes from the earth is necessary to all, and
the people receive from it a unique life. But, by the coming of Christ, a new food has appeared. In
order to live his real life, man does not eat earthly things any more (Andr Scrima, Comentariu
integral la Evanghelia dup Ioan, translated from Arab by Monica Broteanu, translated from
French by Anca Manolescu (Bucureti: Editura Humanitas, 2008), 90).
46
Ridderbos, 240-241.
47
Donald A. Carson, The Gospel according to John, Pillar New Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids,
Michigan: Eerdmans, 1991), 296-97.

II. TEOLOGIE ISTORIC

1700 DE ANI DE LA LEGIFERAREA CRETINISMULUI.
RE-NATEREA CRETINTII DE LA ANUL 313

DOREL MAN
*

REZUMAT. n anul 313, la Mediolan, mpratul Constantin cel Mare proclam n
mod solemn libertatea i egalitatea dintre cultul pgn i cel cretin, eveniment
care inaugureaz religia cretin din lume n mod oficial.
mpratul avea dreptul de a interveni n toate problemele religioase i de a
guverna Biserica, lucrurile i persoanele, iar autoritatea mpratului n materie de
religie era aproape absolut. Constantin va deveni binefctor i campion laic
al credinei, va ndeplini n faa frailor si, episcopii, cu modestie, dar fr ezitare,
funcia inedit, inclasabil, autoproclamat a unui fel de preedinte al Bisericii,
convocnd n anul 325 primul Sinod ecumenic de la Niceea, unde s-au pus bazele
dogmelor cretine i s-au elaborat canoanele privind organizarea Bisericii lui
Hristos.
Religia cretin a evoluat n mod progresiv, din acest moment, constituindu-
se religie de stat prin decretul mpratului Teodosie cel Mare (346-395) din anul
380 de la Tesalonic, devenind o realitate constituional a Imperiului Roman.

Cuvinte-cheie: cretinism, edict, religie, mprat, lege.

Dup victoria de la Pons Milvius (Podul oimului) de peste rul Tibru,
mpotriva lui Maxenius, a doua zi, la 29 octombrie 312, Constantin ocupa Roma n
fruntea armatei care purta pe scuturi i drapele un simbol nou numit harismas
format din primele litere ale numelui lui Hristos, adic literele greceti X i P,
suprapuse i ncruciate, monograma lui Hristos, care nu era altul dect semnul
crucii, nceputul convertirii. E greu de cunoscut n intimitatea ei evoluia religioas
a mpratului Constantin, dar odat declarat pentru cretinism, el a progresat
continuu pe aceast cale, ncepnd cu lupta dintre el i Maxenius de la Pons
Milvius, lng Roma
1
.

*
Conf. Univ. Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
mandorelubb@yahoo.com
1
Pr. Ioan Rmureanu, Pr. Teodor Bodogae i Pr. Milan esan, Istoria bisericeasc universal, vol. I, Ed.
Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1982, p. 98.
DOREL MAN

84
Lumea cretin a neles prin acest simbol c victoria i aparine de fapt lui
Hristos prin providenialul Constantin, ce n anul 313 la Mediolan proclam n mod
solemn, libertatea i egalitatea dintre cultul pgn i cel cretin, eveniment care
inaugureaz religia cretin din lume n mod oficial.
De acum nainte se deschide cretinismului cale liber n acest imens
imperiu, considerat centrul lumii, co-extensiv civilizaiei. Ceea ce se va numi, vreme
de secole, Imperiul cretin, ba chiar Cretintatea, tocmai se [re]ntea
2
.
Monografiile istorice amintesc faptul c inteniile pentru libertatea
cretinismului au fost afirmate de Galeriu, care, grav bolnav, nainte de moartea sa
din anul 311, a dat un edict de toleran la Sardica (Sofia) pentru a se pune capt
persecuiilor i a li se acorda libertatea de cult cretinilor poruncindu-le s se roage
dumnezeului lor pentru el, pentru stat i pentru ei nii, cu condiia s nu tulbure
ordinea public
3
, lege publicat la 30 aprilie 311 n Nicomidia, dar nerespectat de
urmaul su Maximinus Daia
4
, care stpnea peste Orient.
Paul Lemerle cu privire la edictul lui Galeriu afirm urmtoarele: Tot atunci,
situaia cretinilor n Imperiu avea s se schimbe cu totul, fr vreo intervenie n
acest sens din partea lui Constantin. Adevratul edict de toleran a fost emis n 311,
de Galerius. El proclama recunoaterea cretinismului ca religie i ddea cretinilor
dreptul de a se ntruni, sub condiia de a nu tulbura ordinea public; n schimb,
cretinii aveau datoria s se roage zeului lor pentru prosperitatea mpratului i a
statului roman.
Explicaia emiterii acestui edict, surprinztor dac ne gndim c mai nainte
de anul 311, Galerius i persecutase cu asprime pe cretini, trebuie cutat, poate, n
starea de derut n care acesta se gsea n acel moment, atins fiind de o boal
necrutoare, de pe urma creia avea s i moar n scurt vreme: este de crezut, de
asemenea, c romanii ncepuser s se sature de attea persecuii, vdit zadarnice,
mpotriva cretinilor. Oricum, adevratul edict de toleran este cel al lui Galerius, iar
tradiia care struie s-i transfere meritul asupra aa numitului - n chip impropriu,
cum vom vedea - edict din Milan nu este conform cu realitatea
5
.
Religia cretin a evoluat n mod progresiv, din acest moment, constituindu-se
religie de stat prin decretul mpratului Teodosie cel Mare (346-395) din anul
380 de la Tesalonic, devenind o realitate constituional a Imperiului Roman.
Tradiia spune, prin istoricul Eusebiu de Cezareea (265-339), c n anul
313, mpratul Constantin, erou excepional, a construit pentru episcopul Romei o
biseric, cea care astzi e numit Biserica Sfntul Ioan din Lateran, obicei al

2
Paul Veyne, Cnd lumea noastr a devenit cretin (312-394), trad. de Claudiu Gaiu, Ed. Tact, Cluj-
Napoca, 2010, p. 23.
3
Ion Barnea, Octavian Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, Ed. tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1982,
pp. 31-32.
4
Fa de cretini s-a artat un aprig persecutor att nainte ct i dup Edictul de toleran a lui Galeriu.
A fcut numeroase victime ndeosebi n rndurile clerului cretin din Asia Mic, Egipt i Palestina.
n afar de pedepse fizice, ndeosebi mutilri corporale, contra cretinilor se fcea propagand n
coli i prin diferite pamflete, cutndu-se pe de alt parte organizarea unui cler pgn dup modelul
celui cretin (Cf. I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, p. 32).
5
Paul Lemerle, Istoria Bizanului, ed. ngrijit de Bogdan Mateciuc, Ed. Teora, Bucureti, 1998, p. 7.
1700 DE ANI DE LA LEGIFERAREA CRETINISMULUI. RE-NATEREA CRETINTII DE LA ANUL 313

85
mprailor nvingtori s ridice temple sau alte construcii importante prin care s
mulumeasc, faptic, zeului cruia i datora victoria. Prin aceast fapt cretinii puteau
prea bine crede c Dumnezeu era de partea lui
6
, iar era cretin intr ntr-o nou
etap a evoluiei mondiale a popoarelor care au beneficiat de motenirea civilizaiei
bizantine.
Istoricul i arheologul francez Paul Veyne prezint aceast personalitate
imperial astfel: ef militar i politic pe ct de eficient pe att de ndrzne,
Constantin era i un brbat prudent. A doua zi dup victoria sa, trebuia s nu
neliniteasc majoritatea pgn i s dea de neles c credina sa cretin nu inea
dect de domeniul su privat; nimeni nu trebuia s bnuiasc planurile mesianice
ale lui Constantin n favoarea lui Hristos
7
.
Ideologia imperial cretin prezentat de Eusebiu n lucrarea sa Viaa lui
Constantin nglobeaz toate virtuile mpratului care reprezint un mod de via
cretin, cu o intens conotaie moral () valabile pentru oricare dintre mrturisitorii
lui Hristos
8
.
Se cunoate faptul c primele secole ale erei noastre nu au fost favorabile
cretinismului, dar, nceputul secolului IV, odat cu divizarea Imperiului ntre cei
patru co-mprai, cu anul 313, prin Edictul de la Mediolan, punct de frontier ntre
antichitatea pgn i epoca cretin
9
oper inaugural pentru lumea cretin, va
schimba istoria omenirii prin istoria faptelor lui Constantin cel Mare care a decis
destinul Imperiului Roman i triumful cretinismului precum i apariia prin
urmaii si a unui stat ecumenic, o adevrat comunitate de popoare reunite sub
aceeai organizare statal, religioas i lingvistic: Imperiul Bizantin
10
.
Capitala Imperiului, inaugurat la 11 mai anul 330 va primi numele de
Constantinopol (Oraul lui Constantin); cel mai mare centru spiritual cretin a
devenit, de fapt, centrul unic al vieii spirituale a Bizanului; el a devenit ncetul
cu ncetul sufletul poporului bizantin, vatra unde era furit mentalitatea bizantin; el
ddea ritmul oricrui eveniment; orice aciune era considerat n funcie de el i tot la
el aspirau i credincioii si. El s-a bucurat, timp de zece secole, de o splendoare i de
un prestigiu pe care puine orae l-au cunoscut
11
. n aceast perioad constantinian
i apoi bizantin, ce a dinuit peste un mileniu, popoare din Europa, Asia i nordul
Africii au prsit diferitele forme de pgnism i de via primitiv, s-au convertit
la cretinism i s-au organizat n naiuni
12
.

6
Waren Treadgold, O scurt istorie a Bizanului, trad. de Mirela Acsente, Ed. Artemis, Bucureti,
2003, p. 34.
7
P. Veyne, Cnd lumea noastr a devenit cretin, p. 99.
8
Basile Tatakis, Filosofia bizantin, trad. de Eduard Florin Tudor, Ed. Nemira, Bucureti, 2010,
pp. 22-23.
9
10
George D. Hurmuziadis, Cultura Greciei: antic, bizantin, modern, trad. de Lucia Dumitriu
Hurmuziadis, Ed. iinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1979, p. 61.
11
B. Tatakis, Filosofia bizantin, p. 62.
12
G.D. Hurmuziadis, Cultura Greciei, p. 61.
DOREL MAN

86
Edictul de la Mediolan, din anul 313, redactat de cei doi auguti, Constantin
i Licinius, conine pe lng libertatea cultelor i restituirea bunurilor Bisericii
cretine
13
. Aadar, iat ce spune Edictul: Eu, Constantin Augustul i Eu, Licinius
Augustul ne-am ntlnit la Milano i am luat n consideraie toate aspectele care
aduceau avantaje poporului i mai mult securitate, printre celelalte probleme pe
care le-am discutat n beneficiul marii majoriti a poporului nostru, am considerat
c trebuie reglementate acele probleme privitoare la respectul fa de Divinitate,
aa c am acordat cretinilor i tuturor popoarelor libertatea nerestricionat
de a urma credina pe care o doresc, orice divinitate ar fi pe tronul ceresc, dreapt i
binevoitoare fa de noi pentru toi cei care sunt sub puterea noastr. Deoarece
considerm c aceast politic a fost gndit din motive corecte i utile, credem c
nu trebuie s oprim pe nimeni de a urma i de a alege, fie c e vorba de credina
cretinilor, fie de orice credin pe care fiecare o percepe ca fiind cea mai potrivit
pentru sine, astfel nct Suprema Divinitate (Summa Divinitas) pentru cultul creia
ne devotm noi nine n deplin libertate de alegere, s poat s ne druiasc n
toate bunvoin i binecuvntarea ei [Dup o clauz n care se cere imperativ ca
toate msurile anterioare luate mpotriva cretinilor s fie anulate, textul continu
astfel:] Am decis ca aceast msur s fie instituit prin intermediul cretinilor:
adic, dac nainte cineva a cumprat din proprietatea noastr ori a oricrei alte
persoane locuri unde obinuiau s se ntlneasc, s fie redate cretinilor fr bani
sau alte cereri de plat, eliminnd orice ambiguitate sau privare; chiar i aceia care
le-au primit prin donaie s returneze acele proprieti cretinilor ct mai repede
posibilToate aceste locuri trebuie imediat napoiate comunitilor cretine prin
intermediul vostru [oficialitile imperiale care primesc aceste dispoziii] i fr nici
o ntrziere. Deoarece se tie c aceti cretini au avut nu numai acele proprieti pe
care le gospodreau sub jurisdicia comunitii lor, adic a bisericilor, nu de ctre
persoane individuale, vei veghea ca toate aceste lucruri, n acord cu legea pe care am
explicat-o mai sus, s fie retrocedate acelorai cretini, adic trupului i comunitilor
lor, respectnd ntotdeauna principiul c aceia care recompun aceste proprieti
aa cum noi ne-am bucurat fr s primim nici un pre, pot spera s-i asigure
despgubirea prin bunvoina noastr. n toate aceste probleme suntei obligai s
oferii sus-amintitelor comuniti ale cretinilor sprijinul vostru eficient astfel
nct prevederile noastre s fie ndeplinite ct mai rapid cu putin i ca interesul
pentru linitea public s fie slujit prin bunvoina noastr. Numai n acest mod
bunvoina divin (divinus favor) fa de noi ar putea s fie n continuare favorabil
victoriilor noastre i binelui public. [Se ncheie cu o indicaie imperativ pentru
funcionarii imperiali de a publica i transmite potal acest document n toate prile,
astfel nct toi supuii imperiului s vad i s citeasc acest act imperial.]
14
.

13
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare, trad. de Radu Alexandrescu, Ed. Institutului
Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1991, p. 109.
14
Charles Matson Odahl, Constantin i Imperiul cretin, trad. de Mihaela Pop, Ed. BIC ALL, Timioara,
2006, pp. 115-116.
1700 DE ANI DE LA LEGIFERAREA CRETINISMULUI. RE-NATEREA CRETINTII DE LA ANUL 313

87
mpratul Constantin om de aciune, cldit att din pruden ct i din
energie; i-a atins, prin urmare, scopurile: tronul roman a devenit cretin i Biserica
a devenit o putere
15
, urmare a edictului care a legiferat i stabilit cultul cretin ca
religio licita n Imperiul Roman.
n scurt timp relaiile dintre cei doi co-mprai s-au nrutit, iar Licinius
n Orient nu va respecta cele prevzute n edict i va lua msuri severe mpotriva
cretinilor, fiind ndeprtai de la curtea imperial, din unitile militare mai
importante i din administraia central. De asemenea, n anul 320 Licinius atac
direct Biserica cretin i interzice: inerea de sinoade episcopale, iar sub pretext de
imoralitate, au fost interzise adunrile mixte ale cretinilor n locaurile nchise,
cultul celebrndu-se afar din ora, separat pentru brbai i pentru femei i chiar a
propus un cler feminin. n partea oriental a Asiei Mici s-a ajuns la noi martiri
pentru c guvernatorii provinciilor aveau libertatea de aciune cu privire la adepii
religiei cretine
16
.
Dup nlturarea lui Licinius n anul 324 de la conducere, din Orient,
Constantin a ntregit Imperiul i a dat o proclamaie ctre toi supuii si care
cuprinde, de fapt, edictul cu prescripiile din anul 313 care au prins ndat via n
fapt: libertate pentru cretini i restituirea n mod gratuit ctre comunitile
cretine a tuturor bunurilor confiscate: pmnturi, grdini, capele cimitire. Odat
cu rentoarcerea libertii, odat cu izgonirea prin pronia Dumnezeului Celui Prea
nalt i prin purtarea noastr de grij a acelui balaur de la crma puteriioamenii
s-i ntemeieze iari viaa pe adevr i pe dreptate. Episcopii, preoii i diaconii,
guvernatorii de provincie au primit porunc s dea ascultare i s treac la fapt.
Astfel c, foarte curnd, prevederile legii au fost nfptuite
17
.
ntr-o alt scrisoare din anul 324, Ctre orientali, Constantin i ndeamn pe
toi supuii imperiului s se converteasc la cretinism. Cei care refuzau nu erau
constrni sau persecutai, ci tolerai i lsai n pace, libertatea de contiin i de
cult fiind socotit deopotriv valabil i pentru pgni, scrie Eusebiu de Cezareea n
Viaa lui Constantin.
Din acel timp epoca cretin se deschide legal prin politica religioas a lui
Constantin care primete supranumele de cel Mare din partea cretinilor i va
pstra toat viaa titlul de pontifex maximus, avnd dreptul de a interveni n toate
problemele religioase i a guverna Biserica, lucrurile i persoanele, iar autoritatea
mpratului n materie de religie era aproape absolut, mpratul convoca conciliile;
el era reprezentat aici prin nalii funcionari cnd nu asista n persoan i ratifica
deciziile Prinilor care aveau putere de lege numai dup aceast ratificare
18
.
n formarea etapei cretine constantiniene se disting trei perioade
19
:

15
Paul Veyne, Cnd lumea noastr a devenit cretin, p. 19.
16
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare, p. 87. I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare,
p. 43.
17
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare, p. 111.
18
Charles Diehl, Marile probleme ale istoriei Bizantine. Figuri bizantine, Ed. Pentru literatur,
Bucureti 1969, p. 56.
19
I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, pp. 68-72.
DOREL MAN

88
1. De la urcarea pe tron (306-312) pn la victoria asupra lui Maxeniu,
perioad n care el a respectat vechile tradiii romane pgne, ns dup informaiile
lui Eusebiu i Lactaniu Constantin a fost educat de tatl su, Constaniu Chlor s nu
persecute cretinii, mai ales c era monoteist i avea la curtea sa preoi cretini, iar
una dintre fiice purta numele cretin de Anastasia. Datorit i acestui fapt, adic a
creterii sale n spiritul toleranei cretinilor, de acum nainte politica religioas a lui
Constantin devenise vizibil i nu se va schimba iar toate deciziile lui intesc s-i
pregteasc lumii romane un viitor cretin
20
.
2. De la 312-324, o perioad favorabil cretinilor prin legile emise
21
de
ctre Constantin pentru aprarea clerului ortodox, dovedindu-se a fi suveranul
cretin al unui imperiu care a integrat Biserica i a dat religiei cretine o dimensiune
mondial
22
. n anul 321 a instituit prima zi a sptmnii, cunoscut sub numele de
ziua soarelui, care se confunda cu ziua Domnului (duminica) sau a Soarelui
dreptii, ca zi de repaus, zi de srbtoare sptmnal, iar treptat cele mai
reprezentative forme ale vieii de stat luau caracter cretin.
n aceast perioad s-a realizat scopul fundamental al legislaiei cretine
constantiniene care a corelat conceptul de libertate cu cretinismul n mentalitatea
popular, a nlat poziia clerului cretin n imperiu, a promulgat legi care
permiteau dezrobirea sclavilor n biserici, o nsemnare scris fcut de episcop
garanta cetenia roman pentru sclavii eliberai
23
.
3. De la 324-337, se deschid porile ntregului imperiu pentru cretinism
i ctigarea Bisericii de partea statului. Putem afirma, avnd n vedere legile
promulgate de Constantin, c din anul 324 se practic un limbaj de prin cretin
24

care consider pgnismul o superstiie dezavantajoas n timp ce cretinismul
este preasfnta Lege divin.
mpratul Constantin din aceast perioad va deveni binefctor i campion
laic al credinei, va ndeplini n faa frailor si, episcopii, cu modestie, dar fr ezitare,
funcia inedit, inclasabil, autoproclamat a unui fel de preedinte al Bisericii, se
va amesteca n treburile eclesiastice i va aciona nu contra pgnilor, ci a cretinilor
si, separatiti sau eretici
25
convocnd n anul 325 primul Sinod ecumenic de
la Niceea unde s-au pus bazele dogmelor cretine i s-au elaborat canoanele
privind organizarea Bisericii lui Hristos.

20
21
ncepnd din anul 313 clerul biserici cretine a fost scutit de obligaiile personale (munera), privilegiu
de care beneficiau de mai mult vreme colegiile oficiale a le preoilor pgni. O lege din acelai an lua
aprarea clerului ortodox mpotriva ereticilor (Cod. Theod., XVI, 2, 1) Iar o alt lege din 315 prevedea
pedepse aspre mpotriva evreilor care-i persecutau pe fotii lor coreligionarii convertii la cretinism.
iar la 23 iunie 318 se d o lege care acord episcopilor ortodoci aceleai drepturi la judecat ca i
judectorilor tribunalelor oficiale (Cf. I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, p. 69).
22
23
Ch. M. Odahl, Constantin i Imperiul cretin, p. 155.
24
25

II. HISTORICAL THEOLOGY

1700 YEARS FROM THE ENACTMENT OF CHRISTIANITY.
THE RE-BIRTH OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE YEAR 313

DOREL MAN
*

ABSTRACT. In 313, in Mediolan, Constantine the Great solemnly proclaim
freedom and equality between pagan and Christian cult, an event that
inaugurates officially the Christian religion in the world.

The emperor had the
right to intervene in all religious matters and to govern the Church, and His
authority in matters of religion was almost absolute.

Constantine will become
a benefactor and laic champion of the faith, a kind of President of the Church
who will summon in 325 the First Ecumenical Council of Nicaea where the
foundations of the Christian dogmas were laid and the canons regarding the
organization of Church of Christ were elaborated.
From that moment on, Christianity has evolved progressively, becoming a
state religion through the decree of the Emperor Theodosius the Great (346-395),
given in 380 in Thessaloniki, and a constitutional reality of the Roman Empire.

Keywords: Christianity, edict, religion, emperor, law.

After the victory from Pons Milvius (Eagles Bridge) against Maxentius, the next
day, on 29th of October 312, Constantine occupied Rome with the help of an army
which carried on shields and flags a new symbol called harismas, formed by the first
letters of the name of Christ, i.e. the Greek letters X and P, overlapping and crossed, the
monogram of Christ, which was nothing else than the sign of the cross, the beginning of
the conversion. It is difficult to know in its intimacy the religious evolution of Constantine,
but once he declared himself in favour of Christianity, he continually progressed on
this path, starting with the battle with Maxentius from Pons Milvius, near Rome
1
.
The Christian world understood through this symbol that the victory actually
belongs to Christ through the providential Constantine the Great, who in 313 in
Mediolan solemnly proclaims freedom and equality between the pagan and the
Christian cult, an event that inaugurates officially the Christian religion in the world.

*
Conf. Univ. Dr., Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
mandorelubb@yahoo.com
1
Ioan Rmureanu, Teodor Bodogae, Milan esan, Istoria bisericeasc universal, vol. I (Bucureti:
Institutul Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 1982): 98.
DOREL MAN

90
From now on, Christianity has a free way in this immense which was considered
the center of the world, co-extensive to civilization. What was to be called, for centuries,
the Christian Empire, even Christianity, was just being [re]born
2
.
The historical monographs remind the fact that the intentions for the freedom
of Christianity were affirmed by Galerius, who, being seriously ill, issued in 311, before
his death, an edict of tolerance in Sardica (Sofia) to end the persecution and to grant
to Christians the freedom of worship ordering them to pray to their god for him, for
the state and for themselves, unless they disturb public order
3
. The law was published
on the 30th of April 311 in Nicomedia, but it was not observed by Maximinus Daia
4
,
his successor, who ruled over the East.
Regarding the edict of Galerius, Paul Lemerle states the following: At that
time, the situation of Christians in the Empire was to change completely without any
intervention in this regard on the part of Constantine. True tolerance edict was issued
in 311 by Galerius.

He proclaimed recognition of Christianity as religion and gave
Christians the right to assemble, subject to not disturb public order, but instead
Christians had a duty to pray for the prosperity of their god and rule Roman Emperor.
Explanation for the issuing of this edict, surprising when one considers that
before the year 311, Galerius harshly persecuted Christians, is to be found, perhaps, in
a state of disarray as it was in that moment when he was touched by a merciless disease,
from which he would die in a short time: it is also thought that the Romans began to be
weary of so much persecution, clearly fruitless against Christians.

However, the true edict
of tolerance is that of Galerius, and the tradition that persists to transfer merit to the so-
called - in improper way, as we shall see - "Edict of Milan" is not consistent with reality
5
.
Christianity has evolved progressively from now on, becoming a state religion
by the decree given by the Emperor Theodosius the Great (346-395) in 380 in
Thessaloniki and a constitutional reality of the Roman Empire.
Tradition says, through the voice of the historian Eusebius of Caesarea (265-
339), that in the year 313, the Emperor Constantine, an exceptional hero, built for the
Bishop of Rome a church which today is called the Church of Saint John Lateran, a custom
of the winner kings to build temples or other important buildings as a sign of gratitude
to the god to whom he owed the victory.

By this act the Christians could easily believe
that God was on his side
6
and Christian era was entering a new phase of global
development of peoples that benefited from the legacy of the Byzantine civilization.

2
Paul Veyne, Cnd lumea noastr a devenit cretin (312-394), translated by Claudiu Gaiu (Cluj-Napoca:
Tact, 2010), 23.
3
Ion Barnea, Octavian Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare (Bucureti: tiinific i Enciclopedic, 1982),
31-32.
4
Maximinus showed a fierce persecutor against Christians, both before and after Galerius's edict of
tolerance. He made many victims, especially among Christian clergy from Asia Minor, Egypt and
Palestine. In addition to physical punishment, especially corporal mutilations, propaganda in
schools and in various pamphlets was made against Christians, trying to organize a pagan clergy
according to the model of the Christian one. (Cf. I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, 32).
5
Paul Lemerle, Istoria Bizanului, edited by Bogdan Mateciuc (Bucureti: Teora, 1998), 7.
6
Waren Treadgold, O scurt istorie a Bizanului, translated by Mirela Acsente (Bucureti: Artemis,
2003), 34.
1700 YEARS FROM THE ENACTMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. THE RE-BIRTH OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE YEAR 313

91
The French historian and archaeologist Paul Veyne presents this imperial
personality in these words: a military and political chief as effective as it is bold,
Constantine was a prudent man, too The next day after his victory, he needed not to
disturb the pagan majority, but let them understand that the Christian faith was only a
private matter; no one had to suspect Constantine's Messianic plans for Christ
7
.
The Christian imperial ideology presented by Eusebius in his Life of Constantine
encompasses all the virtues of the king who represents a Christian lifestyle with a
strong moral connotation (...) valid for any of the witnesses of Christ
8
.
It is known that the first centuries of our era were not favorable to Christianity,
but the beginning of the fourth century, when the Empire split between four co-emperors,
the year 313, when the Edict of Mediolan was given, a landmark between the pagan
antiquity and the Christian era
9
, an inaugural work for the Christian world, will change
the human history through the history of Constantine the Great facts, who decided the
fate of the Roman Empire and the emergence and triumph of Christianity, as well as the
emergence through its followers of an ecumenical state, a true community of people
united under one state, religious and linguistic organization: the Byzantine Empire
10
.
The capital of the Empire, inaugurated on the 11th of May 330 will be called
Constantinople (Constantine's City); the largest Christian spiritual center became, in
fact, "the unique center of the spiritual life of Byzantium, it gradually became the soul of
the Byzantine people, the hearth where the Byzantine mentality was forged; it gave
pace to any event; any action was considered by it and its faithful aspired to it. For ten
centuries it enjoyed a splendor and prestige that few cities have known
11
. During the
period of Constantine and the Byzantine period, which lasted more than a millennium,
peoples of Europe, Asia and North Africa left the different forms of paganism and
primitive life, converted to Christianity and organized themselves in nations
12
.
The Edict of Mediolan, in 313, issued by the two Augusta, Constantine and
Licinius, stipulates, in addition to religious freedom, the handing back of the goods to
the Christian Church
13
. Here is the text of the Edict: When I, Constantine Augustus, as
well as I, Licinius Augustus, had fortunately met near Mediolanum (Milan), and were
considering everything that pertained to the public welfare and security, we thought
that, among other things which we saw would be for the good of many, those
regulations pertaining to the reverence of the Divinity ought certainly to be made first,
so that we might grant to the Christians and to all others full authority to observe that
religion which each preferred ; whence any Divinity whatsoever in the seat of the
heavens may be propitious and kindly disposed to us and all who are placed under

7
P. Veyne, Cnd lumea noastr a devenit cretin, 99.
8
Basile Tatakis, Filosofia bizantin, translated by Eduard Florin Tudor (Bucureti: Ed. Nemira,
2010), 22-23.
9
10
George D. Hurmuziadis, Cultura Greciei: antic, bizantin, modern, translated by Lucia Dumitriu
Hurmuziadis (Bucureti: iinific i Enciclopedic, 1979), 61.
11
B. Tatakis, Filosofia bizantin, 62.
12
G.D. Hurmuziadis, Cultura Greciei, 61.
13
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare, translated by Radu Alexandrescu (Bucureti:
Institutul Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 1991), 109
DOREL MAN

92
our rule. And thus by this wholesome counsel and most upright provision we thought
to arrange that no one whatsoever should be denied the opportunity to give his heart
to the observance of the Christian religion, or of that religion which he should think
best for himself, so that the Supreme Deity, to whose worship we freely yield our hearts,
may show in all things His usual favor and benevolence. Therefore, your Worship
should know that it has pleased us to remove all conditions whatsoever, which were
in the rescripts formerly given to you officially, concerning the Christians, and now any
one of these who wishes to observe the Christian religion may do so freely and openly,
without any disturbance or molestation. We thought it fit to commend these things
most fully to your care that you may know that we have given to those Christians free
and unrestricted opportunity of religious worship. When you see that this has been
granted to them by us, your Worship will know that we have also conceded to other
religions the right of open and free observance of their worship for the sake of the
peace of our times, that each one may have the free opportunity to worship as he
pleases; this regulation is made that we may not seem to detract aught from any
dignity or any religion. Moreover, in the case of the Christians especially, we esteemed
it best to order that if it happens that anyone heretofore has bought from our treasury
or from anyone whatsoever, those places where they were previously accustomed to
assemble, concerning which a certain decree had been made and a letter sent to you
officially, the same shall be restored to the Christians without payment or any claim of
recompense and without any kind of fraud or deception, Those, moreover, who have
obtained the same by gift, are likewise to return them at once to the Christians.
Besides, both those who have purchased and those who have secured them by gift,
are to appeal to the vicar if they seek any recompense from our bounty, that they may
be cared for through our clemency. All this property ought to be delivered at once to
the community of the Christians through your intercession, and without delay. And since
these Christians are known to have possessed not only those places in which they
were accustomed to assemble, but also other property, namely the churches, belonging to
them as a corporation and not as individuals, all these things which we have included
under the above law, you will order to be restored, without any hesitation or controversy
at all, to these Christians, that is to say to the corporations and their conventicles:
providing, of course, that the above arrangements be followed so that those who return
the same without payment, as we have said, may hope for an indemnity from our bounty.
In all these circumstances you ought to tender your most efficacious intervention to
the community of the Christians, that our command may be carried into effect as quickly
as possible, whereby, moreover, through our clemency, public order may be secured.
Let this be done so that, as we have said above, Divine favor towards us, which, under
the most important circumstances we have already experienced, may, for all time,
preserve and prosper our successes together with the good of the state. Moreover, in
order that the statement of this decree of our good will may come to the notice of all,
this rescript, published by your decree, shall be announced everywhere and brought to
the knowledge of all, so that the decree of this, our benevolence, cannot be concealed
14
.

14
Charles Matson Odahl, Constantin i Imperiul cretin, translated by Mihaela Pop (Timioara: BIC ALL,
2006), 115-116.
1700 YEARS FROM THE ENACTMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. THE RE-BIRTH OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE YEAR 313

93
Constantine, a man of action, built both of caution and energy, has reached
therefore his aims: the Roman throne became Christian and the Church became a
power,
15
as a consequence of the edict which legalized the Christian worship and
established the Christian cult as a religio licita in the Roman Empire.
Shortly afterwards the relations between the two co-emperors became worse
and Licinius will not observe those things stipulated in edict and he will take severe
measures against the Christians: they were expelled from the imperial court, from the
most important military units and from the central administration.

Likewise, in 320
Licinius directly attacks Christian Church and prohibits the holding of Episcopal synods,
and under the pretext of immorality, the mixed gatherings of Christians in closed
chambers were forbidden; the religious cult was celebrated out of town, separately
for men and women and he even proposed a female clergy.

In the Eastern part of Asia
Minor new martyrs appeared, because the provincial governors had freedom of
action with regarding the adherents to the Christian religion
16
.
After the removal of Licinius in 324, Constantine completed the Empire and
issued a proclamation to all his subjects which contains, in fact, the edict with its
requirements from 313 which soon were put into practice: freedom for Christians and
the handing back to the Christian communities of all seized goods: lands, gardens,
chapels, cemeteries.

With the return of freedom, with the expulsion through the
providence of the Most High God and through our care of that monster from the
helm of power ... people should found their life again on truth and justice. The bishops,
priests and deacons, the provincial governors have received commandment to obey
and to put the commandments into practice. So, very soon, the stipulations of the law
were accomplished
17
.
In another letter from 324, To Orientals, Constantine urges all subjects of the
empire to convert to Christianity. Those who refused to do so were not compelled or
persecuted, but tolerated and left alone, because the freedom of conscience and of
worship was observed also for pagans, as Eusebius of Caesarea writes in his work, Life
of Constantine.
Since that time, the Christian is lawfully inaugurated, through the religious
policy of Constantine, who receives the nickname the Great from the Christians,
at the same time preserving for the rest of his life the title of Pontifex Maximus,
having the right to intervene in all religious matters and to govern the Church, things
and people. The emperors authority in matters of religion was almost absolute, the
emperor convenes the councils. When he did not attend in person, he was represented
there by senior officials, and ratified the Fathers decisions which had the force of
law only after this ratification
18
.
In the shaping of the Constantinian Christian era we may distinguish three
periods
19
:

15
Paul Veyne, Cnd lumea noastr a devenit cretin, 19.
16
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare, 87. I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, 43.
17
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare, 111.
18
Charles Diehl, Marile probleme ale istoriei Bizantine. Figuri bizantine (Bucureti: Pentru literatur,
1969), 56.
19
I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, 68-72.
DOREL MAN

94
1. From his ascension to the throne (306-312) to the victory over Maxentius,
a period during which he respected the old Roman pagan traditions, but according to
the information of Lactantius and Eusebius, Constantine was educated by his father,
Constantius Chlor, not to persecute Christians, especially since he was an adherent of
monotheism and he had Christian priests at his court, and one of his daughters was
named Anastasia. Due to this, i.e. his education in the spirit of tolerating the Christians,
from now on Constantine's religious policy became visible and it will not change, and
all his decisions "aim to prepare a Christian future to the Roman world
20
.
2. From 312 to 324, a favorable period for Christians due to the laws issued
21

by Constantine to defend the Orthodox clergy, proving by this to be the Christian
ruler of an empire that integrated the Church and gave a global dimension to Christian
religion
22
. In AD 321 he established the first day of the week, known as the day of
the sun, which was confounded with the Lord's Day (Sunday), or the day of the Sun
of Justice, as a day of weekly rest, a holy day, and gradually the most representative
forms of public life took a Christian character.
In this period the fundamental purpose of the Constantinian Christian
legislation was achieved, which linked in the popular mentality the concept of
freedom to Christianity... exalted the Christian clergys position in the Empire, issued
laws that allowed emancipation of slaves in churches, a written note made by the
Bishop guaranteed the Roman citizenship to liberated slaves ...
23
.
3. From 324 to 337,

the gates of the whole empire are opening to Christianity
and for winning the Church on the side of the state. Given the laws enacted by
Constantine, we may say that since 324 is practiced a language of a Christian Prince
24

who considers paganism a disadvantageous superstition while Christianity is the
Holy Law, the divine Law.
In this period the emperor Constantine will become a secular benefactor and
champion of faith, he will perform in front of his brothers, the bishops, with humility,
but without hesitation, the unique and unclassifiable function of a kind of self-
proclaimed President of the Church, he will interfere in the ecclesiastical affairs and he
will act not against pagans, but against his Christians, separatists or heretical
25
,
convening in 325 the First Ecumenical Council of Nicaea, where the foundations of
Christian dogmas were laid and the canons regarding the organization of the Church
of Christ were drawn.

20
21
From 313 Christian Churches clergy was exempt from personal obligations (Munera), a privilege
enjoyed by more formal colleges while their pagan priests. A law of the same year the Orthodox
clergy defend against heretics (Cod. Theodosianus XVI, 2, 1) and another law of 315 provide stiff
penalties against Jews who persecuted their former co-religionists converted to Christianity. And
on 23 June 318 is given a law granting Orthodox bishops same rights in court as official court
judges (Cf. I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin cel Mare, 69.
22
P. Veyne, Cnd lumea noastr a devenit cretin, 23
23
Ch. M. Odahl, Constantin i Imperiul cretin, 155.
24
25

POLEMICI ALE LINGVITILOR TRANSILVNENI PRIVIND
ADOPTAREA ALFABETULUI LATIN N SCRIEREA
LIMBII ROMNE

ANA BACIU
*

REZUMAT. Disputele filologice din Transilvania privind adoptarea alfabetului latin
pentru scrierea limbii romne nu au constituit numai preocuparea strict lingvistic
a filologilor, ci a multor intelectuali din Transilvania. Este firesc, mai ales pentru
perioadele de nceput, ca opiniile s se deosebeasc ntre ele, pn acolo nct s se
exclud, iniial, unele pe altele. Este vorba de perioada deceniilor al patrulea i al
cincilea din secolul al XIX-lea. Aa se face c, inclusiv lingvitii tradiionalitii i
conservatorii, cei mai greu de nduplecat, au ajuns s recunoasc necesitatea scrierii
limbii romne cu alfabetul latin. n virtutea acestui fapt, Biserica Ortodox din
Transilvania a susinut, prin numeroase aciuni din instituii, asociaii i societi
culturale, demersurile privind scrierea limbii romne cu caractere latine. Un exemplu
elocvent l constituie activitatea mitropolitului ortodox, Andrei aguna, care a
sprijinit introducerea alfabetului latin n colile confesionale, n presa religioas i
n oficierea serviciului divin. Un rol important l-a avut i presa romneasc din
Transilvania, Ungaria i Austria, rol, care a fost sprijinit de ctre instituiile colare
romneti i de ctre cele dou Biserici romneti. Un rol important au avut i cele
trei Comisii filologice, de la Sibiu, Cernui i Budapesta, nfiinate oficial la dispoziia
mpratului. Acestea au ajutat, pe lng eforturile filologilor, la trasarea liniilor
directoare n adoptarea alfabetului latin.

Cuvinte cheie: dispute filologice, latinism, alfabet latin, biserica, intelectualitatea
transilvnean, presa.

Problema adoptrii alfabetului latin la scrierea limbii romne s-a constituit,
n secolul al XIX-lea, printre preocuprile fundamentale ale presei romneti din
Transilvania, Ungaria i Austria. Aa se explic faptul c nu numai puinele publicaii
de specialitate o puneau n discuie, ci aceasta era abordat i de ctre principalele
publicaii politice, precum Concordia, Albina, Transilvania, Federaiunea, editate
nainte de anul 1870.
Catedra de Limba romn a Universitii din Budapesta i-a nceput activitatea
n anul universitar 1862-1863, la data de 20 decembrie, 1862, avndu-l ca titular pe
profesorul Alexandru Roman, un mare spirit al romnismului, care a transformat-o

*
Lect. Univ. Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
ana_baciu107@yahoo.com
ANA BACIU

96
ntr-un adevrat leagn al limbii, literaturii i spiritualitii romneti. Alexandru
Roman a fost numit n acest post ca profesor estraordinariu [suplinitor n.n.] la
Universitatea Regeasc din Buda, printr-un Decret de numire, semnat de ctre
mpratul Franz Joseph al Austriei. Cu ocazia Discursului inaugural, inut la data de
23 martie, 1863,profesorul, deputatul dietal i prestigiosul redactor al publicaiei
Concordia, Alexandru Roman, declara c este de datoria sa s promoveze cultura i
limba romneasc, n cadrul prestigioasei Universiti budense. Deoarece disputa
politic privind meritul acestei realizri era acerb, crend animoziti printre
autorii diferitelor proiecte de organizare ale acestei instituii, ca un argument al
prestanei i autoritii de care se bucura Timotei Cipariu n rndul celor dou
confesiuni romneti, poate fi citat scrisoarea avocatului ortodox Iacob Brnduianu,
de la Baia de Arie, care i solicit venerabilului canonic intervenia pe lng Sigismund
Victor Popp, de a nu mai cuta tot soiul de tertipuri birocratice pentru ntrzierea
deschiderii cursurilor respectivei Catedre, tiut fiind faptul c vor veni piedici i mai
mari, dect cele ridicate de ctre romnii binevoitori, din partea autoritilor oficiale
maghiare.
n perioada ianuarie, 1863,-1/13 decembrie,1866, profesorul Alexandru
Roman a condus publicaia Concordia. Diurnalu politicu si literariu, iniiat, la data
de 3/15 august,1861, de ctre deputatul dietal Sigismund Victor Popp de Chioar. Sub
direcia lui Alexandru Roman, aceast publicaie a devenit una dintre principalele
tribune de lupt pentru afirmarea limbii i literaturii romne i pentru adoptarea
alfabetului latin n scrierea limbii romne. Concordia coninea rubrica Foioara,
destinat produciilor literare, analizelor critice, precum i unor probleme culturale
diverse din domeniul religiei, sociologiei, istoriei, filologiei, lingvisticii i educaiei.
Lingvistica se constituia ntr-un domeniu care i propunea, cu precdere, s
demonstreze descendena nobil, latin, a limbii poporului romn, apelnd, implicit,
la ortografia etimologizant, pentru a cpta mai mare putere de convingere. La
rndul su, istoria universal i naional era chemat s aduc argumente specifice,
pentru a ntri i legitima dezideratele lingvistice.
Perspectivele programului redacional erau puternic influenate de ideile
lui George Bariiu, Timotei Cipariu, Andrei Mureianu i Vasile Alecsandri, care, prin
autoritatea tiinific a profesorului Alexandru Roman, impun o linie estetico-literar
i lingvistic remarcabil. Graie adoptrii alfabetului latin n redactarea materialelor
destinate publicrii, Concordia gzduiete, n paginile sale, analize detaliate asupra
raporturilor dintre dialecte i limb, inspirate, mai ales, de lucrarea lui Georges
Frdric Burguy, Grammire de la langue doeil ou grammaire des dialectes
franais aux XII
e
et XIII
e
sicles suivie dun glossaire contenant tous les mots de
lancienne langue qui se trouvent dans louvrage, din anul 1858, analize legate de
condiiile adoptrii alfabetului latin n scrierea limbii romne, ntre care, studiul
Eforia coalelor i Abecedariul
1
, semnat de Alexandru Roman, studiul profesorului
Ioan Selegianu, de la Beiu, Oare limba romn e mama sau fiica limbii latine?
2
,

1
Concordia, I (1861), nr. 24, p. 93-94.
2
Concordia, II (1862), nr. 12, p. 13, 14.
POLEMICI ALE LINGVITILOR TRANSILVNENI PRIVIND ADOPTAREA ALFABETULUI LATIN

97
Purismul n limba romn
3
, i Rspuns la obieciile lui Al. Papiu-Ilarian la
Ortografia lui T. Cipariu
4
, semnate de Gavril Munteanu, Deprinderi de critic
literar
5
, polemica lui Timotei Cipariu cu teologul Ioan Papiu, O privire peste
jurnalistica romn. Societi de lectur, nfiinnde n comune, de preoi
6
,
semnat de ctre Camilu Censorul, pseudonimul lui Al. Roman, ncheierea unei
disputatiuni de lana caprina
7
, celebra polemic a lui Al Papiu-Ilarian cu T. Cipariu,
Lipsa foilor periodice bisericeti
8
, semnat Un Ardelean, studiul lui B. P. Hasdeu,
Stroici, printele filologiei romne
9
, G. F. Burguy, De originea limbilor romane,
tradus de Simeon Mangiuca
10
,Vegezzi Ruscala, Semne despre folosul unei catedre
de limbi neolatine asemnate, traducere Simeon Mangiuca
11
. Preocupat de
problema scrierii limbii romne cu alfabet latin, ncepnd cu nr. 5/ 1861, Concordia
public o satir la adresa slovelor, Plnsoarea Az-Buchelor, semnat (Pelerinul n
doliu, Iossel, 1861), pseudonimul lui George Deheleanu, din Arad, i pune n pagin
amplul studiu al lui Alexandru (andor, andru) Roman, Conversri asupra
ortografiei romneti, care se va ntinde pe parcursul mai multor numere, pn la
nr. 24 din 22 octombrie / 3 noiembrie, 1861. n debutul acestui studiu
12
, semnat de
ctre Al. Roman cu pseudonimul Catone Censorul, se arat c disputele lingvistice
pe tema scrierii limbii romne cu alfabet latin sunt de dat recent, dat fiind faptul
c i activitatea literar propriu-zis a cunoscut o perioad de stagnare.
Dac la Blaj, Sibiu i Braov activau continuatorii corifeilor colii Ardelene, n
frunte cu T. Cipariu, iar, la Iai, punctele de vedere erau formulate de ctre B. P Hasdeu
i Titu Maiorescu, se cuvine s subliniem c a treia coal filologic romneasc este
reprezentat de grupul de publiciti de la Budapesta, condus de Alexandru Roman.
Dei, n principiu, este de acord cu soluiile lingvistice formulate de ctre Timotei
Cipariu, redactorul Concordiei are unele obiecii de bun sim, innd seama de
faptul c ele sunt formulate n cadrul Catedrei de limba romn i al unui organ de
pres, care i propune, n mod constant, adoptarea unui sistem ortografic unitar. n
disputele dintre fonetiti i etimologiti, Al. Roman ia aprarea lui T. Cipariu, apreciind
uriaa sa munc de reconstrucie a limbii romne i de aezare a acesteia n tiparele sale
fireti. El identific dou etape n evoluia studiului limbii romne: etapa reconstruciei,
cea etimologic, i etapa punerii de acord cu evoluia fireasc, de factur fonetic, a
limbii romne. E uor s drmi i s recldeti, cu materialul obinut, o nou cas,
mult mai luminoas i mult mai frumoas. Dar trebuie s apreciezi efortul celui care
a procurat sau a constituit primele materiale de construcie, efortul celui care a

3
Concordia, II (1862), nr. 71 (115); pp. 72-116.
4
Concordia, II (1862), nr. 98 (142); pp. 99-143.
5
Concordia, III (1863), nr. 4 (151), pp. 13-15; nr. 5 (152), pp. 17-19; nr. 6 (153), pp. 21-23.
6
Concordia, III (1863), nr. 8 (155); pp. 130-131.
7
Concordia, III (1863), nr.28 (175), pp.112-113; nr.29 (176), pp. 116-117.
8
Concordia, III (1863), nr. 39 (186), pp. 156-157.
9
Concordia, IV (1864), nr. 22, p. 891.
10
Concordia, V (1865), nr. 34, pp. 246-262.
11
Concordia, V (1865), nr. 32, pp. 270-274.
12
Concordia, I (1861), nr. 5,7/29 august, pp. 17-18.
ANA BACIU

98
transformat argila n crmid i nisipul n tencuial i a realizat primul edificiu,
apreciat de contemporani.
Aa trebuie s nelegem i s apreciem efortul reconstituirii, pe baze
etimologice, a structurii limbii romne, pe care l-a depus Timotei Cipariu. Ilustrul
canonic nu a intenionat s elimine toate cuvintele alogene din limba romn, dar a
dorit s le repun n drepturile lor fireti pe cele de origine latin, pe care, din ignoran,
din comoditate sau silii de mprejurrile determinate de procesul de maghiarizare a
limbii, vorbitorii limbii romne le-au scos din uz.
13
n aceeai ordine de idei, Gavril
Munteanu public studiul Purismul n limba romn, n cuprinsul cruia, apreciind
eforturile lui T. Cipariu n reconstrucia fondului lexical romnesc, pe baze etimologice,
subliniaz necesitatea eliminrii termenilor alogeni, dar numai a acelora care au
sinonime de origine latin n limba romn uzual. n viziunea sa, purismul
este o procedur ce tinde a libera i a curi limba de barbarismi, de archaismi, de
provincialismi, n respectul materiei ei; i de solecismi, de latinismi, de galicismi cl.,
n respectul formei i al construciunii... i n spiritul afinitii limbei romneti cu
celelalte limbe romanice din Europa.
14
Autorul insist asupra definirii i condiiei
barbarismelor din limba romn. Se subliniaz c exist o serie de termeni religioi
de origine slavon, cu statut consacrat, n Biserica romneasc, precum: slav, mil,
blagoslovenie, milostenie, molitv, utrenie, vecernie, termeni care, potrivit
tradiiei religioase, trebuie meninui i care nu afecteaz, n niciun fel, aspectul romanic
al limbii romne. El arat c afinitatea unor limbi se identific prin acele elemente
lexicale care exprim noiuni de prim necesitate, pe care fiecare individ al unui popor
le nva de la snul mamei sale, n sfera de ocupaiunea n care triete i moare.
Aspectul romanic al limbii romne este asigurat de o serie de astfel de cuvinte,
precum cele care denumesc pri ale corpului omenesc: fa, ochi, sprncean,
gur, dinte etc., noiuni de rudenie: tat, mam, fiu, ginere, sor, socru,
soacr, cumtru etc., noiuni din sfera vieii domestice: cuptor, foc, fum,
funingine, noiuni de fitic i istorie natural, noiuni referitoare la timp, culori,
aciuni. Se declar mpotriva puritilor excesivi, artnd c nu este nevoie s folosim
verbul debe, n loc de trebuie i nici substantivul castru, n loc de tabr, pentru
c acestea sunt tot cuvinte latine, ncetenite n vorbirea curent de multe secole.
Observ, pe bun dreptate, c limba romn vorbit este mult mai bogat dect limba
scris i dect suma vocabularelor latineti, astfel c, dac dorim s nelegem
originea unei limbi, trebuie s urmrim aspectul su vorbit.
Romanitilor europeni, n frunte cu domnul Fr. Diez le spunem c o limb
n care se pot traduce autorii clasici cei mai grei, nu numai n mod corespunztor, ci
i cu elegan, chiar nu poate fi srac.
15
ncheie, exprimndu-i dorina de a se
constitui o Asociaiune pentru literatura [limba, n.n.] romn, care s delege o comisie
format din oameni competeni, n vederea elaborrii unui regulament ortografic i
a unui dicionar general al limbii romne. Referindu-se la iniiativa imperial de a

13
Concordia, I (1861), nr. 8, p. 93-94.
14
Concordia, II (1862), nr. 71 (115), p. 283.
15
Concordia, II (1862), nr. 72 (116), p. 287.

99
constitui o serie de Comisii oficiale pentru stabilirea normelor ortografice pentru
toate naiunile din Imperiu, Al. Roman vine cu argumente n sprijinul variantei
ortografice propuse de Comisia de la Sibiu, respectiv, de ctre T. Cipariu: Nu se
poate... contesta cum c, mai mult dect oriicare altul, au putut pretinde ca ortografia,
propus... s fie primit de toi. Referindu-se la soluiile ortografice propuse de
ctre Comisia de la Sibiu, apreciaz c acestea trebuie s fie nsuite de ctre toate
instituiile romneti, pentru ca s se ajung la uniformizarea scrierii limbii romne
cu alfabet latin.
Pornind de la teza potrivit creia naiunea i limba formeaz o unitate
indisolubil, numeroase personaliti, cu preocupri de filologie i lingvistic
romneasc, precum: Aron Pumnul, Ion Bianu, Sextil Pucariu, Ion Coteanu,
consider limba ca o manifestare fundamental a culturii unui popor, principal
form de expresie i principalul criteriu de apreciere a maturitii spirituale a
respectivei culturi, instrument eficient de unificare spiritual, element de constituire
i conservare a naionalitii, expresie a originii i continuitii istorice i, cu referire
direct la poporul romn, manifestare autentic i evident a latinitii noastre.
n epoca modern a istoriei naionale, funcia politic a limbii, i, mai ales, a
limbii de cultur, este unanim recunoscut n toate provinciile locuite de romni,
dovad fiind strdania lor de a redacta cri i periodice n limba romn i de a le
face s circule de la o provincie la alta.
Efect al acestei realiti este preocuparea de a stimula creaia literar cu
tematic divers i din diverse domenii de activitatea, prin publicarea lucrrilor de
larg interes naional, prin pstrarea unei atitudini obiective fa de autori. n consens
cu acest interes, atunci cnd este vorba despre prerile pe care le formuleaz
n disputele filologice, reprezentnd partea esenial a politicii de impunere a
unei strategii de emancipare naional general.
Din perspectiva demersului informaional, filologii, n general, i lingvitii,
n special, solicit ncadrarea ntr-o rigoare, aproape religioas, a cercetrii, dat fiind
nivelul deosebit de nalt i de delicat al acesteia, limba fiind unul dintre sistemele
cele mai dificil de cercetat i de cuantificat. Receptivitatea romantic fa de unele
preocupri mai vechi, generatoare de idei, teorii i concepte, trebuie raportat la
capacitatea spiritului romnesc transilvnean de a sintetiza, n uniti infinitezimale
de timp, elementele eseniale ale unor mari epoci din cultura european.
Constituire unitar de limbaje i comportamente, cultura este expresia
valorii fundamentale, existent n structura creaiilor geniului omenesc, dintr-
un anumit timp i dintr-un anumit loc. Un argument, pentru susinerea acestei
afirmaii, l constituie realitatea c activitatea intelectualitii romneti transilvnene,
de la sfritul secolului al XVIII-lea i nceputul secolului al XIX-lea, a fost marcat de
politizarea naional a ideii romanitii, care se constituie ntr-o permanen activ
a daco-romnismului, aprnd, simptomatic, dup opinia lui A. Armbruster
16
, n

16
Adolf Armbruster, Romanitatea romnilor. Istoria unei idei, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti,
1993, p. 226.
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100
momentele cruciale pentru naiunea ntreag, atunci cnd aceasta este ameninat
de pericolul pierderii identitii naionale.
n acest context, subliniem c disputele, viznd adoptarea alfabetului latin
n scrierea limbii romne, s-au focalizat nu numai pe necesitatea de a reforma limba
romn, ci vizau i necesitatea de a reforma literatura i chiar cultura romn, n
general, i numai raiuni specifice domeniului de investigare au determinat o
direcionare unilateral a fenomenului.
n domeniul teoriei scrisului, eforturile filologilor romni s-au subordonat
scopului practic, viznd introducerea i folosirea unui alfabet romnesc, apt s
prezinte,n toat autenticitatea sa, imaginea acestei fiice vitregite a Romei Antice.
n prima perioad a alctuirii programului latinist, lucrrile de ortografie,
gramatic i chiar cele cu caracter istoric sau literar mai general insistau, n mod
deosebit, asupra rolului primordial al sistemului alfabetic latin de a reda imaginea
esenei limbii romne originare
17
.
Trebuie menionat i adevrul c, n cadrul disputelor filologice, privind
adoptarea alfabetului latin n scrierea limbii romne, la nivelul pregtirii colare, s-a
pus un accent deosebit pe nvarea etimologiilor latine ale cuvintelor romneti, n
acest sens existnd o ntreag bibliografie de specialitate, care a fost indicat i
folosit, deosebit de riguros, chiar i de ctre cei mai nverunai adversari ai
etimologismului, datorit faptului c procesul perfecionrii treptate a exprimrii
cultivate a ctigat, extrem de mult, de pe urma valului latinist, care i-a transmis
numeroase elemente latino-romanice i i-a oferit modelul elegant al retoricii latine.
Trebuie s lum aminte i la faptul c aproape toi reprezentanii intelectualitii
transilvnene romneti aveau solide cunotine de limba latin i se exersaser n
arta retorilor latini. Construcia frazei, dup model latin, i utilizarea unor termeni
specifici retoricii latine au determinat lefuirea limbajului romnesc. Autorii, care
s-au ocupat de istoria i cultura naional, au respectat aticismul limbei, despre
care vorbea, cu evlavie, M. Eminescu, pentru a ncadra, ntr-un ansamblu armonios,
argumentele i judecile, care le preluau, din literatura universal, ndeosebi din
cea latin, n favoarea demonstrrii latinitii limbii romne.
Se impune atenionarea asupra faptului c ncercarea de a plasa disputele
filologice din Transilvania sub influena i aciunea exclusiv a intelectualilor romni,
cu preocupri strict lingvistice, constituie o modalitate de unilateralizare a problemei,
dat fiind realitatea c intelectualitatea romneasc transilvan, n ntregul ei, entitate
absolut bine definit, n complexul cultural al provinciei, s-a declarat i s-a definitivat
ca parte implicat n amplele dispute filologice, inclusiv n cele privitoare la adoptarea
alfabetului latin n scrierea limbii romne. n virtutea acestui fapt, a susinut, prin
numeroase aciuni din instituii, asociaii i societi culturale, demersurile privind
propirea limbii romne, ca parte integrant a procesului general de emancipare
naional i social a poporului romn din aceast provincie.

17
Lazr ineanu, Istoria filologiei romne cu o privire retrospectiv asupra ultimelor decenii (1870
1895): Studii critice, Ediia a II-a, Editura Librriei Socec & Co., Bucureti, 1895, p. 137.

101
Pe de alt parte, se cuvine s atragem atenia adepilor sistemului fonetic
asupra faptului c, dac vor studia, n amnunt, istoria limbilor europene, vor
constata, cu surprindere, c primul pas efectuat n direcia definirii profilului acestor
limbi l constituie investigarea etimologic. n plus, ar trebui s se aplece cu mai mult
atenie asupra polemicii dintre profesorul budapestan Alexandru Roman i Titu
Maiorescu, din care rezult c ilustrul convorbirist nu este inventatorul sistemului
pe care l propune, ci beneficiarul care sintetizeaz ndelungatele eforturi ale
colilor filologice romneti de la Blaj, Cernui i Budapesta, care au sesizat, nc
de la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea, necesitatea de a apropia latinismul de limba
vie a poporului, realiznd o concordan fireasc ntre limba vorbit i cea scris.
Analizate mai atent, obiective precum: unificarea normelor generale ale
limbii, adoptarea unui sistem ortografic modern, de factur romanic, purificarea
de barbarisme i omogenizarea limbii, din perspectiv etimologic, valorificare
graiurilor populare i a formelor specifice limbii arhaice, asimilarea neologismelor,
implicit, a neologismelor de origine romanic, n cazul romnilor, sunt caracteristice
tuturor popoarelor europene, iar purttorii lor de cuvnt, dei nu au fost toi
lingviti, au vzut n aceste obiective un subiect permanent de dezbatere cultural,
de interes naional, astfel nct afirmarea i cultivarea limbii naionale a devenit o
manifestare ideologic, specific spiritului revoluionar burghezo-democratic
european. Din aceast perspectiv, ncercarea lui T. Cipariu de a deriva, din limba
latin, cea mai mare parte a elementelor lexicale romneti sau din limbile romanice,
nu este specific numai colii sale lingvistice
18
.
Fenomenul se regsete i n celelalte limbi romanice i niciunul dintre
cercettorii acelor limbi nu a fost acuzat de purism. n realitate, T. Cipariu nu i-a
propus s deriveze toate elementele limbii romne, din latin sau din limbile
romanice, ci a ncercat s afle cte elemente romneti pot fi derivate din aceste
limbi. ncercarea lui T. Cipariu de a reveni la etimologiile fireti se desfoar pe
fondul unei realiti lingvistice dramatice, n condiiile n care limba romn tindea
nu numai s se maghiarizeze, ci chiar s se barbarizeze.
Iniiativa intelectualilor romni de a gsi temeiurile de unificare a limbii
este una fireasc, iar modelul nu putea s fie dect cel latin, dup cum iniiativa de a
edita publicaii periodice n limba romn, cu alfabet latin, este una de-a dreptul
providenial pentru procesul de strngere a rndurilor n jurul limbii romneti.
n acest context, strdania de regsire de sine a esenei i valorii limbii romne,
manifestat la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea, are valoarea unui act revoluionar, de
restituire a nobleei pierdute i de valorificare a unui tezaur milenar de gndirea i de
simire romneasc. Mediul cultural romnesc din Transilvania a fost privit, ndeobte,
nedifereniat, dei realitile locale vorbesc, cu prisosin, despre faptul c au existat
forme instituionale diversificate, care mergeau de la dreptul obinuielnic, de la
legea pmntului, adic de la cutum, pn la instituia scaunului de judecat
cnezial sau la instituia bisericii sau mnstirii cneziale romneti, consacrat-

18
Dimitrie Macrea, Lingviti i filologi romni, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1959, pp. 76-77.
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autonome, elemente pe care s-a edificat un ntreg sistem de valori i fr de care nu
poate fi explicat remarcabila manifestare a umanismului i iluminismului romnesc
transilvnean.
Din perspectiv cultural, romnii ortodoci i unii, din Transilvania, nu au
fost nite izolai i refuzai ai sferelor culturale locale ale sailor i maghiarilor din
provincie i din Ungaria i nici de cele din regiunile adiacente. Legturile lor cu
lumea instituional i cultural bizantin, ruso-pravoslavnic, cu mediul catolic i
romanic european constituie nite realiti evidente. Aflai la interferena sferelor de
influene orientale i occidentale, ntre lumea spiritual ortodox i catolic, romnii
transilvneni au resimit acut aceste influene, pe care le regsim n numeroase
evenimente i nfptuiri din viaa lor. Orizontul cultural transilvnean romnesc
avea legturi cu Budapesta, Lwowul, Krakowia, Riga, Haliciul, Kievul i Moscova, cu
Viena, Veneia, Padova, Roma i Parisul, precum i cu spaiul german, de la Leipzig la
Frankfurt, i de la Munchen la Koln. Reconstituirea autocefaliei Mitropoliei Ortodoxe
a Transilvaniei, cu sediul la Sibiu, prin ieirea acesteia de sub jurisdicia Karlowitzului,
i recunoaterea oficial a Mitropoliei Bisericii Romne Unit cu Roma, cu sediul la
Blaj, au determinat un important reviriment, nu numai religios, ci i unul de natur
cultural, determinat de dezvoltarea colilor confesionale i de cea a publicaiilor
periodice romneti, laice i religioase.
Urmndu-i episcopului Vasile Moga (1/17-1845), episcopul i, apoi,
mitropolitul Andrei aguna (1846-1875), a determinat o adevrat renatere a
ortodoxiei, n Transilvania, prin reconstituirea Mitropoliei Ortodoxe, n luna
decembrie, 1864, i prin reorganizarea acesteia, prin Statutul Organic, din anul
1868, renviind vechiul principiu canonic ortodox, de implicare a laicilor n viaa i
misiunea Bisericii. El a creat o adevrat coal teologic sibian prin reorganizarea
vechiului Institut Teologic-Pedagogic, existent nc din anul 1786, cu dou secii, cu
profesori bine pregtii, formai n medii universitare europene. Terenul pentru cele
dou evenimente majore, din anii 1864 i 1868 a fost pregtit nc din perioada
1850 1853, cnd pune bazele mijloacelor de comunicare nu numai cu credincioii
ortodoci, ci cu toi romnii, indiferent de confesiune. n anul 1850 pune bazele
Tipografiei Arhidiecezane, n care au aprut peste 200 de lucrri importante, iar, n
anul 1853, pune bazele publicaiei periodice Telegraful Romn, care a cunoscut o
apariie nentrerupt pn n zilele noastre. Cu mici deosebiri sau cu unele greeli
de orientare, prodigioasa sa activitate a fost continuat, totui de ctre mitropoliii
Miron Romanul (1874-1898), i Ioan Meianu (1899 1916). Dei, din perspectiv
confesional, relaiile dintre cele dou mitropolii romneti au fost, de cele mai
multe ori, reci sau chiar tensionate, reinstaurarea regimului liberal n imperiul
austriac a deschis calea concret a egalei ndreptiri tuturor naiunilor i
confesiunilor din imperiu, proclamat dup revoluia paoptist, dar insuficient
aplicat n timpul regimului absolutist
19
. aguna nu a identificat confesiunea
cu naiunea, ci a interpretat-o din punctul de vedere al ortodoxiei, vzut ca

19
Simion Retegan, Reconstrucia politic a Transilvaniei n anii 1861-1863, Cluj-Napoca, Editura
Presa Universitar Clujean, 2004.

103
parte a chestiunii naionale, ca un mijloc de afirmare a acesteia. El a privit Biserica
Ortodox ca un edificiu de aprare i conservare a identitii romneti, de afirmare
a unitii i solidaritii cu ansamblul lumii romneti. Chiar dac apartenena
confesional a afectat unitatea aciunii politice, cadrul instituional creat n jurul
celor dou Biserici romneti a fcut posibil realizarea autonomiei cultural-
naionale i pstrarea identitii romneti, inclusiv manifestarea solidaritii
naionale, atunci cnd momentele o impuneau
20
. Iniiind publicarea Telegrafului
Romn, episcopul aguna dorea s se adreseze tuturor romnilor, indiferent de
confesiunea lor, apelul de unitate naional, pentru ctigarea drepturilor legitime.
n cadrul publicaiei, destinul a fcut s se ntlneasc dou personaliti
puternice, cu opinii bine fixate: episcopul Andrei aguna i profesorul i publicistul
Florian Aaron. Mai vrstnic cu 6 ani dect aguna, Aaron dispunea de o frumoas
carte de vizit, confirmat att de autoritile de la Bucureti, ct i de oamenii de
cultur din Transilvania. Format n spiritul colii Ardelene, cel dinti redactor al
publicaiei a avut inteligena s se pun la dispoziia ierarhului ortodox, fr ns a-
i estompa punctele de vedere. Pornind de la tradiia ortodox a scrierii cu slove,
Andrei aguna era de prere c trecerea la scrierea textelor romneti cu alfabet latin,
mai ales a scrierilor religioase i, n principal, a Liturghierului, trebuia s se fac n
etape, pentru a putea atrage, n acest proces, n mod contient, clerul ortodox, celebru
prin conservatorismul su. Avnd o vast experien pedagogic, Florian Aaron era
de prere c reformele trebuie s se fac rapid, de sus, aa cum propunea i Timotei
Cipariu, cu o contribuie eficient i devotat a slujitorilor altarului i ai colii. n
acest sens, redactorul i atrage atenia episcopului c originea nobil, roman, se
afirm ntr-o lume a comunicrii ntre civilizaii i aceast comunicare se realizeaz,
n primul rnd prin scris. Cuacest prilej reamintete aspiraiile acelor brbai nfocai,
cari au studiat pre romn i limba lui, originea i toate ntmplrile lui i au artat c
ar fi timpul ca romnii s lapede slovele, cari sunt strine, i s mbrieze literile
latine, cari sunt ale lor
21
. Cei doi, ajungnd la un modus vivendi amiabil, au czut
de acord ca, n cadrul Telegrafului Romn, adoptarea alfabetului s se fac etapizat.
Prin Circulara nr. 706 / 1862, prima circular agunian tiprit cu litere latine, se
oficializeaz, ntr-o publicaie ortodox, sistemul ortografic ciparian: ... in venitoriu
n viitor, sa sa tinea de Ortografia premetionatei Comisiuni filologice, aprobat de
Adunarea generale a Asociatiunei Transilvane pentru literatur a romana etc. in
scrierile loru cu litere latine
22
. Dup plecarea lui Florian Aaron la Viena, conducerea
publicaiei a fost asigurat de o serie de intelectuali deosebit de bine pregtii, precum:
Pavel Vasici-Ungureanu, Visarion Roman, Ion Raiu, Zaharia Boiu, Nicolae Cristea,
Gheorghe Coma, Silvestru Moldovan i Matei Voileanu, unele dintre aceste

20
Prof. dr. Nicolae Bocan, Pr. Lect. Dr. Gabriel-Viorel Grdan, Din trecutul relaiilor interconfesionale
romneti. Andrei aguna i Alexandru terca uluiu, n Revista Teologic, an XVIII (2008),
nr. 4, pp. 25-40.
21
Florian Aaron, Ce s-a scris i s-a tiprit, pn acum, pentru poporul romn, i cum s-a scris i
s-a tiprit?, n Telegraful Romn, I (1853), nr. 8, p. 30.
22
Cf. cota nr.1569 din Biblioteca Mitropoliei Ardealului, Sibiu.
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104
personaliti fiind primite n Academia Romn. n concepia lui Andrei aguna
publicaia Telegraful Romn trebuia s constituie un instrument eficient de
formare i perfecionare cultural i cultual a slujitorilor bisericii, a nvtorilor i
a tuturor enoriailor. Dispoziia prin care oblig protopopii i preoii ortodoci de a
se abona la aceast publicaie nu a fost determinat de orgoliul de a concura Gazeta
Transilvaniei, ci, dimpotriv, contient c Gazeta... a intrat n carnea i n sngele
romnilor, frecventarea publicaiei ortodoxe constituia o posibilitate de culturalizare
de aceeai natur.
La rndul lor, reprezentanii Bisericii Greco-Catolice, n frunte cu George
Bariiu i Timotei Cipariu, au dat de timpuriu semnalul deteptrii naionale prin
publicaiile Gazeta de Transilvania i Organul Naional, pe fondul micrilor
revoluionare de la 1848. Trecnd peste deosebirile confesionale, cele dou publicaii
cheam la emanciparea romnilor prin cultur. Referindu-se la aspectul ngrijit al
limbii romne, T. Cipariu nu preget s aduc exemple din textele vechilor cri
ortodoxe precum Psaltirea lui Dosoftei sau Biblia de la Bucureti, subliniind c
limba romneasc, ca dialect italic... era cu mult mai curat n forme i mai avut
[bogat,n.n.],n cuvinte romane... . i prin despotismul slavonismului, n curi i n
biseric, prin secoli nenumrai, au pierdut mult dintru amndou...
Prin cele expuse, am ncercat s schim o imagine a complexitii
fenomenului cultural pe care l-a declanat problema adoptrii alfabetului latin la
scrierea limbii latine. Este firesc, mai ales pentru perioadele de nceput, ca opiniile
s se deosebeasc ntre ele, pn acolo nct s se exclud, iniial, unele pe altele.
Este vorba de perioada deceniilor al patrulea i al cincilea din secolul al XIX-lea.
Evenimentele revoluionare de la 1848 au avut darul s coaguleze opiniile n
jurul ideii de eliberare naional, social i cultural. Aa se face c, inclusiv
tradiionalitii i conservatorii cei mai greu de nduplecat au ajuns s recunoasc
necesitatea trecerii scrierii limbii romne cu alfabetul latin. Acest proces vine s
ncununeze o perioad de eforturi intelectuale desfurate pe multiple planuri, de la
constituirea societilor culturale romneti, la activitatea publicistic, la activitatea
didactic i, nu n ultimul rnd, cu activitatea de slujire a celor dou Biserici
romneti i cu implicarea lor major nu numai n activitatea cultual, ci i n cea
cultural. Putem spune, fr s greim prea mult, c, dup anul 1850, Biserica
romneasc din Transilvania i presa militat, laic i religioas, au constituit
adevraii fermeni ai procesului de deteptare i de afirmare a fiinei naionale
romneti din aceast provincie.

THE TRANSYLVANIAN LINGUISTS DEBATES ON THE
ADOPTION OF THE LATIN ALPHABET IN THE
ROMANIAN LANGUAGE WRITING

ANA BACIU
*

ABSTRACT. The philological disputes in Transylvania concerning the adoption
of the Latin alphabet in the Romanian language writing were not only strictly
linguistic concerns for philologists, but also for many intellectuals in Transylvania. It
is natural, especially in the beginning, that the opinions to differ in such a way that,
initially, they could exclude one another. The period in question is during the
fourth and the fifth decade of the XIX
th
century. That is why, both traditionalist and
conservative linguists, the latter being harder to persuade, have come to recognize
the need to write the Romanian language with the Latin alphabet. According to this
fact, the Orthodox Church in Transylvania has supported, through many actions
made by institutions, associations and cultural societies, the efforts of writing the
Romanian language with Latin characters. A good example is the work of the
Orthodox metropolitan Andrei aguna, who supported the introduction of the Latin
alphabet in denominational schools, in religious press and in the celebration
of the divine service. An important role was played by the Romanian press in
Transylvania, Hungary and Austria, a role which was sustained by the Romanian
schools and the two Romanian churches. Another important role was played by the
three philological Commissions, in Sibiu, Chernovtsy and Budapest, established
officially at the emperors directive. These helped, together with the efforts of
the philologists, to draw the guidelines for adopting the Latin alphabet.

Keywords: philological disputes, Latinity, Latin alphabet, church, Transylvanian
intellectuality, press.

The problem of adopting in writing the Latin alphabet to the Romanian
language in the nineteenth century constituted one of the fundamental concerns of
the Romanian press in Transylvania, Hungary and Austria. This explains the fact that
not only a few specialized publications put it into question, but it was approached by
the main political publications such as Concordia, Albina, Federaiunea, Transylvania,
published before 1870.

*
Lect. Univ. Dr., Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
ana_baciu107@yahoo.com
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106
The Romanian language department of Budapest University began its work
in the academic year 1862-1863 on December 20, 1862, having professor Alexandru
Roman as the post holder, a great spirit of Romanian culture, who turned it into a real
cradle of Romanian language, literature and spirituality. Al. Roman was appointed
to this position as a great substitute teacher at the Royal University of Buda, by a
decree of appointment signed by Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria.
During his inaugural speech, held on March 23, 1863, professor, deputy diet,
editor of pestigious publication Concordia, Al. Roman said that it was his duty to
promote Romanian culture an language at the prestigious University of Budapest.
As the political debate regarding the merit of this achievement was fierce,
creating animosity among the authors of the various projects of organization of this
institution, there can be cited the letter of the Orthodox lawyer Iacob Brnduianu,
from Baia de Arie as an argument of the prestige and authority that Timotei Cipariu
enjoyed among the two Romanian confessions. He required intervention of venerable
canon to Sigismund Victor Popp of not seeking all sorts of bureaucratic tricks to
postpone the opening courses of that department, knowing that larger obtacles than
those raised by benevolent Romanians might come from the official Hungarian
autorities.
In between January 1863 - December 1866, professor Al. Roman led Concordia
publication. The Literary and Politial Journal was initiated by Chioar diet deputy,
Sigismund Victor Popp, on August 15, 1861. Under the direction of Alexandru Roman
this publication has become one of the main grand-stands fighting for the assertion
of Romanian language and literature and for the adoption of Latin alphabet in writing
the Romanian language. Concordia journal contains the section Foioara, destined for
literary works, critical analysis and other various cultural issues of religion, sociology,
history, philology, linguistics and education.
Linguistics was formed in the area that aimed primarily to demonstrate
the noble, Latin origin of the language spoken by Romanian people, calling on the
etymological spelling to gain greater power of persuasion. In turn, the national and
universal history is required to bring specific arguments to strengthen and legitimize
linguistic desiderata. The editorial prospects programmers were strong, influenced
by the ideas of George Bariiu, Timotei Cipariu, Andrei Mureianu and Vasile Alecsandri,
who by scientific authority of professor Al. Roman imposed a remarkable literary-
aesthetic and linguistic line.
Thanks to the adoption of Latin alphabet in writing the materials for
publication, Concordia hosts in its pages, detailed analysis regarding the relationship
between language and dialects inspired especially by the work of Georges Frdric
Burguy, Grammaire de la langue doeil ou grammaire des dialectes franais aux
XII
e
et XIII
e
sicles suivie dun glossaire contenant tous les mots de lancienne
langue qui se trouvent dans louvrage, analyzes related to the adoption of the
Latin alphabet in writing Romanian language, including the study Eforia coalelor
i Abecedariul
1
, signed by Alexandru Roman, professor Ioan Selegianus study, from

1
Concordia, I (1861), no. 24: 93-94.
THE TRANSYLVANIAN LINGUISTS DEBATES ON THE ADOPTION OF THE LATIN ALPHABET

107
Beiu, Oare limba romn e mama sau fiica limbii latine?
2
, Purismul n limba
romn
3
, and Rspuns la obieciile lui Al. Papiu-Ilarian la Ortografia lui
T. Cipariu
4
, signed by Gavril Munteanu, Deprinderi de critic literar
5
, the debate
between Timotei Cipariu and Ioan Papiu, the teologian, O privire peste jurnalistica
romn. Societi de lectur, nfiinnde n comune, de preoi
6
, signed by Camilu
Censorul, the pseudonym of Al. Roman, ncheierea unei disputatiuni de lana
caprina
7
, the famous debate between Al. Papiu-Ilarian and T. Cipariu, Lipsa foilor
periodice bisericeti
8
, signed by an Transylvanian, Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu study,
Stroici, printele filologiei romne
9
, G.F. Burguy, De originea limbilor romane,
tradus de Simeon Mangiuca
10
, Vegezzi Ruscala, Semne despre folosul unei catedre
de limbi neolatine asemnate, transleted Simeon Mangiuca
11
. Concerning the
problem of using the Latin alphabet in writing, Concordia published, starting with
no. 5/ 1861, a satire on letters Plnsoarea Az-Buchelor, signed (The Pilgrim in
mourning, Iossel, 1861), the pseudonym of George Deheleanu from Arad and
presents the broad study belonging to Al. Roman, Conversri asupra ortografiei
romneti, which will cover several numbers to 24 number from Oct. 22 / Nov. 3
1861. At the begining of the study
12
signed by Alexandru Roman with the pseudonym
Catone Censorul, it is shown that linguistic disputes concerning the Romanian writing
using a latin alphabet are recent, because the literary work itself experienced a
period of stagnation.
If at Blaj, Sibiu and Braov there worked the followers of Transylvanian
School chiefs, led by Timotei Cipariu, and at Iai the point of views were expressed by
Bogdan Petriceicu Hadeu and Titu Maiorescu, we have to underline that the third
Romanian Philological School is represented by a group of publishers in Budapest led
by Al. Roman. Although, generally speaking, he agrees with linguistic solutions made
by T. Cipariu, the editor of Concordia has some common sense objections, taking into
consideration, that they are formulated by a Romanian Language Department and
by a Journal, which consistently propose the adoption of a uniform spelling system.
In the disputes between phonetists and etymologists Al. Roman, defends
T. Cipariu, appreciating his large reconstruction work of Romanian language and
placing it in its natural patterns. He identifies two stages in the evolution of the
Romanian language study: the reconstruction stage, the etymological stage and the

2
Concordia, II (1862), no. 12, 13, 14.
3
Concordia, II (1862), no. 71 (115): 72-116.
4
Concordia, II (1862), no. 98 (142): 99-143.
5
Concordia, III (1863), no. 4 (151): 13-15; no. 5 (152): 17-19; no. 6 (153): 21-23.
6
Concordia, III (1863): no. 8 (155): 130-131.
7
Concordia, III (1863), no. 28 (175): 112-113; no. 29 (176): 116-117.
8
Concordia, III (1863), no. 39 (186): 156-157.
9
Concordia, IV (1864), no. 22: 891.
10
Concordia, V (1865), no. 34: 246-262.
11
Concordia, V (1865), no. 32: 270-274.
12
Concordia, I (1861), no. 5, 7/29 august: 17-18.
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108
stage of harmonization with the national evolution of the Romanian language
phonetic factors. It is so easy to demolish and rebuild, with the obtained material, a
new house, much brighter and more beautiful. But you have to appreciate those who
first purchased or constituted the construction materials, the effort that transformed
the clay into bricks, sand into plaster and built the first building considered by his
contemporaries.
13
This is how we have to understand and appreciate the reconstruction
efforts made by T. Cipariu, regarding the etymological base and structure of Romanian
language. The illustrious canon did not intend to eliminate all the alien words in
Romanian but he wanted to restore the natural rights of the original Latin words
which the Romanian language speakers have disabled due to ignorance, convenience
or faced by circumstances determined by language Magyarization.
In the same context, Gavril Munteanu published the study Purismul n
limba romn, where considering T. Ciparius efforts in rebuilding Romanian lexical
fund, on etymological bases, highlights the need to eliminate alien terms, but only
those which have synonyms of Latin origin in everyday Romanian. In his view the
purism is a procedure that tends to release and clear language of barbarisms, of
archaisms, of provincialisms in respect of its material, and of solecisms, of Latinisms,
of Gallicisms, in respect of form and construction and in the spirit of Romanian
language affinity with the other Romance languages in Europe.
14
The author insists
on the definition and condition of barbarisms in Romanian language. It was
highlighted the existence of a number of religious terms of Slavonic origin with
acknowledged status in Romanian Church as: slav, mil, blagoslovenie,
milostenie, molitv, utrenie, vecernie, terms that according to the religious
tradition should be preserved because they do not affect the Romance aspect of
Romanian language. He shows that the affinity of the languages is identified by
those lexical items which express the notions of first necessity, that each individual
could learn from his mothers tougue, in the spliere of occupation in which he lives
and dies.
The Romance aspect of the Romanian language is provided by a number of
words such as those naming parts of the human body: fa, ochi, sprncean,
gur, dinte etc., the relatives: tat, mam, fiu, ginere, sor, socru,
soacr, cumtru etc., notions of domestic life: cuptor, foc, fum, funingine,
notions of the phisics an natural history related to time, colors, actions. He is against
extreme purism, showing that there is no need to use debet instead of trebuie or
the noun castru instead of tabr, because they are Latin words also rooted in
current speaking for several centuries. He notices that spoken Romanian language
is richer than written language and Latin vocabularies amount, so if we want to
understand the origins of language we must refer to its spoken aspect. We address
to the European Romance led by Fr. Diez telling them that a language which can

13
Concordia, I (1861), no. 8: 93-94.
14
Concordia, II (1862), no. 71 (115): 283.

109
translate the most difficult classic writers, not only properly, but with elegance,
really cannot be poor
15
. He finishes expressing his desire to form an association for
Romanian literature, to delegate a committee of competent people to elaborate spelling
rules and general dictionary of Romanian language. Referring to the imperial initiative
to form a series of official committees to establish orthographic rules for all nations
of the Empire, Alexandru Roman, comes with arguments in supporting the proposed
variant spelling of a Commission from Sibiu and especially in support of T. Cipariu
there is no doubt that, more than any other, they could claim that the proposed
spelling should be received by all.
16
Referring to the orthographic solutions
proposed by the Commission from Sibiu, he considers that they must be adopted by
all Romanian institutions in order to achieve uniformity in using Latin in writing.
Based on the argument that the nation and the language form an indissoluble
unity, numerous personalities, with interests in Romanian philology and linguistics
such as Aaron Pumnul, Ion Bianu, Sextil Pucariu, Ion Coteanu, consider language as
a fundamental expression of a nation culture, the main form of expression and the
main criterion for assessing the spiritual maturity of that culture, an efficient tool
for spiritual unification, an element for formation and preservation the nationality,
the expression of origin and historical continuity and with direct reference to the
Romanian people, a genuine and obvious manifestation of our Latinity.
In the modern age of our national history, the political role of the language
and especially that of cultural language is widely recognized in all provinces inhabited
by Romanians, demonstrated by their effort to write books and periodicals in
Romanian and make them circulate from province to province.
As an effect of this reality there is the encouraging literary preoccupation
with different themes and in different fields, by publishing works of national interest
by maintaining an objective attitude towards the authors. In line with this concern
there come the opinions which formulate the philological disputes, representing an
essential part of a strategy of imposing national emancipation.
From the informational approach perspective, philologists, in general, and
linguists, in particular, ask the research to be very rigorously placed due to the very
high and delicate status, the language being one of the most difficult systems that
has to be investigated and quantified. The romantic receptivity towards some
earlier concerns generating ideas theories and concepts must be reported to the
ability of Romanian Transylvanian spirit to be able to synthesize, in infinitesimal
units of time, the essential elements of great epochs of European culture.
A unitary constitution of language and behavior, the culture is an expression
of fundamental value, existing in the structure of human genius creations in a
certain time and place. An argument to support this claim is the fact that the activity
of Transylvanian Romanian intellectuals at the end of the eighteenth century and

15
Concordia, II (1862), no. 72 (116): 287.
16
Concordia, I (1861), no. 7: 28.
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the beginning of the nineteenth century, was marked by national politicization of idea
of Romanity that represents a permanent active Dacian-Romanian reality becoming
visible symptomatic according to A. Armbrusters opinion
17
in the crucial moments
for the entire nation, when it is threatened by the danger of losing national identity.
In this context, it is to be highlighted that the disputes for initiating the
adoption of the Latin alphabet in the written language focused on the need to reform
Romanian language and literature and even the Romanian culture, in general,
and only specific reasons of investigation domain induced a unilateral targeting
phenomenon.
In the theory of writing, the Romanian philologists efforts aimed at introducing
and using a Romanian alphabet, able to present, in all its authenticity, the image of
this step daughter of Ancient Rome.
During the first period of making the Latinist program, the orthographic,
grammatical, historical and even the literary works, insisted, in particular, on the
primary role of the Latin alphabet system to restore its original essence of Romanian
language
18
.
There must be mentioned the truth that in the battle of philological debates
on the adoption of the Latin alphabet, they focused on learning Latin etymology of
Romanian words in schools. There was a large specific bibliography that was
indicated and used even by the fiercest opponents of etymology current, because
the gradual improvement of cultivated expression won very much from the
Latinist wave which transmitted many Latin-Romance elements and offered a
very elegant model of Latin rhetoric. We have to consider that almost all the
representatives of the Transylvanian intellectuals had solid knowledge of Latin and
had practiced for the art of Latin rhetoric. The phrase construction according to the
Latin model and the use of specific terms of Latin rhetoric made possible the polish
of Romanian language. The authors who dealt with the history and national culture,
respected the language Atticism mentioned with reverence by Mihai Eminescu to
fit into a harmonious whole the arguments and judgments, which were taken from
the world literature especially from the Latin one to demonstrate the Latin origin of
Romanian language.
It is to be mentioned that the trial to put the philological debates exclusive
under the influence of Romanian intellectuals, with strictly linguistic concerns,
represent one-sided modality of approaching the matter, based on the fact that
Transylvanian intellectuality in its whole, well-defined entity, in the cultural
background of the province, declared itself and finalized as part involved in both
philological disputes, including those concerning the adoption of Latin alphabet in

17
Adolf Armbruster, Romanitatea romnilor. Istoria unei idei (Bucureti: Ed. Enciclopedic, 1993):
226.
18
Lazr ineanu, Istoria filologiei romne cu o privire retrospectiv asupra ultimelor decenii
(1870-189), Studii critice, ediia a II-a (Bucureti: Ed. Librriei Socec & Co., 1895): 137.

111
Romanian Language writing. As a matter of fact, they supported by numerous actions
from institutions, associations and cultural societies, the welfare steps regarding the
progress of Romanian language, as an integrative part of the general process of
national and social emancipation of Romanian people living in this province.
On the other hand, we ought to draw attention to the followers of the
phonetic system that if they study in detail the history of European languages they
will surprisingly find that the first step in defining such languages is the etymological
investigation. In addition, you should pay more attention to the controversy
between professors Alexandru Roman from Budapest and Titu Maiorescu, which
glows that Alexandru Roman is not the inventor of the system he proposes but
the gainer that synthesized the longstanding efforts of Romanian philological
schools from Blaj, Cernui and Budapest, summarizing at the middle of nineteenth
century the need to approach the Latinism to living language of the people, making
a natural agreement between the spoken and written language.
Being analyzed more closely, the objectives such as: the unification of general
rules of language, the adoption of a modern spelling system, the Romantic one, the
purification of barbarism and language homogenized from etymological perspective,
the exploitation of popular idioms and of the specific forms of archaic language, the
assimilation of neologisms including the Latin origin neologisms in case of Romanian
people, are characteristic to all European peoples and their spokesmen, although not
all linguists saw these objectives as a permanent topic of cultural debate of national
interest, so affirming and nurturing national language became an ideological
manifestation specific to bourgeois-democratic revolutionary spirit in Europe. From
this perspective, T. Ciparius attempt to derive, from Latin, mostly Romanian
lexical terms, is not specific only for his school
19
. The phenomenon is also found in
other Romance languages and none of the researchers was charged with language
purism. In reality, T. Cipariu has not proposed to derive all the elements of
Romanian language from Latin or Romance languages, but he tried to find out how
many Romanian words can be derived from these languages. T. Ciparius attempt
to return to natural etymologies unfolds amid a dramatic linguistic reality given
that Romanian language is not only magyarized but also barbarized.
Romanian intellectuals initiative to find reasons to unify the language is a
natural one and the model could not be but the Latin, as the initiative to publish
periodicals in Romanian language with Latin alphabet is outstanding for the
tightening of rows around the Romanian language. In this context, the self effort
in finding the essence and value of Romanian language manifested in the mid
nineteenth century is equivalent to a national act, to restitution of the lost nobleness
and recovery of a millennial treasury of Romanian thought and feeling. In Transylvania,
Romanian cultural environment was considered undifferentiated, although local

19
Dimitrie Macrea, Lingviti i filologi romni (Bucureti: Ed. tiinific, 1959): 76-77.
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112
realities talk about the fact that there were diverse institutional forms going from
common law, from land law meaning from the ancestral law to the rulers
judgment seat or to the church or monastery institution, established autonomous,
elements on which there were built an entire system of value without which there
cannot be explained the remarkable manifestation of humanism and Enlightenment
in Transylvania.
From a cultural perspective, the Orthodox and United with Rome Romanians
in Transylvania, were neither isolated and denied by some of the local cultural
spheres belonging to Saxons and Hungarians of Transylvania or from Hungary nor
by those in adjacent regions. Their ties with institutional and cultural Byzantine
world, Russian and European Catholic and Roman environment are obvious realities.
Placed at the interference of Eastern and Western spheres of influence, between
Orthodox and Catholic spiritual world the Transylvanian Romanians felt acutely
these influences that are to be found in all kind of events and achievements in their
lives. Romanian Transylvanian cultural horizons have connections with Budapest,
Lwow, Krakow, Riga, Halicia, Kiev, Moscow, Vienna, Venice, Padua, Rome, Paris, and
with the German space from Leipzig to Frankfurt and from Munich to Koln.
The reconstruction of the Orthodox Metropolitan of Transylvania autocephaly,
having its seat in Sibiu, through its exit from Karlowitz jurisdiction and the official
recognition of Metropolitan Romanian Church United with Rome, with its seat in
Blaj, caused a major revival not religious only but also a cultural one, determined
by the development of the religious schools and by the publishing of secular and
religious Romanian journals.
The successor of the bishop Vasile Moga, the bishop and then the metropolitan
Andrei aguna, initiated a true revival of Orthodoxy in Transylvania, by reconstructing
the Orthodox Metropolitan, in December 1864, and by reorganizing the Organic
Status, in 1868, reviving the old orthodox canon of involvement of the laity in the
life and mission of the church. He formed a real theological school in Sibiu by
reorganizing the old Theological-Pedagogical Institute, which had been functioning
since 1786, with two sections with well trained teachers, who were trained in
European Universities. The ground for the two major events of the years 1864 and
1868 had been prepared since the 1850-1853, a period when the communication
bases are settled not only for the orthodox but for all Romanians regardless of
denomination confession. In 1850, he established the Archidiocesan Printing where
over 200 important works had been printed and in 1853 he founded Telegraful
Romn, a periodical which experienced a continuous appearance till today. With
some small differences or mistakes guidance, his prodigious work was continued
by Metropolitans Miron Romanul (1874-1898) and Ion Meianu (1899-1916).
Althrough, from confessional perspective, the relations between the two
Romanian Metropolitan Dioceses were most often cold and tense, the restoring of
the liberal regime in the Austrian Empire opened the concrete way to the equality

113
of rights for all the nations and confessions of the Empire, proclaimed after 1848
Revolution, but insufficiently applied in the absolutist regime
20
. Andrei aguna did not
identify the confession with the nation, but he interpreted it in terms of Orthodoxy,
seen as a part of national matter, as a mean of asserting it. He understood the
Orthodox Church as a defensive and preservation edifice of Romanian identity, an
edifice affirming the unity and the solidarity with the Romanian background. Even if
the confessional affiliation affected the unity of political actions, the institutional
framework created around the two churches made possible the cultural-national
autonomy and Romanian identity, including expression of national solidarity when
times required it
21
. Initiating the publication of Telegraful Romn journal, bishop
Andrei aguna wanted to address the call for national unity and for winning the
legal rights to all Romanians, regardless of their confession.
In the publication, the destiny was to meet two strong personalities, with
good views: bishop Andrei aguna and professor and publisher Florian Aaron. Six
years older than aguna, Aaron had a beautiful reputation confirmed both by the
authorities in Bucharest and by cultural personalities in Transylvania. Formed in
the spirit of Transylvania school, the first editor of the publication was wise enough
to obey the bishop without blurring his views. Starting from the Orthodox tradition
of writing with slave characters, Andrei aguna believed that switching to writing
with the Latin alphabet, especially for the religious writings as Liturghierul, had to
be done in two stages, in order to draw in this process, consciously, the orthodox
clergy, famous for its conservatism. Having a vast teaching experience Florian
Aaron considered that the reforms should be done quickly, from the top, as Timotei
Cipariu proposed too, with an efficient and committed contribution of the ministers
of the altar and teachers of the school. In this respect, the editor warned the bishop
that the Roman noble origin stated in a world of communication between civilizations
and this communication is done primarily through writing. On this occasion he
reminds about the aspiration of those passionate men who studied the Romanian
individual and his language, origin and all his deeds and showed it would be high
time for Romanians to deny the slave characters, which are foreign and use Latin
letters, which are theirs
22
. The two of them reaching a modus vivendi amiable,
agreed that the adoption of Latin alphabet for Telegraful Romn is to be made
step-by-step. Through the Precept nr.706/1862, the first written order printed with
Latin characters is formalized in an orthodox publishing Ciparius spelling system.
According to Andrei agunas opinion the Telegraful Romn journal should have

20
Simion Retegan, Reconstrucia politic a Transilvaniei n anii 1861-1863 (Cluj-Napoca: Ed. Presa
Universitar Clujean, 2004).
21
Nicolae Bocan, Pr.Gabriel-Viorel Grdan, Din trecutul relaiilor interconfesionale romneti.
Andrei aguna i Alexandru terca uluiu, Revista Teologic, 4 (2008): 25-40.
22
Florian Aaron, Ce s-a scris i s-a tiprit, pn acum, pentru poporul romn, i cum s-a scris i
s-a tiprit?, Telegraful Romn 8 (1853): 30.
ANA BACIU

114
been an efficient tool of cultural training and perfecting for all ministers of church,
teachers and faithful. The decision of compelling the orthodox priests to subscribe
to this publication was not determined by the vanity to compete Gazeta
Transilvaniei but on the contrary, being aware of the fact that the newspaper is
deep in Romanians heart and spirit, the frequency of the orthodox publication
was another opportunity for education.
In turn, the representatives of the Greek-Catholic Church led by George
Bariiu and Timotei Cipariu gave the signal for national awakening in Gazeta de
Transilvania and Organul Naional publications amid revolutionary movement from
1848. Passing over religious differences, the two publications called the Romanians
to emancipation through culture. Referring to the elaborate aspect of Romanian
language Timotei Cipariu brings examples from ancient text of orthodox books
Psaltirea written by Dosoftei or Biblia de la Bucureti, emphasizing that Romanian
language, as Italic dialect was much cleaner and richer in Romance words.
Through the work exposed we tried to sketch a picture of the complexity of
the cultural phenomenon that triggered the problem in adopting the Latin alphabet
to the Romanian language writing. It is natural, especially for the beginning, that the
opinions should be distinguished between them, so as to exclude initially each
others. It is during the 4
th
and the 5
th
decades of the 19
th
century. The revolutionary
events from 1848 had the gift to gather the opinions around the idea of national,
social and cultural emancipation. So is that, even traditionalists and conservatives
hard to be persuaded came to recognize the need of using Latin alphabet in writing.
This process comes to crown a period of intellectual work developed at multiple
levels, from the establishment of Romanian cultural societies, to publishing activity
and teaching and not the least, in the work of the ministry of the two Romanian
churches and the involvement not only in the theological activity but in the cultural
one too. We can state without being too much wrong that after the year 1850,
Romanian Church from Transylvania and the militant laic and religious press
constituted real ferment of the process of awakening and assertion of Romania
national entity in this province.

SFNTUL VASILE CA AUTORITATE DOCTRINAL I EXEMPLU
SPIRITUAL PENTRU TEODORET DE CIR
*

ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN
**

REZUMAT. Prezentul articol propune s investigheze cteva exemple de contacte
doctrinale, terminologice i spirituale ntre Sfntul Vasile i teologii tradiiei
Antiohiene, n special Diodor din Tars i Teodoret de Cir. Autoritatea doctrinal a
Sf. Vasile pentru antiohienii secolului al V-lea se evideniaz prin rspunsul lui
Teodoret la anatema 5 a Sfntului Chiril de Alexandria mpotriva lui Nestorie,
unde Teodoret se refer n mod explicit la Sf. Vasile, citndu-l din propria memorie.
Poate cea mai mare influen teologic exercitat de Sf. Vasile asupra antiohienilor
era distincia sa extrem de corect ntre expresiile folosite n doctrina trinitar.
Cartea lui Teodoret, Eranistes, este un exemplu elocvent pentru a vedea cum
nuanrile neo-niceene ale Capadocienilor puteau s pun la punct vocabularul
teologic zdruncinat de controversa arian. La sfrit, rezistena curajoas a
Sfntului Vasile mpotriva ncercrilor imperatorului Valens s-l intimideze i s
impun arianismul n comunitile aparintoare diocezei sale, devine nu numai
un exemplu de urmat din trecut, dar privit i n contextul actual al istoriografului,
care a fost exilat datorit rezistenei sale mpotriva eutihianismului devine o
surs de consolare i inspiraie pentru episcopul nedreptit din Cir.

Cuvinte cheie: Sf. Vasile, Teodoret de Cir, Diodor din Tars, hristologie, terminologie
neo-nicean, exemplu spiritual

Prinii capadocieni joac un rol extrem de important n formarea i
dezvoltarea spiritual i teologic a lui Teodoret. n scrierile sale mai ales n
perioadele intenselor controverse doctrinale, de care, din nefericire, a avut parte
se refer n repetate rnduri la Sf. Vasile de Cezareea, Grigorie de Nazianz i la
Grigorie de Nissa.
ntlnirea tradiiei antiohiene din care fcea parte i Teodoret, fiind ultimul
mare teolog al acesteia cu gndirea teologic a capadocienilor nu era ntmpltoare,
iar n cazul autorului nostru, aceasta avea deja precedente bune la care se putea

*
Prezentul studiu este forma augmentat a prelegerii susinute la conferina internaional nsemntatea
vieii i operei Sfntului Vasile cel Mare pentru misiunea i slujirea Bisericii, Facultatea de Teologie
Ortodox Andrei aguna, Universitatea Lucian Blaga din Sibiu (16 18 octombrie 2009).
**
Conf. Dr., Institutul Teologic Protestant, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia, mcpasztori@yahoo.com
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

116
raporta. Aa cum reiese din Epistola sa nr. 99, Sf. Vasile s-a ntlnit cu Diodor din
Tars (probabil n 372) n Armenia, cnd l-a vizitat pe Meletie care se afla n exil
1
.
Teodoret face o aluzie succint asupra faptului c, n aceast perioad, Diodor a
dialogat att acas, ct i n strintate
2
. Clarificarea lui Adam M. Schor de a privi
tradiia antiohian ca pe o reea n loc de coal ne ajut foarte mult n nelegerea
i interpretarea corect a multiplelor relaii spirituale ntre prinii i teologii
orientali ai secolelor IVV
3
.

Sfntul Vasile ca autoritate doctrinal
Un exemplu foarte elocvent al autoritii doctrinale a Sfntului Vasile
pentru Teodoret l gsim n rspunsul acestuia la anatema 5 a Sfntului Chiril de
Alexandria. (Prima dat) Mai nti citm textul lui Chiril:

.
Dac cineva ar ndrzni s spun c Hristos
este om purttor de Dumnezeu, n loc s spun
c este Dumnezeu cu adevrat ca singurul Fiu
prin fire, ntruct Cuvntul s-a fcut trup i prta-
ul sngelui i trupului ca i noi, fie anatem
4
.

n replica sa la aceast anatem, Teodoret pornete de la ideea refuzat
ulterior de Sf. Chiril n explicaiile sale c aici ar fi vorba de schimbarea Cuvntului
n carne. n cadrul acestei replici, Teodoret face dou referiri directe la operele
Sfntului Vasile cu o mic, dar semnificativ eroare (vezi mai jos). De asemenea,
este foarte probabil c n cursul compunerii destul de precipitate a rspunsurilor la
aceste anateme pe care le-a fcut n februarie 431 la cererea lui Ioan din Antiohia,
nu din proprie iniiativ
5
Teodoret nu avea la ndemn operele la care face referiri,
ci le citeaz din memorie. Partea relevant a rspunsului su sun n felul urmtor:

n consecin, folosind termenul prtie,
adorm ca pe un singur Fiu att pe cel care a
asumat, ct i ceea ce a fost asumat, dar recu-

1
Sf. Vasile, Epistola 99, n: Yves Courtonne (ed., trad.), Saint Basile: Lettres, vol. 2, Les Belles Lettres,
Paris, 1961 (TLG: 99, 3).
2
. Teodoret, Hist. eccl. 4, 22, n: Theodoret, Kirchengeschichte,
Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller 44, L. Parmentier, F. Scheidweiler (ed.), Akademie Verlag,
Berlin, 1954, p. 321 (TLG: 321, 16).
3
Adam M. Schor, Theodoret on the School of Antioch: A Network Approach, n: Journal of Early
Christian Studies, XV (2007), nr. 4, pp. 517562 (p. 538).
4
ACO I, 1, 6, 126. Cf. Norman Russell, Cyril of Alexandria, Routledge, London, 2000, p. 183.
5
n privina faptului c Teodoret a compus aceste rspunsuri la cererea explicit a lui Ioan din
Antiohia, vezi nceputul Epistolei 1a (Coll. Vat. 167) a episcopului din Cir adresat colegului su n:
Thodoret, Correspondance IV, Sources Chrtiennes, 429, Yvan Azma (ed.), Cerf, Paris, 1998, p. 62.
Cf. Blomfield Jackson (trad.), The Ecclesiastical History, Dialogues and Letters of Theodoret, Nicene
and Post-Nicene Fathers III, Henry Wace, Philip Schaff (eds.), James Parker, Oxford, 1892, p. 324.
SFNTUL VASILE CA AUTORITATE DOCTRINAL I EXEMPLU SPIRITUAL PENTRU TEODORET DE CIR

117
.

-
.

.
noatem deosebirea dintre naturi. Nu respingem
ns termenul om purttor de Dumnezeu,
care a fost folosit de muli dintre sfinii Prini,
unul dintre acetia fiind Vasile cel Mare, care
folosete acest termen n opera sa despre Sfn-
tul Duh, adresat lui Amfilohie, precum i n
explicaia sa privind Psalmul 59. [Pe Hristos]
l numim aadar om purttor de Dumnezeu
nu ca i cum ar fi primit vreo parte din harul
divin, ci pentru c posed ntreaga divinitate
cea una a Fiului
6
.
6

Autoritatea doctrinal a Sfntului Vasile este evident n citatul de mai sus.
Eroarea const n faptul c n ambele lucrri ale sale la care Teodoret face referire
cel puin n versiunile care apar n ediiile moderne Sfntul Vasile folosete expresia
trup purttor de Dumnezeu ( ) n loc de om purttor de Dumnezeu
( ).
7
Acest fapt, bineneles, schimb i aportul doctrinal al
enunurilor.
8
Evaluarea noastr iniial, conform creia aici Teodoret citeaz din
memorie i nu are o versiune a operelor citate care s conin ,
este coroborat cu o alt referin, de data aceasta ntr-o lucrare compus cu mai muli
ani dup ncheierea controversei nestoriene. Este vorba despre cartea
(Ceretorul) a lui Teodoret, terminat n anul 447 cu scopul aprrii doctrinei ortodoxe
mpotriva eutihianismului. Aici, n cadrul florilegiului patristic impresionant (238
de pasaje de la 88 de autori) ataat la aceast lucrare, ne ntlnim i cu numele
Sfntului Vasile. n Florilegiul I regsim cele dou pasaje la care Teodoret a fcut
referire cu 16 ani n urm, i anume citatele din Omilii despre Psalmi, precum i din
cartea Despre Sfntul Duh
9
ale Sf. Vasile. Ambele conin varianta . Tot n
cadrul operei gsim i alte referine directe la Sf. Vasile, i anume la omilia

6
ACO I, 1, 6, 126. Cf. Istvn Psztori-Kupn, Theodoret of Cyrus, Routledge, London, 2006, p. 179 i p.
252, nota 14.
7

. Sf. Vasile, De Spiritu Sancto 5,
12 n: Basile de Csare, Sur le Saint-Esprit, Sources Chrtiennes 17 bis, Benot Pruche (ed.), Cerf,
Paris, 1968, p. 284 (TLG: 5, 12, 20). Expresia apare i n Omiliile despre Psalmi ale Sf.
Vasile n PG 29, 424B:
. Cf. PG 29, 468A: .
8
n scopul de a evita abaterea de la tema studiului nostru, n prezent nu intrm n discuii detailate
privind implicaiile expresiei vizavi de n cadrul controversei
nestoriene. Referitor la doctrina hristologic a lui Teodoret vezi e.g. I. Psztori-Kupn, Theodoret of
Cyrus, pp. 3156.
9
Theodoret, Eranistes, Gerard H. Ettlinger (ed.), Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975, pp. 103104.
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

118
(Homilia de gratiarum actione), precum i la Adversus Eunomium.
10

Acestea in de doctrina hristologic a Sfntului Vasile, adoptat n diverse contexte
de Teodoret.
11

Poate cea mai mare influen doctrinal a Sfntului Vasile asupra tradiiei
antiohiene, precum i asupra lui Teodoret, ine de domeniul terminologiei trinitare,
i anume clarificarea similitudinilor i diferenelor dintre expresiile folosite. Dac
anatema anti-arian anexat la Nicaeanum nc nu a fcut o distincie clar ntre
i , Epistola 38 atribuit n perioada respectiv Sfntului Vasile
12

devine sine qua non-ul terminologiei neo-niceene, o distincie de altfel adoptat i
aplicat de toi teologii antiohieni. Pentru scopul nostru prezent este suficient s citm
un singur pasaj din ca s putem vedea ct de ptrunztoare i efectiv a
fost distincia terminologic a capadocienilor. La un moment dat, n cursul primului
dialog, Ceretorul (reprezentantul doctrinei eutihiene) l ntreab pe Orthodoxos:
.
.
.
.

. [] -

.

.
ERANISTES: Exist vreo deosebire ntre
i ? ORTHODOXOS: Conform nelep-
ciunii lumeti nu exist, deoarece semni-
fic ceea ce exist [ ], iar sem-
nific ceea ce subzist. ns, conform nv-
turii Prinilor, ntre i exis-
t aceeai diferen ca i ntre comun i parti-
cular, ntre gen/ras i form/specie sau in-
divid. [] n consecin, aa cum numele de
om este comun pentru natura uman, tot
aa spunem c divin indic Sfnta Trei-
me; ns reprezint persoana cuiva,
i anume, ori a Tatlui, ori a Fiului, ori a Sfn-
tului Duh. Fiindc, urmnd definiiile Sfinilor
Prini, spunem c i persoan i
individualitate/particularitate nseamn ace-
lai lucru.
13

Chiar de la prima vedere putem remarca faptul c aceste distincii clare
trebuiau s aib principala lor surs n minile iluminate i operele capadocienilor

10
Theodoret, Eranistes, p. 166 i p. 239.
11
De exemplu, dac punem n paralel pasajul din al Sfntului Vasile (TLG: 31, 228)
citat n , cu Capitolele 1314 ale tratatului De inhumanatione Domini al lui Teodoret (PG 75,
14401441; cf. I. Psztori-Kupn, Theodoret of Cyrus, pp. 148151), putem observa c participarea
lui Hristos la suferina uman este neleas ntr-un mod foarte similar de ambii teologi.
12
Ulterior, epistola respectiv a fost atribuit lui Grigorie de Nissa, care se considera continuatorul
operei fratelui su. Vezi R. M. Hbner, Gregor von Nyssa als Verfasser der sog. Ep. 38 des Basilius,
n: Epektasis. Mlanges patristiques offerts au Cardinal Jean Danilou, J. Fontaine, Ch. Kannengiesser
(eds.), Beauchesne, Paris, 1972, pp. 463491; Johannes Zachhuber, Nochmals: Der 38. Brief des
Basilius von Caesarea als Werk des Gregor von Nyssa, n: Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, VII
(2003), nr. 1, pp. 7390.
13
Theodoret, Eranistes, pp. 6465.

119
denumii aici ca Sfinii Prini ntre ei fiind, n nici un caz pe loc secundar, Sfntul
Vasile. Definiia oarecum origenian privind o singur i trei ale
Sfintei Treimi o definiie perturbat i chiar temporar discreditat n timpul
controversei ariene (inclusiv prin quasi-echivalarea lor n anatema anti-arian ataat
Crezului Nicean) reapare n discuiile de clarificare terminologic ale Capadocienilor,
dndu-le ansa s redefineasc (de data aceasta fr pericolul subordinaionismului)
toate expresiile teologice relevante i locul lor n vocabularul doctrinei trinitare
ortodoxe.
Prinii capadocieni printre ei i Sf. Vasile se regseau n mai multe
rnduri n aceeai tabr cu teologii antiohieni. De exemplu, cu ocazia apariiei
apolinarismului i macedonianismului, att Sf. Vasile ct i Diodor din Tars ncercau
s protejeze hristologia i doctrina trinitar (inclusiv pnevmatologia) ortodox. n
anul 376, n Epistola 244 adresat lui Patrofil, episcopul Egeei, Sf. Vasile i apr
prietenia cu Diodor i se distaneaz cu regret de Apolinarie n felul urmtor:
Cauza rupturii era presupunerea c am scris lui Apolinarie i sunt n comuniune cu
colegul meu, prezbiterul Diodor. Pe Apolinarie niciodat nu l-am considerat duman,
ba chiar l respect pentru anumite lucruri. Dar niciodat nu m-am alturat lui n aa
msur nct s pot accepta acuzaiile adresate acestuia. ntr-adevr, am i eu s-i
reproez cte ceva dup ce am citit unele lucrri de-ale lui. Nu-mi amintesc s-i fi cerut
vreodat o carte despre Sfntul Duh, sau s-o fi acceptat dup ce mi-a fost trimis. Aud
c a devenit un autor extrem de productiv i glgios, ns am citit puin din operele
sale. Nici nu prea am timp s investighez aceste lucruri, fiind de asemenea rezervat n
privina acceptrii noutilor, i nici sntatea nu-mi permite s citesc cu diligen
Scripturile inspirate, aa cum ar trebui s-o fac. Ce treab am eu, dac unul scrie ceva
ce irit pe altul? Iar dac cineva trebuie s dea socoteal pentru altul, atunci cel care
m acuz din pricina lui Apolinarie s se apere n faa mea din pricina lui Arie, propriul
su nvtor, i din pricina lui Aetius, propriul su elev. De la omul acesta a crui
vinovie mi se prezint eu nici nu am nvat nimic, i nici nu l-am nvat ceva. Pe
Diodor ns l-am primit de la bun nceput ca pe vlstarul fericitului Silvan, i l iubesc
i l respect i acum pentru harul graiului su, datorit cruia muli dintre cei care l
ntlnesc devin oameni mai buni.
14

14

.

.
.

.

.
.

. Sf. Vasile, Epistola 244, 3, n: Saint Basile: Lettres, vol. 3 (TLG: 244, 3).
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

120
Un an mai trziu, n nu mai puine cuvinte dar ntr-un ton mai hotrt, n
Epistola 263 adresat celor din Vest, dup ce a enumerat efectele negative ale
doctrinelor propuse de arieni i de pnevmatomahi, Sf. Vasile se lamenteaz asupra
faptului c Apolinarie nu este nici el o cauz mai mic de ntristare pentru Biserici.
Teologului din Laodicea i reproeaz cu o ironie subtil dar sesizabil c, avnd
uurina de a scrie i o limb gata s dispute despre orice tem, a umplut ntreaga
lume cu lucrrile sale, nesocotind sfatul celui care i-a spus s se fereasc de a
produce prea multe cri
15
. Parafraznd Prov 10, 19, Sf. Vasile exclam: Oare cel
care vorbete mult cum ar putea evita s pctuiasc? Critica cea mai direct
la adresa lui Apolinarie este sentina c operele sale teologice nu se bazeaz pe
argumente din Scriptur, ci pe presupuneri omeneti
16
. De aici provine i caracterul
mitic al descrierii de ctre el a nvierii, precum i tendina de a se ntoarce la riturile
Vechiului Testament. n ceea ce privete soteriologia i hristologia apolinarian, Sf.
Vasile conclude:
Chiar i n privina ntruprii, Apolinarie a creat o confuzie aa de mare printre
frai, nct au rmas puini dintre cititorii si care pstreaz forma original a evlaviei;
majoritatea, n goana lor pentru inovaie, s-au pribegit n cercetrile i inveniile
contenioase ale tratatelor sale neprofitabile.
17

Aadar, dup numai un an de la distanarea sa destul de discret de Apolinarie,
Sf. Vasile ia o atitudine mult mai categoric att n privina apolinarismului, ct
i a lui Marcel din Ancira, a crui doctrin trinitar era foarte asemntoare cu
sabelianismul secolului anterior o alt cauz de nelinite cu care de fapt se ncheie
epistola citat. Sf. Vasile a trebuit s ndure ezitarea papei Damasus de a-l condamna
pe Marcel, fapt care iari l-a ndreptat spre teologia antiohian, care la rndul ei se
lupta att mpotriva arianismului, ct i a apolinarismului, precum i mpotriva
negrii de ctre Marcel a celor trei divine.

Sf. Vasile ca exemplu spiritual
La data scrierii Epistolei 263, Sf. Vasile era deja dup vizita imperatorului
pro-arian, Valens, vizit care a avut loc n Cezareea n anul 372. n Istoria bisericii,
Teodoret dedic un capitol ntreg prezentrii acestei ntlniri dintre Valens i Sf.
Vasile
18
. Felul n care Teodoret evoc ntreaga confruntare slujete unui scop destul
de clar: n cursul i n urma ntlnirii Sfntului Vasile cu imperatorul, care urmrea

15
Cf. ncolo, fiule, ia nvtur din aceste lucruri; dac ai voi s faci o mulime de cri, s tii c n-ai
mai isprvi, i mult nvtur obosete trupul. Eclez 12, 12.
16
Sf. Vasile, Epistola 263, 4 (TLG: 263, 4).
17

.
Sf. Vasile, Epistola 263.
18
Vezi Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica, 4, 19. Cf. Thomas Gaisford (ed.), Theodoreti Episcopi Cyri
Ecclesiasticae Historiae Libri Quinque, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1854, pp. 340346; Theodoret,
Kirchengeschichte, pp. 242246 (TLG: 242, 23 246, 11).

121
obliterarea ortodoxiei n ntregul imperiu, episcopul din Cezareea devine el nsui
simbolul rezistenei morale i doctrinale mpotriva abuzului puterii lumeti. nainte
de a fi ajuns la Cezareea, Valens a condus o campanie plin de succes mpotriva
oponenilor doctrinei ariene: Bitinia, care a rezistat la nceput, a devenit scena unor
tragedii oribile. Galatia s-a conformat fr a opune rezisten. Conform observaiei
lui E. Venables soarta Capadociei depindea de Sf. Vasile
19
, a crui fermitate a fost
sprijinit i de evenimentele petrecute n cadrul familiei imperiale e.g. boala acut
i decesul ulterior al lui Galates, fiul unic al imperatorului fiind pn la urm
ncoronat cu succes: Sf. Vasile a rmas stpn pe situaie.
Diversele episoade ale acestui eveniment remarcabil din cadrul istoriei bisericii
cretine sunt coroborate de mai muli autori antici, inclusiv Grigorie de Nazianz,
Sozomen, Grigorie de Nissa, Socrates Scholasticos, Efrem Sirul, Rufin, precum i Sf.
Vasile nsui
20
. Din punctul nostru de vedere, ns, un alt aspect este la fel de important
privind atitudinea lui Teodoret fa de aceast ntmplare, i anume: perioada
compunerii istoriei sale bisericeti. Aa cum reiese din cercetrile experilor, Teodoret a
scris propria sa istoriografie ecleziastic n timpul controversei eutihiene, ncheind-
o n 449450 cnd se afla n exil n Apamea dup destituirea sa din episcopat de
ctre Latrocinium Ephesinum i imperatorul Teodosie al II-lea
21
. n acest context,
exemplul Sfntului Vasile nedreptit i el de puterea secular din cauza neacceptrii
heterodoxiei capt o alt dimensiune. Sf. Vasile, care n memoria lui Teodoret
reprezint aliatul fidel al lui Diodor mpotriva ereziilor ariene, apolinariene i
macedoniene, este nu numai un punct de referin n chestiuni doctrinale, dar i un
nainta de urmat n situaii similare de confruntare cu injustiia inevitabil. n acest
sens este interesant s observm cuvintele i expresiile puse de ctre Teodoret n
gura Sfntului Vasile cnd acesta se ntlnete cu Modest, prefectul nsrcinat de
imperatorul Valens s-i ofere alegerea dintre destituire sau acceptarea doctrinei
ariene. Dup ce Modest i-a promis prietenia imperatorului n schimbul renunrii la
doctrina ortodox, i i-a sugerat c, prin aceasta, episcopul ar putea deveni un mijloc
de conferire a diverselor avantaje asupra multor persoane din preajma lui, conform
textului Istoriei bisericii lui Teodoret:

.

-

Acel brbat divin [Sf. Vasile] a spus: Asemenea
vorbe se potrivesc pruncilor, deoarece acetia i
cei care li se aseamn i casc gura pentru aa
ceva. Dar cei hrnii prin cuvintele divine nu su-
fer s cad nici mcar o silab dintre nvtu-

19
The fate of Cappadocia depended on Basil. William Smith, Henry Wace (eds.), A Dictionary of
Christian Biography, 4 volumes, John Murray, London, 187787, vol. I, p. 119.
20
Vezi e.g. sursele menionate de E. Venables n Dictionary of Christian Biography: Grigorie de
Nazianz, Oratio 20, 351; Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica 4, 16 i 6, 16; Grigorie de Nissa, Adversus
Eunomium; Socrates Scholasticos, Historia ecclesiastica 4, 26; Efrem Sirul, Monum. Eccl. Graec.,
Coteler (ed.), vol. III, 63; Rufin, Historia ecclesiastica 11, 9; Epistolele nr. 68, 94, 104, 110, 111, 128,
244, 251, 279, 280, 281 etc.
21
Cf. Johannes Quasten, Patrology, Spectrum, Utrecht, 19501986, vol. III, p. 551.
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

122

. -

.
rile divine, de dragul crora, dac trebuie, accept
chiar orice fel de moarte. Prietenia imperatoru-
lui dac vine mpreun cu evlavia [= dreapta
credin] o preuiesc foarte mult. Fr aceasta
ns o consider devastatoare.
22

22

Cuvintele marelui episcop, ale lumintorului lumii
23
, aa cum l numete
Teodoret, privite nu numai n contextul confruntrii dintre Sf. Vasile i imperatorul
Valens n 372, dar i din perspectiva condiiei istoriografului aflat n exil, capt o
nou dimensiune dac le comparm cu anumite formule recurente din scrisorile
episcopului de Cir compuse n aceast perioad. Poate cea mai cunoscut apologie a
sa, scris n vara anului 448 este Epistola 83 adresat oponentului su lipsit de
scrupule, Dioscor de Alexandria, care, dup ce a convins imperatorul Theodosie al
II-lea s emit un ordin care s-l constrng pe Teodoret ntre limitele propriei
dioceze (o versiune antic a domiciliului forat), reuete s obin condamnarea i
destituirea acestuia n absen la Latrocinium Ephesinum din 449. Aici, fiind deja
ngrdit de ordinul imperial, Teodoret ncearc s-i explice poziia n privina
doctrinei hristologice, evocnd aprecierea sa de ctre Teodot i Ioan de Antiohia, i
fcnd referiri interesante la educarea acestora n evlavie:

-
.

.
Timp de ase ani am continuat s dsclesc
n vremea episcopului de fericit i sfnt
amintire, Teodot al Antiohiei, care era vestit
att pentru viaa sa ilustr ct i pentru cu-
notinele sale privind nvturile divine.
Ali treisprezece ani am dsclit n timpul
fericitului Ioan, care s-a bucurat n aa m-
sur de discursurile mele, nct i-a micat
ambele mini [a aplaudat], ridicndu-se de mai
multe ori. Scrisorile sfiniei dumneavoastr
poart mrturie c fiind hrnit din copilrie
prin cuvintele divine, avea o cunotin foarte
exact a nvturilor divine.
24

Mesajul este foarte clar: cei care sunt hrnii prin cuvintele divine (
) i cunosc nvturile divine ( ),
reprezint garania ortodoxiei indiferent de era n care triesc. La rndul su, i Sf.
Vasile a folosit termenul vlstarul fericitului Silvan ( )
cnd vorbea despre Diodor din Tars. n istoria sa ecleziastic, Teodoret folosete
formula vlstar/hrnit prin cuvintele/nvturile divine n mai multe locuri, mai
ales cnd este vorba despre necesitatea rezolvrii unui conflict
25
.

22
Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica, 4, 9 (TLG: 243, 1420).
23
. Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica, 4, 9 (TLG: 243, 1).
24
Thodoret, Correspondance II, Sources Chrtiennes 98, Cerf, Paris, 1964, p. 208.
25
Cf. Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica (TLG: 73, 21; 201, 2; 211, 10; 218, 2; 234, 4; 247, 11; 267, 4;
271, 7; 282, 14; 309, 24).

123
n corespondena lui Teodoret gsim exemple cnd formula hrnit prin
cuvintele/legile divine este folosit ca un fel de repro la adresa celor care n
viziunea episcopului de Cir s-au ndeprtat de aceast hrnire. Exemplul
cel mai elocvent l gsim n Epistola 113 adresat ctre Papa Leo I n 449 dup
anatematizarea sa de ctre Dioscor n cadrul sinodului din Efes din 449 (Latrocinium).
Teodoret se lamenteaz de faptul c nici mcar criminalii nu sunt condamnai de
ctre judectori pn ei nii nu-i recunosc vina sau mrturia altora nu stabilete
acest lucru. Critica ndreptat spre Dioscor, care fiind judectorul n Efes nu i-a
acordat ansa s-i poat prezenta punctul de vedere, ci l-a demis fr judecat,
sun n felul urmtor:

.
El [Dioscor] ns, fiind hrnit prin legile divine,
m-a condamnat cum a voit pe mine, care eram
la o distan de treizeci i cinci de zile de mers.
26

Argumentul lui Teodoret aici este c i legile seculare prevd ascultarea
ambelor pri, iar Dioscor, cu toate c a fost hrnit chiar n legile divine (care
sunt superioare celor lumeti), totui comite o nedreptate aa de grav mpotriva
colegului su. Cu toate acestea, Teodoret este gata s accepte aceast condamnare i
destituire n cazul n care Leo l-ar sftui n acest sens. Tonul epistolei este al celui
nedreptit, care caut mai mult o consolare i ndrumare de la ilustrul su coleg:
este destul de dificil s o considerm o scrisoare de apel sau chiar de recurs, aa
cum s-a sugerat destul de des
27
.
Folosind expresiile de mai sus (hrnit prin cuvintele/legile divine) n repetate
rnduri (att proiectate n trecut, ct i n corespondena personal contemporan),
Teodoret, ntr-o manier cu totul subtil poate chiar i involuntar pe de o parte
ne las de neles similitudinile diferitelor contexte istorice ale amestecului puterii
seculare n disputele doctrinale, pe de alt parte ne i ofer anumite remedii posibile
prin exemplul istoric al naintailor. Dac n cuvintele atribuite marelui precursor
capadocian se afl i puin auto-consolare, Teodoret, prin prisma nedreptilor
acceptate de dnsul cu o admirabil noblee spiritual, poate fi iertat pentru aceasta.
Revenind la scrisoarea sa adresat lui Dioscor de Alexandria, printre ali
prini bisericeti, Teodoret se refer i la Sfntul Vasile, numindu-l printre lumintorii
lumii:

.
Despre acestea am fost nvai i prin
Sfnta Scriptur dar i de la Prinii care
au explicat-o: Alexandru i Atanasie, propo-
vduitorii cu glas mare ai adevrului, care
erau ornamentele tronului vostru aposto-
licesc; de la Vasile i Grigorie i de la cei-
lali lumintori ai lumii.
28

26
Thodoret, Correspondance III, Sources Chrtiennes 111, Cerf, Paris, 1965, p. 62.
27
Cf. Blomfield Jackson, The Ecclesiastical History of Theodoret, p. 297.
28
Thodoret, Correspondance II, Sources Chrtiennes 98, Cerf, Paris, 1964, p. 208.
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

124
n contextul genezei acestei scrisori, aluzia elegant la faptul c Alexandru i
Atanasie erau ornamentele tronului lui Dioscor ne d de neles i ateptarea de la
urmaul lor privind propovduirea adevrului. Epistola este compus cu plecciune,
dar autorul nu linguete: chiar dac nu sunt contrastai direct cu Dioscor, lumintorii
lumii (Vasile, Grigorie) sunt totui ceilali nu actualul patriarh al Alexandriei.
n cadrul istoriografiei sale proprii, cu cteva capitole dup evocarea episodului
ntlnirii dintre Sf. Vasile i Valens, spre sfritul volumului 4 al operei, Teodoret
dedic un capitol episcopilor distini n acea vreme n Asia Mic i Pontus. Tonul
elogiului scurt adus exemplului celor trei capadocieni de ctre prelatul exilat din Cir
vorbete de la sine:
ntre episcopi erau cei doi numii Grigorie, unul din Nazianz, cellalt din Nissa, al
doilea fiind fratele, primul fiind prietenul i conlucrtorul marelui Vasile. Ei erau cei
mai distini campioni ai evlaviei n Capadocia.
29

Episcopul din Cir i ncheie propria istoriografie n exil, ns alegerea
evenimentului final este gritoare: pe ultima pagin evoc decesul lui Teodor din
Mopsuestia n 428. n acelai an Nestorie va deveni patriarh n Constantinopol, dar
acest episod nu mai apare la sfritul crii: autorul nu dorete s prezinte nici un
eveniment la care a participat (inclusiv controversele doctrinale), lsnd aceasta pe
seama posteritii. Istoria bisericii lui Teodoret nu devine astfel o apologie personal:
iat o dovad n plus a personalitii umane deosebite a fericitului episcop din Cir.

Prescurtri
ACO = E. Schwartz, J. Straub (ed.), Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, Series I, Walter de Gruyter,
Berlin, 19141984; Series II, ed. sub auspiciis Academiae Scientiarum Bavaricae, Walter
de Gruyter, Berlin, 1984ff.
PG = Jacques Paul Migne (ed.), Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Graeca, 161 volume, Paris,
18571887
TLG = Thesaurus Linguae Graecae (CD-rom) http://www.tlg.uci.edu/

29

.
. Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica 4, 30 Theodoret, Kirchengeschichte, p. 270 (TLG: 270,
36).

ST. BASIL AS DOCTRINAL AUTHORITY AND SPIRITUAL
EXAMPLE FOR THEODORET OF CYRUS
*

ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN
**

ABSTRACT. The present article proposes to investigate a few examples of doctrinal,
terminological as well as spiritual links between St. Basil and the theologians of the
Antiochene tradition, especially Diodore of Tarsus and Theodoret of Cyrus. Basils
doctrinal authority for the Antiochenes of the fifth century is evinced e.g. by Theodorets
reply to Cyril of Alexandrias fifth anathema against Nestorius, where he refers explicitly
to Basil, quoting him from his memory. Perhaps the greatest theological influence
exercised by Basil over the Antiochenes was his highly accurate terminological
distinction between the expressions applied in the treatment of the Trinitarian doctrine.
Theodorets work Eranistes is a very good example of how the so-called Neo-Nicene
refinements of the Cappadocians could settle the theological vocabulary troubled by the
Arian controversy. Finally, Basils brave stance against Emperor Valens attempt
to intimidate him and impose Arianism upon the communities belonging to his see
becomes not only a past example to be followed, but viewed in the actual context of the
historiographer (who had been exiled because of his resistance against Eutychianism) it
becomes a source of consolation and inspiration for the wronged bishop of Cyrus.

Keywords: St. Basil, Theodoret of Cyrus, Diodore of Tarsus, Christology, Neo-
Nicene terminology, spiritual example

The Cappadocian Fathers had played an extremely important role in
Theodorets spiritual and theological development. In his writings, especially during
the intense doctrinal controversies, in which, unfortunately, he had to partake,
Theodoret refers repeatedly to Basil of Caesarea, Gregory Nazianzen and Gregory of
Nyssa.
The encounter between the Antiochene tradition (the member of which
was Theodoret also, being its last great theologian) and the theological thinking of the
Cappadocians was not accidental, and in Theodorets case it had a good precedence
as a starting point. As it becomes evident from his Epistle no. 99, Basil had met

*
The present study is the augmented form of a lecture held at the international conference The
significance of St. Basil the Great life and work for the mission and ministry of the Church, The
Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Sibiu (16-18 October 2009).
**
Conf. Dr., Protestant Theological Institute, Cluj-Napoca, Romania, mcpasztori@yahoo.com
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

126
Diodore of Tarsus (probably in 372) in Armenia, during his visit to the exiled
Meletius.
1
Theodoret makes a brief allusion to the fact that during this period
Diodore was discoursing alike at home and abroad.
2
Adam M. Schors clarification
to consider the Antiochene tradition as a network rather than a school helps us
very much to understand and interpret correctly the multiple spiritual relations
between the Eastern fathers and theologians of the fourth and fifth centuries.
3

St. Basil as a doctrinal authority
We find a very eloquent example of St. Basils doctrinal authority for
Theodoret in his reply to St Cyrils fifth anathema. First we cite Cyrils text:

.
If anyone has the temerity to say that Christ is
a God-bearing man instead of saying that he is
truly God, as the only Son by nature, inasmuch
as the Word became flesh and shared in flesh
and blood like us (cf. Heb. 2:14), let him be
anathema.
4

In his answer to this anathema Theodoret begins with the idea later
rejected by Cyril in his Explanations that the issue at stake here could be a change
of the Word into flesh. Within this reply, Theodoret makes two direct references to
the works of St. Basil with a small, yet significant error (see below). Similarly, it is
highly probable that during the somewhat precipitated composition of his answers
to these anathemas an action performed by him during February 431 at John of
Antiochs request, and not from his own initiative
5
Theodoret did not have at hand
all the works he was referring to, but rather cited them from memory. The relevant
part of his reply is as follows:

.

Therefore, whilst we apply the phrase partaking
we worship both him who took and that which was
taken as one Son, nevertheless, we acknowledge
the distinction of the natures. Nonetheless, we do
not reject the term God-bearing man, as uttered

1
St. Basil, Ep. 99. In Saint Basile: Lettres, Edited by Yves Courtonne, vol. 2 (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1961)
(TLG: 99, 3).
2
. Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 4, 22. Theodoret, Kirchengeschichte, Die
griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller 44, Edited by L. Parmentier and F. Scheidweiler (Berlin:
Akademie Verlag, 1954), 264 (TLG: 264, 12).
3
Adam M. Schor, Theodoret on the School of Antioch: A Network Approach, Journal of Early
Christian Studies 15, 4 (2007): 517562 (p. 538).
4
ACO I, 1, 6, 126. Cf. Norman Russell, Cyril of Alexandria (London: Routledge, 2000), 183.
5
Concerning the fact that Theodoret composed these replies at Johns explicit request, see the
beginning of Ep. 1a (Coll. Vat. 167) of the bishop of Cyrus addressed to his colleague in: Thodoret,
Correspondance IV, Sources Chrtiennes 429, Edited by Yvan Azma (Paris: Cerf, 1998), p. 62. Cf.
Blomfield Jackson, trans., The Ecclesiastical History, Dialogues and Letters of Theodoret, Nicene and
Post-Nicene Fathers III, Edited by Henry Wace and Philip Schaff (Oxford: James Parker, 1892), 324.
ST. BASIL AS DOCTRINAL AUTHORITY AND SPIRITUAL EXAMPLE FOR THEODORET OF CYRUS

127

.

.
by many of the holy Fathers, one among whom is
the great Basil, who uses this term in his work
[addressed] to Amphilochius about the Holy Spirit,
and in his explanation of Psalm fifty-nine. But we
call him man bearing God, not because he received
some share of the divine grace, but as possessing
all the Godhead of the Son united.
6
6

St. Basils doctrinal authority is evident within the above citation. The error
consists in the fact that in both of his works referred to by Theodoret at least
within the versions which appear in modern editions Basil uses the term God-
bearing flesh ( ) instead of God-bearing man ( ).
7

This detail, of course, also changes the doctrinal intake of these statements.
8
Our
initial assessment that Theodoret quoted here from memory and did not have a
version of Basils works which would contain , is corroborated
by another reference contained within a work composed many years after the
closure of the Nestorian controversy. We mean Theodorets book , i.e. The
Beggar, completed in 447 in order to defend the orthodox doctrine against
Eutychianism. Here, within the impressive patristic florilegium (238 passages from
88 authors) attached to this work, we encounter the name of St. Basil as well. In
Florilegium I we find the two passages to which Theodoret had alluded 16 years
before, i.e. the citations from Basils Homilies on the Psalms, as well as from his book
On the Holy Spirit.
9
Both contain the version . In we also
find other direct references to St. Basil, i.e. to the homily (Homilia de
gratiarum actione), as well as to his Adversus Eunomium.
10
These passages pertain
to Basils Christological concept, adopted by Theodoret in various contexts.
11

6
ACO I, 1, 6, 126. Cf. Istvn Psztori-Kupn, Theodoret of Cyrus (London: Routledge, 2006), 179
and 252, note 14.
7

. Basil, De Spiritu Sancto 5, 12.
In Basile de Csare, Sur le Saint-Esprit, Sources Chrtiennes 17 bis, Edited by Benot Pruche,
(Paris: Cerf, 1968), 284 (TLG: 5, 12, 20). The term appears also in his Homilies on the
Psalms in PG 29, 424B:
. Cf. PG 29, 468A: .
8
In order to avoid a detour from the main theme of our study, at present we shall not enter the
details concerning the implications of the term vis--vis during
the Nestorian controversy. Concerning the Christological teaching of Theodoret see e.g. I. Psztori-
Kupn, Theodoret of Cyrus, 3156.
9
Theodoret, Eranistes, Edited by Gerard H. Ettlinger (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 103104.
10
Theodoret, Eranistes, ed. Ettlinger, 166 and 239.
11
For example, if we put in parallel the passage of Basil (TLG: 31, 228) cited in the
with Chapters 1314 of Theodorets De inhumanatione Domini (PG 75, 14401441; cf. I.
Psztori-Kupn, Theodoret of Cyrus, 148151), we can observe that the participation of Christ
in human suffering is understood in very similar terms by both theologians.
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

128
Perhaps the strongest doctrinal influence of St. Basil upon the Antiochene
tradition as well as upon Theodoret belongs to the domain of Trinitarian terminology,
especially concerning the clarification of similarities and differences between the
various terms used. If the anti-Arian anathema annexed to the Nicene Creed did not
yet make a clear distinction between and , Epistle 38 attributed at the
time to St. Basil
12
becomes the sine qua non of the so-called Neo-Nicene terminology, a
distinction otherwise adopted and applied by all Antiochene theologians. Concerning
our present goal it is sufficient to quote only one passage from the in order
to see the thoroughness and effectiveness of the Cappadocians terminological
distinction. In a certain moment, during the first dialogue, Eranistes, i.e. the Beggar
(the representative of Eutychian doctrine) asks Orthodoxos:

.
.
. -
.

. []

.

.
ERANISTES: Is there any difference between
ousia and hypostasis? ORTHODOXOS: In secular
philosophy there is not, for ousia signifies that
which is, and hypostasis that which subsists.
But according to the teaching of the Fathers
there is the same difference between ousia
and hypostasis as between the common and
the particular, or the race and the special or
individual. [] As then the name man is
common to human nature, so we understand
the divine substance to indicate the Holy Trinity;
but the hypostasis denotes any person, as the
Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit; for,
following the definitions of the Holy Fathers,
we say that hypostasis and individuality mean
the same thing.
13

Even at first glance we may observe that these clear distinctions had to
originate from within the luminated minds and works of the Cappadocians referred
to here as the Holy Fathers among them being, not in the least in secondary place,
St. Basil. The arguably Origenian definition concerning the one and three
of the Holy Trinity a definition perturbed and even temporarily
discredited during the Arian controversy (including their quasi-equalisation within
the anti-Arian anathema attached to the Nicene Creed) reappears within the
discussions of terminological clarification of the Cappadocians, giving them the

12
The epistle was later attributed to St. Gregory of Nyssa, who considered himself as being the continuator
of his brothers work. See R. M. Hbner, Gregor von Nyssa als Verfasser der sog. Ep. 38 des Basilius,
Epektasis. Mlanges patristiques offerts au Cardinal Jean Danilou, Edited by J. Fontaine i Ch.
Kannengiesser (Paris: Beauchesne, 1972), 463491; Johannes Zachhuber, Nochmals: Der 38.
Brief des Basilius von Caesarea als Werk des Gregor von Nyssa, Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, vol. 7,
1 (2003): 7390.
13
Theodoret, Eranistes, 6465. Cf. Blomfield Jackson, Theodoret, 162.

129
chance to redefine (this time without the peril of Subordinationism) all the relevant
theological terms as well as their place within the vocabulary of orthodox Trinitarian
doctrine.
The Cappadocian Fathers, including Basil, found themselves repeatedly in
the same camp with the Antiochene theologians. For example, together with the
apparition of the Apollinarian and Macedonian sects, both Basil and Diodore of
Tarsus tried to protect orthodox Christology and Trinitarian teaching, including
Pneumatology. In the year 376, in his Epistle 244 addressed to Patrophilus, bishop
of Aegea, St. Basil defends his friendship with Diodore and at the same time
distances himself with regret from Apollinaris in the following manner:
The cause of the rupture was the allegation that I wrote to Apollinaris and was in
communion with my colleague, the presbyter Diodore. I never considered Apollinaris
as an enemy, and for some reasons I even respect him. But I never so far united
myself to him as to take upon me the charges against him; indeed I have myself
some accusations to bring against him after reading some of his books. I do not know
that I ever asked him for a book on the Holy Spirit, or received it on his sending:
I am told that he has become a most copious writer, but I have read very few of his
works. I have not even time to investigate such matters. Indeed I shrink from
admitting any of the more recent works, for my health does not even allow of my
reading the inspired Scriptures with diligence and as I ought. What, then, is it to me,
if someone has written something displeasing to somebody else? Yet if one man is
to render an account on behalf of another, let him who accuses me for Apollinaris
sake defend himself to me for the sake of Arius, his own master and of Aetius, his
own disciple. I never learnt anything from, nor taught anything to this man whose
guilt is laid at my door. Diodore, however, as a nursling of the blessed Silvanus, I did
receive from the beginning: I love him now and respect him on account of his grace
of speech, whereby many who meet him are made the better men.
14

14

.

.
.

.

.
.

. Basil, Ep. 244
(TLG: 244, 3). Cf. Blomfield Jackson, trans., The Treatise De Spiritu Sancto, The Nine Homilies of the
Hexaemeron and the Letters of Saint Basil the Great, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers VIII, Edited by
Henry Wace and Philip Schaff (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1895), 286.
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

130
One year later, in no less words, yet in a much stronger tone, in his Epistle
263 addressed to those in the West, after having enumerated the negative effects of
Arian and Pneumatomachian doctrines, Basil laments the fact that Apollinaris is no
less a cause of sorrow to the Churches. With a subtle, yet detectable irony he
reproaches the teacher of Laodicea that through his facility of writing, and a tongue
ready to argue on any subject, he has filled the world with his books, disregarding the
advice of the one who said beware of producing many books.
15
Paraphrasing Prov
10, 19, Basil exclaims: How is it possible to avoid sin in a multitude of words? The
most direct criticism brought against Apollinaris is the sentence that his theological
works are not founded on Scriptural arguments, but on human presuppositions.
16

Thence derives the so-called mythic character of his description of the resurrection,
as well as his tendency to return to the rituals of the Old Testament. Concerning
Apollinarian soteriology and Christology, Basil concludes:

Even concerning the Incarnation, he has made such confusion among the brethren,
that few of his readers preserve the original form of piety; the majority, in their
eagerness for novelty, have been diverted into investigations and quarrelsome
discussions of his unprofitable treatises.
17

Thus, only a year after his discrete self-distancing from Apollinaris, Basil
takes a much more categorical stance both against Apollinarianism and Marcellus
of Ancyra, whose Trinitarian doctrine was very similar to the Sabellianism of the
previous century another cause for anxiety, with which in fact the quoted epistle
ends. Basil had to endure the hesitation of Pope Damasus to condemn Marcellus, a
fact that led him again towards Antiochene theology, which, in its turn had also
been fighting against Arianism and Apollinarianism as well as against Marcellus
negation of the three divine .
St. Basil as spiritual example
At the date of the composition of his Epistle 263, Basil was already after the
visit of the pro-Arian emperor Valens, a visit which took place in Caesarea in 372. In
his Ecclesiastical History, Theodoret dedicates an entire chapter to the presentation
of this encounter between Valens and St. Basil.
18
The manner in which Theodoret
evokes the entire confrontation serves one clear purpose: during and after Basils

15
Cf. And further, by these, my son, be admonished: of making many books there is no end; and
much study is a weariness of the flesh. Ecclesiastes 12, 12.
16
Basil, Ep. 263, 4 (TLG: 263, 4).
17

.
Basil, Ep. 263.
18
Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 4, 19. Cf. Thomas Gaisford, ed., Theodoreti Episcopi Cyri Ecclesiasticae Historiae
Libri Quinque (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1854), 340346; Theodoret, Kirchengeschichte,
242246 (TLG: 242, 23 246, 11).

131
meeting with the emperor, who sought the obliteration of orthodoxy within the
whole empire, the bishop of Caesarea became the very symbol of moral and doctrinal
resistance against the abuses of secular power. Before having arrived to Caesarea,
Valens had led a fully successful campaign against the opponents of Arian doctrine:
Bithynia, which had resisted at first, became the scene of horrible tragedies. Galatia
conformed without resistance. According to the observation of E. Venables, the fate
of Cappadocia depended on Basil,
19
whose firm stance was aided also by the events
within the imperial family e.g. the sudden illness and subsequent death of Galates,
the emperors only son having at last been crowned with success: Basil finally
carried the day.
The various episodes of this remarkable event within the history of the
Christian Church are corroborated by several ancient authors, including St. Gregory
Nazianzen, Sozomen, St. Gregory of Nyssa, Socrates Scholasticus, Ephraem the Syrian,
Rufinus and Basil himself.
20
From our viewpont, however, another aspect is similarly
important regarding Theodorets attitude towards this event, namely: the period of
the composition of his Ecclesiastical History. As it becomes evident from scholarly
research, Theodoret wrote his own church history during the Eutychian controversy,
concluding it in 449450 during his exile in Apamea after his removal from his
bishopric by the Latrocinium Ephesinum and Emperor Theodosius II.
21
Within this
context, the example of St. Basil similarly maltreated by the secular power for his
refusal to accept heterodoxy gains a different dimension. Basil, who in Theodorets
memory represents Diodores faithful ally against the Arian, Apollinarian and
Macedonian heresies, is not only a point of reference in doctrinal issues, but also a
forerunner worthy to be followed in similar situations of unavoidable injustice. In
this sense it is interesting to observe the words and expressions Theodoret puts
into Basils mouth when he meets Modest, the prefect charged by Emperor Valens
to offer him the choice between deposition and the acceptance of Arian doctrine.
After Modest had promised him the emperors friendship in exchange for his
abandonment of orthodoxy, and suggested that by doing this the bishop could
become the very means of conferring great advantages upon many people around
him, according to Theodorets Ecclesiastical History,

.

That divine man [Basil] said: this sort of
talk is fitted for little boys, for they and their
like are gasping for such things. But they who
are nurtured by the divine words will not
suffer so much as a syllable of the divine

19
William Smith and Henry Wace, eds., A Dictionary of Christian Biography, 4 vols (London: John
Murray, 187787), I, 119.
20
See e.g. the sources mentioned by E. Venables in Dictionary of Christian Biography: Gregory
Nazianzen, Oratio 20, 351; Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 4, 16 and 6, 16; Gregory of Nyssa, Adversus Eunomium;
Socrates Scholasticus, Hist. eccl. 4, 26; Ephraem, Monum. Eccl. Graec. ed. Coteler, III, 63; Rufinus,
Hist. eccl. 11, 9; Epp. no. 68, 94, 104, 110, 111, 128, 244, 251, 279, 280, 281 etc.
21
Cf. Johannes Quasten, Patrology, 3 vols (Utrecht: Spectrum, 19501986), III, 551.
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

132

.
-
.
teachings to be let go, and for their sake are
ready, should need require, to embrace
every kind of death. I hold the emperors
friendship to be of great value if conjoined
with piety; otherwise I doom it to be
devastating.
22

22

The above statement of the great bishop, the luminary of the world
23
, as
Theodoret called him, viewed not only within the context of the confrontation
between Basil and Emperor Valens in 372, but also from the angle of the exiled
historiographers situation, gains a new perspective if we compare it with some
recurrent formulae in Theodorets letters composed during this period. Perhaps his
most known apology, written in the summer of 448 is his Epistle 88 addressed to
his unscrupulous opponent, Dioscorus of Alexandria, who, upon having convinced
Emperor Theodosius II to issue an order confining Theodoret within the limits of
his diocese (an antique version of house arrest), succeeds to obtain his condemnation
and destitution in absentia at the Latrocinium Ephesinum in 449. Here, being already
blocked by the imperial order, Theodoret tries to explain his own position concerning
Christological doctrine, evoking his appreciation by Theodotus and John of Antioch,
and making interesting allusions to their education in piety:

-
.

.
Six years I continued teaching in the time of
Theodotus, bishop of Antioch, of blessed and
sacred memory, who was famous alike for his
distinguished career and for his knowledge
of the divine teachings. Thirteen years I taught
in the time of bishop John of sacred and
blessed memory, who was so delighted at
my discourses as to raise both his hands [i.e.
applauded] again and again to start up: your
holiness in your own letters has borne witness
how, nurtured as he was from boyhood by
the divine words, the knowledge which he
had of the divine teachings was most exact.
24
24

The message is very clear: those who are nurtured by divine words (
) and know the divine teachings ( ),
represent the guarantee of orthodoxy regardless of the age in which they live.
Similarly, Basil himself had also used the term the nursling of the blessed Silvanus
( ) when referring to Diodore of Tarsus. Theodoret,

22
Theodoret, Hist. eccl., 4, 9 (TLG: 243, 1420). Cf. Blomfield Jackson, Basil, 119
23
. Theodoret, Hist. eccl., 4, 9 (TLG: 243, 1).
24
Thodoret, Correspondance II, Edited by Yvan Azma, Sources Chrtiennes 98 (Paris: Cerf,
1964), 208. Cf. Jackson, Theodoret, 279.

133
in his Ecclesiastical History uses the formula nurtured/nursling in divine words/
teachings in various places, especially when referring to the necessity of solving a
conflict.
25

In Theodorets correspondence we find examples when the formula nurtured
by divine words/laws is used as some kind of admonition addressed to those, who,
in the vision of the bishop of Cyrus, had departed from this nourishment. The most
eloquent example of the kind we find in his Epistle 113 addressed to Pope Leo I in
449 after his anathematisation by Dioscorus during the council of Ephesus in 449
(Latrocinium). Theodoret laments the fact that not even criminals are condemned
by judges before they themselves do not confess their guilt or the testimony of
others does not establish this fact. His critique directed towards Dioscorus, who, as
the judge in Ephesus, did not give him the chance to present his own viewpoint, but
rather deposed him without a trial, sounds as follows:

.
Yet he who had been nurtured in the divine
laws, condemned us as he wanted, whilst I
was thirty-five days march away.
26

Theodorets argument here is that even secular laws prescribe the listening
to both parties, yet Dioscorus, despite having been nurtured even in the divine
laws (which surpass the secular ones), commits such a grave injustice against his
colleague. Even so, Theodoret is ready to accept this condemnation and destitution
if Leo were to advise him to do so. The tone of the letter is that of someone who had
been wronged, who is seeking consolation and guidance from his illustrious
colleague: it is rather difficult to consider it as a letter of appeal, as it has often been
suggested.
27

Using the above expressions (nurtured in divine words/teachings)
repeatedly (both projected into the past as well as in his contemporary personal
correspondence), Theodoret, in a totally subtle, perhaps even involuntary manner,
on the one hand leads us to perceive the similarities between different historical
contexts of secular involvement in doctrinal disputes. On the other hand, he offers
us some possible remedies by the historical example of the forefathers. If in the
words attributed to the great Cappadocian forerunner there is a small amount of
self-consolation as well, Theodoret, through the prism of the injustices which he
had accepted with admirable spiritual nobleness, may be forgiven for this.
Returning to the letter addressed to Dioscorus of Alexandria, amongst
other fathers of the Church, Theodoret refers also to St. Basil, listing him together
with the luminaries of the world:

25
Cf. Theodoret, Hist. eccl. (TLG: 73, 21; 201, 2; 211, 10; 218, 2; 234, 4; 247, 11; 267, 4; 271, 7;
282, 14; 309, 24).
26
Thodoret, Correspondance III, Edited by Yvan Azma, Sources Chrtiennes 111 (Paris: Cerf,
1965), 62. Cf. Jackson, Theodoret, 294.
27
Cf. Jackson, Theodoret, 297.
ISTVN PSZTORI-KUPN

134

.
These lessons we have learnt alike from the
holy Scripture and from the holy Fathers
who have expounded it, Alexander and
Athanasius, loud voiced heralds of the
truth, who have been ornaments of your
apostolic see; from Basil and from Gregory
and the rest of the luminaries of the world.
28

Within the context of this letters genesis, the elegant allusion to the fact
that Alexander and Athanasius were the ornaments of Dioscorus throne leads us
to perceive also the expectation from their successor to be a herald of the truth
himself. The epistle is composed with humility, but the author does not flatter his
addressee: even if they are not contrasted with Dioscorus directly, the luminaries
of the world, i.e. Basil and Gregory are still the rest or the others as opposed to
the actual patriarch of Alexandria.
In his own Ecclesiastical history, a few chapters after the evocation of the
encounter between St. Basil and Valens, towards the end of vol. 4 of the work,
Theodoret dedicates a chapter to the illustrious bishops of the time in Asia and
Pontus. The tone of the short eulogy brought to the example of the three
Cappadocians by the banned prelate of Cyrus speaks for itself:
Among the bishops were the two Gregorii, the one of Nazianzus and the other of
Nyssa, the latter the brother and the former the friend and fellow worker of the
great Basilius. These were foremost champions of piety in Cappadocia.
29

The bishop of Cyrus concludes his history in exile, yet the choice of the final
event is significant: on the last page he writes about the death of Theodore of
Mopsuestia in 428. In the same year Nestorius will be made patriarch of
Constantinople, yet this episode does not appear at the end of the book: the author
does not wish to present any event at which he participated (including the doctrinal
controversies), leaving this task for the posterity. Theodorets Ecclesiastical History,
therefore, does not become a personal apology: this is further evidence revealing
the remarkable human personality of the blessed bishop of Cyrus.

Abbreviations
ACO = E. Schwartz et J. Straub (eds.), Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, Series I (Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 19141984); Series II, ed. sub auspiciis Academiae Scientiarum
Bavaricae (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1984ff).
PG = Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Graeca, 161 vols, (Paris:
18571887)
TLG = Thesaurus Linguae Graecae (CD-rom) http://www.tlg.uci.edu/

28
Thodoret, Correspondance II, 208. Cf. Jackson, Theodoret, 280.
29

.
. Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 4, 30 Theodoret, Kirchengeschichte, p. 270 (TLG: 270, 36).

TEOFANIA SPATELUI LUI DUMNEZEU N SCOBITURA
STNCII (IEIRE 33) N VIZIUNEA SFNTULUI ISAAC SIRUL
CU REFERIRE LA VIAA LUI MOISE A SFNTULUI
GRIGORIE DE NYSSA

VALENTIN VESA
*

REZUMAT. Vederea lui Dumnezeu a reprezentat dintotdeauna elul vieii duhovniceti.
Unul dintre cei care L-au vzut pe Dumnezeu este proorocul Moise. El a i devenit simbol
pentru ntlnirea omului cu Dumnezeu. Acest studiu va fi dedicat teofaniei pe care a
avut-o Moise n scobitura stncii (Ieire 33), n tlcuirea Sfntului Isaac Sirul, cu referire
la comentariul mistic al Sfntul Grigorie de Nyssa (Viaa lui Moise). Cercetarea propus
va urmri trei momente: o scurt bio-bibliografie a Sfntului Isaac Sirul; prezena
Sfntului Grigorie de Nyssa n lumea teologic siro-oriental i n teologia Sfntului Isaac
Sirul; i analiza interpretrilor mistice pe care cei doi autori o fac teofaniei lui Moise pe
Muntele Sinai, n scobitura stncii (Ieire 33, 18-23). Ultima parte va fi dedicat
concluziilor privind abordrile metodologice propuse de cei doi autori.

Cuvinte-cheie: teofanie, cunoatere, vederea lui Dumnezeu, itinerariu duhovnicesc,
Proorocul Moise, Cartea Ieirii.

Aspecte introductive
Printre autorii siro-orientali, Isaac de Ninive sau Isaac Sirul (secolul 7)
ocup un loc de frunte lucrrile sale au avut o rspndire aproape universal
1

n ntreaga lume cretin. Originalitatea viziunii teologice a acestui autor este
redat de caracterul lor sintetic: a adus mpreun teologia siriac (a treia tradiie
teologic) cu coala teologic greac, cea dinti mult mai orientat scripturistic,
n vreme ce aceasta din urm mult mai filosofic (se poate vorbi i despre o a
doua sintez ntre cele dou coli teologice greceti alexandrin (Evagrie),
respectiv antiohian (Teodor de Mopsuestia). Dac ar fi s sintetizm gndirea
sa, s-ar putea spune c opera sa reprezint descrierea unui itinerariu gnoseologic

*
valentinc.vesa@gmail.com
1
Pentru mai multe detalii a se vedea: Sebastian BROCK, An ecumenical role played by monastic
literature: the case of Isaac the Syrian, n: One in Christ XL (2005), 3, pp. 53-58; Sebastian BROCK,
Crossing the boundaries: an ecumenical role played by Syriac monastic literature, n: M. BIELAWSKI, D.
HOMBERGEN (eds), Il monachesimo tra eredit e aperture, Studia Anselmiana, 140 (2004), pp. 221-238.
VALENTIN VESA

136
ascetic: de la stadiul trupului (
), continund cu cel al sufletului

(

), pn la nivelul duhului (
), ajungnd la vederea lui

Dumnezeu nsui (

). Pornind de la aceast idee, subliniem termenul cheie
pentru tema pe care dorim s o tratm vederea lui Dumnezeu, n viziunea
Sfntului Isaac Sirul, concentrndu-ne pe interpretarea pe care acesta o face teofaniei
lui Moise n crptura stncii (Ieire 33), cu referire la comentariul mistic pe care
Sfntul Grigorie de Nyssa l realizeaz pornind de la acest moment biblic (Viaa lui
Moise).
Cercetarea propus va urmri trei momente: n primul rnd vom realiza o
scurt bio-bibliografie a Sfntului Isaac Sirul, plasndu-l ntr-un context istoric
i teologic; n al doilea rnd ne vom ocupa de prezena Sfntului Grigorie de Nyssa
i a operelor sale n lumea teologic siro-oriental i, n special, n opera episcopului
de Ninive; i, n al treilea rnd, vom analiza interpretrile mistice pe care cei doi
autori le fac teofaniei lui Moise pe Muntele Sinai, n scobitura stncii (Ieire 33, 18-
23). Ultima parte va fi dedicat concluziilor vis-a-vis de abordrile metodologice
propuse de cei doi autori.

Sfntul Isaac Sirul scurt bio-bibliografie
Datele disponibile pentru a reconstrui itinerariul istoric i spiritual al
Sfntului Isaac Sirul, unul dintre cei mai mari mistici cretini, sunt relativ puine.
Mai precis, timp de aproape dou milenii, scrierile sale au circulat fr s se tie
aproape nimic despre trecutul su. Clugrii care au citit omiliile sale puteau
ti despre el doar ceea ce era scris n titlul primei pri a operei sale: c a fost
episcop de Ninive i c opera sa a fost tradus n greac de Patrikios i Avramios,
clugri n Lavra Sfntului Sava din Palestina
2
. De-a lungul timpului, a fost
identificat cu cel puin trei personaliti duhovniceti: un oarecare monah din
Mnstirea Mar Mattai (secolul al cincilea), cu Isaac de Monteluca, din apropiere
de Spoleto, corespondent al Papei Grigorie Dialogul, sau cu un anume prezbiter al
Antiohiei, n timpul mpratului Leon I (454-474). Secolul 20 a adus noi informaii
diferite de cele anterioare este vorba de dou notie istorice: prima dintre
acestea a fost descoperit ntr-un volum dedicat fundaiilor monastice, intitulat
Cartea curiei
3
, atribuit scriitorului siro-oriental Ishodenah, iar cea de-a doua a
fost descoperit de ctre Patriarhul Ignatie Efrem II Rahmani (1848-1929),
ntr-un manuscris datat 1471-1472, publicat n 1904, n Studia Syriaca
4
. Din aceste
documente se poate afla c Isaac s-a nscut n Beth Qatraye, pe malul vestic al
Golfului Persic, a studiat Sfintele Scripturi, a devenit clugr i ndrumtor al
vieuirii cretine; Giwargis, Catolicos al Bisericii Persane (661-681), l-a hirotonit
episcop de Ninive (Mosul); acesta a condus episcopia doar pentru 5 luni i, pentru

2
Cf. N. THEOTOKIS, Tou hosiou Patros hemon Isaac Episkopou Ninevi tou Syrou. Ta eurethenta
Asketika, Leipzig, 1770, p. 1.
3
JESUDENAH, vque de Barah, Livre de la chastet compos par Jsudenah, vque de Basrah, publi et
traduit par J. B. Chabot, Rome, 1896, pp. 53-54.
4
EPHREM II RAHMANI, Studia Syriaca, vol. I, Deir el-Sharf, Beirut, 1904, pp. 32-33.
TEOFANIA SPATELUI LUI DUMNEZEU N SCOBITURA STNCII (IEIRE 33) N VIZIUNEA SF. ISAAC SIRUL

137
c nu se simea n largul su n aceast poziie, a cerut s fie lsat s se ntoarc la
modul su originar de vieuire n pustnicie; a petrecut timp ndelungat cu ali
pustnici n munii Huzistanului, iar n ultima perioad a vieii sale s-a retras la
mnstirea lui Rabban Shabur; a citit mult, nu numai Sfnta Scriptur, ci i lucrrile
Prinilor celebri ai Bisericii; mai trziu, i-a pierdut vederea i i-a dictat gndurile
sale frailor si, care, prin urmare, l-au numit al doilea Didim; a murit de
btrnee, iar data trecerii sale la cele venice nu este cunoscut.
Pn n prezent, deinem trei colecii ale operei sale: prima n 82 de
capitole, cea de-a doua n 41 capitole, iar cea de-a treia n 17 capitole
5
. n ceea
ce privete direcia spiritual pe care Isaac o dezvolt n scrierile sale, identificm
patru autori favorii: Evagrie Ponticul cu limbajul su n spaiul contemplaiei,
rugciunii i antropologiei
6
; Teodor de Mopsuestia n ceea ce privete Protologia i
Eshatologia
7
; Ioan Solitarul cu cele trei stadii ale vieii spirituale (trupesc, sufletesc
i duhovnicesc) i mistica speranei
8
; i (Pseudo) Macarie cu mistica inimii i
sensibilitatea duhovniceasc
9
. Isaac, de asemenea, citeaz sau menioneaz un
numr de alte scrieri anterioare, multe dintre care au fost traduceri ale autorilor
greci. Singurul scriitor siriac pe care-l menioneaz este Efrem, dar cel puin o dat
l citeaz pe poetul Narsai, tritor n veacul al cincilea, fr s-l numeasc direct.

Sfntul Grigorie de Nyssa i teologia siro-oriental
Sfntul Grigorie de Nyssa (335-395) i-a petrecut viaa n Capadocia, n
zona central a Asiei Mici. A fost teologul cel mai orientat filosofic dintre cei trei
mari capadocieni, incluznd pe fratele su, Vasile cel Mare, i prietenul su,
Grigorie de Nazianz. Grigorie a fost un gnditor original. Teologia sa, inspirat
din colile filosofice greceti pgne, precum i din colile ebraic i bizantin,
a reprezentat formularea unei sinteze originale care avea s influeneze mai
trziu gndirea bizantin i gndirea european modern, n general.
Sfntul Grigorie nu a fost foarte citat de autorii siro-orientali, dar acest lucru
nu nseamn c nu a fost citit i folosit n elaborarea teologiei lor. Alphonse Mingana
afirm c exist doar dou locuri unde Grigorie este citat pe nume de acetia: Simon

5
Dou omilii aparinnd celei de-a Cincea colecii au fost deja traduse n limba italian de ctre fratele
Sabino Chial din Mnstirea Bose i vor fi publicate n Orientalia Christiana Periodica.
6
A se vedea Sebastian BROCK, Discerning the Evagrian in the writings of Isaac of Niniveh: a preliminary
investigation, n: Adamantius 15 (2009), pp. 60-72; Thophane DUREL, Sur la doctryne mystique de
Saint Isaac le Syrien, n: Contacts, Paris, 156 (1991), pp. 246-261 (aici 251-253).
7
Vezi Arthur VBUS, Regarding the theological anthropology of Theodore of Mopsuestia, n: Church
History, XXXIII (1964), 2, pp. 115-124; J. M. LERA, Thodore de Mopsueste, n: Dictionnaire de
Spiritualit (DS) XV, col. 385-400; Sabino CHIAL, Dallascesi eremitica alla misericordia infinita.
Ricerche su Isacco di Ninive e la sua fortuna, Biblioteca della rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa XIV,
Firenze, Olschki, 2002, pp. 102-104.
8
Pentru mai multe detalii a se vedea: B. BRADLEY, Jean le Solitaire (DApame), n: DS VIII, col. 764-772;
Irne HAUSHERR, Un grand auteur spirituel retrouv: Jean dApame, n: tudes de spiritualit orientale,
Rome, 1969, pp. 181-216.
9
Cf. T. DUREL, Sur la doctryne mystique, pp. 254-256.
VALENTIN VESA

138
Taibuteh
10
i Dadisho Qatraya
11
. Oricum, se poate spune cu siguran c aproape
toate lucrrile sale au fost traduse n limba siriac: Omilia la Cntarea Cntrilor (cel
mai vechi manuscris secolul al aselea), Despre Fericiri (cel mai vechi manuscris
secolul al aselea), Despre Tatl nostru (cel mai vechi manuscris secolul al aselea),
Despre Hexaimeron (cel mai vechi manuscris secolul al noulea), De opificio hominis
(cel mai vechi manuscris secolul al aselea), Dialogul cu Macrina (cel mai vechi
manuscris secolul al noulea), mpotriva lui Eunomiu (cel mai vechi manuscris din
secolul al noulea), Tratatul despre feciorie (cel mai vechi manuscris din secolul al
noulea), Marele Discurs Catehetic (cel mai vechi manuscris din secolul al noulea)
12
.
n acelai cadru putem aduga i faptul c unele teme importante i
specifice ale Sfntului Grigorie au fost transmise i utilizate de autorii posteriori din
spaiul siriac prin intermediari: (Pseudo)Macarie i (Pseudo)Dionisie Areopagitul
13
.
Vom meniona pe scurt unele dintre acestea: diferena dintre iubire i eros (gph
i rowj/
), progresul nelimitat n vederea/cunoatere lui Dumnezeu

(pktasij), cutarea lui Dumnezeu n spaiul interior, norul i ntunericul
14
(este
dificil identificarea originii Grigorie sau Dionisie), necunoaterea (sfnta
ignoran)
15
, extazul (depirea simurilor i ieirea din sine prin ridicarea dincolo
de natura uman, n lucrarea harului Duhului Sfnt)
16
, oglinda ca imagine pentru

10
Alphonse MINGANA, Early Christian Mystics, Cambridge, Woodbrooke Studies VII, 1934, p. 287/ 2, cf.
Robert BEULAY, La lumire sans forme. Introduction a ltude de la mystique chrtienne syro-orientale,
Chevetogne, 1987, p. 126.
11
Alphonse MINGANA, Early Christian Mystics, p. 225/ 2.
12
Pentru detalii: R. BEULAY, La lumire sans forme, pp. 127-128; Gregory KESSEL, Karl PINGGRA, A
bibliography of Syriac ascetic and mystical literature, Peeters, Leuven, 2011, pp. 98-101 (acest studiu
ne ofer i o important list bibliografic cu privire la acest subiect).
13
Nu voi detalia, pentru mai multe informaii a se vedea articolele de sintez cu bibliografia aferent: M.
CANEVET, Grgoire de Nysse, DS VI, col. 971-1011 (aici 1008-1011); C. SORSOLI; I. DATRINO, Gregorio di
Nissa, n: Dizionario Enciclopedico di Spiritualit 2, Citt Nuova, Roma, pp. 1222-1226; A. GUILLAUMONT,
Macaire Lgyptien, DS X, col. 12-13; A. RAYEZ, Denys LAreopagite (Le Pseudo-), DS III, col. 244-318
(aici 300-311).
14
Isaac utilizeaz aceste teme dup cum urmeaz: norul (
/ neflh) care se pogoar peste

tabernacol, ca imagine pentru absorbia gndirii nuntrul sufletului (Mar ISAACUS NINIVITA, De
perfectione religiosa, ed. P. Bedjan, Paris, 1909 [Bedjan], p. 480; SFNTUL ISAAC SIRUL, Cuvinte pentru
nevoin, Rentregirea, Alba Iulia, 2010); norul ntunecat (
/ skteinotatoj) cu referire, pe de
o parte, la contemplarea judecii i providenei, i, pe de alt parte, la contemplarea duhovniceasc
(Bedjan 193; 117); ntunericul (
/ gnfoj i sktoj) are un dublu sens: n primul rnd n

legtur cu cunoaterea apofatic (sfinenia lui Dumnezeu este acoperit de ntuneric, ISACCO DI NINIVE,
Terza collezione, trad. S. Chial, CSCO, vol. 639/ 248, 2011/ III 7,7; I. IC Jr., Cuvinte ctre singuratici.
Partea III, Recent descoperit, Sibiu, Deisis, 2005) i n al doilea rnd n sens negativ: probleme i
ispite (Bedjan 14).
15

/ gnwsa (Bedjan 175) ceea ce este dincolo de cunoatere.

16
Isaac utilizeaz doi termini pentru a descrie extazul:

(kstasij) uimire i minunare
(potrivit siriacistului francez Andr Louf aceti doi termini descriu dou etape n cunoaterea
dumnezeiasc, cea dinti provocat de aciunea uman meditaie, rugciune , n vreme ce
urmtoarea, mai degrab, de lucrarea de adumbrire a lui Dumnezeu, cf. Temha stupore e tahra
meraviglia negli scritti di Isacco di Ninive, n: La grande stagione della mistica siro-orientale (VI-VII
secolo), Centro Ambrosiano, 2009, pp. 93-117)/ Bedjan 155, 164, 174.

139
vederea lui Dumnezeu n interiorul sufletului (persoana interioar)
17
i, n cele din
urm, nvtura despre apocatastaz (pokatstasij)
18
.

Teofania lui Dumnezeu n scobitura stncii (Ieire 33, 19-13)
Termenul cheie ce caracterizeaz scrierile autorilor n discuie este cel de
cunoatere. Ambii prezint dou posibile itinerarii spirituale gnoseologice (gnsij/
), care ating limita maxim n vederea lui Dumnezeu. Aceasta se numete n

limbaj apofatic necunoatere (sfnta ignoran), n sensul n care cunoaterea divin
st dincolo de calea intelectual normal de cunoatere i nu are sfrit: ceea ce se
poate cunoate despre Dumnezeu este slava Lui sau lucrrile Sale (energii), dar
niciodat fiina Sa. Diferena major n abordrile pe care cei doi le propun se poate
rezuma n felul urmtor: Sfntul Grigorie creeaz un itinerariu sistematic n demersul
su de a interpreta viaa lui Moise din perspectiv spiritual, ntr-un mod care poate
fi numit academic/ tiinific, n vreme ce intenia lui Isaac este departe de acest
el acesta atinge anumite aspecte din viaa lui Moise astfel nct s-i argumenteze
sfaturile duhovniceti pe care le adreseaz auditoriului su.
Al doilea aspect care trebuie menionat n acest cadru se refer la treptele
pe care ascetul le parcurge n acest proces gnoseologic. Att Grigorie, ct i Isaac
sunt tributari colii teologice de factur alexandrin. De aceea, ambii vorbesc despre
dou etape majore n cunoatere: etapa practic (praktik) i gnostic (gnwstik),
aceasta din urm cu cele dou momente contemplarea natural (fusik/ secund
i primar), i vederea lui Dumnezeu (qeologik). n acest moment, este foarte
important s subliniem sinteza original pe care Isaac o realizeaz n demersul su:
dintre teologia alexandrin (orientat spre filosofie) i cea siriac (cu o orientare
mult mai scripturistic, reflectnd viziunea paulin 1 Tes. 5,23). Acesta vorbete i
despre trei stadii conform trupului (mpotriva firii), stadiul sufletului/psihicului
(conform cu firea) i cel duhovnicesc (mai presus de fire) apoi integreaz praktik
al colii alexandrine n cea de-a doua etap (a sufletului/
) i gnwstik n etapa
a treia (a duhului/
)
19
.
Aa cum deja am amintit mai sus, Isaac doar atinge anumite aspecte din
viaa lui Moise. n cele trei colecii care au fost publicate pn n prezent, episcopul
de Ninive citeaz cartea Ieirii de 44 de ori (I: de 8 ori; II: de 15 ori; III, de 21 de ori),
cu referire la teme comune i Sfntului Grigorie: ascensiunea fr sfrit (II, 3, 2,70),
numele lui Dumnezeu (II, 3,4,3); norul ntunecat (III, 11,31, II, 10,17, I, 5,1).

17

/ ktoptron (Bedjan 455, 520).
18
Isaac este mai degrab tributar perspectivei eshatologice a lui Teodor de Mopsuestia i a lui Diodor de
Tars dect viziunii eshatologice a Sfntului Grigorie de Nyssa (Bedjan 189; ISAAC OF NINIVEH (Isaac the
Syrian), The Second Part. Chapters IV-XLI, transl. S. Brock, Lovanii, CSCO, vol. 555/ 225, 1995/ II, 39-
41; SFNTUL ISAAC SIRUL, Cuvinte ctre singuratici. Partea II-a recent descoperit, Sibiu, Deisis, 2003).
Pentru detalii a se vedea: Nestor KAVVADAS, On the relations between the Eschatological Doctrine of
Isaac of Niniveh and Theodore of Mopsuestia, n: Studia Patristica, XIV, pp. 245-250.
19
Etapa trupeasc /
. Descriind starea de a fi subordonat patimilor, nu face parte din itinerariul

ascetic, ci l precede.
VALENTIN VESA

140
M voi referi acum un moment concret din viaa lui Moise, cunoscut
sub numele de vederea spatelui lui Dumnezeu n scobitura stncii (Ieire 33,
18-23), n comentariul Sfntului Grigorie de Nyssa, urmat de interpretarea pe
care o d Sfntul Isaac Sirul acestui pasaj. Punctul de plecare al acestui episod
este o contradicie pe care Grigorie o ia n considerare: dup ce Moise L-a vzut
deja pe Dumnezeu fa-ctre-fa (33,11), dorete s-L vad ca pentru prima dat
20
.
Aa c, pentru a rezolva problema, Grigorie propune o interpretare duhovniceasc
pe linia a ceea ce el numete epektasis. i argumenteaz viziunea subliniind faptul
c limbajul folosit aici este metaforic: Dumnezeu nu are cu adevrat un spate (sau
o fa), ceea ce ar implica o dimensiune, i, prin urmare, limitarea, corporalitatea
i coruptibilitatea. Citit n cheie spiritual, acest lucru descrie ascensiunea omului
ctre Dumnezeu, care nu are limit, pentru c Dumnezeu este nelimitat de nimic i
venicia este un progres n cunoaterea nelimitat i iubirea lui Dumnezeu.
Fiecare pas este o mplinire i un nceput al acestui proces simultan
21
.
Al doilea aspect care urmeaz s fie tratat se exprim prin ntrebarea:
cum poate fi Viaa cauza morii? (Ex. 33,20). Sfntul Grigorie trateaz aceast
problem lund n considerare faptul c cine crede c Dumnezeu este ceva care
poate fi cunoscut nu are via, pentru c s-a abtut de la adevrata Fiin la ceea ce
este considerat de percepie ca avnd fiin ( 234). Cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu
nseamn pentru el a ti c este incomprehensibil n fiina Sa ( 163).
Viziunea Sfntului Grigorie devine mult mai clar dac lum n considerare
patru termeni cheie: piatra i scobitura stncii (cavitatea), mna lui Dumnezeu
care l acoper pe Moise i spatele lui Dumnezeu. Se poate observa cu uurin
c discursul su se realizeaz n cheie hristologic. n primul rnd, piatra/stnca
(ptra) este Hristos (1 Cor. 10,4 cu referire la Ie. 17,6)
22
, virtutea absolut, i,
de aici, cel care st ferm i neclintit pe aceast piatr (n Bine) mplinete mai
repede acest itinerariu ( 244). Vom gsi aici un paradox sau poate un oximoron,
care st la baza nsi a vieii spirituale: dinamismul progresului nelimitat are
loc numai rmnnd statornic n Hristos. Am putea numi aceast idee dinamism
stabil, care exprim inefabilitatea experienei mistice
23
.
Al doilea termen cheie, care st ntr-o legtur strns cu cel precedent,
este scobitura stncii/cavitatea (locul viziunii lui Dumnezeu) crhma. Dac piatra
Hristos este fundamentul oricrui efort ascetic, cavitatea se refer la scopul acestui
demers, la recompensa celor care stau nemicai n Bine: gradina bucuriilor, cortul
venic, locuin lng Tatl, snul patriarhului, pmntul celor vii, apa rcoritoare,
Ierusalimul celest, mpria cerurilor, trofeul celor alei, coroana harului, coroana
bucuriilor, coroana frumuseii, turnul puternic, banchetul festiv, locuirea cu

20
GREGORIO DI NISSA, La vita di Mos, a cura di Manlio Simonetti, Fondazione Lorenzo Valla, Arnoldo
Mondatori Editore, 1996, 220.
21
Cf. P. F. OCONNELL, Double journey in Gregory of Nyssa: The life of Moses, n: GOTR, 28 (1983), p. 318.
22
Piatra ca tip a lui Hristos: IRINEU DE LYON, Contra haereses IV 20, 9; ORIGEN, Commentarium in
Canticum 231.
23
A se vedea coincidentia oppositorum (Jean DANIELOU, Platonisme et thologie mystique. Doctrine
spirituelle du Saint Grgoire de Nysse, Paris, 1944, p. 274).

141
Dumnezeu, tronul dreptii, locul minunat, cortul ascuns ( 247). Acest loc
este rsplata lui Hristos care se va da celor care au ctigat concursul n
stadion/ stdion (2 Tim. 2,5) coroana dreptii ( 246). Locul nu implic un
sfrit, ci este resortul care, fundamentat pe imutabilitatea pietrei, mpinge
nainte ntr-un urcu nesfrit ( 245). Se poate gsi aici o diferen calitativ
n domeniul cunoaterii: aceast vedere este cea mai nalt form de revelaie
n comentariul lui Grigorie. Dac teofaniile anterioare au fost n mare parte
revelaii n jurul naturii lui Dumnezeu, aceasta din urm descrie participarea
concret la Dumnezeu n Hristos, care mprtete aceast tain.
Al treilea element al analizei noastre mna lui Dumnezeu (cer) este
interpretat n aceeai cheie hristologic: Hristos este mna dreapt a Tatlui,
care a creat toate lucrurile ( 249). Iar spatele lui Dumnezeu (psqioj) descrie
modul n care ascetul l vede pe Dumnezeu stnd n spatele Lui ( 251) i
urmndu-i (Deut. 13,5; Lc. 9,23). Dac e s aplicm aceeai interpretare n cheie
hristologic, spatele reprezint chenoza lui Hristos, iar faa divinitatea Sa
24
. Se pot
identifica aici cele dou dimensiuni ale vieii spirituale: experiena contemplativ i
angajamentul apostolic
25
. Prin urmare, este Hristos nsui Cel care vorbete cu
Moise i-i cere s-L urmeze (a se vedea folosirea termenului krioj).
Vom sintetiza afirmnd c, pentru Grigorie, Hristos este piatra pentru
cei bine aezai, casa pentru cei care se odihnesc, locul pentru cei care alearg i
calea pentru cei care sunt pe drum ( 249). Metoda folosit de Grigorie (specific
colii teologice creia i-a aparinut) este cea alegoric i tipologic, care se realizeaz
printr-o lectur spiritual. n ceea ce privete interpretarea pe care o face Isaac
acestui pasaj biblic, metoda adoptat este destul de diferit cu precdere biblic
(simbolic/ pe linia lui Ioan Solitarul) i literal (pe linia lui Teodor de Mopsuestia/
coala antiohian).
Prima observaie important atunci cnd vorbim despre interpretarea
acestui pasaj scripturistic la Sfntul Isaac se refer la faptul c viziunea sa este
profund influenat de nvtura celor dou catastaze a lui Teodor de Mopsuestia
(

): cea dinti de la nceputul creaiei pn la ntrupare, iar cea de-a doua,
inaugurat de nomenirea lui Hristos, se continu n venicie. Pentru Isaac,
ntruparea, eveniment care anticip intrarea n cea de-a doua catastaz, reprezint
grania dintre dou epoci gnoseologice diferite din punct de vedere calitativ
(lumea veche i cea nou). n lumea veche Dumnezeu s-a revelat numai prin
intermediari (prin ngeri
26
, de sus in jos: Dumnezeu ngeri oameni
27
, n norul
ntunecat
28
/ incomplet). Cunotinele despre Dumnezeu nainte de ntrupare
au fost de copii (infantile), n timp ce cunotinele de dup ntrupare sunt ale

24
Filon de Alexandria i Grigorie de Nazianz utilizeaz imaginea spatelui i a feei pentru a exprima
fiina lui Dumnezeu (incomprehensibil) i lucrrile Sale (energiile) n lume n cunoaterea
duhovniceasc (FILON, De spec. leg. 1,41-50; GRIGORIE DE NAZIANZ, Or. 2, 3).
25
Cf. P. F. OCONNELL, Double journey in Gregory of Nyssa, pp. 319-320.
26
II, 5, 1.
27
Pe linia lui (Pseudo) Dionisie despre cele trei triade de ngeri.
28
II, 10, 17, 24; III, 7, 7.
VALENTIN VESA

142
adulilor
29
. Israeliii nu au putut auzi vocea lui Dumnezeu, dar, dup ntrupare,
poporul lui Dumnezeu nu doar a putut auzi glasul Lui, ci L-a i vzut mbrcat n
vemntul omenesc, ntre noi i a vorbit cu noi
30
. n acest cadru s-a desfurat i
viziunea lui Moise pe munte n chip sensibil (nivel material), n vreme ce
vederea lui Dumnezeu n Hristos se realizeaz la nivel noetic (interior)
31
.
Metoda simbolic adoptat de Isaac folosete aceste imagini pentru a
descrie noul tip de cunoatere inaugurat de actul ntruprii, perceput ca o
cltorie spiritual personal n viaa ascetic. n primul rnd, n legtur cu
Cartea Exodului, episcopul de Ninive folosete imaginea norului (
), norul
ntunecat (
) i ntunericul (
), pentru a descrie cunoaterea apofatic

experienial, care se realizeaz n uimire i minunare n faa lui Dumnezeu,
dincolo de rugciunea n sine, n timpul vieuirii sufleteti i, mai ales, n vieuirea
duhovniceasc, care este simirea noetic a tainelor lui Dumnezeu
32
.
Ne vom focaliza acum cercetarea pe interpretarea pe care Isaac o face
teofaniei lui Dumnezeu n scobitura stncii. nc din capul locului trebuie s fim
contieni de faptul c discursurile Sfntului Isaac au fost scrise de un pustnic i se
adreseaz unei audiene monastice, prin excelen. Prin urmare, acestea au un
caracter profund monahal. Pe aceast linie, pentru Isaac scobitura unde Moise a
vzut spatele lui Dumnezeu este imaginea chiliei monahului: chilia (

)
solitarului (
) este petera (

) din stnc (

), n care Dumnezeu
a vorbit cu Moise, aa cum spun Prinii
33
. Sabino Chial arat c Isaac citeaz
aici un btrn av: Chilia monahului este cuptorul din Babilon unde cei trei tineri
l-au aflat pe Fiul lui Dumnezeu; este stlpul de nor din care Dumnezeu i-a vorbit
lui Moise
34
.
Exista civa termeni cheie pe care dorim s-i analizm n acest moment.
Chilia (petera) implic n primul rnd singurtatea (

) i linitea/linitirea
(
). Este important s observm c, n limba siriac, aceeai rdcin lingvistic

este folosit att pentru singurtate, ct i pentru a desemna un pustnic/eremit
(dar nu aceeai pentru un clugr n mnstire
), i, la fel ca i termenul
grecesc monacj, poate fi neles att n sensul de unul/singur, ct i n sensul
de a fi unificat. Acest din urm neles se afl ntr-o strns legtur cu percepia
chiliei ca spaiul n care are loc lupta spiritual pentru realizarea unitii interioare,
care-l face vrednic pe ascet s-L vad pe Dumnezeu. n acest sens, chilia presupune,
pe de o parte, stabilitate, care, la rndu-i, ofer, pe de alt parte, dinamismul venic
i ascensiunea nencetat ctre Dumnezeu. Chilia este stadionul (tem prezent i

29
III, 11, 4-5.
30
I, 77, p. 548.
31
II, 3, 1, 36; Intelectual/noetic nu se refer la o cunoatere raional-filosofic, ci la una teologic-
duhovniceasc. Sfntul Isaac utilizeaz o terminologie mprumutat de la Evagrie pentru a exprima
micarea duhovniceasc care are loc n spaiul interior al omului.
32
II, 3, 1, 36.
33
I, 25, p. 235-236; Bedjan, p. 178.
34
Aceeai idee la Ava Antonie (cf. Paul BEDJAN, Acta martyrum et sanctorum VII, Parisiis-Lipsiae, 1890-7,
p. 463).

143
la Sfntul Grigorie) unde pustnicul se lupt cu lumea i i dovedete rbdarea:
acestea sunt etape diferite n alergarea dumnezeiasc a minii n arena/ stadionul
(
) lumii cu ochii int la cununa sa (1 Cor. 9, 24-25)

35
. Aici intelectul, n
statornicia sa, se dezbrac de omul vechi i se mbrac n cel nou; este locul
i culoarea n care Dumnezeu S-a revelat n munte; aceasta este vederea
Sfintei Treimi n vieuirea duhovniceasc:
Curia minii este nalt zburare a puterilor nelegtoare, carea se
asemn cu vpseala ceriului, preste carea i prin carea strlucete lumina Sfintei
Treimi n vremea rugciunii cnd mintea se dezbrac de omul cel vechi i se mbrac
ntru cel nou al harului, i atunci i vede curia asemenea cu vpseala ceriului,
carea i loc al lui Dumnezeu de btrnimea fiilor lui Israil a fost numit, cnd li
sa artat n munte (Ieire 24, 9-11)
36
.
Acest pasaj ofer un exemplu de coexisten a stabilitii i micrii
spirituale mpreun. n acelai timp descrie chilia ca loc de revelaie a lui Dumnezeu
nsui. Voi indica un ultim pasaj n care ultima Sfntul Isaac vorbete despre
cel mai nalt nivel al vederii lui Dumnezeu pe pmnt (

):
Vieuirea trupului ntru linitire curete pre trup de materia [cea necurat]
dintrnsul. Dar vieuirea cugetului smerete pre suflet, i l strcur de cugetrile
cele groase carile pier, i l trage din starea n care gndurile snt cuprinse de
mptimire, ctre starea unde ele snt micate de dumnezeiasca sa vedenie. Iar
aceast dumnezeiasc vedenie l apropie de despuierea minii (
)
carea se cheam vedenie (theoria) nematerialnic (

). i aceasta
este vieuirea cea duhovniceasc (
). C aceasta ridic cugetul dintru

ceste pmnteti, i l apropie de ntia vedenie (theoria) a duhului, i lui Dumnezeu l
nfieaz prin dumnezeiasca vedenie a slavei dinti celei nepovestite (care este
o micare a noimelor mreiei firii Lui), i l desparte de lumea ceasta i de simirea
ei Cci vedenie ipostatnic se numete starea de zidire a firii celei dinti [a omului].
37

i dintru aceast vedenie ipostatnic cu lesnire se pornete i se nal omul ctre ceea
ce se cheam cunoaterea cea ntru unime (

)
38
, carea este, mai limpede
zicnd, minunarea (

) de Dumnezeu. Aceasta este starea mreei vieuiri ce va s
fie, carea se d ntru slobozenia vieii celei fr de moarte, ntru petrecerea cea dupre
nviere
39
.
n cele din urm, se poate spune c Sfntul Isaac folosete pasajul
scripturistic al vederii lui Dumnezeu n scobitura stncii ca imagine pentru viaa
n singurtate i linite (specific pentru viaa monahal), unde lupta ascetic
are loc prin exercitarea rbdrii i dorina de stabilitate, prin care ascetul

35
II, 10, 40.
36
I, 23, p. 232.
37
Aceasta pare s nsemne c vedenia ipostatnic este acea vedenie pe care firea omeneasc o avea n
starea sa primordial, adic nainte de cdere. Vezi i I, 3, p. 109, nota 1, despre limpedea curie.
38
Siriaca are cunoatere singurtit sau unitar.
39
I, 23, pp. 203-204; Bedjan, p. 304.
VALENTIN VESA

144
primete n har vederea lui Dumnezeu nsui la nivel noetic (spiritual), ceea ce
nseamn anticiparea mpriei lui Dumnezeu pe pmnt, experiat pe deplin
n viaa de dup nviere.

Observaii finale
Vom ncheia aceast cercetare cu cteva observaii care reies din analiza
de mai sus, n ceea ce privete paralelele ce se pot stabili ntre abordrile adoptate
de cei doi autori. Prima observaie se refer la metoda de interpretare a pasajului
scripturistic. Este evident c teologul capadocian interpreteaz acest pasaj n cheie
hristologic teofania n scobitura stncii reprezint un episod profetic care
trimite la o realitate ce urma s se mplineasc n ntrupare. Fiecare element este,
ntr-un mod alegoric, un semn/o metafor pentru o realitate ce urma s vin i s
se mplineasc n Hristos. Pe de alt parte, episcopul de Ninive propune o lectur
literal. Avnd n vedere c nu se poate vorbi despre o cunoatere direct a lui
Dumnezeu n Vechiul Testament, aceast teofanie ofer imagini pentru exprimarea
unei cunoateri superioare realizate n ntruparea Fiului lui Dumnezeu (limbajul
simbolic).
A doua observaie se refer la stilul discursurilor celor doi: Grigorie adopt
ceea ce am numi astzi un stil narativ. Aceasta nseamn interpretarea unui
eveniment scripturistic evideniind un fir rou pn la captul relatrii. Pe de alt
parte, stilul lui Isaac este spontan/ episodic, acesta nu intenioneaz s construiasc
un comentariu sistematic al acestui eveniment biblic, ci doar se folosete de
detalii pentru a oferi un fundament scripturistic temelor duhovniceti pe care
le discut.
A treia observaie se refer la coninutul comentariului. Episcopul de Nyssa
este un teolog i un filosof prin excelen. Scrierile sale reprezint, din punct
de vedere scolastic, cea mai nalt teologie, aproape de speculaie. n schimb,
Sfntul Isaac este, mai mult dect un teolog, un pustnic (cu o educaie nalt),
care interpreteaz situaii concrete din viaa ascetico-spiritual prin intermediul
imaginilor biblice (folosind terminologia gnoseologic evagrian).
n cele din urm, n ciuda faptului c utilizeaz un limbaj diferit i o
metod diferit, exist un teren comun care apropie cele dou perspective
fiecare dintre ele descrie un itinerariu duhovnicesc, o cltorie spiritual, care
i propune s ating aceeai experien: vederea lui Dumnezeu aa cum este
(qewra/

). Aceast experien nu are sfrit, limit, i presupune o lucrare
ascetic, att la nivelul trupului, ct i la nivel noetic, pn la comuniunea cu
Dumnezeu n dragoste. Aceasta este ideea care transcende din scrierile lor i,
n opinia noastr, este cel mai bun rezumat i concluzie pe care le putem exprima
cu privire la teologia lor mistic.

THE THEOPHANY OF THE BACK OF GOD IN THE CAVE
(EXODUS 33) ACCORDING TO ISAAC OF NINEVEH IN REFERENCE
WITH DE VITA MOYSIS (GREGORY OF NYSSA)

VALENTIN VESA
*

ABSTRACT. The vision of God has always been the goal of the spiritual life. One of
those who had seen God is the prophet Moses. He became a symbol of human
encounter with God. This study will be dedicated to the theophany that Moses had
in the cleft of the rock (Exit 33), according to the interpretation St. Isaac of Niniveh
gives, in reference to Gregory of Nyssas mystical commentary on this biblical
extract (Life of Moses). It focuses on three aspects: firstly, a short bio-bibliography of
Saint Isaac the Syrian; then I will deal with Saint Gregory of Nyssas presence in the
East-Syriac theology, respectively in that of St. Isaac of Niniveh; and thirdly, a
theological analysis of the mystical interpretations these authors give to the
theophany that Moses had on Mount Sinai, in the cleft of the rock (Exodus 33, 18-
23). The last part will be dedicated to some conclusions around the methodological
approaches used by the authors while interpreting this biblical account.

Keywords: theophany, knowledge, vision of God, spiritual itinerary, Moses, Exodus.

Introductive aspects
Among the East Syriac authors, Isaac of Nineveh (7
th
century) occupies a
prominent place his works had almost an universal spreading in the entire
Christian world
1
. The originality of this authors theological vision comes out of its
synthetic character: he brought together the Syriac (third theological tradition)
and the Greek theological school, the former a much more biblical one, while the
latter more philosophical (one can also speak about a second synthesis between the
school of Alexandria Evagrius, and the School of Antioch Theodore of Mopsuestia).
If to synthesize his work, one could say that it represents a gnosiological ascetical

*
Drd., Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
valentinc.vesa@gmail.com
1
For more details see: Sebastian Brock, An ecumenical role played by monastic literature: the case of
Isaac the Syriac, One in Christ 40, 3 (2005): 53-58; Sebastian Brock, Crossing the boundaries: an
ecumenical role played by Syriac monastic literature, in M. Bielawski and D. Hombergen (eds), Il
monachesimo tra eredit e aperture, Studia Anselmiana, 140 (2004): 221-238.
VALENTIN VESA

146
itinerary: from the bodily level (
), continuing with the psychical level

(

) up to the spiritual level (
), aiming at the vision of God

Himself (

). In this idea we underline the key term for the theme we are
going to deal with the vision of God according to Isaac of Nineveh, focusing
in particular on the interpretation he gives to the vision Moses had in the cleft of the
rock (Ex. 33), in reference to Gregory of Nyssas perspective and his mystical
commentary on this biblical extract (Life of Moses).
This research is divided into three chapters: first of all we are going to give
a short bio-bibliography of Isaac of Nineveh, so that to place him in a historical and
theological context; secondly, we are going to deal with the presence of Gregory of
Nyssas works in the East Syriac theological ambient and in particular in Isaacs
works; and thirdly, we are going to deal with the mystical interpretations the two
authors give to Moses vision on Mount Sinai (Ex. 33, 18-23). The last part will be
dedicated to some conclusions on the approaches proposed by the two authors that
will come out of the research.

Isaac of Nineveh short bio-bibliography
The data available to reconstruct the historical and spiritual itinerary of
Isaac of Nineveh, one of the greatest Christian mystics, is relatively scarce. More
specifically, for almost two millennia, his writings circulated without knowing
almost anything about his background. The monks who used to read his homilies
could know about him only what was written as the heading of the First Part of his
work: he was bishop of Nineveh and his work was translated into Greek by Patrikios
and Abramios, both monks in Saint Sabbas Laura in Palestine
2
. Throughout time,
he was identified with at least three other spiritual personalities: a certain brother
of Mar Mattai Monastery (5
th
century), Isaac of Monteluca in the neighbourhood of
Spoleto, a correspondent of Pope Gregory the Dialogue, or with a certain presbyter
of Antioch, who lived during the time of emperor Leon I (454-474).
The 20
th
century brought new information different from the previous one
this information refers to two notes: the first of them is to be found in a history of the
monastic foundations, entitled The Book of Chastity, written by the ninth-century
East Syriac writer Ishodnah
3
and the second one was found by Patriarch Ignatios
Ephrem II Rahmani (1848-1929), in a manuscript dated 1471-1472, published in
1904 in Studia Syriaca
4
. From these documents one can learn that Isaac was born
in Beth Qatraye, on the western shore of the Persian Gulf. He studied the Holy
Scriptures, became a monk and master of Christian teaching, and Giwargis, a
Catholicos of the Persian Church (661-681), consecrated him bishop of Nineveh

2
Cf. N. Theotokis, Tou hosiou Patros hemon Isaac Episkopou Ninevi tou Syrou. Ta eurethenta Asketika
(Leipzig: 1770), 1.
3
Jesudenah, vque de Barah, Livre de la chastet compos par Jsudenah, vque de Basrah, Publi et
traduit par J. B. Chabot (Rome: 1896), 53-54.
4
Ephrem II Rahmani, Studia Syriaca, vol. I (Beirut: Deir el-Sharf, 1904), 32-33.
THE THEOPHANY OF THE BACK OF GOD IN THE CAVE (EXODUS 33) ACCORDING TO ISAAC OF NINEVEH

147
(Mosul). He led the diocese for only 5 months and, because he did not feel at ease in
this position, he asked the patriarch to dismiss him. Then, he came back to his original
way of living: he spent some time with other hermits in the mountains of Huzistan
before retiring to the monastery of Rabban Shabur. He read a lot: not only the Holy
Scripture, but the works of the famous teachers of the Church too; later, he lost his
eyesight and dictated his thoughts to his brethren who, therefore, called him Didymos II.
He died at an old age. However, the date of his passing away is still unknown.
So far, we have three collections of his works: the first one in 82 chapters,
second one 41 chapters and the third one 17 chapters
5
. In regard to the spiritual
direction Isaac took in his writings, the scholars identified four favourite authors
who influenced him mostly: Evagrius with his language on contemplation, prayer
and anthropology
6
; Theodore of Mopsuestia on Protology and Eschatology
7
; John
the Solitary with the three levels of the spiritual life (of the body, soul and spirit),
and the mystic of hope
8
; (Pseudo)Macarius with his mystic of heart and the
spiritual sensitiveness
9
. Isaac also quotes, or mentions by name, a number of
other earlier writings, many of which were translations of Greek authors. The only
earlier Syriac writer whom he mentions by name is Ephrem, but at least on one
occasion he quotes the fifth-century poet Narsai, without specifically naming him.

Gregory of Nyssa and the East Syriac theology
Gregory of Nyssa (335-395) spent his life in Cappadocia, in central Asia
Minor. He was the most philosophical adept of the three so-called Cappadocians,
who included his brother Basil the Great and his friend Gregory of Nazianzus.
Gregory was a highly original thinker, drawing inspiration from the pagan Greek
philosophical schools, as well as from the Jewish and Eastern Christian traditions,
and formulating an original synthesis that was to influence later Byzantine and,
possibly, even modern European thought.
Gregory was not very quoted by the East Syriac authors, but this does not
mean he was not known and used in their theology. Alphonse Mingana asserts
that there are only two places where Gregory is quoted by name by the East Syriac

5
Two homilies belonging to The Fifth collection have already been translated by Brother Sabino
Chial of Bose Monastery and will be published in Orientalia Christiana Periodica.
6
See Sebastian Brock, Discerning the Evagrian in the writings of Isaac of Niniveh: a preliminary
investigation, Adamantius, 15 (2009): 60-72; Thophane Durel, Sur la doctryne mystique de Saint
Isaac le Syrien, Contacts, Paris, 156 (1991): 246-261 (here 251-253).
7
See Arthur Vbus, Regarding the theological anthropology of Theodore of Mopsuestia, Church History,
33, 2 (1964): 115-124; J. M. Lera, Thodore de Mopsueste, in Dictionnaire de Spiritualit (DS), XV: 385-
400; Sabino Chial, Dallascesi eremitica alla misericordia infinita. Ricerche su Isacco di Ninive e la sua
fortuna, Biblioteca della rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa XIV (Firenze: Olschki, 2002), 102-4.
8
For more details see: B. Bradley, Jean le Solitaire (DApame), in Dictionnaire de Spiritualit, VIII: 764-
772; Irne Hausherr, Un grand auteur spirituel retrouv: Jean dApame, tudes de spiritualit
orientale (Rome, 1969), 181-216.
9
See Thophane Durel, 254-6.
VALENTIN VESA

148
writers: Simone Taibuteh
10
and Dadisho Qatraya
11
. Anyhow, one can surely say that
almost all his works were translated into Syriac: Homily on the Song of Songs (oldest
manuscript 6
th
century), On the Beatitudes (oldest manuscript 6
th
century), On Our
Father (oldest manuscript 6
th
century), On the Hexaimeron (oldest manuscript 9
th

century), De opificio hominis (oldest manuscript 6
th
century), Dialogue with Macrina
(oldest manuscript 9
th
century), Contra Eunomium (oldest manuscript 9
th
century),
Treaty on virginity (oldest manuscript 9
th
century), Catechetical Discourse (oldest
manuscript 9
th
century)
12
.
At this point one can add that some important original Gregorian themes
have been transmitted and used by the previous Syriac authors by the means of
intermediaries: (Pseudo) Macarius and (Pseudo) Dionysius the Areopagite
13
. I will
mention in short some of them: the difference between charity and dillection (gph
and rowj/
and

), the limitless progress in the vision/knowledge of

God (pktasij), the search of God inside oneself, the cloud and the darkness
14
(it is
difficult to trace the origin Gregory or Dionysius), the un-knowledge (holy ignorance)
15
,
the ecstasy (surpassing of the senses and going out from oneself by the elevation
beyond the human nature in the grace of the Holy Spirit)
16
, the image of the mirror

10
Alphonse Mingana, Early Christian Mystics, Woodbrooke Studies VII (Cambridge, 1934), 287/2, cf.
Robert Beulay, La lumire sans forme. Introduction ltude de la mystique chrtienne syro-orientale
(Chevetogne, 1987), 126.
11
Alphonse Mingana, 225/2.
12
For more details see Robert Beulay, 127-8; Gregory Kessel and Karl Pinggra, A bibliography of Syriac
ascetic and mystical literature (Leuven: Peeters, 2011), 98-101 (this study offers also an important
bibliography around these translations).
13
I will not detail it, for more information see the synthetic articles with the indicated bibliography: M.
Canevet, Grgoire de Nysse, in DS VI, 971-1011 (here 1008-1011); C. Sorsoli and I. Datrino, Gregorio
di Nissa, in Dizionario Enciclopedico di Spiritualit 2 (Roma: Citt Nuova), 1222-1226; Antoine
Guillaumont, Macaire Lgyptien, in DS X, 12-13; A. Rayez, Denys LAreopagite (Le Pseudo-), in DS III,
244-318 (here 300-311).
14
Isaac uses these themes as follows: the cloud (
/ neflh) descending upon the tabernacle as image

for the absorption of the thought inside the soul (Mar Isaacus Ninivita, De perfectione religiosa, ed. by
P. Bedjan (Paris, 1909), 480 [Bedjan]; Isaac of Nineveh, Translated from Bedjans Syriac text, transl. J. A.
Wensinck (Wiesbaden, 1969), 322 [Wensinck]); the thick (dark) cloud (
/ skteinotatoj) in
reference, on one side, to the contemplation of the judgement and providence and, on the other side,
to spiritual contemplation (Bedjan 193, Wensinck 131; Bedjan 117, Wensinck 147); the darkness
(
/ gnfoj i sktoj) has a double sense: first in reference to the apophatic knowledge (Gods
sainthood is covered with darkness, Isacco di Ninive, Terza collezione, transl. S. Chial, CSCO, vol. 639/
248, 2011/ III 7,7) and second in a negative sense: problems, temptations (Bedjan 14, Wensinck 10).
15

/ gnwsa (Bedjan 175, Wensinck 118) what is beyond the knowledge.

16
Isaac uses two terms to describe the ecstasy:

and

(kstasij) amazement and stupor.
According to Andr Louf these two aspects represent two levels in the divine knowledge, first one
connected more with human actions meditation, prayer , while the latter one more with Gods
action of shadowing, cf. Temha stupore e tahra meraviglia negli scritti di Isacco di Ninive, in La
grande stagione della mistica siro-orientale (VI-VII secolo) (Centro Ambrosiano, 2009), 93-117. See
Bedjan 155, 164, 174; Wensinck 105, 111, 117.

149
as describing the vision of God inside the soul (the inner person)
17
and, lastly, the
teaching on apocatastasis (pokatstasij)
18
.

The theophany of God in the cleft of the rock (Exodus 33: 19-13)
The key term that characterises the writings of both authors is knowledge.
Both of them present two possible spiritual gnosiological itineraries (gnsij/

)
which have their fulfilment in the vision of God. This is called in apophatic vocabulary
un-knowledge (holy ignorance), in the sense that the divine knowledge stands
beyond the normal intellectual way of knowing and can never be brought to an end
(completed): what can be known about God is His glory or work (energy), but never
His essence. The major difference in the approaches they propose is that Gregory
creates a more systematic itinerary in his endeavour of spiritually interpreting the
life of Moses, in a way that can be almost called academic/scientific, while Isaacs
intention is far away from that he touches some aspects from Moses life so that to
support the spiritual advice he offers to his audience.
The second aspect to be mentioned in this frame appears in connection
with the steps one can observe in this gnosiological process. Gregory, as well as
Isaac, is tributary to the Alexandrian School. Therefore, they speak about two major
levels in knowledge: practical (praktik) and gnostical (gnwstik), and the latter
one with its two parts natural contemplation (fusik/ second and primary) and
the vision of God (qeologik). At this point it would be interesting to underline the
original synthesis Isaac makes in his approach: the Alexandrian (more philosophically
oriented) comes next to the Syriac one (much more biblical, reflecting the Pauline
vision 1Tes. 5:23): he speaks about three states according to the body (against
nature), according to the soul (conform to nature) and according to the spirit (above
nature) and then he integrates the praktik of the Alexandrian school into the second
state (of the soul/
) and the gnwstik into the third state (of the spirit/
)/
19
.
As we have already mentioned above, Isaac only touches some aspects
from the life of Moses. In the three collections which have been published so far, he
quotes the Book of Exodus 44 times (I, 8 times; II, 15 times; III, 21 times) in
reference to themes common to Gregory: ascension without ending (II, 3,2,70), the
names of God (II, 3,4,3); and the dark cloud (III, 11:31; II, 10:17; I, 5:1).
In the next few lines, we will refer concretely to the passage of Moses life
known as the vision of the back of God in the cavity of the rock (Exodus 33: 18-23)

17

/ ktoptron (Bedjan 455, 520; Wensinck 305, 349).
18
Isaac is more indebt to Theodore of Mopsuestias and Diodor of Tarsus Eschatology than to Gregory
of Nyssas (Bedjan 189; Wensinck 128; Isaac of Niniveh (Isaac the Syriac), The Second Part. Chapters
IV-XLI, transl. S. Brock, Lovanii, CSCO, vol. 555/225, 1995/ II, 39-41). For more details see: Nestor
Kavvadas, On the relations between the Eschatological Doctrine of Isaac of Niniveh and Theodore of
Mopsuestia, Studia Patristica, XIV, 245-250.
19
The body level/
describing the state of being subordinated to the passions, is not part of the
ascetic itinerary, but precedes it.
VALENTIN VESA

150
in the interpretation of Gregory of Nyssa, followed by Isaacs commentary. The
starting point of this episode is a contradiction that Gregory takes into consideration:
after Moses had already seen God face-to-face (33,11) now he wants to see Him
as for the first time
20
. So that to solve the problem Gregory proposes a spiritual
interpretation which he calls epektasis. He supports his argumentation underlining
that the language used here is metaphorical: God does not really have a back (or face),
which would imply a dimension, and, consequently, limitation, corporality and
corruptibility. Read in a spiritual key, this means humans ascent to God has no limit,
because God is unlimited by nothing and eternity is an everlasting progress in
knowing and loving God. Each step is simultaneously a fulfilment and a new beginning
of this process
21
. The second aspect to be dealt with is: how Life can be the cause of
death? (Ex. 33:20) Gregory deals with this issue taking into consideration that he
who thinks God is something to be known does not have life because he has turn
from true Being to what he considers by sense perception to have being ( 234).
The knowledge of God means for him knowing that He is incomprehensible in His
essence ( 163).
Gregorys vision becomes much more clearer if we take into consideration
four key terms: the rock and the cleft (cavity), Gods hand which covers Moses and
Gods back. One can easily observe that his discourse is evidently done in a
Christological key. Firstly, the rock (ptra) is Christ (1 Co. 10:4 in reference to Ex.
17:6)
22
, the absolute virtue, and, from here, one who stands more steadfast and
unmoveable on this rock (in Good) completes faster the course ( 244). We find
here a paradox or maybe an oxymoron that stands at the very base of the spiritual
life: only by remaining steadfast in Christ the dynamism of everlasting progress
takes place. We might call this stable dynamism which, in a way, expresses the
ineffability of the mystical experience
23
.
The second key term that stands in a strong connection with the former
one is the cavity/ crhma (the place of Gods vision). If the rock (Christ) is the
fundament of any ascetic endeavour, the cavity refers to the scope, to the reward of
those who stand fast in Good: garden of delights, eternal tent, dwelling next to the
Father, patriarchs bosom, land of the living, refreshing water, celestial Jerusalem,
kingdom of heaven, the trophy of the chosen, crown of grace, crown of delights,
crown of beauty, mighty tower, festive banquet, dwelling with God, throne of justice,
illustrious place, hidden tent ( 247). This place is the reward Christ will give to
those who had won the contest in the stadium/ stdion (2 Tim. 2:5) the crown of
justice ( 246). The place does not imply an end, but it is the resort that on the

20
Gregorio di Nissa, La vita di Mos, a cura di Manlio Simonetti (Fondazione Lorenzo Valla, Arnoldo
Mondatori Editore, 1996), 220.
21
Cf. P. F. OConnell, Double journey in Gregory of Nyssa: The life of Moses, GOTR, 28 (1983): 318.
22
The rock as the type of Christ: Irineus of Lyon, Contra haereses IV.20. 9; Origen, Commentarium in
Canticum 231.
23
See coincidentia oppositorum cf. Jean Danilou, Platonisme et thologie mystique. Doctrine spirituelle du
Saint Grgoire de Nysse (Paris, 1944): 274.

151
immutability of the rock pushes ahead in an endless ascending ( 245). One can
find here a qualitative difference in knowledge: this vision is the highest form of
revelation in Gregorys commentary. If the previous theophanies were mostly
revelations around the nature of God, the latter one describes the concrete
participation in this reality, in Christ, who becomes a sharer of the mystery.
The third element the hand of God (cer) is interpreted in the same
Christological key: Christ is the right hand of the Father, who created all things ( 249).
And the back of God (psqioj) describes the way of seeing God by standing
behind Him ( 251), by following Him (Deut. 13:5; Lk. 9:23). If we are to apply the
same Christological key interpretation, the back represents the kenosis of Christ
and the face His divinity
24
. One could read here the two dimensions of the spiritual
life: the contemplative experience and the apostolic commitment
25
. Therefore, it is
Christ Himself who speaks with Moses asking to follow Him (see the use of krioj).
We will synthesize saying that, for Gregory, Christ is the rock for those
well established, the house for those who are resting, the place for those who
run and the way for those on the course ( 249). The method used by Gregory
(specific to the theological school he belonged to) is allegorical and typological; it is
what he calls a spiritual reading. In regard to Isaacs interpretation of this biblical
passage, we will observe that the method is quite different mostly biblical (symbolic/
in the line of John the Solitary) and literal (in the line of Theodore of Mopsuestia/
Antiochian school).
The first observation to be mentioned around Isaacs interpretation is that
his vision is deeply influenced by Theodore of Mopsuestias theory about the two
catastasis (

): the first one, from the beginning of creation up to the Incarnation,
and the second, inaugurated by the birth of Christ and continued in eternity. For Isaac,
the Incarnation, the event that anticipated the entrance into the second catastasis,
represents the border between two different qualitative eras from the gnosiological
point of view (the old and new world). In the first one God revealed Himself only by
intermediaries (angels
26
from up to down: God angels humans
27
in the dark
cloud
28
, in an incomplete way). The knowledge before the Incarnation was of the
children, while the knowledge after the Incarnation is of the grown-ups
29
. The
Israelites could not hear the voice of God, but after the Incarnation everybody could
not only hear His voice, but more, they could see Him clothed in human garment,
speaking with us, while being in us
30
. In this line, the vision Moses had on the

24
Philon and Gregory of Nazianzus use the image of the back and the face of God to express the
relation between the essence of God (incomprehensible) and His traces in the world (works/energies) in
the spiritual knowledge (Philon, De spec. leg. 1. 41-50; Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 2. 3).
25
Cf. P. F. OConnell, 319-320.
26
II, 5, 1.
27
In the line of Pseudo Dyonisius on the three triads of angels.
28
II, 10, 17, 24; III, 7, 7.
29
III, 11, 4-5.
30
Wensinck 384-385.
VALENTIN VESA

152
mountain it was sensible (at a material level), while the vision of God in Christ is
intellectual
31
.
Isaacs symbolic method uses these images to describe the new type of
knowledge inaugurated by the Incarnation, perceived as a personal spiritual journey
in the ascetic life. First of all, in connection with the Book of Exodus, he uses the
image of the cloud (
), the dark cloud (
) and the darkness (
) to
describe the apophatic knowledge which takes place in the amazement and stupor
before God, beyond the prayer itself, during the state of the soul and more during
the spiritual state, which is the intellectual feeling of Gods mysteries
32
.
At this point, we will specifically deal with the interpretation Isaac gives to
Gods theophany in the cleft of the rock. One has to be aware that Isaacs writings
were written by a hermit and addressed to a monastic audience. Therefore they
have a profound monastic character. In this line, for Isaac, the cavity where Moses
saw the back of God is the cell of the monk: The cell (

) of the solitary (
)
is the cave (

) of the rock (

) in which God spoke with Moses, as the
Fathers say
33
. Sabino Chial shows that Isaac quotes here an ancient abbas: La
cella del monaco la furnace di Babilonia dove i tre fanciulli trovarono il Figlio di
Dio; e la colonna di nube dalla quale Dio parl a Mos
34
.
There are a few key terms to deal with at this moment. The cell (the cave)
implies first solitude (

) and then silence (
). It is important to observe
that in the Syriac language the same linguistic root is used for solitude and hermit
(but not the same for a monk living in a convent -
) and it can be understood in

the sense of the Greek monacj (one, alone), but it can be also interpreted as to be
unified. The latter meaning stands in a strong connection with how cells are
perceived as the space where the struggle for achieving inner unity takes place in
order to become worthy of seeing God. In this sense, the cell requires stability
35
, on
one side, which offers, on the other side, everlasting dynamism and ascension to God.
The cell is the stadium (a theme present in Gregory, too) where the hermit struggles
with the world and exercises his patience: these are different stages in the course
run, in divine fashion, by the intellect in the stadium (
) of this world, each

person having his gaze fixed on his crown (1 Co. 9, 24-5)
36
. Here, the intellect, in its
steadfastness, gives up the old man and clothes him into the new one; it is the
place and the colour where God revealed Himself in mountain; that is the vision
of the Holy Trinity in the spiritual state:

31
II, 3, 1, 36; Intellectual refers not to a rational-philosophical knowledge, but to a theological-spiritual
one. Isaac uses a rational terminology borrowed from Evagrius to express the spiritual processes
that take place at the inner level.
32
II, 3, 1, 36.
33
Wensinck 121; Bedjan 178.
34
One can find the same idea at St Anthony. See Sabino Chial, footnote 182, p. 325, cf. Paul Bedjan, Acta
martyrum et sanctorum VII (Parisiis-Lipsiae: 1890-7), 463.
35
Not to leave the cell even in the case of somebodys brother death: If I go out my pure heart will not
be pure before God (Wensinck 208).
36
II, 10, 40.

153
Steadfastness of mind is the highness of intelligible apperception which
resembles the colour of the sky over which rises, at the time of prayer, the light of the
Holy Trinity When the mind puts off the old man and puts on the new one by grace,
then it also sees its steadfastness at the time of prayer, resembling sapphire or the
colour of heaven, as the place of God was called by the elders of Israel to whom it
appeared in the mountain (Ex. 24, 9-11)
37
.
This passage offers an example of the coexistence of both the stability and
the spiritual movement. In the same time it describes the cell as the place of
revelation of God Himself. I will point to a last passage where Isaac speaks about the
highest level of seeing God on the earth (

):
Bodily discipline in solitude purifies the body from the material elements in it.
Mental discipline makes the soul humble and purifies it from the material impulses
that tend towards decaying things, by changing their affectible nature into motions of
contemplation. And this will bring the soul near to the nakedness of the mind
(
) that is called immaterial contemplation (

); this
is spiritual discipline (
). It elevates the intellect above earthly things and

brings it near to primordial spiritual contemplation; it directs the intellect towards
God by the sight of unspeakable glory and it delights spiritually in the hope of future
things, [thinking of] what and how each of them will be sight will be spiritual sight.
Personal contemplation he uses in the sense of contemplation concerning the primordial
creation of nature. From there one is easily moved onwards toward what is called
solitary knowledge
38
(

) which is, according to a clear interpretation,

ecstasy (

) in God, this is the order of that high future state which will be given
in freedom that lives in immortality, in that way of life which will be after the
resurrection
39
.
At the end, one can say that Isaac uses the passage of Moses vision of God
as image for the life in solitude and silence (specifically for monastic ambient),
where the ascetic struggle takes place by exercising the patience and longing for
stability so that to be given in grace the vision of God Himself at the intellectual
(spiritual) level, which means anticipating the Kingdom of God on earth, fully
experienced in the life after resurrection.

Final remarks
We will conclude this paper with a few observations that arise from the
analysis above concerning the parallels one can grasp in the approaches of these
two authors. The first observation refers to the method. It is obvious that Gregory
reads the passage from a Christological perspective the episode prophetically

37
Wensinck 118.
38
See above the idea of inner unification.
39
Wensinck 202-3 (Bedjan 304).
VALENTIN VESA

154
sends to a reality that was to be fulfilled in the Incarnation. Every element is, in an
allegorical way, a sign/a metaphor for a reality that was to come and be fulfilled in
Christ. On the other side, Isaac proposes a literal reading one cannot speak about a
direct knowledge of God in the Old Testament it offers images for expressing a
superior knowledge given in the Incarnation of the Son of God (symbolic language).
The second observation refers to the style of the discourse: Gregory has what
we would call today a narrative style. He interpreted a biblical account evidencing a
red line up to its very end. On the other side, Isaacs style is spontaneous/episodic;
he does not intend to build a systematic commentary on this specific account, but
he uses it so that to give a biblical fundament for the spiritual theme he wants to
express.
The third observation touches the content of the commentary. Gregory is
primarily a theologian and a philosopher by excellence. His writings represent, in
scholastic terms, the highest theology, close to speculation. Instead, Isaac, more
than a theologian, is an ascetic hermit (with a high education) which interprets the
concrete situations in the spiritual ascetic life by the means of the biblical images
(using Evagrius gnosiological terminology).
Finally, despite the fact they use a different language and a different method,
there is a common ground that makes them really close to each another each of
them proposes a spiritual itinerary, a spiritual journey, that aims to reach the same
experience: seeing God as He is (qewra/

). This experience has no end and
implies an ascetic work at both a bodily and an intellectual level up to the communion
in love with God. This is the idea that transcends from their writings and, in our
opinion, this is the best summary and conclusion one can express about their
mystical theology.

INCONVENIENTELE LIBERTII RELIGIOASE ACORDATE
DE CONSTANTIN CEL MARE CRETINILOR.
CTEVA REFLECII PATRISTICE

NELU ALEXANDRU HALES
*
, ADRIAN PODARU
**

REZUMAT. n lucrarea de fa, autorii ncearc s reliefeze aa-numitele incon-
veniente care au decurs, indirect, din Edictul de la Milan. Autorii nu afirm
nicidecum c acest edict a fost un lucru ru pentru cretini; dimpotriv, provi-
dena lui Dumnezeu a fcut ca, la nceputul secolului al patrulea, cretinii s se
bucure de libertate religioas. Ceea ce autorii ncearc s demonstreze este faptul
c libertatea religioas a constituit un punct de cotitur n istoria Bisericii Cretine
care a adus nu numai avantaje, ci i dezavantaje inerente, care n-ar fi fost posibile
n perioadele de persecuie.

Cuvinte-cheie: mprat, episcopi, moral, doctrina Bisericii, ingerina imperial.

n lucrarea sa Istoria ecleziastic, Socrates ne relateaz despre o ntlnire din
timpul Sinodului de la Niceea pe care Constantin a avut-o cu episcopul schismatic
Acesius (adept al novaianismului). Auzind c disputa lui Acesius nu avea de-a face
nimic cu Crezul sau cu data Patilor cele dou chestiuni majore dezbtute la Sinod
Constantin l-a ntrebat: Atunci care este motivul pentru care te-ai separat de
comuniunea cu restul Bisericii? Acesius i-a rspuns c secta sa se opunea ngduinei
prea mari cu care ali cretini i-au tratat pe cei care au czut n timpul persecuiilor, i c
nu putea intra n comuniune cu reprezentanii acestei Biserici cretine prea lejere.
Constantin ar fi rspuns: Ia o scar, Acesius, i urc singur la cer.
1

*
Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox Iustinian Patriarhul, Universitatea Bucureti, Romnia,
holem2000@yahoo.com
**
Asist. Univ. Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
apodaru2000@yahoo.com
1
Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica I, 10, PG 67, 100-101.
NELU ALEXANDRU HALES, ADRIAN PODARU

156
Profesorul Harold A. Drake
2
crede c ceea ce este revelator n aceast povestire
este felul n care Constantin se comport. Replica sa tranant trdeaz un conductor
ncreztor n sine, avnd o idee clar despre felul de cretini pe care programul
su politico-religios l avea n vedere. Acesius i cei ca el nu corespundeau ateptrilor.
Constantin nu dorea o biseric cretin care s-ar fi limitat la un numr redus de
alei puri. Tipul de cretinism pe care Constantin l promova era acela al unei
organizaii umbrel, capabil s in mpreun diferite ramuri i faciuni, care puteau
s se deosebeasc n privina subtilitilor teologice, dar care trebuiau s rmn unite
n privina scopului general. La aceast concluzie, mai crede Prof. Drake, poate duce i
prima reacie pe care Constantin a avut-o la erezia arian, o reacie notorie pentru
indiferena lui fa de probleme doctrinare de prim importan. Scriindu-le celor doi
protagoniti, preotului Arie i episcopului Alexandru al Alexandriei, Constantin calific
cearta lor cu privire la relaia dintre Tatl i Fiul ca fiind o chestiune nensemnat,
ba chiar nedorit, fiindc provoac dezbinare n rndul credincioilor
3
.
Chiar dac tezele Prof. Drake pot fi puse sub semnul ntrebrii i atacate
din mai multe puncte de vedere, ce ne intereseaz pe noi aici este faptul c cele dou

2
Harold A. Drake, Constantine and Consensus, n: Church History, 64 (1995), 1, p. 1. H.A. Drake este
profesor de istorie la University of Wisconsin. El a cercetat intens perioada lui Constantin, ca de altfel a
ntregului veac IV, dnd studii i lucrri importante despre relaia Biseric-stat n aceast perioad.
Dintre acestea amintim: Constantine and the Bishops:The Politics of Intolerance, John Hopkins
University Press, Baltimore, 2000 i The Impact of Constantine on Christianity, n Noel Lenski (ed.),
The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
2
2005.
3
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Viaa lui Constantin cel mare 2, 69 (n Eusebiu de Cezareea, Scrieri, Partea a II-a,
colecia Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti, 14, studiu introductiv de Prof. Dr. Emilian Popescu, traducere i
note de Radu Alexandrescu, EIBMBOR, Bucureti, 1991, pp. 118-119), este cel care consemneaz
aceast scrisoare. Citm din ea urmtorul fragment: M gndesc anume c ar fi fost mai bine dac de
la bun nceput n-ar fi pus nimeni ntrebri legate de asemenea lucruri, sau dac ntrebarea odat
pus n-ar mai fi venit rspunsul. Pentru c acest soi de ntrebri (care nu e cerut de apsarea
necesitii, ci la care eti ademenit de ctre deartul [duh ce zmislete] din trndvie, chiar dac ar
avea drept obrie vreun exerciiu filosofic de judecat, datori suntem s-l zvorm n tainia cugetului,
nicidecum s-l facem cu atta lips de rspundere cunoscut publicului i s-l ncredinm ntr-un chip
att de necugetat urechilor mulimii. Iat de ce bine este ca n astfel de pricini s ocolim vorba de
prisos, ca nu cumva n virtutea slbiciunilor noastre fireti neputndu-le noi da de rost (sau iari,
asculttorii notri neputnd datorit minii lor mai ncete ajunge la desluita pricepere a spuselor
noastre), ei bine, din amndou aceste cauze, poporul s nu ajung, vrnd-nevrnd, fie s huleasc, fie
s se dezbine. i tot de aceea se cuvine ca ntre voi att ntrebarea cea nechibzuit, ct i necugetatul
rspuns s-i acorde deopotriv iertarea. Pricina certei dintre voi n-a pornit de la ce era mai nsemnat
ntre poruncile cuprinse n Scriptur. Interesant este c Francis Dvornik, n studiul su Emperors,
Popes and General Councils n Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VI (1951), pp. 3-23), folosete aceeai scrisoare
pentru a ilustra sinceritatea convertirii lui Constantin i faptul c i-a asumat cu zel misiunea sa de
sprijinitor al cretinismului i de unificare a diferitelor faciuni care deja ncepeau s apar. ns concluzia
pe care Dvornik o trage un paragraf mai jos ilustreaz, totui, c mpratul se considera ndreptit
s se amestece n treburile Bisericii: Reiese limpede, aadar, din aceste citate c mpratul Constantin,
n spiritul definirii competenei regale elenistice, s-a considerat pe sine ca ndreptit n mod legal s
se amestece n chestiunile religioase. El reprezenta Divinitatea pe pmnt i i fusese dat de Dumnezeu
putere suprem n lucrurile materiale i spirituale. El a considerat c era datoria sa suprem de a-i
conduce pe oameni la Dumnezeu. Francis Dvornik, Emperors, Popes and General Councils, p. 7.
INCONVENIENTELE LIBERTII RELIGIOASE ACORDATE DE CONSTANTIN CEL MARE CRETINILOR

157
episoade consemnate mai sus sugereaz cele dou primejdii pe care le implic
libertatea religioas acordat de Constantin cel Mare cretinilor:
a) o lejeritate moral a membrilor tot mai numeroi ai Bisericii cretine,
combinat cu o competiie pentru ocuparea posturilor ecleziastice;
b) o ingerin a mpratului n chestiunile dogmatice ale nvturii cretine
atenie, nu n formularea lor, ci n adeziunea sa la o anumit doctrin i n impunerea
acesteia, de regul prin coerciie, n Imperiu n ncercarea de a asigura un corp cretin
unitar, fapt care va provoca reacia vehement a prinilor Bisericii, atunci cnd
mpratul nu sprijinea nvtura ortodox. S le lum n ordine invers.
n lumea antic, religia era mai puin o chestiune de alegere individual i mai
mult o realitate social creat de instituii tradiionale i modele de via, cu valorile lor
sociale, morale, culturale. Aceste valori nu erau valori seculare n sensul modern al
cuvntului. Ele erau intim ngemnate cu tradiiile religioase. Religia ntemeia i legitima
instituiile, determina modelele de comportament, sanciona moravurile. Obiceiurile,
rolurile i instituiile nu erau, totui, percepute ca religioase n sensul c presupuneau
o decizie contient. Erau pur i simplu modul n care lucrurile erau fcute i au fost
fcute din cele mai vechi timpuri. Religia slujea la unirea trecutului cu prezentul, a legii
cu moralitatea, a educaiei cu politica, a familiei cu societatea, a arhitecturii cu mitologia,
a calendarului cu ritualul religios. Libanius spunea: Cci acestea amndou, cele sfinte
i studiul literelor, sunt asemntoare i nrudite
4
.
n studiul su clasic despre religie n cetatea antic, Fustel de Coulanges a
argumentat c distincia modern dintre religios i secular pur i simplu nu exista n
Grecia antic sau n Roma antic. n oraele antice, religia reglementa toate aciunile
omului, dispunea de toate clipele vieii sale, stabilea toate obiceiurile sale. Ea l guverna
pe om cu o autoritate att de absolut, nct nimic din ce-l privea pe acesta nu mai
rmnea n afara ei. Statul i religia erau att de contopite, nct era cu neputin nu
numai un conflict ntre ele, ci nsui faptul de a le deosebi era o imposibilitate
5
. Religia
unea instituiile oraului, iar expresia sa simbolic cea mai mare avea loc n domeniul
public. Fr religie nu putea exista nici ora, nici societate, nici stat.
Din momentul n care cretinismul a devenit o religie licit, pe urm favorizat
i, spre sfritul secolului al patrulea, chiar impus ca singur religie oficial a Imperiului
de ctre mpratul Teodosie cel Mare, concepiile pgn i cretin despre raportul
dintre puterea politic i autoritatea ecleziastic aveau s intre ntr-un conflict dramatic.
Dac pentru un pgn, distincia dintre religie i politic nu avea nici un neles
6
, pentru
cretini, care i fundamentau nvtura lor pe texte scripturistice
7
, Biserica i

4
Libanius, Oratio 62, 8, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 62.8.8-9: oi)kei=a ga/r, oi=mai, kai\ suggenh= tau=ta
a)mfo/tera, i(era\ kai\ lo/goi.
5
Fustel de Coulanges, Cetatea antic, vol. I, traducere de Mioara i Pan Izverna, Editura Meridiane,
Bucureti, 1984, p. 235.
6
S.R.F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor, Cambridge, 1984, mai ales pp.
15-19, apud Glen Warren Bowersock, From Emperor to Bishop: The Self-Conscious Transformation
of Political Power in the Fourth Century A. D., n Classical Philology, 81 (1986), 4, p. 298.
7
Vezi, de exemplu, Mt. 22: 21 i Rom. 13.

158
Statul reprezentau dou sfere distincte, cu sarcini i responsabiliti proprii, dar
chemate s conlucreze, fiecare cu mijloacele proprii i urmrindu-i scopurile pentru
care au fost create.
mpratul Constantin cel Mare, ngduind i chiar favoriznd cretinismul,
ns neschimbndu-i mentalitatea i nerenunnd la motenirea antic civic i
religioas fapt mai degrab imposibil care, dup prerea noastr, nu se putea realiza
peste noapte nelege c, n noua situaie creat, el rmne pe mai departe Pontifex
Maximus, chemat s fie instrumentul politic al lui Dumnezeu pentru rspndirea
cretinismului.
8
Spre aceast convingere a fost mpins i de Eusebiu de Cezareea,
teologul de la curtea imperial care, sprijinindu-se att pe Sfnta Scriptur i pe
tradiia cretin, ct i pe concepia de regalitate, elaborat de filozofii politici ai lumii
elenistice, acomodeaz o teorie deja existent la exigenele noii religii. Dac pentru un
grec din perioada elenistic, mpratul era un zeu printre oameni, acum, conform
teoriei politice a lui Eusebiu, el este Vicarul lui Dumnezeu pe pmnt. Dac statul,
conform filosofiei politice elenistice, era, n ordinea i armonia sa, o copie a creaiei
divine, acum, n noua situaie creat, statul devine o copie a mpriei lui Dumnezeu
pe pmnt. n calitate de vicar al lui Dumnezeu, mpratul este chemat s protejeze
i s rspndeasc nvtura cretin pretutindeni, precum i s asigure unitatea
de credin a acesteia, convins fiind c de aceast unitate de credin depinde nsi
unitatea politic a Imperiului. Pe de alt parte, mpratul este didaskalos, avnd
cunotina celor dumnezeieti i a celor omeneti, i poate s decid chiar n probleme
doctrinare ale Bisericii. n lucrarea sa Vita Constantini, Eusebiu vorbete despre
Constantin ca despre un koinos episcopos ek theou kathistamenos (episcop de obte,
instituit de Dumnezeu)
9
, iar n faimoasa sa replic adresat unor episcopi, Constantin
declar: hymeis men ton eiso tes ekklesias, ego de twn ektos hypo theou kathestamenos
episkopos an eien (voi, pe de o parte, [episcopi] pentru cei/cele dinuntru ai/ale
Bisericii, eu, pe de alt parte, a putea s fiu/ a fi episcop pentru cei/cele din afar)
10
.
Ceea ce reine atenia noastr este faptul c Constantin se proclam pe sine nsui
episcop de o autoritate cel puin egal cu cea a episcopilor din snul Bisericii, pe care
se simte liber s i convoace atunci cnd vrea. Cu alte cuvinte mpratul este nc
supremul conductor i i exercit puterea sa att ntre autoritile Bisericii, ct i
n cadrul Imperiului ca ntreg
11
.
Dintr-un discurs imperial pe care Eusebiu al Cezareei l-a gsit n arhivele
palatului din Constantinopol i care se pare c a fost rostit de mprat dup nfrngerea
lui Liciniu, ntr-un ora rsritean, ntr-o Vinere Mare (Discursul poart titlul de Oratio

8
Este foarte posibil ca el s-i fi luat aceast sarcin foarte n serios i convertirea sa s fi fost, ntr-
adevr, una sincer, ns nu credem c e posibil ca, ntr-un timp att de scurt, s se poat renuna la
o motenire de secole. Constantin face tot ce-i st n putin, ntr-un climat pgn; marile schimbri
istorice nu se petrec ntr-o clip.
9
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Vita Constantini, 1, 44. 2, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 020.1.44.2.1.
10
Eusebiu de Cezareea, Vita Constantini, 4, 24, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 020.4.24.1.3.
11
Cf. G.W. Bowerock, From Emperor to Bishop..., p. 302.

159
ad Coetum Sanctorum: Cuvntare ctre adunarea sfinilor), reiese cu destul de mult
claritate convingerea lui Constantin c el fusese chemat de Dumnezeu la o misiune de
rspndire a cretinismului, o misiune asemntoare celei a Apostolilor
12
. Denumirea
lui Constantin de isapostolos, pe care Biserica i-a atribuit-o ulterior, nu pare a fi dect o
prelungire sau o confirmare a prerii proprii pe care mpratul i-a fcut-o despre sine
n relaie cu Apostolii. Expresia suprem a acestei autoaprecieri a fost construirea la
Constantinopol a unei Biserici n cinstea Apostolilor, cu scopul de a fi nmormntat
acolo, n mijlocul a dousprezece cenotafuri reprezentndu-i pe cei doisprezece apostoli,
pentru a fi considerat mpreun cu acetia ca fiind al treisprezecelea apostol i a
primi un cult asemntor celorlali doisprezece
13
. Fiul lui Constantin, ns, Constaniu
al II-lea, din precauie a schimbat proiectul iniial i a poruncit construirea unui mausoleu
ataat Bisericii Sfinilor Apostoli, unde au i fost mutate osemintele mpratului,
astfel c poziia mpratului fa de cei doisprezece apostoli se diminueaz simitor,
acesta ajungnd s se odihneasc la ua apostolilor, nu mpreun cu ei. Este ceea ce
sesizeaz i Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur, la mai bine de jumtate de secol de la moartea lui
Constantin. n Omilia 26 la Epistola a 2-a ctre Corinteni, vorbind despre contrastul
dintre starea postum glorioas a celor 12 apostoli, pe de o parte, i starea umil a
mprailor care, n timpul vieii lor, au fost nconjurai de slav lumeasc, pe de alt
parte, el spune: Cci i la Constantinopol, pe Constantin cel Mare fiul su l-a considerat
c va fi cinstit cu mare cinste, dac l va ngropa n tinda pescarilor; i ceea ce sunt
portarii pentru mprai n palatele lor, aceea sunt i mpraii la mormntul pescarilor
14
.
Din perspectiva lui Ioan Gur de Aur, statutul lui Constantin nu pare a fi egal cu cel al
apostolilor.
Aceeai concluzie poate fi tras, indirect, i dintr-un alt pasaj hrisostomic. n
Scrisoarea 10 ctre Olimpiada (9. c-d), Ioan Gur de Aur i spune acesteia: Pentru ca s
afli i din alt parte ct de nobil este aciunea nsoit de suferin i c aceeai aciune,
fcut fr suferin, este inferioar, Nabucodonosor, acest faimos babilonian, trind
printre sceptre i diademe, a promulgat odinioar o lege purtnd o veste bun(e
vorba aici despre porunca adresat tuturor supuilor si de a se nchina Dumnezeului
celor trei tineri n.n.). Ei bine, spune-mi, va primi oare acesta aceeai recompens ca
Apostolii? Nicidecum, ci o recompens infinit mai mic. i totui, el a svrit aceeai
lucrare ca aceia. ns pentru c n lucrarea lui n-au fost nici trud, nici suferine, de aceea

12
Vezi Charles Martin ODahl, Constantine and the Christian Empire, Routledge, London and New York,
2004, p. 239.
13
Vezi n acest sens Cyril Mango, Constantine's Mausoleum and the Translation of Relics, n Byzantinische
Zeitschrift, 83 (1990), 1, pp. 51-61 i Idem, Constantine's Mausoleum: Addendum, n Byzantinische
Zeitschrift, 83 (1990), 2, p. 434. Eusebiu n Vita Constantini, 4. 60 (Eusebiu de Cezareea, Scrieri, p. 182)
menioneaz acest scop al mpratului: Totui, prin aceast construcie, Constantin urmrise i o a doua
int, pe care la nceput o inuse ascuns, dar de care pn la urm avea s-i dea seama toat lumea: i
alesese singur din timp acest loc pentru clipa de neocolit cnd avea s se sfreasc din via, prevznd
n nemsurata lui credin c dup moarte trupul lui, ajuns vrednic de mpreun ederea cu Apostolii, va
avea parte i dincolo de moarte de rugciunile ce aveau s se aduc acolo spre cinstirea acelora.
14
Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur, In Epist. II ad Corinthios hom. 26, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 157.61.582.20.

160
recompensa este mai mic. Acesta a fcut aceasta cu autoritate i fr team; aceia
nlnuii, persecutai, btui. Nu este totuna s propovduieti, s propui sau s
impui o nvtur de pe o poziie de autoritate care nu implic nici un risc, nici o
primejdie, sau s faci acelai lucru, tiind c nsi viaa ta poate fi ameninat.
nlocuindu-l pe Nabucodonosor cu Constantin cel Mare, putem trage concluzia, indirect
i poate cu anumite proteste din partea unora, c acesta din urm ar fi fost considerat de
Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur de o vrednicie inferioar celei a apostolilor.
Am fcut aceast digresiune prin opera hrisostomic pentru a arta c
Prinii Bisericii nu au fost dispui s accepte in corpore teoria politic eusebian, ci,
dimpotriv, aa cum vom vedea i n exemplele de mai jos, s-au ridicat mpotriva
preteniei imperiale de a impune nvtura pe care el o considera ortodox, chiar
dac nu era deloc aa.
Unele dintre cele mai vehemente reacii le avem din timpul mpratului
Constaniu al II-lea (337-361), fiul i succesorul mpratului Constantin cel Mare.
Fiind ctigat de partea ereziei ariene i ncercnd s-o impun ca form ortodox a
cretinismului, Constaniu se izbete de reacia ferm a adevrailor ortodoci niceeni,
care neleg s opun rezisten ingerinei politicului n treburile interne ale Bisericii,
treburi rezervate exclusiv clasei sacerdotale. Sf. Athanasie cel Mare a fost foarte
intransigent n aceast privin. Acesta, n Istoria Arienilor, l compar pe Constaniu cu
Ahab, cu Belaar, cu Faraon. mpratul este numit paricid, mai ru dect Pilat, un
nainte mergtor al lui Antihrist
15
. Limbajul folosit de Sf. Athanasie arat c el nu era
pregtit s accepte un Vicar al lui Dumnezeu care nu i mprtea concepiile sale.
Vrstnicul episcop Osius de Cordoba, mrturisitor al credinei n timpul
persecuiei lui Maximian (303-305) mrturisire care era s-l coste viaa s-a pomenit,
n calitatea sa de bastion al crezului niceean, atacat i ameninat de autoritatea
imperial, la instigarea arienilor
16
, cerndu-i-se s subscrie doctrinei eretice i
condamnrii lui Athanasie. Rspunsul su, adresat mpratului, ilustreaz deodat att
curajul episcopului n faa iminenei persecutrii sale atitudine care amintete de cea a
martirilor din timpul persecuiilor ct i concepia sa despre separarea celor dou
puteri, imperial i ecleziastic, n noua ordine instaurat de Constantin. Eu am
mrturisit [credina] i nainte, cnd s-a iscat o persecuie n timpul lui Maximian; iar
dac vrei s m persecui, sunt gata i acum s ndur mai degrab orice dect s vrs
snge nevinovat i s trdez adevrul Nu te bga n treburile ecleziastice, nici nu ne
porunci nou n privina acestora, ci mai degrab nva-le tu de la noi pe acestea. ie
Dumnezeu i-a hrzit regalitatea, nou ne-a ncredinat cele ale Bisericii. i dup cum
cel care i rpete stpnirea se opune hotrrii lui Dumnezeu, tot astfel teme-te ca nu
cumva i tu, lund asupra ta cele ale Bisericii, s devii pasibil de o acuzaie grav. Scris
este: Restituii cele ale Cezarului Cezarului i cele ale lui Dumnezeu lui Dumnezeu.

15
Athanasie cel Mare, Historia Arianorum, PG, 25, Coll. 728, 733, 749, 773, 776, apud Steven Runciman,
The byzantine Theocracy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977, p. 27.
16
ntreaga istorisire se gsete consemnat la Athanasie cel Mare, Historia Arianorum, 42-45, PG, 25,
Coll. 741-749.

161
Aadar, nici nou nu ne este ngduit s conducem pe pmnt, i nici tu nu trebuie s ai
puterea de a tmia. i scriu acestea, ngrijindu-m de mntuirea ta
17
.
Un alt aprtor fervent al doctrinei niceene i al lui Athanasie, n acelai timp
lupttor nfocat mpotriva arienilor, a fost episcopul Lucifer de Cagliari (mort n 370)
care, exilat mpreun cu ali episcopi ortodoci, a scris din exil pamflete acide la adresa
mpratului, mrturisindu-i n acelai timp disponibilitatea de a suferi martiriul pentru
credina sa. El l numete pe Constaniu precursor al lui Antihrist
18
, i aceeai denumire
o gsim folosit i de ctre Ilarie de Pictavium, care l numete pe Constaniu un lup n
piele de oaie, hrpre, un Antihrist
19
, un cine care se ntoarce la vrstura lui
20
.
mpratul Valens (364-378) a ncercat i el s se achite contiincios de sarcina
lsat de predecesorul su, de a promova i apra biserica oficial a statului. ns, n
urmarea acestei ci, avea s nfrunte reaciile celor care aprau ortodoxia niceean. Sunt
deja de notorietate atitudinile Sfntul Vasile cel Mare i a episcopului Bretanion de
Tomis n faa autoritii imperiale. Marele Vasile nu pregeta, cu toate ameninrile
mpratului cu confiscarea proprietilor, exilul, tortura i chiar moartea
21
, s rmn
ferm n credina cea adevrat, iar atitudinea sa reprezint simbolul verticalitii
Bisericii n faa puterii imperiale, n timp ce Bretanion combtea stricarea nvturilor
i nelegiuirile lui Valens mpotriva sfinilor, strignd cu marele David Griam ntru
mrturiile tale naintea mprailor i nu m ruinam (Ps. 118:46)
22
.
Ambrozie al Milanului
23
i Ioan Gur de Aur sunt doi dintre Prinii secolului al
patrulea care elaboreaz o contrateologie imperial
24
n care raportul dintre puterea
imperial i autoritatea eccleziastic este unul de subordonare a celei dinti fa de cea
de-a doua, dintr-un punct de vedere mai mult pastoral. Ambrozie explic concepia sa
despre relaia dintre preot i mprat n cele dou Apologii pentru David (De apologia

17
Athanasie cel Mare, Historia Arianorum 44, PG, 25, Coll. 744-745.
18
Lucifer de cagliari, Pro Sancto Athanasio ad Constantium Imperatorem liber primus, PL 13, 895:
Cum te urgeremus nos legati beatae Ecclesiae, sectam damnandam Arii, et illam dixisti magis esse
catholicam; praenuntiavimus te antichristi fuisse praecursorem.
19
Hilaire de Poitiers, Contre Constance (introduction, texte, traduction, notes et index par Andr
Rocher, Sources Chrtiennes, 334, p. 46, apud Adrian Gabor, Biseric i Stat n timpul lui Teodosie cel
Mare, Editura Bizantin, Bucureti, 2003, p. 57.
20
Hilaire de Poitiers, Contre Constance, 1, 10-11; 25, apud A. Gabor, Biseric i Stat..., p. 57.
21
Grigorie Teologul, Elogiul Sf. Vasile, traducere de Nicolae Donos, Hui, 1931, cap. 49, p. 167. Iat
rspunsul Sfntului Vasile: Apoi de confiscarea averilor n-are a se teme cel ce nu posed nimic,
afar de cazul cnd ai n vedere aceste crpe de ln i cteva cri, singura mea avere. De exil nu-
mi pas ntruct nu-s legat de o anumit localitate, al lui Dumnezeu este tot pmntul, pe care eu
nu sunt dect un cltor n trecere. Apoi, la ce chinuri pot fi supus eu, care aproape c n-am trup,
afar de cazul cnd te gndeti s m dobori dintr-o singur lovitur, Ct despre moarte, ea este
pentru mine o binefacere, cci m-ar duce mai curnd la Dumnezeu, prin care triesc i cruia-I
slujesc, pentru care sunt aproape mort i de care de mult doresc s m apropii.
22
Teodoret al Cirului, Istoria bisericeasc, IV, 35 apud Haralambie Mihescu et alii (eds.) Fontes
Historiae Daco-Romanae, II, Editura Academiei R.S.R., Bucureti, 1970, p. 235.
23
Mai multe amnunte despre atitudinea Sfntului Ambrosie fa de autoritatea imperial vezi la
Ioan Vasile Leb, Biseric i stat la Sfntul Ambrozie cel Mare (339-397), n Ioan V. Leb, Teologie i
istorie. Studii de patristic i istorie bisericeasc, Editura Arhidiecezan, Cluj-Napoca, 1999, pp. 26-64.
24
Expresie aparine lui Adrian Gabor, Biseric i Stat..., p. 58.

162
prophetae David). El comenteaz pasajul biblic vetero-testamentar n care profetul
Natan l mustr pe mpratul David pentru faptul de a-l fi trimis pe Urie n prima linie de
btaie, n sperana c va muri, pentru a-i lua apoi femeia. Episcopul milanez se folosete
de aceast istorisire biblic la fel cum romanii se foloseau de renumitele exempla
25
: prin
acest episod biblic, el ilustreaz un comportament exemplar. ns de vreme ce referatul
scripturistic este inspirat de Dumnezeu, acesta are mai mult autoritate dect un
exemplum tradiional; el puncteaz un adevr religios, i anume c nici un conductor,
fie el mprat, nu este mai presus de legea lui Dumnezeu
26
. mpratul, fiind supus i el
legii lui Dumnezeu, pe de o parte, iar pe de alt parte fiind supus i pcatului cci
este i el om poate comite pcate, pentru a cror iertare i este i lui oferit taina
mrturisirii i pocina. Barometrul sntii spirituale a oricrui om, inclusiv a
mpratului, este preotul. De aceea, mpratul trebuie s accepte tratamentul pe care
preotul, din grija pastoral pentru mntuirea acestuia, i-l administreaz, chiar dac
acest tratament presupune i medicamente amare: mustrare, dojan, oprire de la
comuniune.
Dac n aceste apologii, raportul episcop-mprat este privit din punct de
vedere pastoral, n epistolele sale, Ambrozie definete rolul episcopului de aprtor al
Bisericii ca instituie, i delimiteaz hotarele unei astfel de sarcini. n Epistolele sale,
Ambrozie ntreab: Cine va nega c un caz referitor la credin trebuie s fie audiat n
biseric (i nu n palat)?
27
, sau: Cnd ai auzit, preamilostivule mprat, ca ntr-un caz
referitor la credin laicii s-au aezat la judecat deasupra unui episcop?
28
, i tot el
afirm mpratul este nluntrul Bisericii, dar nu deasupra Bisericii
29
, iar Lucrurile
care sunt ale lui Dumnezeu nu sunt supuse puterii mpratului
30
. Proprietile aflate n
posesia Bisericii pot fi confiscate de mprat, pentru c are dreptul s fac aceasta, ns a
confisca o Biseric nu mai st n puterea mpratului
31
. Cnd Ambrozie a fost presat de
autoritile civile s cedeze basilica Portiana goilor arieni, acetia din urm argumentnd
c mpratul, fcnd aceast solicitare, i exercit drepturile sale legale, de vreme ce
toate lucrurile sunt supuse autoritii lui, Ambrozie i-a replicat c Bisericile, aparinnd
lui Dumnezeu, nu intr sub autoritatea imperial, astfel c mpratul nu poate dispune
n privina acestora. Dac totui ndrznete s fac acest lucru, el, Ambrozie, va opune
rezisten pn la a-i da viaa
32
.
Ioan Gur de Aur, episcopul mazilit de puterea imperial pentru atitudinea sa
intransigent fa de orice nclcare a legii divine, are o concepie foarte asemntoare

25
Cf. J.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, Ambrose and John Chrysostom. Clerics between Desert and Empire,
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2011, p. 80 .u.
26
n contradicie cu Eusebiu de Cezareea, care vorbete despre mprat ca despre nomos empsychos
(lege nsufleit) i solutus legibus (mai presus de legi).
27
Ambrozie, Epistola 75, 15, apud J.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, Ambrose and John Chrysostom, p. 82.
28
29
30
31
32

163
celei a lui Ambrozie, privitoare la raportul dintre autoritatea ecleziastic i puterea
imperial. Referinele sunt foarte numeroase i nu este aici locul pentru o prezentare in
extenso: ne mrginim s oferim, i n acest caz, cteva citate din opera hrisostomic. La
fel ca Ambrozie al Milanului, Ioan se folosete de un exemplum (de data aceasta nu
biblic, ci din istoria destul de recent a Bisericii din Antiohia) pentru a oferi o pild de
comportament n relaia episcop-mprat. n tratatul De Sancto Babyla contra Iulianum
et Gentiles
33
, Ioan afirm c episcopii au att obligaia, ct i autoritatea de a se opune
oricrui om din Imperiu, chiar i mpratului, atunci cnd sunt nclcate legile divine.
Dac o astfel de confruntare nu are ca rezultat ndreptarea celui mustrat, ci dimpotriv,
rzbunarea lui pentru ndrzneala episcopului, acest lucru nu trebuie s-l intimideze pe
episcop. Chiar ameninat cu moartea, episcopul nu trebuie s fac nici un compromis
care ar duce la tirbirea autoritii episcopale i la njosirea Bisericii i a Capului ei, Iisus
Hristos. Respectarea legilor divine este un imperativ pentru toi oamenii, iar nclcarea
lor trebuie semnalat i amendat de episcop ca atare, indiferent ce rang deine
persoana care face acest lucru.
Dou aspecte fundamentale ale gndirii lui Ioan se desprind din acest tratat: cel
privitor la relaia dintre cretinism i Imperiul Roman i cel privitor la datoria unui
episcop cretin. Ioan afirm cu toat convingerea c Biserica cretin nu a avut i nu are
nevoie de sprijinul imperial pentru a crete i a se rspndi n lume; ea poate s ias
biruitoare fr ajutorul puterii lumeti, ba mai mult, chiar i dac aceasta o persecut.
Cu alte cuvinte, destinul Bisericii i cel al Imperiului Roman nu sunt dependente unul de
cellalt; indiferent de soarta celui din urm, mesajul cretin se va rspndi tot mai mult.
Ct privete datoria unui episcop cretin, el trebuie s apere cu orice pre legile
divine i s sancioneze orice nclcare a acestora, indiferent de poziia social a celui
care svrete nelegiuirea. Concepia lui Ioan este aceea c, chiar dac mpratul nu
este dispus s asculte sfatul episcopului, chiar dac se mpotrivete pe fa acestuia
i l pedepsete pentru ndrzneala de a-l fi mustrat, episcopul trebuie s acioneze
ntotdeauna n conformitate cu legea divin, s nu fac nici un compromis de dragul
vreunor bunuri materiale, s pun mai presus de orice respectul pentru legea divin
34
.
Separaia sferelor de activitate a episcopului i a mpratului o gsim clar
expus n Omilia IV la Ozia: Cci att stpnirii lumeti, ct i preoiei le sunt

33
Nu se tie cu exactitate data compunerii acestui tratat. Se tie c la anul 380 s-a nceput n Antiohia
construirea unui nou altar pentru moatele lui Babylas. Faptul c Ioan nu face nici cea mai mic
meniune despre acest lucru constituie un argument destul de solid pentru a stabili data acestui tratat
undeva prin 378-379 (vezi J.L. Stephens, Ecclesiastical and imperial authority in the writings of John
Chrysostom: A reinterpretation of his political philosophy, unpub. PhD diss., University of California Santa
Barbara, 2001, p. 29). Babylas a fost episcop n Antiohia n secolul al III-lea. Pe vremea pstoririi sale,
un mprat al crui nume nu este specificat a ucis copilul unui alt mprat, care i fusese dat drept
garanie pentru un tratat de pace. Mai trziu, cnd mpratul a ncercat s intre n Biseric, a fost oprit
de Babylas, tocmai datorit acestei crime. nfuriat de ndrzneala episcopului, mpratul a pus s fie
arestat i, n cele din urm, executat.
34
Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur, Ad populum Antiochenum homilia 9, 1, PG, 49, 103, spune: Cci eu nu am o alt
via dect voi i grija pentru mntuirea voastr.

164
rnduite anumite hotare Regele ia parte la crmuirea celor pmnteti, dar hotrrile
legiferate de preoi sunt rnduite de sus: Oricte vei lega pe pmnt vor fi legate i n
cer (Matei, 18: 18). Regelui i se ncredineaz lucrurile pmnteti, iar mie, lucrurile
cereti (..). Regelui i se ncredineaz trupurile, iar preotului sufletele. Regele iart
oamenii de datoriile lor bneti, preotul iart pcatele oamenilor. Primul constrnge,
al doilea povuiete. Primul se folosete de arme lumeti, al doilea se folosete de arme
duhovniceti. Primul se lupt cu barbarii, al doilea se lupt cu demonii. Aceasta
[preoia] este o crmuire mai mare i, din aceast pricin, regele este cel care-i
aeaz capul n minile preotului, cci pretutindeni n Vechiul Testament, preotul
ungea fruntea regilor cu untdelemn
35
.
Exist o limit a supunerii fa de autoritatea lumeasc, despre care Ioan
vorbete n Omiliile la Evanghelia dup Matei, i anume aceea cnd stpnitorul
lumesc ar cere supuilor si ceva ce intr n contradicie cu legea divin, cu credina.
Comentnd Matei 22, 21, Ioan tlcuiete ndemnul Mntuitorului astfel: Cnd
auzi pe Hristos spunnd: Restituii, deci, Cezarului, cele ce sunt ale Cezarului, afl c i
spune s dai Cezarului numai acelea care nu vatm cu nimic credina; altfel, n-ar mai
fi o dajdie i o vam dat Cezarului, ci diavolului
36
. Exemplul cel mai la ndemn
este pretenia mpratului de a i se aduce un cult, pretenie care nu a fost satisfcut
de cretinii primelor secole i care a dus la persecutarea acestora; n acest caz,
cretinii nu trebuie s se supun. Totui, aceast nesupunere nu trebuie s mbrace
forma unei revolte, ci doar pe aceea a refuzului de a ndeplini, chiar cu preul vieii,
ceea ce cere mpratul i care vine n contradicie cu credina i morala cretin.
ntorcndu-ne acum la cea de-a doua primejdie pe care am menionat-o la
nceput, i anume la lejeritatea moral a membrilor tot mai numeroi ai Bisericii
cretine, combinat cu o competiie tot mai acerb pentru ocuparea posturilor
ecleziastice, posturi care reprezentau acum o tentaie tot mai mare datorit
beneficiilor i serviciilor pe care le ofereau acestea, primul printe care ne vine n
minte este tot Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur. Din punctul de vedere al calitii morale a
cretinilor, Ioan deplnge perioada persecuiilor, cnd cretinii, trind permanent
sub iminena morii, nu puteau fi suspectai de o trire neautentic a mesajului
cretin
37
. Motenind viziunea sa despre Biseric de la naintaii si ilutri (Iustin,

35
Ioan Gur de Aur, In illud: Vidi Dominum homilia 4, PG, 56, 126.
36
Ioan Gur de Aur, In Mattheum homilia 70, 2, PG, 58, 656.
37
O imagine a stilului de via cretin din timpul persecuiilor putem gsi la Sf. Iustin Martirul i Filosoful
care, n Apologia 1, 14, (n Apologei de limb greac, colecia Prini i scriitori bisericeti, nr. 2, traducere,
introducere, note i indice de Pr. Prof. Teodor Bodogae, Pr. Prof. Olimp Cciul, Pr. Prof. Dumitru Fecioru,
EIBMBOR, Bucureti, 1980, pp. 33-34), spune: Noi, care odinioar gseam plcere n desfru, mbrim
acum numai castitatea. Noi, care ne foloseam de meteugurile magiei, ne-am consacrat acum lui Dumnezeu
celui bun i nenscut. Noi, care iubeam mai mult dect orice veniturile de pe urma banilor i a moiilor,
acum i cele ce avem le aducem laolalt i mprtim din ele pe tot cel ce are nevoie. Noi, care ne uram i
ne ucideam unii pe alii i care, n ceea ce privete pe cei de alt neam, din cauza obiceiurilor, nu njghebam
nici mcar cmine comune, acum, dup artarea n lume a lui Hristos, ducem acelai fel de via, ne rugm
pentru vrmai, ncercnd s convingem, pe cei ce ne ursc pe nedrept, c cei ce triesc potrivit cu bunele
precepte ale lui Hristos pot ndjdui de la Dumnezeu, Stpnul tuturor, aceleai recompense ca i noi.

165
Athenagora, Clement, Origen)
38
, Hrisostom, comparnd biserica din timpul su cu
cea a acelora, n mod alternativ deplnge i are accese de furie: Plgi, miunnd
mpreun cu belele de nespus, au venit asupra bisericilor. Posturile cheie au devenit
vandabile, de aceea apar nenumrate rele, i nu exist nimeni care s redreseze
sau care s le nlture pe acestea. ntr-adevr, dezordinea i-a asumat un fel de
metod i consisten proprii
39
. Bogia excesiv, enorma putere, luxul, acestea
distrug integritatea Bisericii. Clericii, infestai cu boala dorinei de stpnire, se lupt
pentru candidai pe baza preeminenei familiei, a bogiilor sau a partizanatului.
Alii susin candidatura prietenilor, a rudelor, a linguitorilor, ns nimeni nu se
uit la cel care este ntr-adevr calificat. Ei ignor, lucru de care Hrisostom se
plnge, singura calificare valabil: un caracter excelent
40
. Pe bun dreptate, pgnii
ridiculizeaz ntreaga afacere: Vezi, spun ei, cum toate afacerile ntre cretini sunt
pline de slav deart? Exist la ei ambiie i ipocrizie. Despoaie-i de numrul lor, i
nu sunt nimic
41
. Aceeai atitudine plin de suferin pentru soarta Bisericii i, n
acelai timp, de indignare la adresa clericilor nevrednici, poate fi observat i la Sf.
Grigorie de Nazianz. n Cuvnt de aprare pentru fuga n Pont, n care acesta expune
motivele fugii sale de preoie, citim i urmtoarea justificare: Mi-a fost ruine s
fiu alturi de ceilali preoi care, cu nimic mai buni dect gloata mare lucru dac
nu chiar cu mult mai ri intr n locurile cele preasfinte cu mini nesplate, cum
se spune, i cu suflete necurate; care, nainte de a fi vrednici, se apropie de cele sfinte,
se apuc de altar, se nghesuie i se mping n jurul Sfintei Mese, ca i cum ar socoti
c preoia nu-i chip de virtute, ci mijloc de trai, nu-i slujire plin de rspundere, ci
domnie fr ndatoriri. i acetia sunt la numr aproape mai muli dect cei pe
care-i pstoresc. Slabi n credin, ticloi, cu toat strlucirea lor! nct, dup prerea
mea, cu trecerea timpului i cu creterea rului, n-au s mai aib pe cine pstori, cci
toi vor fi nvtori n loc de ucenici ai lui Dumnezeu, dup cum spune profeia (Is
54, 13; In 6, 45) i toi vor fi prooroci, precum spune proverbul i istoria cea veche
(1 Rg 10, 11)
42
.

Concluzii
Analiznd cu atenie cele cteva reacii sau reflecii patristice pe care le-
am citat n acest referat, nu putem s nu observm c nici una dintre acestea nu
manifest o atitudine negativ fa de libertatea religioas n sine pe care mpratul

38
Cf. Elaine Pagels, The Politics of Paradise: Augustines Exegesis of Genesis 1-3 versus that of
John Chrysostom, n The Harvard Theological Review, 78 (1985), 1-2, p. 74.
39
Ioan Gur de Aur, Omilia VI la Efeseni, PG, 62, 48.
40
Ioan Gur de Aur, Despre preoie, 3, 15, PG, 48, 652.
41
Ioan Gur de Aur, Omilia XI la Efeseni, PG, 62, 86.
42
Sfntul Grigorie de Nazianz, Cuvnt de aprare pentru fuga n Pont dup ce a fost hirotonit i
pentru ntoarcerea lui de acolo, n Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur, Sfntul Grigorie din Nazianz, Sfntul
Efrem Sirul, Despre Preoie, EIBMBOR, Bucureti, 2007, pp. 216-217.

166
Constantin cel Mare a acordat-o cretinilor prin aa-numitul Edict de la Milan din
anul 313. Credem, dimpotriv, c nici un Printe nu a perceput, n sine, aceast
libertate religioas, ca pe o defavoare fcut Bisericii cretine. De aceea i titlul
nostru folosete ghilimelele de rigoare. Cele dou primejdii pe care libertatea
religioas le-a implicat lejeritatea moral i ingerina mpratului in mai
degrab de sfera voinei celor implicai, de aceea i reaciile prinilor Bisericii
sunt reacii pastorale: n calitatea lor de pstori ai comunitilor cretine, ei
reacioneaz la abaterile de la legea divin sau la asumarea unor sarcini improprii
pentru ca, n noua ordine social creat, n care cretinii sunt acceptai i n care
mpratul nsui devine cretin, Biserica s-i pstreze pe mai departe puritatea
care a caracterizat-o n perioada persecuiilor, pe de o parte, iar pe de alt parte,
autoritatea politic s-i neleag rostul i s-i accepte locul ntr-o societate n
care elementul cretin ncepe s joace un rol predominant.
Pentru a ncheia ntr-o not optimist, vom cita cuvintele triumfale dup
prerea noastr, pe deplin justificate ale teologului Christos Yannaras, rostite n
aprarea sfineniei mpratului Constantin cel Mare: Biserica n-a recunoscut
sfinenia sa (a lui Constantin n.n.) n funcie de un etalon al perfeciunii morale
individuale Doar relaia sfineniei cu adevrul Bisericii, ca nceput al mpriei
lui Dumnezeu, i nu cu virtuile individuale, ne poate conduce la a aprecia corect
canonizarea lui Constantin cel Mare. La fel cum Biserica a vzut n persoana
Apostolilor temelia ei, piatra din capul unghiului fiind Hristos, n persoana lui
Constantin a vzut pe cel egal cu Apostolii, cel care a pus bazele universalitii
vizibile a Bisericii n persoana lui Constantin cel Mare, Biserica recunoate
faptul c adevrul naturii ei universale acela de a asuma lumea ntreag i a o
transfigura n mpria lui Dumnezeu capt dimensiuni istorice concrete
43
.

43
Ch. Yannaras, Vrit et unit de lglise, d. Axios, 1990, pp. 71-72, apud Constantinos G. Pitsakis,
Lideologie imperiale et le culte de Saint Constantin dans lglise dOrient, n F. Sini et P. P. Onida (eds),
Poteri religiosi e institutioni: il culto di san Constantino imperatore tra Oriente e Occidente , Estratto, Torino,
2003, pp. 257-258.


THE DISADVANTAGES OF THE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
GRANTED BY CONSTANTINE THE GREAT TO THE CHRISTIANS.
SOME PATRISTIC REFERENCES

NELU ALEXANDRU HALES
*
, ADRIAN PODARU
**

ABSTRACT. In the present paper, the authors try to point out the so-called
disadvantages brought about by the Edict of Milan. The authors do not assert that
this Edict was a bad thing for Christians; on the contrary, it was through the
providence of God that the Christians enjoyed, at the beginning of the fourth
century, religious freedom. What the authors try to prove is the fact that religious
freedom was a turning point in the history of the Christian Church which brought
with it not only advantages, but also inherent disadvantages that were not possible
in the periods of persecution.

Keywords: emperor, bishops, morals, doctrine of the Church, imperial interference.

In his work, Ecclesiastical history, Socrates Scholasticus tells us about a
meeting at the Synod of Nicaea, between Constantine and the schismatic bishop
Acesius (bishop of the sect of Novatians). Hearing that Acesius had nothing against
the creed or the day on which Easter should be observed the two major issues
discussed at this Synod the emperor asked him: For what reason then do you
separate yourself from communion with the rest of the Church? Acesius answered
that his sect was in fact opposing to a too great leniency shown by other Christians
to those who betrayed Christ in time of persecution and, as a consequence, he
could not enter in communion with the representatives of this too lenient Christian
Church. It seems that Constantine would have answered: Place a ladder, Acesius,
and climb alone into heaven.
1

*
Dr., Iustinian Patriarhul Faculty of Orthodox Theology, University of Bucharest, Romania,
holem2000@yahoo.com
**
Asist. Univ. Dr., Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
apodaru2000@yahoo.com
1
Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica I, 10, PG 67, 100-101.

168
Professor Harold A. Drake
2
thinks that what really matters in this episode
is Constantines behaviour. His trenchant reply shows a confident leader, having a
clear idea about the sort of Christians his political-religious programme aimed at.
Acesius and those like Acesisus didnt fit in with his expectations. Constantine
didnt want a Christian Church composed only of a limited number of the chosen
and pure ones. The type of Christianity Constantine was promoting was that of an
umbrella organization, capable of holding together different branches and
factions, which could differentiate themselves regarding theological subtleties,
but which needed to stay united in what concerned the general purpose. Prof. Drake
thinks that this conclusion can be drawn also from the first reaction Constantine
had to the Arian heresy, a reaction notorious for his indifference to very important
doctrinal problems. Addressing to those two protagonists, the priest Arius and
the bishop Alexander of Alexandria, Constantine considers their dispute on the
relation between the Father and the Son as being of small importance and even
unwelcomed, because it brings about separations between the people.
3

2
Harold A. Drake, Constantine and Consensus, Church History, 64, 1 (1995): 1. H. A. Drake is professor
of history at the University of Wisconsin. He studied for a long time the period of Constantine and that
of the whole fourth century, and the literature he wrote on the Church-State relation in this period is
of great importance. Among his works, we mention: Constantine and the Bishops:The Politics of
Intolerance, (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2000) and The Impact of Constantine on
Christianity, in The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ed. Noel Lenski (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press,
2
2005).
3
Eusebius of Caesarea, Viaa lui Constantin cel mare 2, 69 (in Eusebiu de Cezareea, Scrieri, Partea a II-a,
colecia Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti, 14, Bucureti: EIBMBOR, 1991, 118-119) is the one who
mentions this letter. Here is a fragment of it: It was wrong in the first instance to propose such
questions as these, or to reply to them when propounded. For those points of discussion which are
enjoined by the authority of no law, but rather suggested by the contentious spirit which is fostered by
misused leisure, even though they may be intended merely as an intellectual exercise, ought certainly
to be confined to the region of our own thoughts, and not hastily produced in the popular assemblies,
nor unadvisedly entrusted to the general ear It is incumbent therefore on us in these cases to be
sparing of our words, lest, in case we ourselves are unable, through the feebleness of our natural
faculties, to give a clear explanation of the subject before us, or, on the other hand, in case the slowness
of our hearers' understandings disables them from arriving at an accurate apprehension of what we
say, from one or other of these causes the people be reduced to the alternative either of blasphemy or
schism. Let therefore both the unguarded question and the inconsiderate answer receive your mutual
forgiveness. For the cause of your difference has not been any of the leading doctrines or precepts of
the Divine law What is interesting is the fact that in his study Emperors, Popes and General
Councils (Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VI (1951): 3-23), Francis Dvornik uses the same letter for pointing
out the sincerity of Constantines conversion and the fact that he assumed his mission of supporting
Christianity and of unifying the different factions already occurred. But the conclusion drawn by
Dvornik few lines further shows, nevertheless, that the emperor considered himself entitled to
interfere in the Churchs affairs: It is thus clear from these quotations that Constantine, in the spirit of
the definition of Hellenistic royal competence, regarded himself as legally entitled to interfere in
religious affairs. He represented the Divinity on earth and was given by God supreme power in things
material and spiritual. He thought that it was his foremost duty to lead men to God. Francis Dvornik,
Emperors, Popes and General Coucils, 7.
THE DISADVANTAGES OF THE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM GRANTED BY CONSTANTINE THE GREAT

169
Even if the theses of Prof. Drake may be questioned from many standpoints,
what interests us here is the fact that these two episodes mentioned above suggest
the two dangers involved in the religious freedom granted by Constantine the
Great to Christians:
a) a moral laxity of the more and more numerous members of the Christian
Church, combined with a competition for acquiring ecclesiastical positions;
b) an interference of the emperor in the dogmatic issues of the Christian
teaching not in their drawing up, but in his adhesion to a certain doctrine and in
its imposing, normally through coercion, in the whole Empire in an attempt to
secure a unitary Christian body, a fact that will bring about the vehement reaction
of the Church fathers, when the emperor was not supporting the Orthodox faith.
Let us analyze them in a reverse order.
In the ancient world, religion was not a question of individual choice as it
was a social reality created by traditional institutions and life models, with their
social, moral and cultural values. These values were not secular values in the modern
sense of the word. They were intimately blended with the religious traditions. Religion
founded and legitimated the institutions, determined the patterns of behaviour and
sanctioned the individual habits. The customs, the roles and the institutions were
not perceived as religious in the way that they implied a conscious decision. It was
simply the way in which things were done and have been done from immemorial
times. Religion was the link between the past and the present, between law and the
morals, education and politics, family and society, architecture and mythology,
between the calendar and the religious ritual. The famous rhetor, Libanius, said:
These two, the holy ones and the study of letters, are similar and related.
4

In his classical study about religion in the ancient city, Fustel de Coulanges
argued that the modern distinction between religious and secular simply didnt exist
in the ancient Greece or ancient Rome. In the ancient cities, religion regulated all the
acts of man, disposed of every instant of his life, fixed all his habits. It governed a human
being with an authority so absolute that there was nothing beyond its control. The
state and religion were so completely confounded, that it was impossible even to
distinguish the one from the other, to say nothing of forming an idea of a conflict
between the two.
5
Religion united citys institutions, and its greatest symbolic
expression took place in the public area. There could be no city, no society and no
state without religion.
From the moment that Christianity became a lawful religion, than favoured
and, towards the end of the fourth century, enforced as the sole official religion of the
Empire, during the reign of Theodosius the Great, the pagan and Christian conceptions

4
Libanius, Oratio 62, 8, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 62.8.8-9: oi)kei=a ga/r, oi=mai, kai\ suggenh= tau=ta
a)mfo/tera, i(era\ kai\ lo/goi.
5
Fustel de Coulanges, The ancient city: A Study on the religion, laws and institutions of Greece and
Rome, (Boston: Lee and Shepard. New York: Charles T. Dillingham, 1877), 221.

170
about the relationship between the political power and the ecclesiastical authority
was to become one of bitter conflict. If for a pagan the distinction between religion
and politics had no meaning,
6
for Christians, who founded their teaching on scriptural
texts,
7
the Church and the State were two different spheres, with their own tasks
and responsibilities, yet called to cooperate, each of them using proper means and
pursuing the goals they were created for.
The emperor Constantine the Great, allowing and even favouring Christianity,
but never changing his mentality and not giving up the ancient civic and religious
heritage a fact rather impossible, in our opinion, over night understands that,
in this new situation, he remains Pontifex Maximus further on, called to be the
political instrument of God for the spread of Christianity.
8
To this conviction he
was drawn also by Eusebius of Caesarea, the court theologian who, relying on the
Holy Scripture and the Christian tradition, on one side, and the conception of
royalty, elaborated by the political philosophers of the Hellenistic world, on the
other, adapts an already existent theory to the exigencies of the new religion. If for
a Greek from the Hellenistic period, the emperor was a god among people, now,
according to the political theory of Eusebius, he is the Vicar of God on earth. If,
according to the Hellenistic political philosophy, the state was, in its order and
harmony, a copy of the divine creation, now, in the new created situation, the state
becomes a copy of the Kingdom of God on earth. As Vicar of God, the emperor is
called to protect and to spread the Christian teaching, as well as to secure its unity
of faith, being convinced that the political unity itself of the Empire depends on
this unity of faith. On the other side, the emperor is didaskalos, knowing the divine
and the human affairs, and he can decide even in the doctrinal issues of the
Church. In his work, Vita Constantini, Eusebius speaks about Constantine as about
a koino\j e)pi/skopoj e)k qeou= kaqestame/noj (an ordinary bishop, ordained by
God)
9
, and in his famous answer addressed to some bishops, Constantine declares:
u(mei=j me\n tw=n ei)/sw th=j e)kklhsi/aj, e)gw\ de\ tw=n e)kto\j u(po\ qeou= kaqestame/noj
e)pi/skopoj a)\n ei)/hn (you, on one side, [are bishops] for those within the Church, I,
on the other side, bishop for those outside the Church)
10
. What we observe is the
fact that Constantine proclaims himself bishop with an authority at least equal to
that of the bishops within the Church, whom he feels free to summon when he

6
S.R.F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1984), 15-19, apud Glen Warren Bowersock, From Emperor to Bishop: The Self-Conscious
Transformation of Political Power in the Fourth Century A. D., Classical Philology 81, 4 (1986), 298.
7
See, for example, Mt. 22, 21 and Rom. 13.
8
It is very possible that he takes this task very seriously and his conversion is, indeed, a sincere one, but we
do not think that, in such a short time, it is possible to throw away an heritage of centuries. Constantine
does his best in a pagan climate; the great historical changes do not take place in an instant.
9
Eusebius of Caesarea, Vita Constantini, 1, 44. 2, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 020.1.44.2.1.
10
Eusebius of Caesarea, Vita Constantini, 4, 24, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 020.4.24.1.3.

171
wants to. In other words, the emperor is still the supreme ruler and exercises his
power both among the authorities of the Church and in the whole Empire.
11

From an imperial discourse which Eusebius found in the archives of the
palace in Constantinople and which seems to have been uttered by the emperor
after the defeat of Licinius, in an Eastern town and on the Good Friday (this
discourse is entitled Oratio ad Coetum Sanctorum A Speech to the assembly of the
saints) it follows the conviction of Constantine that he has been chosen by God for
a mission of spreading Christianity, a mission similar to that of the Apostles.
12
The
supreme expression of this self appreciation was the erection, in Constantinople, of
a Church in honour of the Apostles, in which the emperor was to be buried and his
coffin intended to be surrounded by twelve cenotaphs representing the twelve
apostles, because he considered himself as being the thirteenth apostle, worthy of
the same cult as the other twelve.
13
Constantines son, however, Constantius II,
cautiously changed the initial project and ordered the erection of a mausoleum
attached to the Church of the Holy Apostles, where the body of the emperor was
moved. Thus, the position of the emperor in comparison with that of the apostles is
much diminished; the emperor rests at the door of the apostles, not together with
them. This is what St. John Chrysostom observes, after more than half of a century
after the death of Constantine. In the Homily 26 to the second epistle to the
Corinthians, speaking about the contrast between the glorious posthumous state of
the twelve apostles, on one side, and the humble state of the emperors who, during
their lifetime, were surrounded by worldly fame, Chrysostom says: For there also
Constantine the Great, his son considered he should be honoring with great honour,
if he buried him in the porch of the fisherman; and what porters are to kings in
their places, that kings are at the tomb to fisherman.
14
From John Chrysostom
point of view, Constantines status is not equal to that of the apostles.
The same conclusion can be indirectly drawn from another Chrysostomic
passage. In Letter 10 to Olympias (9. c-d), John Chrysostom says to her: In order to
find from another part how noble the action accompanied by suffering is and that the
same action, without being accompanied by suffering, is inferior, Nebuchadnezzar,
that famous Babylonian king, living among sceptres and diadems, promulgated once

11
Cf. Bowersock, 302.
12
See Charles Martin ODahl, Constantine and the Christian Empire, (London and New York: Routledge,
2004) 239.
13
See in this way Cyril Mango, Constantine's Mausoleum and the Translation of Relics, Byzantinische
Zeitschrift 83, 1 (1990): 51-61 and Cyril Mango, Constantine's Mausoleum: Addendum, Byzantinische
Zeitschrift 83, 2 (1990): 434. In Vita Constantini, 4. 60 (Eusebiu de Cezareea, Scrieri, 182), Eusebius
mentions this purpose of the emperor: He had, however, another object in erecting this building: an
object at first unknown, but which afterwards became evident to all. He had in fact made choice of this
spot in the prospect of his own death, anticipating with extraordinary fervor of faith that his body
would share their title with the apostles themselves, and that he should thus even after death become
the subject, with them, of the devotions which should be performed to their honour in this place.
14
St. John Chrysostom, In Epist. II ad Corinthios hom. 26, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 157.61.582.20.

172
a law bearing good news (it is about the order addressed to all his subjects, to
worship the God of those three young people). Tell me, then, will he receive the same
reward as the Apostles? Of course not, but an infinitely smaller one. And yet, he made
the same work as them. But because his work was not accompanied either by effort
or suffering, therefore the reward is smaller. The king has done this from his position
of authority and having no fear; the apostles, on the contrary, have done so being in
chains, being persecuted, beaten. It is not the same thing to preach, to propose or to
enforce a teaching from a position of authority which does not imply any risk or
danger, or to do the same thing knowing that your own life is threatened. If we
replace Nebuchadnezzar with Constantine the Great, we may conclude, even if indirectly,
that Constantine would have been considered by John Chrysostom as inferior in
worth to the Apostles.
We have made this digression through the Chrysostomic works in order to
show that the Fathers of the Church were not ready to accept in corpore the political
theory elaborated by Eusebius; on the contrary, as we will see in the examples
below, they fought against the imperial claims of imposing the teaching which
was considered by the emperor to be Orthodox, even if, in reality, it was not.
During the reign of the emperor Constantius II (337-361), the son and the
successor of Constantine the Great, we have some of the most vehement reactions
against the imperial authority. Being a supporter of the Arian heresy and trying to
enforce it as an Orthodox form of Christianity, Constantius II is faced with a firm
reaction from the part of the Nicene Orthodox, who make resistance to the
interference of the politic in the internal affairs of the Church, affairs which, from
their point of view, are exclusively reserved to the sacerdotal class. St. Athanasius
the Great was very intransigent in this regard. In his work, History of the Arians, he
compares Constantine with Ahab, with Belshatzar, with Pharaoh. The emperor is
called parricide, worse than Pilate, a forerunner of Antichrist.
15
The language used
by St. Athanasius shows that he is not ready to accept a Vicar of God who didnt
share his views.
The old bishop Hosius of Cordoba, a confessor of the faith during the
persecution of Maximian (303-305) his confession was nearly to cost his life
being a bulwark of the Nicene Creed, was attacked and threatened by the imperial
authority, at the instigation of the Arians,
16
in order to subscribe to the heretical
doctrine and to the condemnation of Athanasius. His answer, addressed to the
emperor, shows at the same time the bishops courage faced with an imminent
persecution an attitude which reminds of the martyrs attitude and his conception
about the separation of those two powers, the imperial and the ecclesiastical one, in
the new order installed by Constantine. I have confessed the faith before, when

15
Athanasius of Alexandria, Historia Arianorum, PG, 25, Coll. 728, 733, 749, 773, 776, apud Steven
Runciman, The byzantine Theocracy, ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 27.
16
The whole story is to be found in Athanasius of Alexandria, Historia Romanorum, 42-45, PG 25,
741-749.

173
Maximian started a persecution against Christians; if you want me persecuted, I am
ready now to endure anything rather than to betray the truth Do not interfere in the
ecclesiastical affairs, or give us commands in this regard, but rather you learn them
from us. God gave you royalty, and entrusted us with the affairs of the Church. And as
the one who takes away royalty from you is opposing the decision of God, so be afraid
not to become liable to a serious charge, if you take upon yourself the affairs of the
Church. It is written: Give back to Caesar what is Caesars and to God what is Gods.
So, we are not allowed to govern on earth, and you are not allowed to incense. I write
to you these things, because I am concerned with your salvation.
17

Another fervent defender of the Nicene doctrine and of Athanasius, at the
same time an ardent opponent of the Arians, was the bishop Lucifer of Cagliari
( 370) who, after being exiled together with other Orthodox bishops, wrote from
exile acid pamphlets against the emperor and confessed his willingness to suffer
martyrdom for his faith. He calls Constantius II a precursor of Antichrist,
18
and the
same designation is used by Hilary of Pictavium, who calls Constantius II a wolf
dressed as a sheep, greedy, an Antichrist,
19
a dog that returns to its vomiting.
20

The emperor Valens (364-378) tried also to carry out his task of promoting
and protecting the official Church of the State, that is, the Arian Church. As a
consequence, he had to face the reactions of those who defended the Nicene
Orthodoxy. It is well-known the attitudes of St. Basil the Great and of the bishop
Bretanion of Tomis towards the imperial authority. The great Basil didnt hesitate,
with all the threats of the emperor (the confiscation of the property, banishment,
torture and even death),
21
to stay firm against the imperial power; as for
Bretanion, he struggled against the perverting of the teachings and the crimes of
Valens against the saints, crying out as David, the prophet: I was speaking about
your statutes before kings and I was not ashamed (Ps. 118, 46).
22

17
Athanasius of Alexandria, Historia Romanorum, 44, PG 25, 744-745.
18
Lucifer of Cagliari, Pro Sancto Athanasio ad Constantium Imperatorem liber primus, PL 13, 895:
Cum te urgeremus nos legati beatae Ecclesiae, sectam damnandam Arii, et illam dixisti magis esse
catholicam; praenuntiavimus te antichristi fuisse praecursorem.
19
Hilaire de Poitiers, Contre Constance, introduction, texte, traduction, notes et index par Andr
Rocher, Sources Chrtiennes, 334, 46, apud Adrian Gabor, Biseric i Stat n timpul lui Teodosie cel
Mare, (Bucureti: Editura Bizantin, 2003), 57.
20
Hilaire de Poitiers, Contre Constance, 1, 10-11; 25, apud A. Gabor, 57.
21
Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 43, 49; PG 36, 560: Then, a man who has nothing is beyond the reach
of confiscation; unless you demand my tattered rags and the few books, which are my only
possessions. Banishment is impossible for me, who am confined by no limit of place counting it all
Gods, whose guest and dependent I am. As for tortures, what hold can they have upon one whose
body has ceased to be? Unless you mean the first stroke Death is my benefactor, for it will send
me the sooner to God, for Whom I live and exist and have all but died and to Whom I have long
been hastening.
22
Theodoret of Cyrus, Istoria bisericeasc, IV, 35 apud Fontes Historiae Daco-Romanae, eds.
Haralambie Mihescu et alii, II, (Bucureti: Editura Academiei R.S.R., 1970), 235.

174
Ambrose of Milan
23
and John Chrysostom are two of the Fathers from the
fourth century who elaborate an imperial contra-theology
24
, according to which the
relation between imperial power and ecclesiastical authority is one of subordination
of the first to the second one, from a more pastoral point of view. Ambrose
explains his conception about the relationship between priest and emperor in his
Apologies for David (De apologia prophetae David). He comments upon the biblical
passage from the Old Testament in which Nathan, the prophet, admonishes the
king David for sending Uriah in the first battle line, hoping he will die and her wife
will become, thus, his. The bishop of Milan uses this biblical story in the same way
Romans used the renowned exempla
25
: by this biblical episode, he illustrates an
exemplary behaviour. But since the scriptural text is inspired by God, it has more
authority than a traditional exemplum: it points out a religious truth, namely that no
ruler, even an emperor, is above the law of God.
26
Being subject to the law of God
as well, on one side, and being prone to sin, on the other side for he is
human, too the emperor may commit sins, which may be forgiven through
confession and repentance. The barometer of mans spiritual health, including
the health of the emperor, is the priest. This is the reason why the emperor must
accept the treatment administered to him by the priest, out of pastoral concern,
even if it implies bitter medicines: reproof, reproach, interdiction to communion.
If in these apologies, the relation between the bishop and the emperor is
considered from a pastoral point of view, in his epistles, on the contrary, Ambrose
defines the role of the bishop as a defender of the Church as institution, and settles the
boundaries of such a task. In his Epistles, Ambrose is asking: Who would deny that a
case concerned with the faith must be heard in the Church (and not in the palace)
27
,
or: When have you heard, o, merciful emperor, that in a case concerning faith the lay
people have judged over a bishop?
28
It is Ambrose who says also: The emperor is
inside the Church, not above the Church
29
, and again: The things that belong to God
are not subjected to the emperors power.
30
The estates which are in the possession
of the Church can be confiscated by the emperor, because he has the right to do so,
but to confiscate a church is no longer in the emperors power.
31
When Ambrose

23
A detailed presentation of the attitude of St. Ambrose towards the imperial authority see to
Ioan Vasile Leb, Biseric i stat la Sfntul Ambrozie cel Mare (339-397), in Ioan V. Leb, Teologie i
istorie. Studii de patristic i istorie bisericeasc, (Cluj-Napoca: Editura Arhidiecezan, 1999), 26-64.
24
This expression belongs to Adrian Gabor, 58.
25
Cf. J.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, Ambrose and John Chrysostom. Clerics between Desert and Empire,
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 80.
26
In contradiction to Eusebius of Caesarea, who speaks about the emperor as being nomos
empsychos (a living law) and solutus legibus (above the laws).
27
Ambrose, Epistle 75, 15, apud Liebeschuetz, 82.
28
29
30
31


175
was pressed by the imperial authorities to hand over the basilica Portiana to the
Arian Goths, saying that by doing this, the emperor exerts his legal rights, since all
things are subject to his authority, Ambrose replied that the Churches, since they
belong to God, are not subject to the imperial authority, so the emperor can have
no control over them. If he dares to do this thing, Ambrose will oppose him even if
it will cost his life.
32

John Chrysostom, the bishop exiled by the imperial power for his intransigent
attitude towards any violation of the divine law, has a similar conception to
that of Ambrose, in what concerns the relation between the ecclesiastical authority
and the imperial power. The references are very numerous and our purpose here is
not a in extenso presentation: we just offer a few quotations from the Chrysostomic
work. As Ambrose of Milan, John Chrysostom is using an exemplum (this time not a
biblical one, but one from the recent history of the Church in Antioch) in order to
offer a model of a bishops behaviour in his relation to an emperor. In the treatise
De Sancto Babyla contra Iulianum et Gentiles,
33
John says that bishops have both the
obligation and the authority to resist any man, even the emperor, when the divine
laws are violated. If such a confrontation does not lead to the correction of the
reproved, but to the punishment of the bishop for his boldness, this thing must not
intimidate the bishop. Even when threatened with death, the bishop must not
accept any compromise which would prejudice the bishops authority and would
abase the Church and its head, Jesus Christ. The observance of the divine laws is an
imperative for all men, and their violation must be amended by the bishop, no
matter the position of the person who violates it.
There are two fundamental aspects of Johns view in this treatise: the one
concerning the relation between Christianity and the Roman Empire and the one
concerning the duty of a Christian emperor. John asserts that the Christian Church did
not and does not need the imperial support in order to grow and spread in the world;
the Church will be victorious without the help of secular power, and even when the
secular power persecutes it. In other words, the destiny of the Church and that of the
Roman Empire are independent of one another; no matter the destiny of the latter,
the Christian empire will spread more and more.

32
33
The date when this treatise was written is not known with certainty. We do know that around
380 started in Antioch the building of a new shrine for the relics of Babylas. The fact that John
doesnt mention this at all is a strong enough evidence for establishing the date somewhere
around 378-379 (see J.L. Stephens, Ecclesiastical and imperial authority in the writings of
John Chrysostom: A reinterpretation of his political philosophy, (unpub. PhD diss., University
of California Santa Barbara, 2001), 29). Babylas was bishop in Antioch in the third century.
During his office, an emperor whose name is not specified killed the son of another emperor,
who has been given to him as a warrant for a peace treaty. Later on, when the emperor tried
to enter the Church, he was forbidden to do so by Babylas, because of this very crime. Furious
of the bishops boldness, the emperor ordered to be arrested and finally he was killed.


176
In what concerns the duty of a Christian bishop, he must defend at any
costs the divine laws and amend any violation of them, no matter the social position
of the one who violates them. The conviction of John is that, even when the emperor
is not listening to the bishops advice, even if he is resisting to the bishop and
punishes him for his boldness, the bishop must always act according to the divine
law, must not compromise himself for the sake of material goods or earthly
positions, must always give priority to the divine law.
34

The separation of bishops and emperors activity spheres is clearly
expressed in the fourth Homily of Hozias: There are some boundaries proper to
the worldly power and some proper to priesthood The king is concerned with
the earthly things, but the decisions taken by the priests are confirmed from above:
Whatever you bind on earth will be bound in heaven (Mt. 18, 18). The king is
entrusted with the earthly things, I am entrusted to the heavenly ones () The
king is entrusted with the bodies, the priest with the souls. The king forgive
money debts, the priest forgive the sins of men. The former constrains, the latter
advices. The former uses worldly weapons, the latter spiritual ones. The first
fights against barbarians, the second fights against demons. This [priesthood] is a
greater rule and, for this reason, the king is the one who bends his head in the
hands of the priest, for in the Old Testament it was the priest the one who anointed
with oil the forehead of the kings.
35

There is a limit of the submission to the worldly authority, and John speaks
about it in the Homilies to the Gospel of Matthew: nobody must obey when the
emperor asks for something that contradicts the divine law, the faith. Commenting
the verse from Mt. 22, 21, John says: When you hear Christ saying: Give back to
Caesar what is Caesars and to God what is Gods, find out that he says to you to give
back those things that do not damage faith; otherwise, it will be no longer a tribute to
Caesar, but to the devil.
36
The most common example is the emperors claim to
pay him a cult, a claim that has been overlooked by the Christians of the first
centuries and lead to their persecution. In this case, Christians must not obey this
claim. Nevertheless, the insubordination must not be in the form of a revolt, but
only in the form of refusing to fulfill, even threatened by death, what the emperor
demands, because it contradicts the Christian faith and morals.
Back to the second danger mentioned at the beginning of this article (a moral
laxity of the more and more numerous members of the Christian Church, combined
with a competition for acquiring ecclesiastical positions, which represented now a
growing temptation, due to the privileges they offered), the first Father of the Church
we appeal to is St. John Chrysostom again. From the standpoint of the moral quality of
the Christians, John regrets the period of persecutions, when the Christians, living
under the permanent threat of death, could not be suspected of living unworthily the

34
St. John Chrysostom, Ad populum Antiochenum homilia 9, 1; PG, 49, 103, says: For I have no
other life but you and the care for your salvation.
35
St. John Chrysostom: In illud: Vidi Dominum homilia 4; PG, 56, 126.
36
St. John Chrysostom, In Mattheum homilia 70, 2; PG, 58, 656.

177
Christian message.
37
Inheriting his vision about the Church from his illustrious
predecessors (Justin, Athenagoras, Clement, Origen),
38
Chrysosom, when comparing
the Church from his time with the Church from the time of his predecessors, has regrets
and furious outbursts: Plagues, teeming with untold mischiefs, have come upon the
churches. The primary offices have become marketable. Hence innumerable evils are
arising, and there is no one to redress, no one to reprove them. Indeed, the disorder has
taken on a kind of method and consistency of its own.
39
What destroys the integrity
of the Church is the excessive health, the enormous power, the luxury. Clerics, because
they are infected by the lust of authority, are fighting to promote candidates on
the basis of family prominence, wealth or partisanship. Others support the candidacy
of their friends, relatives of flatterers, while ignoring the sole valid qualification: an
excellent character.
40
It is right, then, for the pagans to ridicule the whole thing: Do
you see how all matters among the Christians are full of vainglory? There is ambition
among them, and hypocrisy. Strip them of their numbers and they are nothing.
41

The same attitude full of suffering for the fate of the Church and, at the same
time, full of indignation towards the unworthy clerics, may be observed to St. Gregory
of Nazianzus. In his work, De fuga, in which he expounds his reasons for his flight of
priesthood, we read as follows: I was ashamed of all those others, who, without
being better than ordinary people, nay, it is a great thing if they be not worse, with
unwashen hands, as the saying runs, and uninitiated souls, intrude into the most
sacred offices; and, before becoming worthy to approach the temples, they lay claim
to the sanctuary, and they push and thrust around the holy table, as if they thought
this order to be a means of livelihood, instead of a pattern of virtue, or an absolute
authority, instead of a ministry of which we must give account. In fact they are almost
more in number than those whom they govern; pitiable as regards piety, and
unfortunate in their dignity; so that, it seems to me, they will not, as time and this evil
alike progress, have anyone left to rule, when all are teachers, instead of, as the
prophecy says, taught of God (Is. 54, 13; Jo. 6, 45), and all prophesy, according to the
ancient history and proverb (1 Kings 10, 11).
42

37
One can gains an idea of the Christian lifestyle during the time of persecutions from the First Apology
(1, 14) of Justin Martyr: We who formerly delighted in fornication, now embrace chastity alone; we
who formerly used magical arts, dedicate ourselves to the good and unbegotten God; we who valued
above all things the acquisition of wealth and possessions, now bring what we have into a common
stock, and communicate to every one in need; we who hated and destroyed one another, and on
account of their different manners would not live with men of a different tribe, now, since the coming
of Christ, live familiarly with them, and pray for our enemies, and endeavour to persuade those who
hate us unjustly to live conformably to the good precepts of Christ, to the end that they may become
partakers with us of the same joyful hope of a reward from God the ruler of all.
38
Cf. Elaine Pagels, The Politics of Paradise: Augustines Exegesis of Genesis 1-3 versus that of John
Chrysostom, The Harvard Theological Review 78, 1-2 (1985), 74.
39
John Chrysostom, In Ephesians hom. 6; PG 62, 48.
40
John Chrysostom, De sacerdotio 3, 15; PG 48, 652.
41
John Chrysostom, In Ephesians hom. 11; PG 62, 86.
42
St. Gregory of Nazianzus, Cuvnt de aprare pentru fuga n Pont dup ce a fost hirotonit i pentru
ntoarcerea lui de acolo, in Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur, Sfntul Grigorie din Nazianz, Sfntul Efrem Sirul,
Despre Preoie, (Bucureti: EIBMBOR, 2007), 216-217.

178
Conclusions
Carefully analyzing those few patristic reactions or reflections quoted in
this article, we cannot but observe that none of these manifests a negative attitude
towards the religious freedom itself, which was granted by the emperor Constantine
the Great to the Christians through the so-called Edict of Milan from 313. On the
contrary, we are sure that none of the Church Fathers regarded, per se, this religious
freedom as a bad thing for the Christian Church. This is why our title uses the
quotation marks. The two dangers implied in the religious freedom the moral
laxity and the interference of the emperor belong rather to the sphere of the will
of those involved, and this is the reason why the reactions of the Church fathers
are pastoral reactions: in their quality of pastors of the Christian communities,
they react upon the violations of the divine law or upon ones assuming of improper
tasks, to the end that, in the new created social order, in which Christians are
accepted and in which the emperor himself becomes Christian, the Church preserve
further on its purity from the time of persecutions, on one side, and the political
authority understand its part and accept its place in a society in which the Christian
element begins to play a predominant role, on the other.
We would like to finish this material with encomiastic tones. This is why
we will quote the triumphal words fully legitimate of Christos Yannaras, which
defend the sanctity of the emperor Constantine the Great: The Church did not
recognize his sanctity (that is, Constantines) according to a standard of individual
moral perfection Only the relation of sanctity to the truth of the Church, as a
beginning of the Kingdom of God, and not to the individual virtues, can lead us to
a correct appreciation of Constantines canonization. As the Church saw in the
Apostles the foundation of the Church, so in the person of Constantine it has seen
the one equal to the Apostles, the one who laid the foundation of the visible
universality of the Church In the person of Constantine the Great, the Church
acknowledges the fact that the truth of its universal nature that of assuming the
whole world and of transfiguring it into the Kingdom of God receives concrete
historical dimensions.
43

43
Ch. Yannaras, Vrit et unit de lglise, d. Axios, 1990, 71-72, apud Constantinos G. Pitsakis, Lideologie
imperiale et le culte de Saint Constantin dans lglise dOrient, in Poteri religiosi e institutioni: il culto
di san Constantino imperatore tra Oriente e Occidente, eds. F. Sini et P.P. Onida, (Torino: Estratto, 2003),
257-258.


III. TEOLOGIE SISTEMATIC

TEOLOGIA I FILOSOFIA N SISTEMUL EDUCAIONAL
BIZANTIN. CONSIDERAII CU PRIVIRE LA METODA
TEOLOGIEI ORTODOXE

GRIGORE-DINU MO
*

REZUMAT. n contrast cu scolastica apusean, Biserica bizantin a refuzat orice
nou sintez dintre elenism i cretinism, rmnnd fidel primei sinteze din
perioada patristic. Chiar dac nu a urmrit suprimarea total a elenismului, nu se
poate nega existena unei tensiuni aproape permanente ntre teologii conservatori
i filosofii umaniti. Spre deosebire de Apus, educaia teologic n Bizan a avut un
caracter mai puin specializat, era mai spontan, mai difuz, mai apropiat de
via, mai pronunat personal i liturgic. Teologia bizantin nu a fost niciodat o
teologie de coal, adic nu s-a fcut n coli i universiti. Mnstirile, iar nu
cercurile bizantine umaniste, nici cele clericale conservatoare, au fost spaiul acelei
creativiti teologice care a produs marea teologie bizantin. Filosofia a avut un
sens teologic, ascetic i duhovnicesc, dar i unul cultural, gnoseologic i speculativ.
Adevrata filozofie a fost considerat viaa trit raional i neptima, i iubirea
de Dumnezeu care e nsi nelepciunea.
n civilizaia contemporan, n care tiina are un rol att de important, este
de neconceput revenirea la sistemul educaional bizantin, iar eludarea caracterului
tiinific al teologiei ori polarizarea dintre teologia ca tiin i teologia ca experien
duhovniceasc, rugciune i contemplaie reprezint opiuni neinspirate, reiternd
din perspectiv opus nsi greeala scolasticii n tendina ei de separare de
spiritualitate.

Cuvinte cheie: teologie, filozofie, bizantin, ortodox, educaie, coal, tiin.

Evidenierea statutului i funciilor filosofiei i teologiei n lumea
bizantin n aceeai perioad n care n Apus se ridica i se dezvolta Scolastica,
precum i artarea contrastului metodologic dintre teologia ortodox i scolastica
apusean, constituie, fr ndoial, teme de interes pentru teologia i dialogul
ecumenic contemporan.

*
Asist. Univ. Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia;
grigoredinumos@yahoo.com
GRIGORE-DINU MO

180
Cercettori ca N.G. Wilson, P. Lemerle i G. Podskalsky au artat c dup
renaterea macedonean din secolul IX tradiia nvmntului grecesc a continuat
fr ntrerupere pn la cderea imperiului. ntr-un sens foarte real, ceea ce noi
cunoatem astzi despre filosofia i literatura greac antic se datoreaz n mare
msur acestei renateri din timpul lui Photie cel Mare i Arethas din Cesareea.
1
Un
rol important n acest sens l-a avut reorganizarea Universitii imperiale din
Constantinopol, cu dou secii: Drept i Filozofie, sub ndrumarea unor profesori
celebri precum juristul-canonist de orientare conservatoare Ioan Xiphilinus (care a
fost patriarh ntre anii 1064-1075), i profesorii de filozofie umaniti Mihail Psellos
i Ioan Italos. Mihail Psellos, cu toat nclinaia sa spre neoplatonism, era adeptul
folosirii dialecticii i argumentrii silogistice n scopuri teologice, fiind contient n
acelai timp c nu orice problema doctrinar poate fi rezolvat prin analiz logic.
n ciuda unor acuze, Psellus a reuit (la limit) s rmn n cadrele tradiionale ale
dogmei, respingnd elementele pgne ale sistemelor filosofice incompatibile cu
nvtura Bisericii.
2
Ioan Italos a avut un destin diferit. ncercarea sa de a interpreta
doctrina cretin n termeni pur raionali a fost sortit eecului. Italos a fost condamnat
de sinoadele din 1077 i 1082 pentru numeroase abateri doctrinare de inspiraie
platonic, unele din ele identice cu cele pentru care a fost condamnat Origen de
Sinodul al V-lea ecumenic (553).
3
n epoca Comnenilor au existat peste 20 de astfel
de procese de erezie intelectual, urmate uneori de sanciunea exilului, dar niciodat
de pedepse brutale. Nici unul din umanitii bizantini eretici nu a fost condamnat la
moarte, iar textele clasice greceti nu au fost cenzurate, ci au continuat a fi utilizate ca
material de coal, avertizndu-se ns cu privire la nvturile nebuneti pe
care le cuprind. Anatemele mpotriva elenismului pgn nu au fost niciodat nsoite
de arderea crilor, ntruct Biserica bizantin nu a urmrit niciodat suprimarea
total a elenismului.
4
Nu se poate nega ns existena unei tensiuni reale, aproape
permanente, ntre teologii conservatori i filosofii umaniti.
ntr-un contrast izbitor cu scolastica apusean, Biserica bizantin a refuzat
orice nou sintez dintre elenism i cretinism, rmnnd fidel primei sinteze din
perioada patristic. Opiunea teologic a bizantinilor (n ciuda acuzei frecvente de
conservatorism i imobilism) a fost providenial i salutar, pentru c raionalismul
critic al scolasticii, cu suprastructura sa abstract, a relativizat motenirea patristic i
a golit-o de via i de putere, subminnd-o n mare msur.
5

Teologia bizantin a fost o continuare organic a celei patristice, ntemeiat
n primul rnd pe citirea Scripturilor i a scrierilor patristice, pe rugciune i ascez.
Dup cum arta Florovsky, teologia bizantin a rmas n mare msur o teologie

1
Aristeides Papadakis in collaboration with John Meyendorff, The Christian East and the Rise of the
Papacy, The Church ad 1071-1453, St Vladimirs Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1994, p. 175.
2
Papadakis, The Christian East, p. 177.
3
Papadakis, The Christian East, pp. 178-179.
4
Papadakis, The Christian East, p. 180.
5
TEOLOGIA I FILOSOFIA N SISTEMUL EDUCAIONAL BIZANTIN. CONSIDERAII CU PRIVIRE LA METODA TH. ORT.

181
kerygmatic care i-a avut reperul ultim nu n argumente logice (chiar dac a tiut
i adeseori a trebuit s le foloseasc i pe acestea), ci n credin, n nelegerea
duhovniceasc: nu era o disciplin auto-explicatorie care poate fi prezentat
argumentativ (), fr o prealabil angajare duhovniceasc. Aceast teologie poate
fi doar predicat, proclamat, i nu nvat ntr-o manier colreasc.
6

Dup cum arta John Meyendorff, n societatea bizantin, credina,
convingerile i conceptele teologice erau prezente n chip firesc n toate aspectele
vieii sociale i individuale, n politic i n economie, cu privire la cstorie, statutul
civil, proprietate. Credina i doctrinele teologice erau prezente nu numai n
sinoade, n dezbateri polemice, n tratate i colecii patristice, ci erau accesibile
tuturor, chiar i netiutorilor de carte, prin imnologia i iconografia Bisericii. ntr-un
astfel de context profund teologic i bisericesc e dificil a da o definiie strict i clar
delimitat a teologiei nsei,
7
dup cum nici nu se resimte nevoia specializrii ei.
Profesionalismul scolastic i monopolul clerical asupra nvturii cretine,
caracteristice teologiei apusene, au fost n mare msur strine teologiei bizantine. n
Rsrit, nu numai clericii i monahii, ci i laicii, incluzndu-l pe mprat i oficialitile
civile, puteau fi implicai n teologie i puteau publica tratate de teologie.
8

Surprinztor, n veacurile XII i XIII n Bizan (ca i n secolele anterioare), nu
existau coli de teologie organizate, specializate ca atare. Teologia era privit ca
cea mai nalt form de cunoatere, dar nu ca o tiin printre celelalte pentru a fi
nvat la coal.
9
Universitatea din Constantinopol, organizat de stat, nu a avut
niciodat o facultate de teologie, iar Academia patriarhal din Constantinopol a fost
structurat aproximativ dup modelul Universitii laice, dar cu o mai mare
insisten pe teologie, pe exegeza Sfintei Scripturi n special.
10
Ea pregtea n primul
rnd administratori bisericeti i canoniti, iar nu teologi n sens tiinific,
academic. n general, teologia bizantin nu a receptat calea, metodele i sistemul de
organizare i specializare intelectual i academic ale Apusului cretin. Educaia
teologic n Bizan avea un caracter mai puin specializat, era mai spontan, mai
difuz, mai apropiat de via, mai pronunat personal i liturgic. Educaia
ncepea n familie printr-un tutore privat, care de multe ori era un monah, i care, pe
lng instrucia religioas de baz, preda elemente din trivium (Gramatic, Retoric i
Filozofie) i din quadrivium (Aritmetic, Geometrie, Muzic i Astronomie). Instrucia
continua, n aceeai schem de discipline, n coli laice sau monahale, rezultnd un
nivel de cultur destul de ridicat, nivel pe care se presupunea c l are fiecare cetean
bizantin. La Universitate se studia Filosofia la un nivel mai nalt (sistemele filosofice,
n special al lui Platon i Aristotel), Dreptul, Medicina i Fizica
11
, dar nu Teologia.

6
G. Florovsky, The ethos of the Orthodox Church, The Ecumenical Review, nr. 12/1960, p. 188.
7
John Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteenth Century: Methodological Contrasts, in The 17th
International Byzantine Congress: Major Papers, New Rochelle, N.Y., 1986, p. 1.
8
Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteenth Century: Methodological Contrasts, pp. 3-4.
9
Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteenth Century: Methodological Contrasts, p. 4.
10
Steven Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity, Cambridge, University Press, 1968, pp. 112-116.
11
Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity, p. 114.
GRIGORE-DINU MO

182
Putem conchide c teologia bizantin nu a fost niciodat o teologie de
coal, sau altfel spus, teologia nu s-a fcut n coli i universiti. Dimpotriv,
creativitatea teologic i marea teologie bizantin o gsim n afara acestor instituii.
Dup cum arta Papadakis, reala creativitate se afla n mare msur n mnstiri,
iar nu n cercurile bizantine umaniste, nici n cele clericale conservatoare.
12

Dimitrie Kydones, primul care a tradus n grecete opera lui Toma dAquino,
spunea n 1347 c bizantinii nu au artat niciodat interes pentru labirinturile
lui Aristotel i Platon, prin care gnditorii latini aveau o mare sete de a umbla
13

Afirmaia e n mare msur adevrat. Dac e s considerm biografia unor proemineni
teologi bizantini, cu o remarcabil maturitate teologic a gndirii, ca spre exemplu,
Nikefor Blemmydes i Sfntul Grigorie II Cipriotul (din secolul XIII), sau Theolipt al
Philadephiei, Grigorie Palama i Nicolae Cabasila (din secolul XIV), implicai n
contacte cu latinii ori cu teologia latin, observm c nici unul nu primise o instruire
teologic sistematic, comparabil cu cea promovat de scolastic n Apus. Cu toate
acestea, ei nu erau lipsii de rafinament intelectual i nici de cunotine fundamentale
de filosofie, fiind n acelai timp bine ancorai n tradiia teologic patristic. Ei
au ntlnit la latini un profesionalism i o iscusin argumentativ fr precedent
n cretintate, nsoite ns de propensiunea chinuitoare spre o raionalizare
total, i de sentimentul tot mai pregnant al superioritii i auto-suficienei lor
academice i culturale, realitate care i-a fcut pe teologii bizantini s fie mai rezervai
i mai defensivi n atitudinea lor fa de cretinismul apusean.
14
Este de subliniat aici
c schimbarea metodei teologice introdus de Scolastic n Apus a ngreuiat contactele
teologice dintre rsriteni i apuseni. De multe ori apusenii s-au plns c teologii
ortodoci nu sunt capabili s teologhiseasc n mod argumentat i profesional, iar
bizantinii pur i simplu nu puteau s conceap teologia ca pe o disciplin raional or
tiinific. Adeseori, audierea unei disertaii teologice latine n cadrul unei dezbateri
oficiale (la Conciliul de la Florena, spre exemplu) constituia pentru rsriteni un
exerciiu detestabil, cu neputin de neles.
15
Transformarea teologiei n filozofie
era mpotriva spiritului teologiei ortodoxe.
n cultura bizantin filosofia a avut o varietate de nelesuri: un sens
teologic, ascetic i duhovnicesc, unul gnoseologic i metatiinific i unul pur
cultural, omenesc, descriptiv i speculativ, putnd fi util teologiei sau putndu-se
mpotrivi acesteia dup deartele i slabele nelesuri ale lumii acesteia. Astfel,
adevrata filozofie a fost considerat iubirea de Dumnezeu (ntruct Dumnezeu
este nelepciunea) i asemnarea cu Dumnezeu, cugetarea la moarte, viaa trit
raional, adic neptima. Filosofia a fost definit, de asemenea, ca i cunoatere a

12
13
Citat n John Meyendorff, Teologia bizantin, IBMBOR, Bucureti, 1996, p. 141.
14
Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteenth Century: Methodological Contrasts, pp. 4-5.
15
Papadakis, The Christian East, p. 184. Nu este deloc ntmpltoare sincronicitatea dintre dezvoltarea
scolasticii i ascensiunea puterii papale, i este nendoielnic contribuia scolasticii la meninerea i
amplificarea schismei dintre Rsrit i Apus.

183
celor ce exist, vzute i nevzute, art a artelor i tiin a tiinelor.
16
n Imperiul
bizantin, filosofia (n accepiunea ei gnoseologic i cultural) a fcut parte
integrant din sistemul educaional, fiind util i necesar pentru cunoaterea i
explicarea lumii. Doar atunci cnd filosofia a ncercat s exileze dogma i s se
substituie teologiei apostolilor, profeilor i sfinilor a fost considerat demonic.
Raiunea, filosofic ori tiinific, nu avea autoritatea de a justifica dogmele:
Descrierea i erminia dogmelor prin intermediul gndirii tiinifice i filosofice, i
nu justificarea lor raional, a contribuit la crearea ndrzneelor realizri culturale
din atmosfera spiritual a Bizanului, n toate formele lor, cum sunt, de exemplu:
formarea i formularea teologiei nsi, istoriografia, poezia, textele liturgice,
muzica, pictura, arhitectura, Sinaxarele i altele.
17
De altfel, n Bizan nu a existat
o distincie radical ntre cultura eclesiastic i cea profan, sau mai bine zis nu a
existat o cultur esenialmente profan, cum exist astzi, aa nct teologia nsi
i asceza au putut fi numite filozofie, n conformitate cu libertatea limbajului i a
expresiilor, caracteristic spiritului bizantin. Dogmele, dup o binecunoscut definiie
patristic, nu constau att n cuvinte (), ci n lucruri ()
18
, adic n
realiti neschimbabile, descoperite de Dumnezeu pentru mntuirea omului, i
formulate de Biseric din necesiti teologice, istorice, pastorale i misionare.
Lucrurile reprezint teologia ca via, inspiraie, harism, profeie i vedere i sunt
nfptuite de sfini, care rspndesc lumina n tot trupul Bisericii. De aici i principiul:
pentru mrturisirea credinei se cere exactitate (), n timp ce pentru orice
cercetare i polemic exist posibilitatea de a alege metoda i argumentele.
19

n teologia bizantin, nu era de conceput ca experiena eclesial, contemplativ
i duhovniceasc s fie rezultatul silogismelor i s se sprijine pe ele. Sfntul Grigorie
Palama arta n acest sens: Iar noi nu socotim ca prere adevrat cunotina
dobndit prin cuvinte i silogisme, ci pe cea adeverit prin fapte i via, care nu
numai c este singura adevrat, dar e i sigur i neschimbtoare.
20

Dup cum subliniaz Matsoukas, teologia bizantin nu a clarificat numai
realitile teologice n ele nsele, ci a dezvoltat o metodologie i o epistemologie
superioar care traseaz cmpul contemplativ al teologiei i cmpul de cercetare
al filosofiei i tiinei. Cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu (theognosia) nseamn primirea
adevrului care s-a revelat i se reveleaz continuu n Biseric. Theognosia este
evenimentul central i continuu prezent al vieii bisericeti. Cunoaterea lui
Dumnezeu este nemijlocit i se realizeaz prin vedere: Dumnezeu se descoper
n lumin i slav, iar omul vede slava i lumina dumnezeiasc, cunoscnd astfel
pe Dumnezeu i voia Lui. Nu exist alt modalitate de cunoatere a lui Dumnezeu

16
Nikos Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei bizantine, Editura Bizantin, Bucureti, pp. 17-31.
17
Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei bizantine, p. 28.
18
Ioan Karmiris, Monumentele dogmatice i simbolice ale Bisericii Ortodoxe Universale, (n lb. gr.) vol. I,
Atena, 1960, p. 379: Adevrul nostru i credina nu stau n cuvinte, ci n lucruri, dup cum spune
Grigorie Teologul. Iar eu m lupt pentru aprarea dogmelor i a lucrurilor.(citat de Matsoukas, Istoria
filosofiei bizantine., p. 35, nota 31).
19
20
Citat de Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei bizantine., p. 38, nota 35.
GRIGORE-DINU MO

184
dect prin intermediul teofaniilor. Prin urmare, teologia primar a proorocilor, a
apostolilor i a sfinilor nu este nici tiinific, nici nu folosete vreo metod a
tiinelor, ci este harismatic i se realizeaz prin intermediul vederii. Aceast vedere
se continu n Sfintele Taine (am vzut lumina cea adevrat) i n membrii plini
de har ai comunitii.
21
Thegnosia membrilor comunitii eclesiale se realizeaz prin
intermediul discernmntului duhovnicesc i a simurilor exersate, antrenate, purificate.
Fa de aceast cunoatere, teologia tiinific este consecutiv i ulterioar.
22

Desigur, rmnnd n limitele ei, ea este folositoare i necesar sub multe aspecte,
educaional, pastoral, misionar etc. Teologia tiinific, n msura n care este rodul
fidel al experienei eclesiale i al cunoaterii duhovniceti, exercit ea nsi o funcie
critic i de ndrumare a celor ce pesc pe calea contemplaiei.
23
Dup cum arta
Arhimandritul Sofronie Saharov, reprezentrile mentale abstracte, dei nu sunt acea
cunoatere a lui Dumnezeu care este viaa venic (Ioan 17, 3), totui i ele sunt
preioase, cci n orice clip pot sluji omului n planul adevratei viei duhovniceti.
24

Putem conchide c dup marea schism, ntre secolele XI i XV, a continuat s
fie dominant n Rsrit o teologie de inspiraie patristic, monastic i isihast, care,
prin gnoseologia i metodologia sa, prin dialectica sa divino-uman, prin caracterul
su deopotriv mistic i raional, a fost nu numai deschis fa de cultur, ci a fost ea
nsi creatoare de cultur, fecundnd i nnoind ntreaga societate i civilizaie bizantin.
Pr. prof. Gheorghios Mettalinos consider fundamental distincia dintre
credin, care ofer cunoaterea celor nezidite i tiin care e cunoaterea celor
zidite
25
, dei se poate vorbi i despre o cunoatere natural a lui Dumnezeu, de
care au beneficiat i pgnii: Cele nevzute ale Lui se vd de la facerea lumii,
nelegndu-se din fpturi, adic venica Lui putere i dumnezeire, aa ca ei s fie
fr cuvnt de aprare. (Romani, 1, 20) Dar ei, cunoscnd pe Dumnezeu, nu L-au
slvit ca pe Dumnezeu, nici nu I-au mulumit (Romani, 1, 21), ci s-au nchinat i au
slujit fpturii n locul Fctorului (Romani, 1, 25). Fr cunoaterea supranatural,
ntemeiat pe Revelaia supranatural, cunotina natural a omului, afectat de
cderea adamic, risc s alunece n diverse forme de panteism. De asemenea, fr
lumina Revelaiei supranaturale i fr harul lui Dumnezeu, cunotina natural,
chiar corect, nu are putere s preschimbe viaa omului i s l ridice la o viziune mai
nalt. Potrivit Sfntului Grigorie Palama, i numai a ti dup cunotina dumnezeiasc
ce loc are omul naintea lui Dumnezeu, ntrece nelepciunea elinilor
26
, creia i-a
rmas strin mreia unic a omului
27
.

21
22
Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei bizantine, pp. 234-237.
23
Se cunosc nu puine cazuri n care tineri nzestrai att duhovnicete, ct i intelectual, au czut n
rtciri grave pentru c nu au avut cunotine specifice sau chiar elementare, pe care le-ar fi putut gsi
cu uurin n teologia tiinific, att de mult blamat de pe poziii pseudo-duhovniceti.
24
Arhimandritul Sofronie, Cuviosul Siluan Athonitul, Editura Rentregirea, Alba-Iulia, 2009, p. 207.
25
Gheorghios Metallinos, Credina i tiina n gnoseologia ortodox, n volumul Omul de cultur n
faa descretinrii, Editura Rentregirea, Alba-Iulia, 2005, p. 144.
26
Sfntul Grigorie Palama, Despre cunotina natural, n Filocalia 7, trad. de pr. Dumitru Stniloae,
Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1999, p. 434.
27
Dumitru Stniloae, nota 18, n Filocalia 7, p. 434.

185
Exist i riscul de a accentua unilateral latura harismatic a cunoaterii
lui Dumnezeu, teologia ca experien duhovniceasc, rugciune i contemplaie,
excluznd teologia ca tiin i cunoatere raional, sau de a le separa i a crea
polariti ntre acestea. Spre exemplu, Mettalinos pare s simplifice prea mult atunci
cnd afirm c metoda cunoaterii sau nelepciunii lumeti este tiina, realizat
prin puterea raional-intelectual a omului, iar metoda cunoaterii dumnezeieti este
isihasmul, practic de ascez i rugciune nencetat care caracterizeaz n modul
cel mai propriu Ortodoxia.
28
Interesant i provocatoare, dar unilateral este i teza
acestuia potrivit creia, teologia ortodox, ncadrat corect n sistemul educaional
modern, ar fi echivalent mai degrab unei tiine pozitive, deoarece prioritate au
experimentarea / trirea i observaia, iar nu crile / textele i speculaia intelectual
pe marginea lor. n aceast concepie, experimentarea reprezint asceza i viaa
duhovniceasc, iar observaia vederea lui Dumnezeu prin iluminare i slvire, iar
omul de tiin / profesorul care deine cunoaterea este n Ortodoxie btrnul,
cluzitorul duhovnicesc.
29

Problema metodei n teologia ortodox este ns mai complex, iar rolul
tiinei i al raiunii umane nu trebuie minimalizat. Potrivit Fericitului Diadoch al
Foticeei, mintea cuvnttoare de Dumnezeu (teologic), ndulcindu-i i nclzindu-i
sufletul cu nsei cuvintele lui Dumnezeu, dobndete neptimirea n msura
potrivit. Cci, cuvintele Domnului, zice, sunt cuvinte curate, argint lmurit n foc
pe seama pmntului (Psalm 12, 6). Iar mintea cunosctoare (gnostic), ntrit
prin experiena cu lucrul, se ridic mai presus de patimi. Dar i mintea cuvnttoare
de Dumnezeu gust din experiena celei cunosctoare, dac se face pe sine mai
smerit, precum i mintea cunosctoare gust din virtutea contemplativ, dac i
pstreaz nertcit puterea discriminatoare a sufletului. Cci nu se ntmpl ca s
se dea amndou darurile n ntregime fiecrei mini. Iar pricina este ca amndou
s se minuneze de ceea ce are mai mult cealalt dect ea i aa s sporeasc n ele
smerita cugetare, mpreun cu rvna dreptii.
30

28
Metallinos, Credina i tiina n gnoseologia ortodox, pp. 148-149.
29
Metallinos, Credina i tiina n gnoseologia ortodox, p. 153. O nuanare ar necesita i dezvoltarea
n continuare a acestei idei: Sfinii sunt interpreii autentici ai Sfintei Scripturi, adic ai experienelor
trite de Profei i de Sfinii Apostoli, fiindc ei sunt deopotriv cu acetia inspirai de Dumnezeu,
participani cu ei la aceleai experiene. Asemntor se petrece i n cazul tiinei, unde numai cel
specializat nelege cercetrile altor specialiti din cadrul aceluiai sector de cercetare. Acceptarea
concluziilor cercetrii dintr-o anumit ramur tiinific, de ctre cei care nu sunt specialiti (cei care
nu sunt capabili s verifice n mod experimental cercetarea celor specializai n domeniul respectiv) se
face pe baza ncrederii n buna credin i intenie a specialitilor. [] Cu aceeai ncredere este acceptat
cunoaterea empiric a Sfinilor din toate timpurile. Tradiia patristic i Sinoadele Ecumenice ale
Bisericii au ca baz aceast experien demonstrat. Fr oameni ndumnezeii (vztori de Dumnezeu)
nu exist Sinod Ecumenic. (Metallinos, Credina i tiina n gnoseologia ortodox, pp. 153-154).
30
Diadoch al Foticeii, Cuvnt ascetic, 72, n Filocalia, vol. I, trad. de pr. Dumitru Stniloae, Editura Dacia
Traian, Sibiu, 1947, p. 366
GRIGORE-DINU MO

186
Pe aceast linie de gndire, dup cum au artat prof. Thedor M. Popescu
i pr. prof. Ioan Ic, teologia e i cunoatere a lui Dumnezeu i discurs despre
Dumnezeu, vorbire despre Dumnezeu i vorbire cu Dumnezeu n rugciune.
Teologia e i cunoatere a lui Dumnezeu din auzite i din vedere, dar i tiin.
31

Trebuie s subliniem aici c raiunea, luminat de credin, a avut un rol esenial
n formularea dogmelor, n expunerea nvturii de credin, precum i n
combaterea idolatriilor, superstiiilor, miturilor i credinelor eronate. Dup cum
s-a artat teologia are un caracter teocentric, pentru c pornete de la cuvntul lui
Dumnezeu ctre noi i unul harismatic-profetic pentru c ntemeindu-se pe cuvntul
lui Dumnezeu ctre noi expune acest cuvnt pe baza comuniunii cu Dumnezeu i
vizeaz aceast comuniune.
32
Prin urmare, teologia e i cuvntul nostru mrturisitor,
despre Dumnezeu, ctre semenii notri, ca atare ea nu este numai o harism, ci i un
efort al omului de cercetare i cuprindere, formulare sistematic, propovduire i
comunicare a cuvntului lui Dumnezeu.
33
Teologia ortodox presupune o cunoatere
apofatic, mistic a lui Dumnezeu, dar i catafatic i raional. Teologia are un
caracter i un scop esenialmente mrturisitor i misionar, precum i un profund
caracter biblic i patristic, ntemeindu-se pe Sfnta Scriptur i pe Sfnta Tradiie.
ntruct Revelaia n Hristos este culmea i ncheierea Revelaiei, teologia care
expune sistematic aceast Revelaie, este singura teologie adevrat. [] Biserica
fiind stlpul i temelia adevrului (I Timotei 3, 25), Biserica este subiectul i spaiul
teologiei, iar teologia este bisericeasc
34
, ca una ce st sub ndrumarea i n slujba
Bisericii. n concluzie, teologia este o harism a Duhului Sfnt i o tiin uman
elaborat de teologi. [] Dac sub aspectul coninutului, teologia este revelat, dup
latura ei formal ea este un discurs elaborat tiinific i sistematic de teologi
35
,
presupunnd o metod proprie i o cercetare analitic temeinic. Din secolul
al XI-lea n Apus, teologia, ncadrat n universiti, s-a dezvoltat preponderent i
unilateral ca tiin, separndu-se de spiritualitate i de cunoaterea duhovniceasc
i harismatic a lui Dumnezeu. Sub influen apusean, i n Rsrit ncepnd din
secolul XVIII, teologia s-a cultivat ca tiin n universiti, iar facultile de teologie
s-au organizat dup model apusean, dar ntruct aici a rmas vie tradiia patristic
i bizantin, teologia ca tiin nu s-a separat de teologia ca experien eclesial,

31
Thedor M. Popescu, Teologia ca tiin, Bucureti, 1937; pr. prof. dr. Valer Bel, Teologia ca tiin i
mrturisire n viziunea pr. prof. dr. Ioan Ic, n Omagiu printelui prof. univ. dr. Ioan Ic, Editura
Renaterea, Cluj-Napoca, 2007. Teologia este cea mai nalt, mai grea i mai complex dintre toate
tiinele spiritului, ea cere cunotine mai multe dect oricare alt tiin, o cultur deosebit i putere
de munc, nelegere excepional i, mai ales o via de sfinenie pe care n-o cere nici o alt tiin.[]
Teologia nu este o simpl profesie, ci o mrturisire de credin. Teologul l cunoate i l mrturisete
pe Dumnezeu prin studiu i rugciune, prin efort tiinific i ascetic. (Bel, Teologia ca tiin i
mrturisire, pp. 116-117).
32
Bel, Teologia ca tiin i mrturisire, p. 115.
33
34
35

187
duhovniceasc i harismatic, cu toate c s-a resimit o influen scolastic ce nu
poate fi neglijat.
36
Partea pozitiv a acestei dezvoltri const n mai buna diviziune
a muncii teologice tiinifice; aprofundarea sistematic a diferitelor domenii ale
teologiei; elaborarea unor rspunsuri pertinente la problemele deosebit de complexe
ale contemporaneitii i la nivelul contiinei intelectuale mature a lumii de astzi;
punerea n slujba teologiei i a misiunii Bisericii a ntregului instrumentar
metodologic, analitic i de cercetare al tiinei; dezvoltarea dialogului cu tiina i
cultura modern etc. De aceea, astzi este de neconceput revenirea la sistemul
educaional bizantin, iar eludarea caracterului tiinific al teologiei ori polarizarea
dintre teologia ca tiin i discurs i teologia ca experien duhovniceasc, rugciune
i contemplaie reprezint opiuni neinspirate, reiternd din perspectiv opus
nsi greeala scolasticii n tendina ei de separare de spiritualitate.
n acelai timp, n faa influenelor apusene care adesea tind s reduc
teologia la aspectul ei formal i tiinific, este binevenit accentuarea specificului
teologiei ortodoxe, a unitii organice dintre teologie i spiritualitate, dintre catafatism
i apofatism, dintre vorbirea despre Dumnezeu i vorbirea cu El n rugciune. Astfel,
n studiul su Metodologia teologiei din anul 1982, Atanasie Yevtic, evidenia
caracterul ascetic i mistagogic al teologiei ortodoxe. Din metoda teologiei ortodoxe
nu trebuie s lipseasc urmtoarele elemente: purificarea, rugciunea, mplinirea
poruncilor, dragostea.
37
Iar dac i se pare cuiva c cunoate ceva, nc n-a
cunoscut cum trebuie s cunoasc. Dar dac iubete cineva pe Dumnezeu, acela
este cunoscut de El (I Cor 8, 2-3). Cu alte cuvinte, cunoaterea i teologia noastr
cu privire la Dumnezeu este precedat de faptul de a fi cunoscui de ctre El, adic
de deschiderea noastr fa de El i trirea n Lumina Lui, prin credin, ndejde
i dragoste.
38
Teologia are un caracter hristocentric i hristologic. Hristos este
fundamentul teologiei i cunoaterii lui Dumnezeu. El este nceputul, izvorul i
desvrirea teologiei, fiind totodat nceptorul i plinitorul credinei (Ev 12,2).
Pentru a cunoate adevrurile teologiei cretine, care sunt mai presus de raiune,
dar n acelai timp rspund exigenelor celor mai nalte i nzuinelor celor mai
adnci de cunoatere ale omului, este necesar o minte nou i transformat, e
nevoie de mintea lui Hristos, ntiul Teolog
39
. O metod sigur a teologiei ortodoxe
este regula de aur a Sinoadelor Ecumenice: Urmnd Sfinilor Prini, noi toi mpreun
mrturisim Rentoarcerea la Sfinii Prini, proclamat de George Florovski la
ntiul Congres al Facultilor de Teologie Ortodox de la Atena din anul 1936,
nseamn nu a-i repeta, folosind cuvintele i expresiile lor, ci nseamn a-i urma n

36
37
Atanasije Yevtic, The Methodology of Theology, Second International Consultation of Orthodox
Theological Schools, Saint Vladimirs Orthodox Theological Seminary, Crestwood New-York, January
12-19, 1982, Syndemos, , 1985, pp. 37-38.
38
Yevtic, The Methodology of Theology, p. 38.
39
Yevtic, The Methodology of Theology, pp. 39-41.
GRIGORE-DINU MO

188
pocina, credina, experiena i viaa lor.
40
Credina Prinilor este ntotdeauna
nou n msura n care devine credina noastr personal. A fi teolog i a tri n
tradiia Bisericii este cu putin numai dac trim mpreun cu toi sfinii (Ef
3,16-19).
41

Ion Bria considera c definirea metodei teologiei ortodoxe presupune
urmtoarele elemente eseniale: Cuvntul lui Dumnezeu din Sfnta Scriptur;
doctrina Apostolilor; consensul Prinilor; dezvoltarea doctrinei n exprimarea
teologic a credinei
42
; separarea Ortodoxiei de erezie; autoritatea Bisericii
universale i a Sinoadelor ecumenice; mrturisirea i celebrarea credinei de
ctre poporul lui Dumnezeu.
43

Toate aceste elemente evideniate de autorii sus-menionai ntre care
se remarc prin echilibru i acrivie poziia exprimat de prof. Theodor M. Popescu
i pr. prof. Ioan Ic elemente ce definesc specificul i metoda teologiei ortodoxe,
constituie n contextul actual i n paradigma cultural i tiinific a contemporaneitii,
de care nu putem face abstracie, motenirea vie i aplicat a teologiei patristice i
bizantine. Continuitatea aceasta nu este doar supra-istoric, ci atinge strfundul
istoriei umanitii, asumnd specificul fiecrei epoci ca mediu de propagare a
Revelaiei i exprimnd aceeai viziune i paradigm divino-uman n ncercarea
de a duce mereu pn la capt consecinele ntruprii Logosului, n relaie cu
dinamic istoric i cultural a umanitii n drumul ei ctre eshaton.

40
41
42
Sub acest aspect, arat Ion Bria, funciile teologiei sunt multiple. Teologul compar teoriile existente,
stabilete o nlnuire logic ntre texte disparate, biblice sau patristice, din perspectiva unui adevr
dogmatic; clarific i evideniaz aspecte mai puin clare i mai puin explicite; formuleaz concluzii
ntemeiate biblic i dogmatic; poate crea noiuni teologice noi, cum a fost, de pild, termenul deofiin.
43
Ion Bria, Destinul Ortodoxiei, EIBMBOR, Bucureti, 1989.


THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY IN THE BYZANTINE
EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. CONSIDERATIONS ON THE
METHOD OF ORTHODOX THEOLOGY

GRIGORE-DINU MO
*

ABSTRACT. In a stark contrast to western scholasticism, the Church of Byzantium
refused any new synthesis of Hellenism and Christianity and remained committed
to the first such synthesis perfected during the patristic period. Even though it did
not aim at eliminating Hellenism altogether, it is undeniable that there was in fact
an almost permanent tension between conservative theologians and humanist
philosophers. In Byzantium the theological education was less specialized and more
spontaneous in character; it was diffuse and closer to ones life, much more personal
and liturgical. Byzantine theology had never been a school-theology it had never
been taught in schools or universities. The monasteries and not Byzantiums secular
humanist or conservative circles were the place that nurtured theological creativity
and produces the great Byzantine theology. Philosophy had always had a theological,
ascetical, and spiritual sense, as well as a gnoseological and speculative dimension.
What was deemed as true philosophy was the love of God Who is Wisdom itself,
and living a rational life, free from passions. In contemporary society it would be
inconceivable to revive the Byzantine educational system, to elude the scientific
character of theology or to create two poles within theology science and discourse
versus spiritual experience, prayer, and contemplation because it would reiterate
the very mistake scholasticism had made in its tendency to break away from
spirituality, only in the opposite direction.

Keywords: theology, philosophy, Byzantine, Orthodox, education, school, science.

The effort to bring to light the status and the functions of philosophy and
theology within the Byzantine world at the time when the West was experiencing
the emergence and the development of scholasticism is without a doubt a topic of
utmost interest for contemporary theology and ecumenical dialogue.
Scholars such as N.G. Wilson, P. Lemerle and G. Podskalsky have shown that
after the Macedonian renaissance of the 9
th
century the tradition of Greek education
went on without any interruption up to the fall of the Byzantine Empire. In a very
palpable sense, most of what we know today about ancient Greek philosophy and

*
Asist. Univ. Dr., Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
grigoredinumos@yahoo.com
GRIGORE-DINU MO

190
literature is largely due to this revival occurring during the time of Photius the Great
and Arethas of Caesarea.
1
A key role in this was played by the reorganization of
the Imperial University of Constantinople, with two lines of study Law and
Philosophy carried out under the supervision of a few famous professors such
as the conservative jurist-canonist John Xiphilinus (who was also patriarch in the
years 1064-1075) and the humanist philosophy professors Michael Psellus and
John Italus. Albeit his penchant for Neoplatonism, Michael Psellus advocated the
use of dialectic and syllogistic arguments for theological purposes, while still
being perfectly aware of the fact that not all doctrinal conundrums can be solved by
the means of logical analysis. Despite being the object of several accusations, Psellus
(just barely) managed to remain within the traditional framework of the dogmata,
rejecting the pagan elements of the philosophical systems which were incompatible
with the teachings of the Church.
2

John Italus had a different destiny. His attempt to interpret the Christian
doctrine in purely rationalistic terms was meant to fail. Italus was condemned by
the synods of 1077 and 1082 for his numerous doctrinal errors stemming from
his platonic understanding of things, some of which were identical to those for
which Origen had been anathematised by the Fifth Ecumenical Council of 553.
3

The Comnenian period saw over 20 such trials prosecuting intellectual heresy
which sometimes ended in exile for the defendants, but there were never any
brutal punishments inflicted. None of the heretic Byzantine humanists were ever
sentenced to death, nor were the Greek classical texts censored; instead they were
used as reading material in schools with a warning as to the foolish teachings
they contain. The anathemas pronounced against pagan Hellenism were never
accompanied by the burning of those books since the Byzantine Church never
aimed at completely suppressing Hellenism.
4
Be that as it may, the presence of a
real, almost permanent tension between conservative theologians and humanist
philosophers is undeniable.
In a stark contrast to western scholasticism, the Church of Byzantium
refused any new synthesis of Hellenism and Christianity and remained committed
to the first such synthesis perfected during the patristic period. The Byzantines
theological option (despite being accused of conservatism and immobilism) was
providential and constructive because the critical rationalism of scholasticism,
with its abstract overpowering structure, relativized the patristic inheritance and
left it lifeless and powerless, largely undermining it.
5

Byzantine theology is an organic extension of the patristic theology, based
primarily on reading the Scriptures and the patristic writings, on prayer and askesis.
As Florovsky once wrote, Byzantine theology is largely a kerygmatic theology

1
Aristeides Papadakis in collaboration with John Meyendorff, The Christian East and the Rise of
the Papacy, The Church ad 1071-1453, (New York: St Vladimirs Seminary Press, 1994), 175.
2
Papadakis, The Christian East, 177.
3
Papadakis, The Christian East, 178-179.
4
Papadakis, The Christian East, 180.
5
THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY IN THE BYZANTINE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

191
whose ultimate frame of reference did not consist of logical arguments (although
it often had to and knew how to use these too) but of spiritual understanding: it
was not a self-explanatory discipline [...] without any previous spiritual commitment.
This theology can only ne preached, proclaimed, but not taught like in schools.
6

As John Meyendorff pointed out, in the Byzantine society faith and
theological beliefs and concepts were naturally present in all aspects of social and
individual life, in both politics and economy, in the legislation regarding marriage,
civil status or property. Their faith and theological doctrines were present not only
in the synods held, in the debates, in patristic treatises and collections, but they
were actually available to all, even to the illiterate by means of the Churchs
hymnology and iconography. In such a deeply theological and ecclesiastical context
it was rather difficult to provide a strict and clearly outlined definition of theology
itself
7
and furthermore there was no need to have it defined as a particular line of
study. The typically western scholastic professionalism and the clerical monopole
over the Christian doctrine were largely unknown to Byzantine theology. In the East
theology was not restricted to clergymen and monks: laymen, including the
emperor and the civil authorities could become involved in this domain and even
publish theological treatises.
8
Quite surprisingly, in 12
th
and 13
th
century Byzantium
(just as in the previous centuries) there were no organized theological schools.
Theology was seen as the highest form of knowledge, but not a science among
others to be learned at school.
9
The University of Constantinople, which was
organized by the state, had never had a theology faculty and the Patriarchal
Academy of Constantinople had more or less been structured following the
example of the secular university but with a greater emphasis on theology, more
precisely on the exegesis of the Holy Scriptures.
10
It prepared ecclesiastic
administrators and canonists, not theologians in the scientific, academic sense.
Byzantine theology did not adopt the methods, the intellectual and academic
system of organization and specialization or the general path chosen by the
Christian west. In Byzantium the theological education was less specialized and
more spontaneous in character; it was diffuse and closer to ones life, much more
personal and liturgical. It began in the family, where it was provided by a private
tutor, who was often a monk and who taught elements of the trivium (Grammar,
Rhetoric, and Philosophy) and the quadrivium (Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and
Astronomy) in addition to basic religious instruction. The same scheme of
disciplines was used in secular or monastic schools, generating a rather high level of
culture that was supposed all Byzantine citizens shared. At the University one was
able to study higher Philosophy (philosophical systems, especially Plato and
Aristotle), Law, Medicine, and Physics
11
, but not Theology.

6
G. Florovsky, The ethos of the Orthodox Church, The Ecumenical Review, nr. 12/1960, p. 188.
7
John Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteenth Century: Methodological Contrasts, The 17th
International Byzantine Congress: Major Papers, New Rochelle, N.Y., 1986, p. 1.
8
Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteenth Century, 3-4.
9
Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteenth Century, 3-4.
10
Steven Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity, (Cambridge: University Press, 1968), 112-116.
11
Runciman, The Great Church, 114.
GRIGORE-DINU MO

192
We can conclude that Byzantine theology had never been a school-theology
it had never been taught in schools or universities. Quite to the contrary, the
grand Byzantine theology and theological creativity is to be found outside
these institutions. As Papadakis showed real creativity, at any rate, was to be
found largely in the monastery and not among Byzantiums secular humanist circles
or among conservative churchmen
12
.
Demetrios Cydones, the first to translate the work of Thomas Aquinas into
Greek said in 1347 that the Byzantines never showed interest for the labyrinths of
Aristotle and Plato in which the western thinkers show great thirst for walking
13
.
His statement is largely true. If we look into the biographies of some of the foremost
Byzantine theologians, who had shown a remarkable maturity in their theological
thinking, such as Nikephoros Blemmydes and St. Greogory II of Cyprus (in the 13
th

century), or Theoliptos of Philadelphia, Gregory Palamas, and Nicholas Cabasilas (of
the 14
th
century), all of whom had taken an active part in the dialogue with the
Catholics or the Latin theology, we notice that none of them had received a
systematic theological education that could be compared to that promoted in
the West by Scholasticism. Nevertheless, they lacked neither the intellectual
refinement, nor the fundamental notions of philosophy and they were, at the
same time, well versed in patristic theological tradition. What they noticed in
the westerners was their professionalism and an argumentative prowess
unprecedented in Christendom, doubled by a tormenting penchant for complete
rationalisation and by the ever more pressing sense of their cultural and academic
superiority and self-sufficiency. This state of facts made the Byzantine theologians
grow reserved and develop a defensive attitude towards western Christianity.
14
It
should be mentioned that the change in the theological method Scholasticism
had introduced in the west, made theological contacts between Orientals and
Westerners even more difficult. The latter often complained that the Orthodox
theologians were incapable of producing a professional and well substantiated
theology, whereas the Byzantines simply couldnt conceive of theology as being a
rational or scientific discipline. Listening to a Latin theological dissertation within
the framework of an official debate (at the council of Florence, for instance) was a
wholly loathsome exercise, beyond understanding for the Orientals.
15
Furthermore,
turning theology into philosophy was contrary to the spirit of Orthodox theology.
Philosophy had a wide variety of meanings in Byzantine culture: a
theological, ascetical, and spiritual sense, a gnoseological and meta-scientific sense,
and one that was purely cultural, human, descriptive and speculative, able to either
assist theology or to resist it, according to the vain and week understandings of this

12
13
Quoted by John Meyendorff in Byzantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes
(Fordham University Press, 1999), 105.
14
Meyendorff, Theology in the Thirteen Century, 4-5.
15
Papadakis, The Christian East., p. 184. The synchronicity of the development of scholasticism
and the surge of papal power is not at all random and scholasticism had undoubtedly contributed to
the continuation and the deepening of the schism between east and west.

193
world. Thus, what was deemed as true philosophy was the love of God (because God
is Wisdom) and resembling God, pondering death, living a rational life, that is a life
free from passions. Philosophy was also defined as the knowledge of the existing
realities, seen and unseen, art of the arts and science of sciences.
16
Within the
Byzantine Empire philosophy (in its gnoseological and cultural sense) was an integral
part of the system of education, as it was useful and necessary in order to know and
explain the world. Philosophy was deemed demonic only when it tried to exile the
Christian dogma and to take the place of the theology of the apostles, prophets, and
saints. Reason, either philosophical or scientific, hadnt the authority to justify the
dogmas: Describing and interpreting the dogmas by the means of scientific and
philosophical thinking and not justifying them rationally contributed to the
creation of the daring cultural achievements of the Byzantine spiritual climate, in all
their forms, such as forming and formulating theology itself, historiography, poetry,
liturgical texts, music, painting, architecture, synaxaria as well as other things.
17

Furthermore, there was no radical distinction between ecclesiastic and secular
culture in Byzantium, or better yet, there had never been an essentially secular
culture such as the one we have today and therefore, theology itself and askesis were
called philosophy in perfect accord with the freedom with which the Byzantine spirit
notoriously employed language and expressions. As a well-known patristic definition
said, dogmas consist not so much of words () as of things ()
18
,
immutable realities that God reveals for the salvation of men and that the Church sets
into formulae for theological, historical, pastoral, and missionary reasons. These
things are theology as life, inspiration, charisma, prophecy and insight and are
created by saints who irradiate light within the body of the whole Church. This is
where the following principle stems from: precision () is required for
professing ones faith, whereas for any research or polemic there is the possibility to
choose the appropriate method and arguments
19
.
For Byzantine theology it was inconceivable that ecclesiastic, contemplative,
and spiritual experience be the result of and rely on syllogisms. In this respect, Saint
Gregory Palamas wrote the following: We do not believe that a truthful opinion rests
on the knowledge acquired through words and syllogisms, but on the knowledge that
is confirmed by ones deeds and life, this being not only the sole truthful knowledge,
but also the unique and the unchanging one.
20

As Matsoukas stresses, Byzantine theology did not only clarify the
theological realities in themselves, it also developed a superior methodology and
epistemology defining theologys contemplative sphere as well as the research
fields of philosophy and science. The knowledge of God (theognosis) means receiving

16
Nikos Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei bizantine, (Bucureti: Editura Bizantin), 17-31.
17
Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei, 28.
18
Ioan Karmiris, Monumentele dogmatice i simbolice ale Bisericii Ortodoxe Universale, (n lb. gr.) vol. I,
Atena, 1960, p. 379: Our truth and faith lie not in words, but in things, as Gregory the Theologian
said. And I fight to defend dogmas and things. (quoted by Nikos Matsoukas, op. cit., 35, note 31).
19
20
Quoted by Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei., 38, note 35.
GRIGORE-DINU MO

194
the truth that was revealed and is continuously revealed within the Church. The
theognosis is the central and ever present event of church life. The knowledge of God
is unmediated and it is acquired through sight: God reveals Himself in light and
glory and the man sees this divine glory and light, thus coming to know God and His
will. There is no way to knowing God other than through theophanies. Consequently,
the primitive theology of the prophets, apostles, and saints is neither scientific, nor
does it employ a method pertaining to the sciences, it is however charismatic and
it is a result of the sight. This sight is continued in the Holy Sacraments (we
have seen the true light) and in the communitys members full of grace.
21
The
theognosia of the members of the ecclesial community is achieved through spiritual
discernment and experienced, trained, purified senses. Compared to this knowledge,
scientific theology is consecutive and posterior.
22
Certainly, within its own limits,
it is useful and necessary in many aspects educational, pastoral, missionary etc.
Scientific theology, in as much as it is the product of ecclesial experience and spiritual
knowledge, exerts a critical and guiding role for those dedicated to contemplation.
23

As Archimandrite Sophrony Sakharov showed, although the mental abstract
representations are not the eternal life of knowing God (John 17, 3), they are
however valuable, as they can at any time serve man in his spiritual life.
24

We can conclude that after the great schism, from the 11
th
to the 15
th

century, the dominant theology of the East was one inspired by the patristic,
monastic, and hesychast milieus; given its gnoseology and methodology, its divine-
human dialectic and the fact that it was simultaneously mystical and rational, this
theology was not only open to culture, but it also created culture, renewing the
entire Byzantine society and civilization and rendering them fertile.
Fr. Prof. Gheorghios Mettalinos believes that the distinction between faith
offering the knowledge of the uncreated and science the knowledge of the
created
25
is fundamental, even though there is such a thing as a natural
knowledge of God, the pagans had also benefited from: For the invisible things of
Him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things
that are made, even His eternal power and Godhead; so that they are without
excuse (Romans 1, 20). But when they knew God, they glorified Him not as God,
neither were they thankful (Romans 1, 21), and instead worshipped and served
the creature more than the Creator (Romans 1, 25). The natural knowledge of man
affected by the fall of Adam risks to degenerate into various forms of pantheism
without the supernatural knowledge based on the supernatural Revelation.

21
22
Matsoukas, Istoria filosofiei, 234-237.
23
There are many cases of young people who are both spiritually and intellectually gifted who
fell prey to severe errancies because they did not possess the specific, or sometimes not even
the basic knowledge they could have easily found in scientific theology, so harshly criticised
by pseudo-spiritual parties.
24
Arhimandritul Sofronie, Cuviosul Siluan Athonitul, (Alba-Iulia:Rentregirea, 2009) 207.
25
Gheorghios Metallinos, Credina i tiina n gnoseologia ortodox, in Omul de cultur n faa
descretinrii, (Alba-Iulia:Rentregirea, 2005), p. 144.

195
Furthermore, without the light of supernatural Revelation and the grace of God, the
natural knowledge however correct does not have the power to change mans
life and elevate him to a higher vision. According to Saint Gregory Palamas knowing
the place man occupies before God surpasses the wisdom of the Greeks
26
, which
was unable to capture mans the unique greatness
27
.
There is also the risk to stress in a unilateral way the charismatic side of the
knowledge of God, or theology like spiritual experience, prayer, and contemplation,
excluding theology as science and rational knowledge, or to separate them and
create polarities. For instance, Metallinos seems to oversimplify when he states that
the method of worldly knowledge or wisdom is the science, created by the means of
mans rational-intellectual power, whereas the method of divine knowledge is the
hesychasm, the unceasing prayer and ascetic practice that defines Orthodoxy most
accurately.
28
He puts forth yet another equally interesting and provocative, but also
unilateral thesis stating that Orthodox theology properly set within the
framework of the modern educational system would be the equivalent of a
positive science because it gives precedence to experience/living and observation,
rather than to books/texts and intellectual speculation. In this view, the experience
represents spiritual life and askesis, the observation is seeing God in a state of
enlightenment and doxology, whereas the scientist/professor who has the
knowledge is the elder, the spiritual guide in Orthodoxy.
29

Nonetheless, the issue of the method in Orthodox theology is far more
complex, and the role of the science and of the human reason is not to be minimised.
According to Diadochus of Photice, the theological mind, enchanting and warming
ones soul as the very words of God do, attains passionlessness, because The words
of the Lord are pure words: as silver tried in a furnace of earth, purified seven times
(Psalm 12, 6). The knowing (gnostic) mind, strengthened through its experience
with things, rises above passions. But the former tastes the experience of the latter
if it embraces lowliness, just as the latter tastes of the formers contemplative
virtues if it keeps the souls power of discernment from erring, as it seldom happens
that both these gifts are given in their entirety to one mind. The reason for that is

26
Sfntul Grigorie Palama, Despre cunotina natural, in Filocalia 7, trans. by Dumitru Stniloae,
(Humanitas: Bucureti, 1999), 434.
27
Dumitru Stniloae, note 18, in Filocalia 7,. 434.
28
Palama, Despre cunotina natural, 148-149.
29
Palama, Despre cunotina natural, 153. The development of this idea would require some
nuances: The saints are the authentic interpreters of the Holy Scriptures, that is of the experiences
the Prophets and the Holy Apostles had, because they are inspired by God too and partake in the
same experiences. The same thing happens to what occurs in the case of science, where only the
specialist understands the research of other specialists from the same field of research. Accepting
the conclusions of a research in a given scientific branch, by those who are not specialists (those
who are unable to verify the research of the specialists by means of experiments) happens based
on their confidence in the specialists good faith and intentions. [...] The empiric knowledge of the
Saints is accepted based on the same confidence. The patristic tradition and the Ecumenical Synods
of the Church rely on this proven experience. Without people who are able to see God, there is no
Ecumenical Synod. (Palama, Despre cunotina natural, 153-154).
GRIGORE-DINU MO

196
that both should wonder at what the other exceeds in and thus grow in humble
reflection and strive for righteousness.
30

As prof. Thedor M. Popescu and fr. prof. Ioan Ic have shown, along this line
of thought theology is both knowledge of God and discourse on God, speaking about
God and speaking to God in prayer. Theology is both knowledge of God acquired
through hearing and seeing, and science.
31
We must emphasise the fact that reason
enriched by faith played an essential role in the formulation of the dogmas, in
developing the confession of faith, as well as in refuting idolatry, superstition,
erroneous myths and beliefs. As it was shown theology is theocentric in character,
because its origin is the word of God given unto us, and it is also charismatic-
prophetic because being based on the word of God given unto us, it explains it
based on the communion of God and aiming at achieving this communion.
32

Consequently, theology is also our bearing witness to God before our fellow men
and as such it is not only a charisma but also an effort to analyse, comprehend,
formulate systematically, preach, and communicate the word of God.
33

Orthodox theology implies an apophatic, mystical knowledge of God, as well
as a kataphatic, rational one. It is essentially witnessing and missionary in character, as
well as profoundly biblical and patristic, being based on the Holy Scriptures and the
Holy Tradition. Because the Revelation in Christ is the climax and the conclusion of
the Revelation the theology expounding this Revelation in a systematic fashion is the
single genuine theology. [...] Because the Church is the pillar and ground of the truth
(1 Timothy 3, 25), the Church is the subject and the sphere of theology, and theology
is ecclesial
34
as it is guided by and serves the Church. To conclude, theology is a
charisma conferred by the Holy Spirit and a human science elaborated by theologians.
[...] If the content of theology is revealed, with regard to its formal dimension it
is a discourse systematically and scientifically structured by theologians
35
having its
own method and a substantial analytical approach.
From the 11
th
century onwards, the theology studied in the western
universities was developed mainly and unilaterally as a science, becoming separate
from spirituality and from a spiritual and charismatic knowledge of God. Beginning
with the 18
th
century, the eastern universities have also cultivated theology as a
science, due to the western influence, and the faculties of theology were structured

30
Diadoch al Foticeii, Cuvnt ascetic, 72, in Filocalia, vol. I, trans. by Dumitru Stniloae, (Sibiu:
Dacia Traian, 1947), 366
31
Thedor M. Popescu, Teologia ca tiin (Bucureti, 1937); pr. prof. dr. Valer Bel, Teologia ca tiin
i mrturisire n viziunea pr. prof. dr. Ioan Ic, n Omagiu printelui prof. univ. dr. Ioan Ic, (Cluj-
Napoca: Renaterea, 2007). Theology is the highest, most difficult and most complex of all sciences
of the spirit; it requires more knowledge than any other science, exceptional culture and diligence,
brilliant insight, and especially a righteous life no other science demands. [...] Theology is no mere
profession, but a profession of faith. The theologian knows God and bears witness to Him by study
and prayer, by scientific and ascetic effort. (Bel, Teologia ca tiin i mrturisire, 116-117).
32
Bel, Teologia ca tiin i mrturisire, 115.
33
Bel, Teologia ca tiin i mrturisire, 116.
34
35

197
according to the western paradigm; however, seeing as the east had preserved its
living patristic and Byzantine tradition, the science of theology was never separated
from theology as an ecclesial, spiritual, and charismatic experience, although the
scholastic influence was undeniable.
36
The positive aspect of this development
resides in the following facts: the division of the scientific theological work became
more efficient; the various theological domains were approached systematically;
the extremely complex problems of contemporary times identified on the level of
the mature intellectual consciousness of the present-day world have been met with
pertinent answers; all of the scientific instruments of methodology, analysis, and
research have been brought to serve theology and the mission of the Church;
opening a dialogue with modern science and culture etc. For these reasons, today it
would be inconceivable to revive the Byzantine educational system, to elude the
scientific character of theology or to create two poles within theology science and
discourse versus spiritual experience, prayer and contemplation because it would
reiterate the very mistake scholasticism had made in its tendency to break away
from spirituality, only in the opposite direction.
At the same time, faced with western influences that often tend to reduce
theology to its formal and scientific aspects, the fact that the Orthodox theology
asserts its specific characteristics is welcome: Orthodox theology offers an organic
unity of theology and spirituality, kataphatism and apophaticism, speaking about
God and speaking to Him in prayer. Thus, in his 1982 study The Methodology of
Theology, Atanasije Yevtic underlined the ascetical and mystagogic character of
Orthodox theology. The method of Orthodox theology should not lack the following
elements: purification, prayer, observance of the commandments, love.
37
And if any
man think that he knoweth any thing, he knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know.
But if any man love God, the same is known of Him (1 Corinthians 8, 2-3). In other
words, our knowledge of God and theology are preceded by the fact that we have
been known by Him, meaning that we have opened ourselves to Him and have
experienced His Light in faith, hope, and charity.
38

Theology is Christocentric and Christological. Christ is the fundament of
theology and of the knowledge of God, He is the beginning, the source, and the
completion of theology, as well as the author and finisher of our faith (Hebrews
12, 2). In order to become acquainted with the truths of Christian theology, which
surpass reason and at the same time meet the mans highest requirements and
deepest need for knowledge, one needs a new and transformed mind, one needs
the mind of Christ, the first theologian.
39
A sure method of Orthodox theology is the
golden rule of Ecumenical Councils: Following the holy Fathers, we unanimously

36
37
Atanasije Yevtic, The Methodology of Theology, Second International Consultation of Orthodox
Theological Schools, Saint Vladimirs Orthodox Theological Seminary, Crestwood New-York,
January 12-19, 1982, Syndemos, , 1985, 37-38.
38
39
Yevtic, The Methodology of Theology, pp. 39-41.
GRIGORE-DINU MO

198
confess... Revisiting the Holy Fathers, a path suggested by Georges Florovsky at
the First Congress of the Faculties of Orthodox Theology in Athens 1936, does not
mean repeating what they said, using their words and their phrases, but following
them in their repentance, faith, experience, and life.
40
The faith of the Fathers is
always new, in as much as it becomes our own personal faith. Being a theologian
and living within the tradition of the Church is only possible if we live with all
saints (Ephesians 3, 16-19).
41

Ion Bria believed that defining the method of Orthodox theology required
the following essential elements: the Word of God from the Holy Scriptures, the
doctrine of the Apostles, the Fathers consensus, the development of the doctrine
in the theological expression of the faith
42
, the separation of Orthodoxy and
heresy, the authority of the universal Church and of the ecumenical councils, the
profession and celebration of the faith by the people of God.
43

All these elements listed by the above-mentioned authors from amongst
which the position of prof. Theodor M. Popescu and fr. prof. Ioan Ic stands out as
extremely balanced and precise define the particularity and the method of
Orthodox theology. In the present context and the cultural and scientific paradigm
of our times they are the living heritage of patristic and Byzantine theology. This
continuity does not only surpass history, it also touches the very abyss of the
history of humanity, appropriating the specific features of every era as a medium
for spreading the Revelation and expressing the same divine-human vision and
paradigm in its attempt to articulate the consequences of the Incarnation of the
Logos with the historical and cultural dynamic of humanity on its way towards the
eschaton.

40
41
42
In this respect, Ion Bria points out that theology has multiple functions. The theologian compares
theories, establishes a logic concatenation of unrelated biblical or patristic texts, from the perspective
of a single dogmatic truth; he clarifies and emphasises the more obscure or less explicit aspects; he
forms conclusions that are biblically and dogmatically substantiated; he can create new theological
notions such as the term homousia.
43
Ion Bria, Destinul Ortodoxiei, (Bucureti, Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiunie, 1989).


CONFLICTUL ECLESIOLOGIILOR. BISERICILE CRETINE
I VIOLENA
*

DACIAN BUT-CPUAN
**

REZUMAT. Lumea n care trim e caracterizat de cnd se tie de violen.
Violena este o consecin a pcatului originar.
Biserica cretin s-a confruntat ns cu violena din primele zile ale existenei
sale. Biserica, ca instituie vzut se nate i se dezvolt ntr-o lume mcinat de
ur i rivaliti. Interpretnd literal cuvintele Mntuitorului Nu socotii c am venit
s aduc pace... (Mt 10,34) s-a ajuns la utilizarea violenei de ctre unele confesiuni
cretine. Violena este o prezen constant n istoria cretinismului.
Justificarea religioas a actelor de violen este fals deoarece argumentele
care se aduc camufleaz n fapt patimile omeneti ce se dezlnuie i doresc s
se mbrace n straie de virtui.
Credina oamenilor n Dumnezeu a dus ns la foarte multe aciuni i
manifestri extreme de-a lungul timpului. Relaia omului cu Divinitatea a fost
din totdeauna una tumultoas i mereu pus la ncercare, aciunile omului
nefiind de fiecare dat pe placul lui Dumnezeu. i aici intervine extremismul
religios, manifestare care a dus la aciuni de neimaginat svrite de oameni
n numele lui Dumnezeu.

Cuvinte cheie: Biseric, violen, iubire, pace, rzboi

Lumea n care trim e caracterizat de cnd se tie de violen individual
sau colectiv: violen ntre persoane, violen chiar i mpotriva vieii nc
nenscute, violen apoi i ntre relaiile dintre popoare, n fine violen mpotriva
naturii, mpotriva mediului nostru nconjurtor de care atrn nsi existena
noastr
1
.

*
Acest studiu a fost posibil prin finanarea oferit de Programul Operaional Sectorial pentru
Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane 2007-2013, cofinanat prin Fondul Social European, n cadrul
proiectului POSDRU 89/1.5/S/60189 cu titlul Programe postdoctorale pentru dezvoltare durabil
ntr-o societate bazat pe cunoatere.
**
Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
dbutcapusan@yahoo.ro
1
Ieromonah Gabriel Bunge, Mnia i terapia ei dup avva Evagrie Ponticul sau Vinul dracilor i pinea
ngerilor, ed. II, trad. de. Ioan I. Ic jr., Ed. Deisis, Sibiu, 2002, p. 11.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

200
Mai mult, societatea deschis n care convieuiesc identiti diferite, este
indubitabil conflictual, pentru c n ea se manifest controverse ideologice, conflicte
de interese, voine de putere antagonice
2
.
Violena este o consecin a pcatului originar, care a adus un dezechilibru
ntre om i Dumnezeu, ntre om i ntreaga creaie, ntre om i el nsui, ntre om i
semenii si, n relaiile inter-umane. Lumea noastr, privind lucrurile din perspectiv
teologic, este una erodat de pcat
3
. Omul este stpnit de agresivitate, de pornire
violent. Violena este prezent n toate religiile: politeiste sau monoteiste, revelate
sau nu. Permanentizarea violenei nici nu e altceva dect permanentizarea unui
pcat de moarte cunoscut cu denumirea de ur, vrajb, dumnie, conflict, fiind pcatul
care i afl sensul n expresia paulin zidul despritor al urii (Efes 2,14)
4
.
Noiunea de violen, ntr-un sens general, desemneaz utilizarea forei
destinat exercitrii unei constrngeri. Etimologic, termenul violen provine din
latinescul vis care nseamn for, putere, folosirea forei fizice, ideea unei puteri
naturale care se exercit asupra unui lucru sau asupra altei persoane. Noiunea de
violen se refer la utilizarea ilegitim i ilegal a forei i poate fi definit ca
o conduit agresiv acut, caracterizat ndeosebi prin folosirea forei fizice
5
.
Agresivitatea este unul dintre posibilele rspunsuri pe care fiina uman le pune n
act n faa dificultilor. Este o energie care se exprim n comportamente avnd
drept scop, la nceput supravieuirea, iar mai apoi depirea diferitelor obstacole ce
stau n calea atingerii propriilor obiective. Comportamentul agresiv nu este
automatic, ci este determinat de interpretarea pe care omul sau animalul o d
situaiei conjuncturale. Dac se simte n siguran sau n pericol, dac este solicitat
de perspectiva unei prade sau este nfometat, etc. exist i un tip de agresivitate
care poate fi calificat drept iraional i distructiv, numit i violen, ndreptat
spre dauna unor persoane sau lucruri, spre distrugere sau spre a determina
suferina altora, indiferent de nevoile biologice proprii de supravieuire sau de
situaiile sociale construite i acceptate
6
.
Sf. Scriptur ne istorisete primul act de violen din istoria omenirii care
a fost un fratricid. Vechiul Testament ne prezint istoria primei crime, un exemplu
tipic al modului n care mnia i ura se transform n crim (Fac 4).
7

Cretinismul este o religie a iubirii, pcii, are un aspect comunitar. Primul
imn cretin intonat de ngeri la Naterea Mntuitorului Iisus Hristos i preluat n
cultul ortodox este slav ntru cei de sus lui Dumnezeu i pe pmnt pace, ntre

2
Pr. Teofil Tia, Violena n societatea postcretin, Alba-Iulia, 2012, p. 22.
3
Pr. Teofil Tia, Violena n societatea postcretin, p. 4.
4
Pr. Ilie Moldovan, Rezisten i martiriu n viaa poporului romn din Transilvania n faa ereziei i
a violenelor seculare. Studiu de teologie a istoriei n vol. Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, Un
rspuns cretin, Ed. Rentregirea, Alba Iulia, 2002, p. 88.
5
Vasile Preda, Delincvena juvenil o abordare multidisciplinar, Ed. Presa Universitar Clujean,
Cluj-Napoca, 1998.
6
Pr. Teofil Tia, Efecte ale globalizrii: omogenizarea cultural ca violen intrecivilizaional n
vol. Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, p. 449-450.
7
Gerhard Maier, Evanghelia dup Matei, Ed. Lumina Lumii, Korntal, 2000, p. 150.
CONFLICTUL ECLESIOLOGIILOR. BISERICILE CRETINE I VIOLENA

201
oameni bunvoire (Lc 2,14). Interesant de remarcat c la scurt timp dup naterea
lui Iisus Hristos n Betleemul Iudeii se petrece un act de mare violen: uciderea
pruncilor din porunca regelui Irod.
Exist o aparent contradicie ntre spusele Mntuitorului: Nu socotii c
am venit s aduc pace... (Mt 10,34) i cuvintele Sf. Ap. Pavel pacea s urmai cu
toii i sfinenia, fr de care nimeni nu va vedea pre Dumnezeu (Evr 12,14).
Un alt sfat al Mntuitorului este s nu ne mpotrivim celui ru, celui ce ne
lovete peste obrazul drept, s-i ntoarcem i pe cellalt, celui ce vrea s se judece cu
noi s ne ia haina, s-i dm i cmaa (cf. Mt 5, 39-40), s-i iubim pe vrjmai, s-i
binecuvntm pe cei ce ne blestem, s facem bine celor ce ne ursc, s ne rugm
pentru cei ce ne vatm i ne prigonesc (cf. Mt 5, 44). mplinind aceste sfaturi
evangelice nseamn s fim, prin iubire, n pace cu aproapele. Acestea toate presupun
o lepdare de patimi, de iubirea de sine, de iubirea de bogii, o deertare a ngmfrii,
nsemn o micorare a noastr, pentru ca Hristos s poat crete n noi. Aceasta nu
nseamn acceptare a violenei, supunere la actele de violen, suportare cu stoicism.
Pacea, linitea interioar este un rod al Duhului Sfnt (Gal 6). Cei ce au
pace luntric, pot s transmit i aproapelui aceast stare. De aceea Mntuitorul pe
muntele Fericirilor spune: fericii fctorii pe de pace, c aceia fiii Lui Dumnezeu se
vor chema (Mt. 5, 9). Interpretnd fericirile, Sfntul Grigorie de Nyssa (335-395),
spune c toate fericirile sunt una cte una, sfinte i sfinite, dar ceea ce ni se pune
nainte e cu adevrat i de nestrbtut i Sfnt a Sfintelor, cci dac a vedea pe
Dumnezeu e un bine care nu poate fi ntrecut de nimic, a se face fiul lui Dumnezeu
e mai presus de orice fericire. Spune aceasta deoarece omul este pus fa n fa cu
firea dumnezeiasc. Dar ce e omul? Avraam spune c e pmnt i cenu (Fac.
18,27), dup David asemenea ierbii, dup Pavel, vrednic de plns (I Cor 25,19)
aceasta este omul. Dar despre Dumnezeu, ce cuvinte vom nscoci? Pentru Cel
negrit, nici un cuvnt nu poate cuprinde mreia Lui. Acesta l ridic pe om din
iubire la treapta de fiu, e fcut din muritor, nemuritor; din om, dumnezeu, ne ridic
aproape la aceiai cinste cu Sine, prin nrudire. Lupta pentru aceasta cunun este s
fii fctor de pace, dar i fapta creia i se fgduiete o astfel de rsplat e un alt dar,
deoarece ce e mai frumos dect o via panic, pentru c orice numim din cele
dulci, are nevoie de pace ca s fie dulce
8
. Fericii fctorii de pace, iar fctorul de
pace este cel ce d pace altuia, ns n-ar putea-o mprti altuia dac nu o are el,
Dumnezeu o d pentru ca s o mpart din belugul prisositor i celor ce nu o au,
nu s rmn doar n el.
9

Cuvntul pace este sinonim cu linite. Definind pacea, Grigorie de Nyssa,
spune c pacea este mpreuna simire iubitoare, ndreptat spre cel de aceiai fire,
fiind leac urii, mniei, pizmei, pomenirii rului, frniciei, rzboiului. Ea se
mpotrivete acestora i precum se mistuie ntunericul cnd apare lumina, aa, cnd
se ivete pacea, se destram toate patimile ce se nasc din starea potrivnic
10
.

8
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, Despre fericiri, PSB, vol. 29, trad. de Dumitru Stniloae i pr. Ioan Buga,
Ed. Institutului Biblic i de Misune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1982, p. 387.
9
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, Despre fericiri, p. 390.
10
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, Despre fericiri, p. 390.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

202
Atunci cnd Hristos le-a spus Apostolilor ntru Mine pace s avei (In
16,33) i Pacea Mea dau vou, a adugat, nu cum d lumea (In 14,27). La fel
cum judecile lui Dumnezeu sunt foarte diferite de ale noastre (Is 55,8), sunt
desvrite, aa i darurile sunt desvrite, comparativ cu cele date de oameni.
Domnul vorbete aici de pacea care covrete toat mintea (Filip 4,7).
Biserica cretin s-a confruntat ns cu violena din primele zile ale
existenei sale. Biserica, ca instituie vzut se nate i se dezvolt ntr-o lume
mcinat de ur i rivaliti. Astfel Sf. Apostoli sunt arestai..., biciuii, etc. Faptele
Apostolilor, prima carte de Istorie a Bisericii este plin de astfel de evenimente cu
aspecte violente. Martiriul Sf. Arhidiacon tefan care devine primul mucenic
cretin este o ilustrare a conflictului ntre religii (iudaism i cretinism).
Chiar din epoca apostolic cretinii sunt supui persecuiilor n Imperiul
roman, pn n secolul al IV-lea. Dac primii cretini se supuneau, din dragoste
fa de Mielul lui Dumnezeu, celor mai ngrozitoare persecuii prefernd moartea
n locul rspunsului violent sau lepdrii de Hristos, cu timpul coerciiunea,
pedeapsa n numele Divinitii va fi mpropriat i de acetia. Martirul militeaz
pentru un univers al responsabilitii absolute. Refuznd complicitatea cu violena, el
atrage asupra sa automat violena, urmnd cuvintelor Mntuitorului: Nu v temei
de cei ce ucid trupul, iar sufletul nu pot s-l ucid, temei-v mai curnd de acela ce
poate i sufletul i trupul s le piard n gheen (Mt 10,28)
11
. Interpretnd literal
cuvintele Mntuitorului, s-a ajuns la utilizarea violenei de ctre unele confesiuni
cretine.
Ereziile vor da tonul luptelor fratricide, inter-cretine. n Apus se va proceda
la uciderea ereticilor, n timp ce n Rsrit pedeapsa maxim pentru eretici era
exilul. Au fost supui acestuia muli ierarhi i teologi ortodoci, atunci cnd ereticii au
devenit majoritari numeric i au fost sprijinii i de puterea politic (Sf. Atanasie cel
Mare, Sf. Maxim Mrturisitorul tierea minii drepte i a limbii pentru a nu mai
putea scrie sau propovdui nvtura ortodox pe care o susinea). Episcopul
hispanic Priscillian de Avila (cca. 430 - 385) a fost prima persoan executat pentru
erezie n 385. Din nefericire, cretintatea n-a meninut consecvent linia martirial
a cretinismului predicat de ntemeietorul ei. Prea repede i prea uor cretinii
s-au transformat din persecutai n persecutori, din victime n cli, sau n cel
mai bun caz n spectatori impasibili ai victimelor semenilor lor
12
.
Inchiziia - cea mai mare greeal pe care Biserica roman avea s o fac
n raporturile sale cu celelalte denominaiuni cretine i cu societatea - ce a acionat
ntre anii 1184-1831 nu a fost o instituie exclusiv religioas, nu a fost creat spontan
de ctre Biserica Apusean, ci a aprut ca o perfecionare a tuturor metodelor i
mijloacelor prevzute de legislaia anterioar Evului Mediu privind combaterea i
exterminarea ereziilor i a tuturor ideologiilor contrare opiniei majoritii, fie aceasta
laic sau eclesiastic. Aceasta a desfurat o aprig prigoan mpotriva ereticilor

11
Pr. Teofil Tia, Dezvluiri ale lucrurilor ascunse de la ntemeierea lumii (Matei 13,35). Condiia
uman ntre violen, sacrificiu i crim retrospectiv pastoral-istoric, Alba Iulia, 2012, p. 12.
12
Pr. T. Tia, Dezvluiri ale lucrurilor ascunse de la ntemeierea lumii, p. 13.

203
(reali sau presupui), evreilor, musulmanilor, vrjitoarelor i a acionat mult
mai dur dect ne putem imagina. Ca pedepse mpotriva celor acuzai de vrjitorie s-
au aplicat ordaliile sub diverse forme. Ca metode de tortur utilizate n Spania,
pe lng cele generale, merit amintite: tortura cu fierul rou, extensia prealabil,
garrucha, potro, toca, fecioara de fier, arderea minilor etc. Este important de
subliniat c au czut victime i numeroi teologi (ierarhi, profesori, membri ai
diverselor ordine clugreti etc.). De exemplu cazul arhiepiscopului Bartolome de
Carranza (15031576), arestat de Sfntul Oficiu n anul 1559, sau cele ale Sfintei
Tereza de vila (1515-1582) i Sfntului Ioan al Crucii (+1591).
Cruciadele - cea mai important epoc din istoria rzboaielor dintre cele
dou lumi religioase, cretin i islamic, rzboaie care au fost duse din secolul al
VII-lea
13
- au avut o dimensiune violent. Rzboaie de eliberare a locurilor sfinte
ndreptate mpotriva celor care le stpneau, chiar dac acetia erau de alt credin
musulmani, cruciadele pornite din rile apusene ale Europei, au avut ca scop
eliberarea Locurilor Sfinte de sub ocupaia arab (Ierusalimul cucerit n 1080, iar
Antiohia n 1085). Durata desfurrii cruciadelor este ntre 1096-1270, iar numrul
expediiilor militare depete cifra 10, dar de cea mai mare importan se cunosc
doar apte cruciade. n evoluia cruciadelor, nu au fost implicate doar motive
religioase, ci nc de la prima cruciad, care a scos cel mai mult n eviden idealul
de a smulge ara Sfnt din minile necredincioilor, s-au fcut simite scopurile i
interesele lumeti: Exist dou partide printre cruciai, unul al celor motivai religios
i cellalt al politicienilor
14
. Cu fiecare nou cruciad, duhul lumesc se simea din ce
n ce mai puternic; n cele din urm, acest punct de vedere secular a nvins definitiv
ideea iniial a micrii, aa cum au demonstrat-o cucerirea Constantinopolului i
ntemeierea Imperiului latin de ctre cruciaii din 1204
15
. n aceast perioad,
ciocnirile dintre cretini i musulmani au dezvluit latura cea mai crud a firii
omeneti, att din partea agresorilor, ct i din partea celor atacai. Omucideri
n mas, pogromuri, persecuii de tot felul, au constituit tabloul ce nsoea toate
marile btlii
16
.
A urmat un lung ir de masacre i expulzri. n timpul cruciadelor se afirma
c uciderea unui evreu duce la iertarea pcatelor. Prezena evreilor n Europa
cpta dintr-odat un sens nou. Ducndu-se s smulg mormntul lui Hristos din
minile necredincioilor, cruciaii au ntlnit n drumul lor ali necredincioi, strns
legai pe deasupra de moartea lui Hristos. Ispita de a face dreptate pe parcurs e mare:
strbatem mari distane ca s aflm locurile noastre sfinte i s ne rzbunm
mpotriva musulmanilor. Dar iat-i pe evreii dintre noi ai cror strmoi L-au ucis
i rstignit pe Iisus, fr nici un motiv. S ne rzbunm mai nti mpotriva lor i
s-i nlturm din mijlocul neamurilor
17
.

13
A. A. Vasiliev, Istoria Imperiului Bizantin, trad. de Ionu-Alexandru Tudorie, Vasile-Adrian Carab,
Sebastian-Laureniu Nazru Ed. Polirom, Iai, 2010, p. 386.
14
A. A. Vasiliev, Istoria Imperiului Bizantin, p. 386.
15
A. A. Vasiliev, Istoria Imperiului Bizantin, p. 386.
16
Ilie Grmad, Cruciadele, Bucureti, 1961, p. 81.
17
Josi Eisenberg, O istorie a evreilor, trad. de Jean Rou, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 2006, p. 204.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

204
Cruciada a IV-a a sfrit prin cucerirea Constantinopolului - cetate cretin,
al doilea scaun patriarhal ca importan. Pe lng diferenele culturale dintre
Rsrit i Apus aceasta a determinat acumularea unui sentiment foarte puternic
de ur a bizantinilor/romeilor fa de apuseni. A fost o cruciad mpotriva cretinilor.
Dac orgoliul bizantinilor pentru trecutul lor i pentru cultura lor, motenitoare a
prestigioasei culturi greco-romane, a dunat unitii Bisericii, nu mai puin duntoare
a fost pretenia de dominare a cavalerilor occidentali, care s-au strduit s o impun
n numele Bisericii Catolice, ntotdeauna doritoare s obin conducerea suprem n
Biserica lui Hristos, n detrimentul Bisericii Rsritului.
18
Obiectivul iniial al cruciadei
era Egiptul, de care depindea Palestina. La 13 aprilie 1204
19
, n Vinerea Patimilor,
cruciaii asediaz Constantinopolul, acesta fiind supus unor scene penibile: n locul
aprrii i eliberrii cretinilor n faa musulmanilor, aa cum fusese predicat aceast
cruciad, asistm la deturnarea cruciailor de la inta lor iniial. Descoperirea
pivnielor cu vin au dezlnuit instinctele animalice ale soldailor. Bui, acetia s-
au dedat la mceluri i violuri, numrul celor ucii n acele zile fiind estimat la dou
mii de persoane. Muli ceteni au fost torturai pentru a spune unde i-au ascuns
averile
20
. Cruciaii au profanat locaurile sfinte, altarul Sfintei Sofia - a suferit cele
mai mari pierderi, au jefuit biserica Sfinilor Apostoli, necropola mprailor bizantini,
ore n ir.
Cu violen s-a acionat i mpotriva prereformatorilor: Jan Hus (1369 -1415)
i Girolamo Savonarola (1452-1498), ambii sfrind pe rug, moartea celui dinti
declannd rzboaiele husite sau boemiene desfurate ntre 1420-1434 ntre
husiii radicali (taborii) i forele romano-catolice, ngrozind popoarele cretine.
Reforma a iscat rzboaie religioase: rzboiul de 30 de ani, dintre 1618-1648,
la care au luat parte toate puterile catolice i protestante din centrul, vestul i nordul
Europei i care s-au sfrit cu pustiirea Germaniei, cu ctiguri teritoriale suedeze
i franceze i cu asigurarea libertii confesionale
21
.
Pronunndu-se categoric mpotriva doctrinei i rnduielilor canonice
catolice, dar i a oprimrii maselor, teologul protestant radical Thomas Mntzer
(1469-1525) devine lider al rzboiului rnesc din Germania 1524-1525.
Un alt exemplu nefast al exceselor zeloilor ntr-ale credinei care s-au
supus de fapt zeului pgn Marte sunt turbulenele anabaptiilor ncepnd cu 1534
la Mnster, mai puin cunoscute. Toi cei care ncercaser s protesteze n faa
noii ordini i ai numirii marelui profet Johann Matthiesen (1787 - +?) au fost

18
cf. Pr. Ioan Rmureanu, Pr. Milan esan, Pr. Teodor Bodogae, Istoria bisericeasc universal,
vol. II, Ed. Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1993, p. 28.
19
Despre ziua cuceririi Constantinopolului de cruciai: Gabriel-Viorel Grdan, Ziua care nu se
uit: 13 aprilie 1204; 800 de ani de la cucerirea Constantinopolului de ctre cruciai, n Renaterea,
anul XV, serie nou, nr. 4, aprilie 2004, p. 7.
20
Pr. Emanoil Bbu, Bizanul ntre Occidentul cretin i Orientul islamic (secolele VII-XV), Ed. Sofia,
Bucureti, 2006, p. 117-118.
21
Pr. I. Rmureanu et alii, Istoria bisericeasc universal, p. 233.

205
executai fr nici o judecat. Un grup de pietiti ce urmeaz nvturile lui Martin
Luther (1483-1546) se opun armatelor clericale catolice. Liderii anabaptitilor
vor renuna la orice moral, la orice lege a umanitarismului dedndu-se unor
excese de tiranie dement. Poporul fanatizat le va clca pe urme. Desfrul, omorul
i cele mai aberante apuctori vor face legea n cetate. Jan van Leyden (1509?1536),
se proclam rege i instaureaz dictatura de fier. Lunile care au urmat au fcut ca
oraul aflat sub blocad s sufere cumplit. Sunt consemnate acte abominabile
de canibalism i coprofagie. Nebunia lui Van Leyden a dus la uciderea multor
nevinovai, inclusiv a soiei sale, iar legislaia instituit de acesta nu mai are nimic
n comun cu nvtura lui Luther. n 1535, regele este arestat i executat de
armatele catolice ptrunse n ora n urma trdrii unui otean rmas anonim.
Luther l va numi pe Van Leyden un nvcel al diavolului, respingnd totodat orice
dorin belicoas care s-ar fi ascuns sau ar fi mprumutat dialectica cucerniciei.
Primul obiectiv al lucrrii reformatorului Jean Calvin (1509-1564) Articole
despre disciplina ecleziastic va fi s nlture orice urm a cultului catolic. Grupuri
de oameni pline de rvn forau uile bisericilor vandaliznd interioarele sacre
despuindu-le de statui i rzuind nfirile sfinte picturale. A urmat dictatura
pietist instaurat de Calvin la Geneva. Toate figurile intelectuale sceptice ale
oraului i vor cunoate teroarea, orice cugetare mpotriva credinei fiind persecutat.
La nceputul anului 1547, faima de liber cugettor a unui personaj numit Jacques
Gruet (+1547) l irit pe Calvin care dispuse arestarea lui. n cele din urm acesta a
fost executat, iar intolerana religioas a devenit o obinuin. Notorietatea regimului
calvinist se va manifesta n urma procesului intentat teologului i medicului spaniol
Michael Servet (1509/1511-1553), executat, ca i alte peste 1340 de persoane.
n cazul regatului Franei, noaptea Sfntului Bartolomeu va fi reprezentativ
pentru climatul antagonist existent ntre catolici i hughenoi. Prologul dramei l-
ar putea constitui un monolog interior al Caterinei de Medici (1519-1589): simt
c pacea pe care am ncheiat-o nu poate dinui. Att partidul catolic ct i cel
protestant sunt din zi n zi mai puternice i mai potrivnice unul altuia. Autoritatea
regal i unitatea regatului nu pot fi restabilite dect dac cele dou partide, pentru
nceput, sunt lipsite de conductorii lor.
22
La 23 august 1572, la ordinul regelui
Carol al IX-lea (1550-1574), gentilomii protestani gzduii la Luvru sunt asasinai.
Masacrul se ntinde nu doar asupra Parisului, ci i a Franei ntregi. La Lion, Orleans,
Rouen sau Bordeaux, mii de oameni sunt ucii doar pentru c refuz dogmele Romei.
ncetarea acestor lupte confesionale se va produce odat cu semnarea la 13 aprilie
1598 a edictului de la Nantes. Aminitim aici i domnia reginei Maria Tudor (1553-
1558), numit cea sngeroas, datorit expulzrilor i a celor aproape 300 de
execuii n rndul anglicanilor.
O alt form de violen ntlnit n istorie de la care nu s-au sustras nici
religiile este omologarea cultural, adic distrugerea culturilor indigene considerate
barbare, prin intermediul colonizrii culturale i politice trecnd cu vederea

22
Georges Blond, Furioii Domnului, catolici i protestani: patru veacuri de fanatism, trad. de Iulia
Giroveanu, Sanda Mihescu-Boroianu, Ed. Politic, Bucureti, 1976, p. 181.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

206
violena exercitat asupra popoarelor cu scopul de a opera aa-zisa civilizare a lor,
trebuie observat c violena era intrinsec proiectului nsui, nct nu s-a sesizat
faptul c cultura este parte constitutiv a oricrui om, criteriu de discernmnt i
orientare n trirea cotidian. A priva deci individul de cultura sa nseamn a-l
supune unei violene
23
.
Violena revoluiei franceze va fi rspunsul controlului pe care Biserica l
exercit asupra instanelor statale, alturi de monarhia despotic. Crimei n
numele lui Dumnezeu i ia locul crima n numele raiunii, a omului, a poporului
exaltat, divinizat i terorizat, masacrat. Revoluiile modernitii burghez-iluminist,
comunist-socialist sau fascist-nazist au avut toate aceleai etape: deicidul-
regicidul-homicidul, ncepnd i sfrind cu violena i oroarea execuiilor,
exterminrii i dezumanizrii
24
.
Adoptarea unor religii de stat a generat violen inter-cretin, astfel cnd
Principatul Transilvaniei s-a aflat n secolul calvin, sub conducerea principilor
reformai au fost persecutai pe motive religioase n Transilvania cei ce refuzau
s adere la calvinism, amintim pe Mitropoliii: Ilie Iorest (1640-1643) i Sava
Brancovici (1656-1660/1662-1680), apoi cei ce refuzau s mbrieze uniaia,
luptnd pentru credina strmoeasc: Visarion Sarai, Sofronie, Nicolae Oprea,
martirii nsudeni: Atanasie Todoran din Bichigiu, Vasile din Mocod, Grigore din
Zagra i Vasile din Telciu. Este vorba despre Imperiul habsburgic n care catolicismul
era religia de stat, a casei imperiale. Distrugerea bisericilor i mnstirilor ortodoxe
(200 la numr) toate au fost acte de violen.
Conflictul din Irlanda de Nord dintre catolici - care constituie o minoritate
i protestani este deschis i n momentul de fa i s-a soldat cu numeroase
victime. Lupta fratricid continu din veacul al XVI-lea n insulele Britanice avnd
reminiscene pn n timpurile de fa i amintim doar situaia din Ulster (Irlanda
de Nord). Dincolo de naionalismul accentuat al Armatei de Eliberare Irlandeze
se afl o pronunat afirmare a identitii confesionale. Catolicii din I.R.A. lupt
mpotriva confrailor protestani reiternd ntr-un peisaj contemporan, rivalitile
confesionale datnd din timpul reginelor Elisabeta I (1533- 1603) i Maria Stuard
(1542-1587). Decapitarea celei din urm a fcut s se adnceasc antagonismul
dintre protestani i catolici n Insulele Britanice.
Aadar, violena este o prezen constant n istoria cretinismului. Aciuni
violente, acte brutale, lovind josnic n demnitatea uman, sunt nfptuite n numele
lui Dumnezeu i de ctre cei care se reclam slujitori i urmtori ai Lui. Rzboaiele
religioase nu au un nceput. Oamenii s-au omort din totdeauna ntre ei, pentru c
nu credeau n acelai Dumnezeu, sau nu aveau aceeai prere despre ce are de
gnd Dumnezeu cu ei
25
.

23
Pr. Teofil Tia, Efecte ale globalizrii n Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, p. 457.
24
Pr. Teofil Tia, Dezvluiri, p. 13.
25
G. Blond, Furioii Domnului, p. 47.

207
O anumit afinitate ntre religie i violen este documentat de nenumrate
evenimente ale istoriei i ale contemporaneitii. Sociologia i psihologia religiei au
efectuat cercetri referitoare la aceast afinitate, observnd c nici una dintre marile
religii nu poate s se declare complet strin de manifestrile violente
26
.
Violena pare s explodeze n forme nspimnttoare tocmai acolo unde
religia devine motiv de aciune politic...n relaiile inter-cretine violena este
determinat de elemente strine: interese materiale, hegemonie, naionalism.
Opinia c religia ar duce n mod necesar la violen este o idee unilateral, la fel ca
i presupunerea c cretinismul (sau alte religii mondiale) conduce n mod
necesar la pace. Realitatea este mai complex, ntruct religia duce la violen
numai mpreun cu ali factori care pot fi: interesul naional sau opresiunea
politic, insecuritatea social sau revoluiile culturale. Este des ntlnit n istorie
abuzarea n religie, printr-o manipulare a lor, n numele unor interese absolut
nereligioase
27
. Violena devine feroce cnd la aspectul pasional i emotiv se
adaug justificri logice i cnd are drept scop urmrirea unor valori ipotetice
28
.
Justificarea religioas a actelor de violen este fals, deoarece argumentele
care se aduc camufleaz n fapt patimile omeneti ce se dezlnuie i doresc s se
mbrace n straie de virtui. Sensul lecturilor sacre este denaturat. Este suficient s
lecturm episodul evanghelic de la Lc 9,51-55, pentru a vedea c Mntuitorul Iisus
Hristos refuz violena i nu o recomand nici pentru ucenicii Si. Cnd s-au
mplinit zilele nlrii sale, El s-a hotrt s mearg la Ierusalim. i a trimis
vestitori naintea lui. i ei mergnd au intrat ntr-un sat de samarineni ca s fac
pregtiri pentru El. Dar ei nu L-au primit, pentru c El se ndrepta spre Ierusalim.
i vznd aceasta, ucenicii Iacov i Ioan, i-au zis: Doamne, vrei s zicem s se
coboare foc din cer i s-i mistuie, cum a fcut i Ilie? Iar El, ntorcndu-se i-a
certat i le-a zis: nu tii oare fiii crui Duh suntei? Cci Fiul Omului n-a venit ca s
piard sufletele oamenilor, ci ca s le mntuiasc.
Dumnezeu Care se relev n destinul dramatic al lui Iisus i al apostolilor
si, se manifest ca un Dumnezeu care rspunde rului cu binele. Chiar i n faa
violenei supreme, El L-a inspirat pe Mntuitorul spre non-violen, iar n faa
trdrii radicale el le-a dat ucenicilor, prin Iisus cel nviat, un mesaj de pace i de
iertare. Astfel, devine clar faptul c depirea violenei nu st ntr-o opiune
autonom a omului. Iisus i-a putut parcurge calea proprie, doar graie ascultrii de
cuvntul Tatlui ceresc, i apostolii si au trebuit s constate, n ceea ce i privea, c
doar iertarea divin le-a deschis un viitor. ntr-o optic cretin, nu exist o etic a
absorbiei violenei care poate s se adreseze unui subiect autonom. Doar n lumina
Duhului Sfnt de la Cincizecime, care acioneaz asupra ochiului i asupra inimii
omului n fiecare zi, putem s ne depim propriile tendine distructive
29
.

26
Pr. Teofil Tia, Absorbia violenei: responsabilitate esenial a eticii religioase n vol. Violena n
numele Lui Dumnezeu..., p. 323.
27
Hermann Hring, Impregnarsi nel bene. Sul superamento della violenza nel nome delle religioni.
Rituali della memoria della violenza nelle religioni n rev. Concilium, nr. 4/1997, p. 162.
28
Pr. Teofil Tia, Violena, p. 17.
29
Pr. Teofil Tia, Absorbia violenei... n Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, p. 335.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

208
Porunca a asea divin este lege sacr, fundamental a societii omeneti
ce face cunoscut iubirea i dreptatea Sa imparial s nu ucizi! (Ie 20,13). Viaa
este creaie lui Dumnezeu, misterioas i magnific. Nimeni nu are putere asupra
ei dect Dumnezeu. Omorul este considerat n morala biblic cel mai grav pcat
pe care vreo fiin l poate face mpotriva alteia (atentarea la viaa fizic). Acest
pcat se numr printre pcatele strigtoare la cer.
30
Scriptura dovedete c
Dumnezeu are un plan pentru fiecare individ. Astfel, cine atenteaz la viata unei
fiine umane, declar fr cuvinte c este superior lui Dumnezeu. Prin aceast
porunc viaa este autentificat ca fiind o valoare deosebit
31
.
Legat de problematica violenei este i poziia Bisericilor cretine fa de
rzboi. Nu exist pn n momentul de fa o hotrre definitiv a sinoadelor
bisericeti cu privire la rzboi i la cei care l exercit. Sfntul Atanasie cel Mare
(295-373) afirm n Canonul I: A ucide nu este ngduit, dar n rzboi a desfiina
pe vrjmai este i legiuit i vrednic de laud.
32
Iar n Canonul al XIII-lea Sfntul,
Vasile cel Mare (330-379) spune: Prinii notri nu au socotit ntre ucideri:
uciderile din rzboaie; mi se pare c le dau iertare celor ce lupt pentru buna
cuviin i pentru dreapta cinstire (de Dumnezeu). Dar poate c este bine a-i
sftui ca trei ani s se rein de la mprtire, ca nite necurai cu minile
33
.
Comentnd acest canon, Episcopul Dr. Nicodim Mila (1845-1915) afirma:
Precum observ, att Zonara ct i Valsamon n comentariile de la acest canon se
pare c niciunde nu s-ar fi uzat de acest sfat al lui Vasile, ci n aceast privin au
servit deci nou cele spuse de Atanasie precum i cele menionate de Vasile la
nceputul canonului prezent. Iar Valsamon menioneaz i pilda unor preoi care
au participat la rzboaie i prin urmare au ucis inamici i totui nu au fost privai
de dreptul de a svri funciunile preoeti, ci s-au nvrednicit i de laud
34
.
ns Evanghelia Lui Hristos nu d loc ndreptirii rzboiului. Iar Biserica
n-a susinut niciodat vreo doctrin a rzboiului drept, pentru c rzboiul are
totdeauna la baza lui o anumit sau anumite nedrepti. A fost ns nevoit s
tolereze din iconomie (pogormnt) rzboiul de aprare ca ru mai mic, rzboi la
care recurge de nevoie, cel provocat sau nedreptit i asuprit n vederea salvrii
anumitor lucruri mai importante
35
.
Cel care pare ns s exprime cel mai bine raportul dintre violen i
cretinism este fericitul Augustin (+430). Concepia lui era hrnit de experiena
pe care o avusese n calitate de episcop al cetii Hipporegius (Africa de Nord),
tiindu-se c n timpul su avusese loc invazia vizigoilor. Fericitul Augustin este

30
Glasul sngelui tu strig la Mine din pmnt Gen. 4:10 Mitropolit Nicolae Mladin, diac. Orest
Bucevschi, Constantin Pavel, diac. Ioan Zgrean, Teologia moral ortodox, Ed. Rentregirea,
Alba-Iulia, 2003, p. 132.
31
Rev. G. Campbell Morgan, The Ten Commandments, Emerald House, 2001, p. 66.
32
Dumitru Stniloae, Naiune i cretinism, Ed. Elion, Bucureti, 2004, p. 53.
33
D. Stniloae, Naiune i cretinism, p. 53.
34
D. Stniloae, Naiune i cretinism, p. 53.
35
Georgios I. Mantzaridis, Morala cretin. Omul i Dumnezeu Omul i semenul. Poziionri i perspective
existeniale i bioetice, trad de. Diac. Cornel Coman, Ed. Bizantin, Bucureti 2006, p. 375.

209
martorul prbuirii lumii antice, Roma cetatea etern este destrmat. n
lucrarea sa De civitate Dei afirm c violena asupra aproapelui, a celui care nu i-a
greit cu nimic este o tlhrie a face rzboi vecinilor, a porni dup alte lucruri, a
supune i a strivi popoare care nu te-au suprat cu nimic, ci numai din dorina de
a stpni, ce alt nume trebuie dat acestui lucru dect acela de mare tlhrie
36
.
n mod inevitabil, pentru fericitul Augustin, recurgerea la violen produce
mari neajunsuri i nenorociri, nct se impune ca s nu se recurg la ea, dect
numai atunci cnd nu mai exist nici o posibilitate de a ajunge la nelegere. Fericitul
Augustin caut s elucideze i atitudinea celor care sunt nevoii s poarte rzboiul.
Uciderea n scopul protejrii personale i a ndeplinirii jurmntului ostesc, nu
este considerat un pcat.
n aceast privin, fericitul Augustin afirma: nu e permis a ucide oameni,
dect n cazul cnd cineva e soldat i mplinete o funciune public, adic atunci
cnd nu face aceasta pentru sine, ci pentru alii i pentru stat n virtutea puterii
legitime pe care a primit-o
37
. i tot el susine c: dac disciplina cretin ar
respinge toate rzboaiele, i-ar fi sftuit pe soldaii care, n Evanghelie, cer un sfat
pentru mntuire (Convorbirea soldailor cu Ioan Boteztorul) s arunce armele i
s renune deplin la serviciul militar. Din contr, li s-a spus numai att: ferii-
v de violen i de fraud, mulumii-v cu solda voastr! Cerndu-li-se s se
ndestuleze cu solda lor, nu li s-a interzis a lupta n rzboi
38
.
Vedem, aadar, c tradiia Bisericii pstreaz asupra fermitii aciunilor
violente o atitudine de ambiguitate. Rzboiul nu este dorit nicicnd pentru c el
nseamn suprimarea vieii, cel mai ales dar pe care omul l poate primi din partea
lui Dumnezeu. De aceea, adevratul cretin nu recurge la violen, nici nu
rspltete rul cu ru. Chiar i cnd se afl n pericol ca persoan, cu toate c are
dreptul s se apere, prefer s fie rnit, dect s rneasc. Dar n calitate de cetean
al unui stat, se supune puterii statale i aceasta nu de frica de a nu fi cumva
pedepsit, ci din motive de contiin
39
.
Unul dintre motivele pentru care se poart rzboaiele este neiubirea.
Comentnd Fericirea a 7-a, Sfntul Grigorie de Nyssa (335-395) afirm c rzboiul,
violena este rodul urii dintre oameni. Tabloul rzboiului este sumbru. El vine cu
arme i cai, cu fier ascuit i trmbie rsuntoare, cu falange zburlite de lnci, cu mii
de scuturi nghesuite unul ntr-altul, cu coifuri micndu-se nfricotor prin panaurile
lor, cu atacuri, aprri, ncierri, lupte, mceluri, fug, urmriri, gemete, urlete,
pmnt udat cu snge, mori clcai n picioare, rnii prsii i toate celelalte
40
.
n ambientul scriptural, inima este descris ca locul unde se slluiete
Dumnezeu. n tradiia biblico-patristic este binecunoscut faptul c atunci cnd
inima nceteaz s urmeze voii lui Dumnezeu i mplinete dorinele diavolului, ea

36
Fer. Augustin, De Civitate Dei, Cartea a IV-a, cap.6, P. L. 41, col. 116-117.
37
Fer. Augustin, Epistola 47,5, P. L., tom 33, col. 186.
38
Fer. Augustin, Epistola 48,15; cf. Epistola 49, 4, P. L., tom 33, col. 885.
39
G. Mantzaridis, Morala cretin, p. 374.
40
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, Omilii la fericiri, 7, P. G. 44, col. 1281b.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

210
se mbolnvete i moare. Se vorbete atunci despre boala i nvrtoarea inimii,
despre necuria ei i despre moartea ei duhovniceasc
41
.
Sfntul Marcu Ascetul (sec. al IV-lea al V-lea) afirma c inima iubitoare
de plceri n vremea ieirii i se face sufletului nchisoare i lan
42
. Astfel, un suflet
bolnav sau covrit de patimi, transmite ntregii structuri psihosomatice boala de
care este cuprins. Patimile aspresc inima, iar asprimea aceasta se manifest i n
afara ei. Din aceast pricin n tradiia ortodox se vorbete despre delicatee att
de mult, neleas nu doar ca o stare exterioar, ci i ca una luntric. Inima
trebuie s fie ginga i subtil. Un astfel de om care posed un asemenea dar
nepreuit, va fi ntotdeauna aplecat cu interes spre suferinele aproapelui su,
cutndu-le tmduirea. Iubirea constituie elementul ontologic al existenei omului.
Ea explic n modul cel mai cuprinztor i mai curat putina alteritii. Uneori
se ntmpl ca iubirea omului s fie concentrat numai pe planul transcendent,
el dorindu-i apropierea de Dumnezeu, uitnd ns pe semenul su. n inima
omului ncolete mnia, iar dac i se permite dezvoltarea, pcatul uciderii este
inevitabil. Apostolul Ioan, ucenicul pe care l iubea Iisus, continu n scrierea sa
adevrul transmis de Iisus n Predica de pe Munte: cine urte pe fratele su este
un uciga (I In 3,15). Dumnezeu este interesat mai nti de ceea ce se ntmpl n
inima omului, cci de acolo ies uciderile, spurc omul, datorit faptului c aceasta
contravine poruncii lui Dumnezeu s iubeti.
Sfinii Prini privesc ca patim i pun sub acest nume toate formele de
agresivitate ale omului, exteriorizate sau nu, fie sau ascunse, grosolane sau
subtile, i care, n general, sunt ndreptate mpotriva aproapelui
43
. Patima mniei
() pornete din puterea irascibil a sufletului i cuprinde toate manifestrile
patologice ale agresivitii. Mnia despre care vorbete tradiia ascetic nu
const numai n manifestrile violente, exteriorizate. Formele extreme de violen,
ca rivalitile de tot felul, btile, loviturile, rnirile i chiar omuciderile sau
rzboaiele, deriv tot din patima mniei, n sensul larg dat acestui cuvnt de
tradiia ascetic.
Extremismul este definit astfel: atitudine, doctrin a unor curente politice
(i nu numai) care, pe baza unor opinii, idei, preri exagerate, unilaterale, extreme,
urmresc prin msuri violente sau radicale s impun programul i ideologia lor,
44

ca fenomen comportamental deviat, ce are la baz ntotdeauna anumite ideologii
i convingeri precise, radicale.

41
Mitropolit Hieroteos Vlachos, Psihoterapia ortodox: tiina Sfinilor Prini, trad. de Irina Luminia
Niculescu, Ed. nvierea, Timioara, 1998, p. 197.
42
Sf. Marcu Ascetul, Despre legea duhovniceasc n 200 de capete, cap. 20, n Filocalia, vol. I, ed. a
II-a, trad. Pr. Dumitru Stniloae, Ed. Harisma, Bucureti, 1992, p. 272.
43
Cf. Jean-Claude Larchet, Terapeutica bolilor spirituale, trad. Marinela Bojin, Ed. Sofia, Bucureti
2001, p. 175.
44
Dicionarul Explicativ al Limbii Romne, ed. a II-a, Ed. Univers enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1996, p. 362.

211
n chip vdit, astzi fundamentalismul posed dialectica interesului i a
urii n opoziie cu mesajul patristic al Bisericii impregnat de cldur sufleteasc i
dragoste. Obsesia fundamentalist este aceea de a-L nlnui pe Dumnezeu ntr-un
simbol, n faptele istorice, n rit, n liter. Se cade astfel n mod fatal ntr-o nou i
modern form de magie n care simbolurile devin garani automatici ai mntuirii.
Dumanul este acela care contest formulele i mpria se dezvolt prin extinderea
simbolului la profan
45
.
n viziunea Sfinilor Prini, iubirea (agapos) reprezint o lucrare a sufletului
att pentru putina apropierii de Dumnezeu, ct i de cel asemenea nou suferind n
lume. Prezena Lui Dumnezeu n inim mijlocete pentru prezena fratelui indiferent
fiind starea acestuia de mplinire spiritual. Cel ce iubete pe Dumnezeu nu poate s
nu iubeasc i pe tot omul ca pe sine nsui, dei nu are plcere de patimile celor
ce nu s-au curit nc () Cel ce vede n inima sa vreo urm de ur fa de vreun om
oarecare pentru vreo anumit greeal, e cu totul strin de iubirea lui Dumnezeu,
deoarece iubirea de Dumnezeu nu sufer ctui de puin ura fa de om
46
.
Ambientul n care se reveleaz iubirea este isihia, pacea. Atunci cnd
ecourile urii sunt stinse, sufletul descoper n tcerea adnc a simurilor urmele
pailor lui Dumnezeu. Sfntul Ioan Hrisostom (347-407), descriind atmosfera
pcii cretine, reliefeaz binecuvntarea acesteia: pace n adunri, n rugciuni,
n ceremonii, n saluturi. nti Stttorul Bisericii d pacea o dat, de dou ori, de trei
ori, de mai multe ori: Pace vou! El d pacea de attea ori credincioilor pentru
c pacea este mama tuturor bunurilor
47
.
n tradiia patristic a Rsritului cretin, linitirea sufletului este privit
ca fiind imboldul tuturor virtuilor. Nu poate fi pace i iubire ntre semeni fr
acest aport important al fiecrui individ n parte.
n teologia ortodox relaia dintre cel dup chipul lui Dumnezeu (omul) i
Dumnezeu, face subiectul unui discurs fundamental. Fiecare om conine n sine
pecetea divinitii. Noi regsim, prin prelungirea n Hristos a modului de a fi al
Treimii, aceeai dinamic n cunoaterea aproapelui.
Sfntul Isaac Sirul (cca. 640-cca. 700) susinea ideea iubirii aproapelui i a
mbririi acestuia indiferent de condiia lui spiritual. Nu ncerca s deosebeti
pe cel ce e vrednic de cel ce nu este; toi s fie egali n ochii ti, pentru a-i iubi i a-i
sluji... n-a mncat oare Domnul la masa vameilor i a pctoaselor fr s-i
resping pe cei nevrednici? Astfel, tu vei face acelai bine i vei da aceeai cinste
necredinciosului, criminalului, cu att mai mult cu ct i el este un frate pentru

45
Pr. T. Tia, Violena n societatea post-cretin, p. 24.
46
Sf. Maxim Mrturisitorul, Cele patru sute de capete despre dragoste, Filocalia vol. II, trad de
Dumitru Stniloae, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 1999, p. 56.
47
Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur, Cuvnt ctre cei ce sunt scandalizai din cauza nenorocirilor, P.G. 56, Col.
872 B.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

212
tine, pentru c particip la unica fire uman
48
. Dorina Sfinilor Prini este, ca prin
intermediul scrierilor lor, s propage viziunea nltoare nu a supraomului ntlnit
n filosofia nihilist, ci a omului ndumnezeit, ce poart n suflet iubirea nflcrat
a lui Dumnezeu pentru ntreaga creaie i compasiunea pentru limitrile, scderile,
neajunsurile, nemplinirile acesteia. Omul-mprat, ajuns la aceast demnitate graie
rscumprrii lui Hristos, nu se arat a fi doar un microcosmos, precum l ntlnim
zugrvit n filosofia antic greac, ci mai cu seam el devine o persoan, o fiin
demn de Creatorul su. Observm c viaa aceasta nsumeaz un tot de contradicii
paradoxale: omul contrariat de precaritatea sa i fr a cuta sprijinul divinitii,
nate utopiile, ideologiile ca pe ultime puncte de stabilitate.
Dorina de putere, de acaparare, de stpnire, de mbogire, au dus la
aciuni i la fapte extreme, precum rzboaie, btlii, crime, agresiuni, cotropiri,
exterminri, deportri, masacre i multe, multe altele. Credina oamenilor n
Dumnezeu a dus ns la foarte multe aciuni i manifestri extreme de-a lungul
timpului. Relaia omului cu Divinitatea a fost din totdeauna una tumultoas i
mereu pus la ncercare, aciunile omului nefiind de fiecare dat pe placul lui
Dumnezeu. i aici intervine extremismul religios, manifestare care a dus la aciuni
de neimaginat svrite de oameni n numele lui Dumnezeu.
Alunecnd mult prea mult spre interesele lumeti, spre secularism,
conductorii apuseni ai vieii bisericeti au contribuit la naterea spiritului libertin i
protestatar, care avea s se amplifice foarte mult n secolele urmtoare, degenernd
sub forma schismelor, a ereziilor i a ncercrilor de reform i (sau) de discreditare
n Biseric.

48
Sf. Isaac Sirul, Cuvinte despre sfintele nevoine, trad. de pr. Dumitru Stniloae, n Filocalia, vol. 10, Ed.
Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1981, p. 152.


THE CONFLICT OF ECCLESIOLOGIES. CHRISTIAN CHURCHES
AND VIOLENCE

DACIAN BUT-CPUAN
*

ABSTRACT. The world we live in is characterized by violence since it exists.
Violence is a consequence of original sin.
Christian Church was faced with violence in the early days of its existence.
Church as a seen institution is born and develops in a world torn by hatred and
rivalry. By interpreting Christs words from Mt 10:34 literaly, some Christian
confessions ended up in using violence. Violence is a constant presence in the
history of Christianity.
Religious justification of violence is false because the arguments used disguise
in fact the human passions which rage and want to be dressed in the clothes of
virtue.

Faith in God led people to too many actions and extreme events over time.
The relationship between man and divinity has always been tumultuous and the
human actions were not always according to the will of God. And here comes
religious extremism, an event that led to unimaginable actions committed by
people in the name of God.

Keywords: Church, violence, love, peace, war

The world we live in is characterized by violence since it exists -
individual or collective violence: violence between people, even violence against
unborn life, next, violence between relations, between peoples, finally violence
against nature, against our environment that our very existence hangs
1
. More, the
open society in which different identities coexist, is undoubtedly conflict, because it
manifests ideological controversy, conflicts of interest, will to power antagonistic
2
.
Violence is a consequence of original sin, which brought an imbalance
between man and God, between man and the whole creation, between man and

*
1
Gabriel Bunge, Mnia i terapia ei dup avva Evagrie Ponticul sau Vinul dracilor i pinea ngerilor,
ed. II, translated by Ioan I. Ic jr. (Sibiu: Deisis, 2002), 11.
2
Teofil Tia, Violena n societatea postcretin (Alba-Iulia, 2012), 22.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

214
himself, between man and his fellow man, in inter-human relations. Our world, in
theological perspective, is eroded by sin
3
. Man is ruled by aggression, by outbreak.
Violence is present in all religions: polytheistic or monotheistic, revealed or not.
The permanence of violence is nothing else but a permanence of the mortal sin
known as hatred, enmity, hatred, conflict, the sin that finds its sense in Pauline
expression of hatred dividing wall (Eph. 2:14)
4
.
The notion of violence, in a general sense, means the use of force for the
exercise of constraint. Etymologically, the term "violence" comes from the Latin
word "vis", which means strength, power, using physical force, the idea of a natural
power that is exerted upon an object or on another person. The notion of violence
refers to illegitimate and illegal use of force and can be defined as an acute aggressive
behavior, characterized mainly by the use of physical force
5
. Aggression is one of
the possible answers that the human being puts in act the difficulties. It is an
energy that is expressed in behaviors, aimed at first survival and then overcoming
various obstacles that stand in the way of achieving their goals. Aggressive behavior
is not automatic, but is caused by the interpretation which man or animal gives to
circumstantial situation. If it feels safe or in danger, if it requested by the prospect
of loot or hungry, etc. there is also a type of aggression that can be described as
irrational and destructive called violence directed towards damage to persons or
things to destroy, or to cause suffering to others, regardless of their biological
needs for survival and constructed and accepted social situations
6
.
Holy Scripture narrates the first act of violence in human history which
was a fratricide. The Old Testament reveals the history of the first murder, a
typical example of how anger and hatred turns into murder (Gen 4)
7
.
Christianity is a religion of love, of peace, having a communitar aspect.
The first Christian hymn, sung by the angels at the Birth of Jesus Christ is Glory to
God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will toward men (Lk 2:14) is taken
in the Orthodox worship. It is interesting to note that shortly after the birth of
Jesus in Bethlehem of Judea, there is an act of great violence: the killing of babies
by the order of King Herod.
There is an apparent contradiction between the words of the Savior: "Do
not think that I came to bring peace on the earth; I did not come to bring peace,

3
Tia, Violena, 4.
4
Ilie Moldovan, Rezisten i martiriu n viaa poporului romn din Transilvania n faa ereziei
i a violenelor seculare. Studiu de teologie a istoriei in Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, Un
rspuns cretin (Alba Iulia: Rentregirea, 2002), 88.
5
Vasile Preda, Delincvena juvenil o abordare multidisciplinar (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitar
Clujean, 1998).
6
Teofil Tia, Efecte ale globalizrii: omogenizarea cultural ca violen intrecivilizaional in
Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, p. 449-450.
7
Gerhard Maier, Evanghelia dup Matei (Korntal: Lumina Lumii, 2000), 150.
THE CONFLICT OF ECCLESIOLOGIES. CHRISTIAN CHURCHES AND VIOLENCE

215
but a sword (Mt 10:34) and the words of St. Paul: Pursue peace with all men,
and the sanctification without which no one will see the Lord (Hebr 12:14).
Another advice of the Saviour is do not resist an evil person: but
whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also. And if
any man will sue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also
(Mt 5:39-40). Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that
hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you (Mt 5:44).
Fulfilling these Evangelical tips means to be, through love, in peace with
our neighbor. They all involve a denial of passions, love of self, love of wealth,
a depletion of conceit, means a decrease in us, so that Christ may grow in us. This
does not mean acceptance of violence, subjection to violence, borne stoically.
The peace, the inner quiet is a fruit of the Holy Spirit (Gal 6). Those who have
inner peace, can transmit to the neighbor this state, too. Therefore, Saviour on the
Mount of Blessing says: Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the
children of God (Mt 5:9).
Interpreting Beatitudes, St. Gregory of Nyssa (335-395) says that all Betaitudes
are, one by one, holy and sanctified, but what we are putting forward is truly and fully
impenetrable and the Holy of Holies, as if seeing Gods good can be not surpassed
by anything, to make the son of God is above all happiness. He says this, because
man is put face to face with the divine nature. But what is man? Abraham says its
"earth and ashes (Gen 18:27), according to David "like grass", according to Paul,
"worthy of crying" (I Cor 25:19) - this is man. What about God, what words we
invent? For the unspeakable, no words can hold His greatness. This elevates man,
through love, on the step of son, he is made from mortal to immortal, God lifts us
almost the same honor to Himself through kinship. The fight for this crown is to be
peacemaker, but which is promised such a reward is another gift, because what is
more beautiful than a peaceful life, because any call from the sweet, need peace to be
sweet
8
. Blessed are the peacemakers and peacemaker is the one who gives peace to
another, but he could not share it another, if he himself has not it, so God gives
abundantly to share those who do not have it, too, not just stay in them
9
.
The word "peace" is synonymous with "quiet". Defining peace, Gregory of
Nyssa, says that peace loving symphathy, is directed toward the same thread,
being remedy for hatred, anger, envy, remembrance of evil, hypocrisy, war. It is
against these and as darkness consumes it when appears light, so when there is
peace and dissolve all the passions that arise from hostile state
10
.
When Christ told the Apostles: in me ye might have peace (Jn 16:33).
Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you, added: not as the world giveth,

8
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, Despre fericiri, PSB, vol. 29, translated by Dumitru Stniloae and Ioan Buga
(Bucureti: Institutul Biblic i de Misune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 1982), 387.
9
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, 390.
10
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, 390.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

216
give I unto you (Jn 14:27). Just as the judgments of God are very different from ours
(Is 55:8) are perfect, so the gifts are perfect, compared to those of men. Lord speaks
here of peace of God, which passeth all understanding (Philippians 4:7).
But the Christian Church was faced with violence in the early days of its
existence. Church as a seen institution is born and develops in a world torn by hatred
and rivalry. Thus Apostles are arrested ..., whipped, etc.. Acts, the first book of Church
History is full of such events with violent aspects. Martyrdom of St. Archdeacon
Stephen, who became the first Christian martyr, is an illustration of the conflict
between religions (Judaism and Christianity).
Even in apostolic times, Christians are persecuted in the Roman Empire until
the fourth century. If the first Christians obeyed out, of love for the "Lamb of God", the
most terrible persecutions preferring death over violent response or denial of Christ,
in course of time, coercion, punishment in the name of Divinity will be fit by them, too.
The martyr fights for a world of absolute responsibility, refusing complicity with
violence, he automatically incurring violence, following the words of Saviour: fear
not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul: but rather fear him which
is able to destroy both soul and body in hell (Mt 10:28)
11
. Interpreting Christs words
literally, has been reached the use of violence by some Christian denominations.
Heresies will set the tone of fratricidal, inter-Christian struggles. In the
West it will proceed to kill heretics, while the maximum penalty for heretics in
the East was the exile. Were subjected to this many Orthodox hierarchs and
theologians, when heretics became numerical majority and were supported by
political power (St. Athanasius the Great, St. Maximus the Confessor sentenced to
cutting right hand and tongue to not be able to write or preach Orthodox doctrine
which claimed). Hispanic bishop Priscillian of Avila (cca. 430- 385) was the first
person executed for heresy in 385.
Unfortunately, Christianity has not mantained consequent martyrdom
line, preached by the Founder of Christianity. Christians too quickly and too easily
turned from persecuted to persecutors, from victims to executioners, or in the
best case impassive spectators of their fellow victims
12
.
Inquisition - the biggest mistake that have to do Roman Church in its
relations with other Christian denominations and society - worked between
1184-1831 and was not an exclusively religious institution, was not created
spontaneously by the Western Church, but emerged as an improvement of the
methods and means under previous legislation of the Middle Age on combating
and exterminating heresies and all ideologies and opinion against majority, be it
secular or ecclesiastical. It held a fierce persecution of heretics (real or perceived),
Jews, Muslims, witches and acted more harshly than we can imagine. As punishment
against those accused of witchcraft were applied ordeals in various forms. The

11
Teofil Tia, Dezvluiri ale lucrurilor ascunse de la ntemeierea lumii (Matei 13,35). Condiia uman
ntre violen, sacrificiu i crim retrospectiv pastoral-istoric (Alba Iulia 2012), 12.
12
Tia, Dezvluiri ale lucrurilor ascunse de la ntemeierea lumii, 13.

217
methods of torture used in Spain, in addition to general, worth mentioning: tortured
with hot iron, prior extension, Garrucha, Potro, chop, iron virgin, burning hands etc. It
is important to emphasize that fell victims to Inquisition numerous theologians, too
(bishops, teachers, members of various religious orders and so on). For example
is the case of Archbishop Bartolome de Carranza (15031576) arrested by the Holy
Office in 1559 and those of St. Teresa of Avila (1515-1582) and St. John of the Cross
( 1591).
Crusades - the most important era in the history of the wars between the
two religious worlds, the Christian and the Islamic one. The wars were carried
since VII century
13
, having a violent dimension. Wars of liberation of Holy Places,
against those who possessed it, even if they were of another faith - Muslims, the
Crusades started in Western countries of Europe, aimed liberation of Holy Places
from Arab occupationist (Jerusalem was captured in 1080 and Antioch in 1085).
The Crusades took place between 1096 and 1270 and the number of
military expeditions is over 10, but most important we know only seven crusades.
In the evolution of Crusades were not involved only religious reasons, but since
the First Crusade, which brought out the most ideal to wrest the Holy Land from
the hands of infidels, have been felt worldly goals and interests: "There are two
parties among the Crusaders, one of the religious grounds and other politicians
14
.
With each new crusade, the worldly spirit felt increasingly stronger,
ultimately, this secular point of view definitively defeated the initial idea of the
movement, as demonstrated by conquest of Constantinople and the establishment
of the Latin Empire by crusaders in 1204
15
. During this period, "clashes between
Christians and Muslims have revealed the cruel side of human nature from both
the aggressors and from the attacked. Mass murders, pogroms, persecutions of all
kinds were painting that accompanied all the major battles
16
.
There followed a long series of massacres and expulsions. During the
Crusades it was stated that killing a Jew leads to remission of sins. "The presence of
Jews in Europe suddenly gains a new meaning. Going to snatch the tomb of Christ
from the hands of infidels, crusaders on their way met other unbelievers, closely
linked over the death of Christ. The temptation to do right was big: we wander great
distances to find our Holy Places and to take revenge against Muslims. But here
they are Jews among us, whose ancestors killed and crucified Jesus, for no reason.
First we have to take revenge against them and remove them from the nations
17
.
Fourth Crusade ended with the conquest of Constantinople - Christian
city, the second most important patriarchal chair. In addition to cultural differences

13
A. A. Vasiliev, Istoria Imperiului Bizantin, translated by Ionu-Alexandru Tudorie, Vasile-Adrian
Carab, Sebastian-Laureniu Nazru (Iai: Polirom, 2010), 386.
14
Vasiliev, 386.
15
Vasiliev, 386.
16
Ilie Grmad, Cruciadele (Bucureti: Politic, 1961), 81.
17
Josi Eisenberg, O istorie a evreilor, translated by Jean Rou (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2006), 204.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

218
between East and West, that led to the accumulation of a very strong feeling of
hatred of Byzantine towards Western. It was a crusade against Christians. If the
pride of Byzantines for their past and their culture, heirs of the prestigious Greco-
Roman culture, has damaged the unity of the Church, was no less damaging the claim
to dominance of Western knights who strove to impose on behalf of the Catholic
Church always willing to obtain supreme leadership in the Church of Christ at the
expense of the East Church
18
.
The initial objective of the crusade was Egypt, which depended on Palestine.
On April 13, 1204
19
, in Good Friday, the Crusaders besieged Constantinople, the
city was subjected to embarrassing scenes "instead of defense and liberation of
Christians against Muslim, as it was preached this crusade, we assist the crusaders
diversion from their original target. Discovering wine cellar unleashed animal
instincts of the soldiers. Drunks, they have indulged in massacres and rapes, the
number of those killed in those days was estimated at two thousand. Many people
were tortured into confessing where they hid their valuables
20
. The crusaders
desecrated sanctuaries, the altar of Saint Sophia - suffered the greatest losses,
robbed the church of the Holy Apostles, the cemetery of Byzantine emperors.
It has acted violently against pre-reformers: Jan Hus (1369-1415) and
Girolamo Savonarola (1452-1498), both ending at the stake, the death of the first
conducted Bohemian or Hussite wars, between 1420-1434, among radical Hussites
(Tabor) and Roman Catholic forces, terrified Christian peoples.
Reform sparked religious wars: the war for 30 years, between 1618-
1648, which took part in all Catholic and Protestant powers of central, western
and northern Europe, which ended with Germanys misery, with the Swedish and
French territorial gains and ensuring religious freedom
21
.
Ruling categorically against Catholic doctrine and canonical, and oppression
of the masses, radical Protestant theologian Thomas Mntzer (1469-1525) became
leader of the Peasant War in Germany, 1524-1525.
Another bad example of the excesses of zealous in the faith, who have
actually subject to the pagan god Mars, are the turmoil of Anabaptists since 1534
in Mnster, less known. All those who tried to protest against the new order and
the appointment "great prophet" Johann Matthiesen (1787 - +?) were executed
without trial. The pietist group that follows the teachings of Martin Luther (1483-
1546), opposed the Catholic clerical armies. Anabaptist leaders will waive any moral

18
cf. Ioan Rmureanu, Milan esan, Teodor Bodogae, Istoria bisericeasc universal, vol. II (Bucureti:
Institutul Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 1993), 28.
19
Despre ziua cuceririi Constantinopolului de cruciai: Gabriel-Viorel Grdan, Ziua care nu se uit:
13 aprilie 1204; 800 de ani de la cucerirea Constantinopolului de ctre cruciai, Renaterea, 15, 4
(April 2004): 7.
20
Emanoil Bbu, Bizanul ntre Occidentul cretin i Orientul islamic (secolele VII-XV) (Bucureti:
Sofia, 2006), 117-118.
21
I. Rmureanu et al, 233.

219
any humanitarianism law, indulge to excesses of insane tyranny. Fanatical people
will follow them. Lust, murder and will grab the most absurd law in the city. Jan van
Leyden (1509?1536) proclaimed himself king and establishes iron dictatorship.
Months that followed made the city under blockade to suffer terribly. Abominable
acts of cannibalism and coprophagia are recorded. Van Leydens madness led to
the killing of many innocent people, including his wife and the legislation
established by him has nothing in common with Luthers teaching. In 1535, "King"
is arrested and executed by Catholic armies penetrated into town after betraying
a soldier remained anonymous. Luther will appoint Van Leyden one of the students
of the devil, while rejecting any bellicose desire that might be hidden or be borrowed
the dialectic of piety.
The first objective of the paper of reformer Jean Calvin (1509-1564) Articles
about ecclesiastical discipline will remove all traces of Catholic worship. Groups of
zealous people forced church doors, vandalizing sacred interiors, strip them of
statues and holy appearances, scraping paint. It attended Pietist dictatorship
instituted by Calvin in Geneva. All intellectual skeptical figures of the city will
know its terror, any thought against faith being persecuted.
In early 1547, the fame of a free thinker Jacques Gruet (+1547) irritates
Calvin, who ordered his arrest. Finally he was executed, and religious intolerance
has become a habit. Notoriety of Calvinist regime will manifest after the trial of
the Spanish theologian and physician Michael Servetus (1509/1511-1553), executed,
as well as over 1340 people.
In the kingdom of France, St. Bartholomews night will be representative
of the climate of antagonism existing between Catholics and Huguenots. "The
prologue of drama could be an interior monologue of Catherine de Medici (1519-
1589): I feel that peace that ended can not stand it. Both the Catholic and the
Protestant party is every day stronger and more hostile to each other. Royal
authority and Kingdom unity can not be restored unless the two parties, first,
their leaders lack"
22
. On August 23, 1572, on the orders of King Charles the IX-th
(1550-1574), Protestants gentlemen hosted the Louvre is murdered. Massacre
extends not only over Paris, but the whole France. At Lion, Orleans, Rouen and
Bordeaux, thousands of people are killed just because they refuse dogmas of Rome.
Termination these religious battles will occur when signing on April 13, 1598 the
Edict of Nantes. We remind here the reign of Queen Mary Tudor (1553-1558), called
the Bloody, because of the expulsions and almost 300 executions among Anglicans.
Another form of violence in history where there were not removed
religions is cultural approval, ie destruction of indigenous cultures considered
barbaric, through cultural and political colonization ... overlooking violence against
people in order to operate so-called civilizing them, it should be noted that violence

22
Georges Blond, Furioii Domnului, catolici i protestani: patru veacuri de fanatism, translated
by Iulia Giroveanu, Sanda Mihescu-Boroianu (Bucureti: Politic, 1976), 181.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

220
was intrinsically project itself, that was not realized that culture is a constitutive
part of every man, criteria for discernment and guidance in daily living. To deprive
person of its culture, is to subject it to violence
23
.
Violence of the French Revolution will be the answer to the control which
the Church exercises over state courts, with despotic monarchy.
The place of Gods name crime is taken from the crime in the name of
reason, of human, of exalted, deified, terrorized and massacred people. Revolutions of
modernity: Enlightenment- bourgeois, socialist or communist, fascist-Nazi - have all
the same steps: Deicide-regicide-Homicide, starting and ending with violence
and horror of executions, extermination and dehumanization
24
.
Adoption of state religion led to inter-Christian violence, when the
Principality of Transylvania was in the Calvin century, under the reformed princes
were persecuted on religious grounds those who refused to adhere to Calvinism,
we remind: the Metropolitans Ilie Iorest (1640-1643) and Sava Brancovici (1656-
1660/1662-1680). Then those who refused to embrace Uniation, fighting for
ancestral faith: Visarion Sarai, Sophronius, Nicolae Oprea, martyrs of Nasaud: Atanasie
Todoran of Bichigiu, Vasile of Mocod, Grigore of Zagra and Vasile of Telciu. Its about
the Habsburg Empire, where Catholicism was the state religion of the imperial
house. Destruction of Orthodox churches and monasteries (200 in number) were
all acts of violence.
The conflict in Northern Ireland between Catholics - which constitues a
minority - and Protestants is currently open and resulted in many casualties.
Fratricidal struggle continues in the sixteenth century in the British Isles with
reminiscences to present times and we remember the situation in Ulster (Northern
Ireland). Beyond emphasized nationalism of Irish Liberation Army there is a
strong affirmation of religious identity. The catholics from I.R.A. battle against fellow
Protestants reiterating a contemporary landscape, the religious rivalries dating
from the time of Queens Elizabeth I (1533- 1603) and Mary Stuart (1542-1587).
Decapitation of the latter made to deepen antagonism between Protestants and
Catholics in the British Isles.
So, violence is a constant presence in the history of Christianity. Violent,
brutal kicking vile acts in human dignity, are performed in the name of God and
by those who claim his servants and followers. "Religious wars have not a
beginning. People have always killed each other, because they did not believe in
the same God, or have not the same opinion about what God intends them"
25
.
A certain affinity between religion and violence is documented by countless
historical and contemporary events. Sociology and psychology of religion have

23
Tia, Efecte ale globalizrii in Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, 457.
24
Tia, Dezvluiri, 13.
25
Blond, 47.

221
done research on this affinity, noting that none of the major religions can not
declare completely foreign to the violence manifestations
26
.
Violence seems to explode in terrible shape just where religion becomes a
cause for political action ... The inter-Christian violence is caused by foreign elements:
material interests, hegemony, nationalism. Opinion that religion necessarily leads to
violence is one-sided idea, like the assumption that Christianity (or other religions
worldwide) necessarily lead to peace.
Reality is more complex, religion leads to violence, because only together
with other factors can be: the national interest or political oppression, social
insecurity and cultural revolutions. Abuse is common in the history of religion,
through their handling, on behalf of absolute nonreligious interests
27
. Violence
becomes fierce when to passionate and emotional aspects is added logical
justification, aims at tracking the hypothetical values
28
.
Religious justification of violence is false, because the arguments that bring
disguise the fact that human passions rage and want to dress in clothes of virtue.
Sacred meaning of the readings is distorted. It is enough reading the Gospel episode
from Luke 9:51 to 55, to see that the Lord Jesus Christ refuses violence and not
recommended it His disciples. When the time was come that he should be received
up, he steadfastly set his face to go to Jerusalem. And sent messengers before his
face: and they went, and entered into a village of the Samaritans, to make ready for
him. And they did not receive him, because his face was as though he would go to
Jerusalem. And when his disciples James and John saw this, they said, Lord, wilt thou
that we command fire to come down from heaven, and consume them, even as Elias
did? But he turned, and rebuked them, and said, Ye know not what manner of spirit
ye are of. For the Son of man is not come to destroy mens lives, but to save them.
God reveals in the dramatic destiny of Jesus and His apostles, there is a
God who responds to evil with good. Even before the radical betrayal and supreme
violence, He inspired the Savior to non-violence, He gave His disciples, by the risen
Jesus, a message of peace and forgiveness. Thus, it becomes clear that overcoming
violence is not an autonomous option of man. Jesus was able to walk the path of its
own, only due obedience to the word of the Heavenly Father. And his apostles had to
find, in what concerns, that only divine forgiveness opened their future. In a Christian
optical, there is no an ethics of absorption violence, that may apply to an autonomous
subject. Only in the light of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost, acting on the eye and the
human heart every day, we can overcome our own destructive tendencies
29
.

26
Tia, Absorbia violenei: responsabilitate esenial a eticii religioase in Violena n numele Lui
Dumnezeu..., 323.
27
Hermann Hring, Impregnarsi nel bene. Sul superamento della violenza nel nome delle religioni.
Rituali della memoria della violenza nelle religioni Concilium, 4 (1997): 162.
28
Tia, Violena, 17.
29
Tia, Absorbia violenei... in Violena n numele lui Dumnezeu, 335.
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222
The sixth divine commandment is sacred law, fundamental of human
society, which makes known Gogs love and impartially justice: "Thou shalt not kill!
(Exod 20:13). Life is Gods creation, mysterious and magnificent. No one has power
over it than God. Murder is considered in the Biblical morality the worst sin that a
human being can do against another (attempting to physical life). This sin is one
of "blatant sins
30
. Scripture shows that God has a plan for each individual. So,
who threatens the life of a human being, said without words, that is superior to
God. Through this commandment is authenticated life as a special value
31
.
Related to violence issue is the position of the Christian churches to war.
There is not currently a final decision of Church councils on war and those who
exercise it. St. Athanasius the Great (295-373) in the first Canon states: "To kill is
not allowed, but to destroy the enemy in war is lawful and praiseworthy"
32
. And the
Canon XIIIth of St. Basil the Great (330-379) says: Our parents have not counted
between killings: killings in wars, I find that they give forgiveness to those who
fight for better fit and right reverence (for God). But, maybe its better you advise
the three years to refrain from Eucharist, like those with unclean hands
33
.
Commenting this Canon, Bishop Dr. Nicodim Milas (1845-1915) said: "As
noted, both Zonara and Balsamon in comments to this Canon seems that nowhere
could be used for this advice of Basil, but in this respect have served us the words
of Athanasius and Basil mentioned at the beginning of the present Canon. And
Balsamon mentions the example of priests who participated in wars and killing
enemies, and therefore still not been deprived of the right to perform priestly
functions, but were also worthy of praise
34
.
But "the Gospel of Christ does not give justification of war. And the Church
has never supported a doctrine of just war, because war is always the basis of a
specific or certain injustices. It was forced to tolerate, through concession, defense
war as lesser evil, war makes use of need, the cause or wronged and oppressed, in
order to save some more important things
35
.
One that seems to best express the relationship between violence and
Christianity is St. Augustine (+430). His conception was nourished by the experience
that he had as bishop of the city Hipporegius (North Africa), knowing that his time
had been invading Visigoths. St. Augustine is the witness of the fall of ancient
world, Rome - the eternal city - is broken. In his De civitate Dei, Augustine states
that violence against neighbor, the one who did nothing wrong to you, is roguery...

30
Glasul sngelui tu strig la Mine din pmnt Gen. 4:10 Nicolae Mladin, Orest Bucevschi, Constantin
Pavel, Ioan Zgrean, Teologia moral ortodox (Alba-Iulia: Rentregirea, 2003), 132.
31
G. Campbell Morgan, The Ten Commandments (Emerald House, 2001), 66.
32
Dumitru Stniloae, Naiune i cretinism (Bucureti: Elion, 2004), 53.
33
Stniloae, 53.
34
Stniloae, 53.
35
Georgios I. Mantzaridis, Morala cretin. Omul i Dumnezeu Omul i semenul. Poziionri i perspective
existeniale i bioetice, translated by Cornel Coman (Bucureti: Bizantin, 2006), 375.

223
make war to neighbors, start after other things, to subject them and crush people
who were upset with nothing, only by desire to possess, what other name have
given to this than great robbery
36
.
Inevitably, the use of violence, for Augustine produces large shortcomings
and misfortunes that is required to not use it, only when there is no possibility of
reaching agreement. St. Augustine seeks to clarify the attitude of those who are
forced to wear war. Killing in order to protect personal and fulfilling the military
oath is not considered a sin.
In this regard, St. Augustine says: "it is not allowed to kill people, unless
someone is a soldier and fulfills a public function, i.e. when he does it not for himself,
but for others and for the state, by virtue of legitimate power he received"
37
. And he
also claims that: "if Christian discipline rejects all wars, would be counseled soldiers
in the Gospel, ask advice for salvation (soldier conversation with John the Baptist)
to drop their weapons and give up the military service. On the contrary, they were
told only that: beware of violence and fraud, be content with your wages. Asking
them to be content with their wages, they were not forbidden to fight in the war
38
.
We see, therefore, that the tradition of the Church retains on the firmness
violent actions an attitude of ambiguity. War is never desirable, because it means
suppression of life, the especially gift that man can receive from God. "So, the true
Christian does not resort to violence, nor repays evil for evil. Even when that
person is in danger, although he has the right to defend himself, prefer to be hurt,
than to hurt. But as a citizen of a state, man subjects to the state power, and this is
not from fear of being somehow punished, but for reasons of conscience
39
.
One of the reasons for wearing war is non-love. Commenting the 7th
Happiness, St. Gregory of Nyssa says that war, violence is the result of hatred
between people. The picture of war is grim. It "comes with arms and horses, sharp
iron and trumpets sounding, with ruffled phalanx of lances, thousands of shields
crowded one another, with moving scary helmets, wuth attack, defense, skirmishes,
battles, massacres, run, chase, moans, howls, earth soaked with blood, trampled
dead, leaved wounded and all others
40
.
In the scriptural environment, heart is described as the place where God
dwells. "In biblical-patristic tradition is well known that when the heart ceases to
follow Gods will and fulfill the desire of devil, it gets sick and dies. One speaks
then about the disease and hardness of heart, about its impurity and about its
spiritual death
41
.

36
Fer. Augustin, De Civitate Dei, Cartea a IV-a, cap.6, P. L. 41, col. 116-117.
37
Fer. Augustin, Epistola 47,5, P. L., tom 33, col. 186.
38
Fer. Augustin, Epistola 48,15; cf. Epistola 49, 4, P. L., tom 33, col. 885.
39
Mantzaridis, 374.
40
Sf. Grigorie de Nyssa, Omilii la fericiri, 7, P. G. 44, col. 1281b.
41
Hieroteos Vlachos, Psihoterapia ortodox: tiina Sfinilor Prini, translated by Irina Luminia Niculescu
(Timioara: nvierea, 1998), 197.
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224
St. Mark the Ascet said "pleasure-loving heart in time of leaving makes for
soul prison and chain"
42
. Thus, a sick soul or overwhelmed by passions, convey to
the whole psychosomatic structure the disease by which is ruled. Passions rough
heart, and show it severity and beyond. For this reason the Orthodox tradition
speaks so much about delicacy, understood not only as an outside, but the inner
state. Heart must be gentle and subtle. Such a man who possesses such a priceless
gift will always be intent to the sufferings of his neighbors, seeking their healing.
Love is an ontological element of human existence. It explains the most
comprehensive and clear as possible otherness. Sometimes it happens that human
love is concentrated only within the transcendent, he wished and proximity to
God, but forgetting his neighbor. Anger sprouts in the human heart, and if allowed
development is inevitable the sin of killing. Apostle John, the disciple whom Jesus
loved, still transmitted in writing to the truth of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount:
"He who hates his brother is a murderer "(I Jn 3:15). God is interested first of
what happens in the human heart, because out there "killing" defiles the man,
because it violates Gods command to love.
Holy Fathers concerning as passion and put under this name all forms of
human aggression, externalized or not, overt or hidden, gross or subtle, and
generally are directed against neighbor
43
. Passion of wrath () starts from the
irritable power of the soul and includes all pathological manifestations of aggression.
Anger, whereof speaks monastic tradition, is not only violence, externalized
manifestations. The extreme forms of violence, the rivalries of all kinds, beatings,
blows, injuries and even homicides and wars, all derived from the passion of
anger, in the broad sense given to this word in the ascetic tradition.
Extremism is defined as "an attitude, doctrine of political current (and not
only) based on views, ideas, exaggerated opinions, one-sided, extreme, violent or
radical measures aimed at imposing their ideology and program
44
, as a deviant
phenomenon, which is based on certain ideologies and always precise, radical
beliefs.
Clearly, today fundamentalism has the dialectic of interest and hatred, in
opposition to the patristic message of the Church, impregnated by spiritual warmth
and love. The fundamentalist obsession is to concatenate God into a symbol in the
historical facts, in rite, in letter. It thus falls, fatally, in a new and modern form of
magic in which symbols become automatic guarantors of salvation. The enemy
is contesting formulas and the kingdom grows by extending the profane symbol
45
.

42
Sf. Marcu Ascetul, Despre legea duhovniceasc n 200 de capete, chap. 20, in Filocalia, vol. I, ed. a II-a,
translated by Dumitru Stniloae (Bucureti, Harisma, 1992), 272.
43
Cf. Jean-Claude Larchet, Terapeutica bolilor spirituale, translated by Marinela Bojin (Bucureti: Sofia,
2001), 175.
44
Dicionarul explicativ al limbii romne, ed. a II-a (Bucureti, Univers enciclopedic, 1996), 362.
45
T. Tia, Violena n societatea post-cretin, 24.

225
In Holy Fathers view, love () is a work of the soul for possible
closer to God and to that like us, suffering in the world. Presence of God in heart
pleads for brothers presence, indifferent as his state of spiritual fulfillment. Who
loves God, have to love every man as himself too, although not pleased by the
passions of those who have not cleared yet (...) Who sees in his heart a trace of
hatred towards any person, for any particular mistake, is somewhat alien to Gods
love, because the love of God do not suffer in the least hatred for man
46
.
Environment in which love is revealed is hesychia, peace. When hatred
echoes are off, the soul finds, in silence, the deep sense of Gods footsteps. St. John
Chrysostom (347-407), describing the atmosphere of Christian peace, highlights
its blessing: "... peace in the churches, in prayers, in ceremonies, in greetings. The
primate of the Church gives peace once, twice, three times, several times: Peace
be with you! He gives peace many times to the believers, because peace is the
mother of all goods
47
.
In the patristic tradition of the Christian East, soothe the soul is regarded
as urge all virtues. There can be not peace and love between peers, without the
important contribution of every individual.
In Orthodox theology, relationship between the image of God (man) and
God is the subject of a fundamental discourse. Every man contains within itself
the stamp of divinity. We find in Christ, by extending the way to the Trinity, the
same dynamic in neighbor knowledge.
St. Isaac the Syrian (cca. 640-cca. 700) supported the idea of love of neighbor
and embrace it, regardless of his spiritual condition. "Do not try to distinguish
who is worthy of one who is not worthy, all be equal in your eyes, to love and
serve do the Lord not eat at the table of publicans and sinners, without rejecting
the unworthy? Thus, you will do the same good and will give the same honor ... to
the infidel, the criminal, more so as he is a brother to you, because he participates
in unique human nature
48
. Holy Fathers desire is that, through their writings, to
propagate the vision of uplifting, not superman met in nihilistic philosophy, but deified
man, bearing in mind the ardent love of God, for all of creation and compassion for its
limitations, reductions, shortcomings, failures. The man-king arrived at this dignity of
Christs redemptive grace, not shown to be just a microcosm as we encounter
depicted in ancient Greek philosophy, but above all he is a person, a being worthy
of his Creator. We note that life sums a whole of paradoxical contradictions: the man

46
Sf. Maxim Mrturisitorul, Cele patru sute de capete despre dragoste, in Filocalia vol. II, translated by
Dumitru Stniloae (Bucureti: Humanitas, 1999), 56.
47
Sf. Ioan Gur de Aur, Cuvnt ctre cei ce sunt scandalizai din cauza nenorocirilor, P.G. 56, Col.
872 B.
48
Sf. Isaac Sirul, Cuvinte despre sfintele nevoine, tradanslated by Dumitru Stniloae, in Filocalia,
vol. 10 (Bucureti: Institutul Biblic i de Misune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 1981), 152.
DACIAN BUT-CPUAN

226
was annoyed by his precariousness and without seeking the support of divinity,
born utopias, ideologies as last points of stability.
Desire for power, conquest, of possesion, enrichment led to action and extreme
gestures, such as wars, crime, aggression, invasions, extermination, deportation,
massacres and much, much more. Faith in God led people to many actions and
extreme events over the time. Relationship between man and divinity has always
been one tumultuous and ever tested, human actions are not always pleasing to
God. And this is where religious extremism, an event that led to unimaginable
actions committed by people in the name of God.
Slipping too much to worldly interests, to secularism, Western leaders of
Church life have contributed to the birth of libertine and protester spirit, which
had to grow a lot in the next century, degenerated in the form of schisms, heresies
and attempts to reform and (or) to discredit the Church.

IV. TEOLOGIE PRACTIC

EDUCAIA RELIGIOAS I CUNOATEREA LUI DUMNEZEU

GHEORGHE ANTA
*

REZUMAT. Educaia religioas este parte integrant a procesului educaional general,
care face legtura ntre contiina individual i cultura general. Educaia religioas
este o component a formrii spirituale a omului, care presupune capacitatea de
asimilare i capacitatea de a opera, n viaa de zi cu zi, cu noiuni ce in de cultur
religioas, de formarea n spiritul moralei cretine, prin iubirea de Dumnezeu i
iubirea de aproapele.
Trirea n Hristos presupune cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu, iar aceasta nu se
rezum la o cunoatere raional, ntruct pe Dumnezeu nu-L poi cunoate numai
cu mintea. Pe Dumnezeu ajungi s-L cunoti atunci cnd te mprteti cu El, cnd
mplineti poruncile Lui i printr-o via de nevoin, pentru a dobndi virtuile
cretine.
Din perspectiv ortodox, cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu presupune mrturisire,
att verbal ct i prin comportament.
Ca sistem de referin pentru testarea ideilor fundamentale ale educaiei
rmne Sfnta Scriptur, Cuvntul lui Dumnezeu.

Cuvinte-cheie: educaie, cunoatere, comportament, contiin, cultur

Educaia religioas este parte integrant a procesului educaional general,
care face legtura ntre contiina individual i cultura general. Cultura definete
sintetic modul uman de existen i este simbolul forei creatoare a omului. Ea
reprezint un adevrat sistem de valori. Permanent s-au cutat definiri i explicaii
care s stabileasc sfera n care se mic cultura ca realitate sau concept.
Termenul cultur a fost preluat de mai toate limbile moderne din limba
latin, unde cuvntul cultur are att nelesul de cultivare a pmntului, ct i pe
cel de cultivare a spiritului. Se avea n vedere att ideea de transformare a naturii
exterioare a omului, ct i a facultilor naturale ale omului, pe care educaia le
poate transforma din potenialiti n realiti. Cuvntul cultur trece, astfel i n
sfera larg a educaiei, care urmrete formarea sufletului, instruirea i modelarea
personalitii pe baza cunotinelor i a experienei personale.

*
Lect. Univ. Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
santa.gheorghe@yahoo.com
GHEORGHE ANTA

228
Definirea noiunii de cultur aparine britanicului Edward Burnett Tylor
(1832-1917), care a vzut cel dinti cultura ca un ansamblu complex ce cuprinde:
cunoaterea, credinele, arta, morala, dreptul, tradiiile i orice alte producii i
modaliti de via create de omul ce triete n societate
1
.
Prin cultur se modeleaz personalitatea uman, ntruct cultura transmite
modele comportamentale, atitudini sociale, reacii dobndite i nvate, ntreaga
istorie a omului ca fiin social.
Comunicarea este un factor constitutiv al culturii, un factor definitoriu i
structural, fr de care nu putem nelege nici o form de cultur. Ea nseamn un
permanent schimb de informaii, mesaje i semnificaii ntre oameni, ceea ce d
consisten n bogie fenomenului cultural. Ea este esena vieii sociale a omului,
ntruct viaa n comun, stocarea informaiilor i transmiterea motenirii sociale
ctre noile generaii nu ar fi posibil fr existena multiplelor forme de semnificare
i de comunicare. Cultura i comunicarea sunt o pereche conceptual n toate
tiinele care cerceteaz condiia uman implicit n cultura i n educaia religioas.
Religia i are locul su bine stabilit, ntruct n lume, ea ordoneaz i regularizeaz
raportul dintre om i misterul vieii i al morii. Cine uit de religie, rateaz viaa,
deoarece religia constituie un factor determinant, implicit n toate relaiile de via.
O clarificare contemporan a nvturii de credin constituie pentru
Biserica Ortodox, nu numai o necesitate intern, didactic i pastoral, ci i o
obligaie catehetic i misionar. Biserica simte nevoia de o gndi, n mod continuu i
n mod pastoral, adevrurile de baz ale credinei sale, pe de alt parte, Evanghelia
trebuie s fie interpretat n fiecare epoc, pentru fiecare situaie, pentru fiecare
generaie. Biserica Ortodox are raiuni proprii de a explica, de a transmite i de a
propovdui credina care a fost dat sfinilor, odat pentru totdeauna (Iuda 3)
tuturor ce se afl n snul ei.
Educaia religioas este o component a formrii spirituale a omului, care
presupune capacitatea de asimilare i capacitatea de a opera, n viaa de zi cu zi, cu
noiuni ce in de cultur religioas, de formarea n spiritul moralei cretine, prin
iubirea de Dumnezeu i iubirea de aproapele.
n cadrul procesului educativ, prin educaia moral-religioas se formeaz
i se educ sentimentul religios. Sentimentul religios constituie pentru om o
surs de energie i de putere moral, deoarece avem n fa modelul perfeciunii:
Dumnezeu-Omul, Iisus Hristos, Mntuitorul nostru.
n realitate, educaia moral-religioas, prin natura obiectului su de studiu,
depete sfera curricular obinuit, pentru c elevii nu sunt ndemnai numai s
acumuleze i s utilizeze un anumit bagaj de cunotine, ci sunt chemai s neleag
i, dac pot, s asimileze un alt mod de trire, trirea n Hristos.
Trirea n Hristos presupune cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu, iar aceasta nu se
rezum la o cunoatere raional, ntruct pe Dumnezeu nu-L poi cunoate numai cu
mintea. Pe Dumnezeu ajungi s-L cunoti atunci cnd te mprteti cu El, cnd

1
Pierre Bonte, Michel Izard, Dicionar de etnologie i antropologie, apud E. B. Tylor, Cultura primitiv,
Editura Polirom, Iai, 1999, p. 682.

229
mplineti poruncile Lui i printr-o via de nevoin, pentru a dobndi virtuile
cretine.
Din perspectiv ortodox, cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu presupune mrturisire,
att verbal ct i prin comportament. Lumina prin care omul l vede pe Dumnezeu i
se unete cu El, este numai un dar al lui Dumnezeu. n aceast lumin i prin aceast
lumin, Dumnezeu Se unete cu cei care sunt unii cu El: de harul cunotinei de
Dumnezeu se va nvrednici omul atunci cnd ajunge n Dumnezeu
2
. Cunoaterea
lui Dumnezeu include n mod neaprat mrturisirea. Nu se poate s-L cunoti pe
Dumnezeu i s nu spui altora. Mrturisirea vine din cunoatere, iar cunoaterea
din neptimire i din mplinirea poruncilor. Un model concret de mrturisire, ca
lucrare care i urmeaz cunoaterii lui Dumnezeu, l avem n Evanghelia dup Ioan,
capitolul 4, Convorbirea lui Iisus cu femeia samarineanc.
Cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu i pstreaz mereu un caracter paradoxal, pe
msur ce omul, avnd cunoatere limitat, se nal n cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu,
care este nelimitat. Dumnezeu nu poate fi prins n noiuni sau n concepte pentru c
astfel i mrgineti nemrginirea, ci doar intuim printr-o nelegere limitat tainele
Lui de neneles. Pe de-o parte este nevoie de cuvnt n cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu,
iar pe de alt parte cuvintele trebuie depite. Aadar prin cuvinte i nelesuri
referitoare la Dumnezeu trebuie s mergem mereu dincolo de aceste cuvinte i
nelesuri i s nelegem c Dumnezeu este mai presus de concepte, dar c acetia in
mereu calea deschis n cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu. Cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu nu
nseamn doar cunoatere raional i judeci de valoare, ci, ntotdeauna, n
cretinism i, mai cu seam n ortodoxie se concretizeaz n mprtirea din
Hristos cel nviat, cretinismul nu este o coal filosofic speculnd pe marginea
conceptelor abstracte, ci nainte de toate este o mprtire din Dumnezeul cel
Viu
3
. Calea cunoaterii lui Dumnezeu are ntotdeauna drept scop unirea omului cu
Dumnezeu, ndumnezeirea lui
4
. Deplina ndumnezeire a omului se va realiza n
veacul viitor, dup nvierea morilor, la Parusie, ns aceast ndumnezeire trebuie
nceput de pe acest pmnt schimbnd firea striccioas i stricat. Dumnezeu
ne-a dat n Biseric toate mijloacele pentru a nfptui aceast lucrare, trebuie doar
efortul personal, voina noastr pentru aceasta. Aceast unire a omului cu Dumnezeu
presupune conlucrare, mpreun lucrare a omului cu Dumnezeu cci noi mpreun-
lucrtori cu Dumnezeu suntem (I Corinteni 3, 9).
inta spiritualitii ortodoxe este desvrirea omului credincios prin unirea
lui cu Hristos i ntiprirea lui tot mai deplin de chipul omenitii lui Hristos, plin
de Dumnezeu
5
. Sfinii Prini spun c desvrirea omului nu are hotar, tocmai
pentru faptul c Dumnezeu este nesfrit, n consecin i lucrarea omului de unire

2
Sfntul Maxim Mrturisitorul, Capete despre dragoste, dup Jean-Claude larchet, Terapeutica bolilor
spirituale, Editura Sophia, Bucureti, 2011, p. 659.
3
Vladimir Lossky, Teologia mistic a Bisericii de Rsrit, Editura Anastasia, 1990, p. 70.
4
V. Lossky, Teologia mistic, p. 71.
5
Pr. Dumitru Stniloae, Ascetica i mistica Bisericii Ortodoxe, Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune
al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 2002, p. 5.
GHEORGHE ANTA

230
cu Cel Nesfrit i are un punct final de unde nu se mai poate nainta, aadar
unirea omului cu Dumnezeu este un progres nesfrit.
Biserica a pus la ndemna credincioilor Sfintele Taine ca izvoare ale
harului, puncte de ntlnire cu Dumnezeu, cu Duhul lui Dumnezeu, Care se pogoar
peste noi. Astfel ntre cuvnt i Tain din perspectiv ortodox exist o legtur strns,
de neseparat este o unitate esenial, ntemeiat pe tcere
6
. Cuvntul i Taina n
gndirea Prinilor rsriteni sunt inseparabile, mpreun formnd un mediu
unic i unitar de comuniune ntre Dumnezeu i om, o prtie reciproc ntre viaa
dumnezeiasc i cea omeneasc. Hristos se face cunoscut prin cuvnt. Cuvntul Lui
are putere i l trdeaz ca nefiind din aceast lume. Mulimile care l ascultau se
ntrebau: Cine este Acesta?, De unde tie El toate acestea? n acest context Hristos
i justific cuvintele, justificndu-se pe Sine nsui i artnd oamenilor calea spre
mpria Cerurilor. Cuvintele rostite de Iisus cuprind nvtura Sa cu privire la
obria Sa divin, cine L-a trimis ntre oameni, prin aceasta descoper Taina Sfintei
Treimi, dragostea ei fa de omul czut, scopul pentru care S-a ntrupat Fiul, adic
mntuirea oamenilor, calea pe care va realiza aceast mntuire, astfel cuvntul
lui Hristos spus oamenilor premerge i descrie fapta Sa de dragoste, Jertfa Sa de
iubire fa de oameni.
Toate cuvintele lui Hristos, nvtura Sa, au menirea de a-L descoperi pas
cu pas pe Dumnezeu i mpria cerurilor i de a conduce oamenii spre mntuire,
de fapt primul aspect l include pe al doilea ntruct descoperirea lui Dumnezeu are
drept scop mntuirea omului i prezena lui Dumnezeu n lucrarea de mntuire a
omului. Fora revelatoare a cuvntului Su st tocmai n faptul c prin puterea
cuvntului Iisus Hristos l dezvluie pe Tatl. Aadar, cuvntul lui Iisus Hristos cuprinde
nvtura Sa, adic lucrarea de descoperire a lui Dumnezeu, lucrarea de mntuire a
omului care-l ndeamn pe om la comuniune venic cu Tatl prin iubire, astfel se
ajunge la adevrata cunoatere a lui Dumnezeu.
Cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu presupune o trire nalt, o lucrare curat, o
bucurie relaional de iubire cu Dumnezeu i cu aproapele. Toate aceste manifestri
trebuie s aib un corespondent n comportament. n episodul lepdrii lui Petru
(Matei 26, 69-75) se confirm acest fapt. Iar dup puin, apropiindu-se cei ce stteau
acolo au zis lui Petru: Cu adevrat i tu eti dintre ei, cci i graiul tu te vdete
(Matei 26, 73).
Pe Dumnezeu l cunoti n relaie cu aproapele. Cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu
nu se rezum doar la vorbe, ci se realizeaz n fapte. Iubirea lui Dumnezeu st n
mplinirea voii Lui, n mplinirea poruncilor: Dac M iubete cineva, va pzi cuvntul
Meu (Ioan 14, 23). Aceasta este porunca Mea: s v iubii unul pe altul, precum v-
am iubit Eu (Ioan 15, 12). Att n Sfnta Scriptur, Cuvintele Mntuitorului, ct i
n scrierile Sfinilor Prini exist o mulime de dovezi c pe Dumnezeu l cunoti
doar avnd o relaie de frate cu cel de lng tine: S iubeti pe aproapele tu ca
pe tine nsui (Matei 22, 39); Iar a doua e aceasta: S iubeti pe aproapele tu ca

6
John Breck, Puterea Cuvntului n Biserica dreptmritoare, Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune
al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1999, p. 7.

231
pe tine nsui. Mai mare dect acestea nu este alt porunc (Marcu 12, 31). Dup
Sfntul Apostol Pavel cel ce iubete pe aproapele a mplinit legea iubirea nu face
ru aproapelui: iubirea este deci mplinirea Legii (Romani 13, 9-10).
Emmanuel Levinas sublinia faptul c trebuie s tii cine-i cel de lng tine,
ca s tii cum te raportezi la acesta, cum s te compori cu el. Cnd contientizezi
c cel de lng tine este fiul lui Dumnezeu, atunci el este Majestatea Sa
7
. n
consecin respectul, cinstea, iubirea care se cuvine unui copil al lui Dumnezeu, se
subneleg din aceast afirmaie.
Iubirea lui Dumnezeu nu se poate reduce la o simpl stare afectiv, dei
pune n micare facultile afective ale omului (puterea de a dori, de a iubi), nu se
limiteaz la aceasta, ci mic ntreaga fiin a omului, punndu-i n lucrare toate
puterile. Sensul spiritual al iubirii presupune o unitate, o nrudire ntre dou persoane.
Iubirea deplin presupune reciprocitate. Dac iubirea este unitate, ea e i dualitate, Ea
este unitate n dualitate.
ntre Dumnezeu i om exist ceva comun, care face posibil apropierea
de Dumnezeu. Omul fiind chip al lui Dumnezeu, ca atare, el este o fiin spiritual,
orientat n chip ontologic spre Dumnezeu. Ca i n iubirea omeneasc este nevoie de
reciprocitate, adic de coborrea lui Dumnezeu la om n iubire i de nlarea acestuia
la Dumnezeu n iubire. De aceea a venit Fiul lui Dumnezeu n chip de om, ca s
restabileasc relaia de iubire dintre om i Dumnezeu, tulburat de pcat. Precizm c
Dumnezeu este Cel ce ne-a iubit nti. Iubirea noastr ctre El este iubire rspuns, e
rspunsul spiritului uman la iubirea ce ne-a artat-o i ne-o arat Dumnezeu.
Dac la iubirea lui Dumnezeu rspundem cu iubire, ntre noi i Dumnezeu
se realizeaz o aa unitate nct suntem un duh cu El, cu Iisus Hristos, aa c dac
rmnem n El i El n noi, viem n El i El n noi, devenind sla al Sfintei Treimi i
participnd la viaa ei prin har (Ioan 14, 23). Iat, stau la u i bat; de va auzi
cineva glasul Meu i va deschide ua, voi intra la el i voi cina cu el i el cu Mine
(Apocalipsa 3, 20). Cina aceast nseamn unire: rmne ntru Mine i Eu ntru el
(Ioan 6, 56). Cci Dumnezeu este iubire i cel ce rmne n iubire rmne n
Dumnezeu i Dumnezeu rmne ntru El (I Ioan 4, 16).
Iubirea, ca dar al harului, este o putere dumnezeiasc izvort de la
Dumnezeu-Tatl i mprtit oamenilor prin Iisus Hristos n Duhul Sfnt.
ntoarcerea omului la firea cea dinti, iubitoare, plin de frumusee se face prin
ascez, n cadrul unui proces de convertire prin care omul se ntoarce cu totul spre
Dumnezeu, i ntoarce toat puterea Sa de a iubi care a fost ndreptat spre lume, o
ntoarcere spre Dumnezeu. Toat aceast putere de a iubi, odat ntoars spre
Dumnezeu se preface n dragoste neprihnit fa de dragostea dumnezeiasc.
Pentru a ajunge la dobndirea iubirii celei adevrate fa de Dumnezeu,
trebuie mai nti, s strbat drumul curirii sale interioare, calea tmduirii lui
duhovniceti s-i cureasc toat fiina lui, pentru c iubirea cuprinde toat fiina,
nu numai o parte din ea. Iubirea egoist de sine, nate necunoaterea i chiar

7
Emmanuel Levinas, Totalitate i infinit, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1999, p. 19.
GHEORGHE ANTA

232
ignorarea aproapelui, reducndu-l cel mai adesea la un simplu obiect, fie vrednic de
dorit, fie vrednic de lepdat. Ea duce la o cunoatere superficial, aproximativ i cu
totul exterioar a oamenilor, fals i de-a dreptul halucinant
8
.
Pentru c Dumnezeu este iubire, cel ce iubete se face asemenea lui
Dumnezeu. Prin urmare, cu ct un om este mai desvrit n iubire, cu att crete n
asemnarea cu Dumnezeu. Iubirea l ndumnezeiete pe om mai mult dect orice
alt virtute, pentru c Dumnezeu este iubire. Cnd omul iubete curat este cel mai
aproape de Dumnezeu, se face asemenea Lui, l imit pe Dumnezeu.
Facultile cunoaterii i recapt sntatea ntorcndu-se de la cele
simuale spre Dumnezeu. Iubirea, cptnd sensul cel adevrat, micndu-se spre
felul care i se cuvine rostului su firesc: Cci sufletul avnd prin fire puterea
cugettoare, din aceasta se nate virtutea. i o are prin fire ca s rmn cum a fost
fcut. i a fost fcut bun i foarte drept. Iar dreptatea sufletului se arat n pstrarea
felului nelegtor al Lui, aa cum a fost creat. Iar atunci cnd se abate i se strmb
de la starea lui cea dup fire, se spune c aceasta e rutatea sufletului. Deci nu e greu
lucrul virtuii. Cci suntem n virtute dac rmnem aa cum am fost fcui
9
.
Hristos Domnul nu-i ofer omului simple percepte morale, ci mplinindu-le El
nsui mai nti, n mod desvrit i descoper prin cuvintele i faptele Sale, prin felul
Su de a fi, modelul desvrit al vieuirii omeneti n forma ei desvrit, sfnt. Iisus
ne descoper n Persoana Sa, n care a unit firea uman cu cea dumnezeiasc, omul
adevrat, omul cel nou (Efeseni 4, 24) care se nnoiete, spre deplin cunotin,
dup chipul Celui ce l-a zidit (Coloseni 3, 10). Adam cel Nou nu doar restaurat, ci
desvrit prin unirea desvrit cu Dumnezeu. El voiete ca noi s ne facem cu
adevrat i ntru totul asemenea Lui, s fim urmtori ai lui Dumnezeu (Efeseni 5, 1),
nu din afar, aa cum am fi imitat sau urmat un nelept sau un erou, ci mbrcndu-ne
n El (Galateni 3, 27), mprtindu-ne de omenitatea Sa ndumnezeit, devenind
prtai dumnezeietii firi (II Petru 1, 4).
Fiul este Cuvntul, iar Dumnezeu-Tatl a dat acest nume unei persoane
care nu triete n singurtatea contemplrii, ci n raportul comunicrii: Prin Cuvnt,
Dumnezeu ne este aproape ca Persoan, astfel nct Cuvntul este manifestare
a unei persoane una ctre alta, este mijlocul principal al unei comunicri ntre
persoane. Cuvntul este un dialog. Iisus Hristos este Persoana care ne cheam prin
Cuvnt n comuniune, descoperindu-ne realitatea ei. Comuniunea cu Dumnezeu
ne aduce n snul realitii supreme i ne descoper sensul ei, determinnd detaarea
noastr de lumea efemer.
Prin ntrupare, Eul divin i-a vorbit eu-lui uman, apoi Cuvntul Su l-a fcut
s existe dup chipul Su pe cel care-l ascult i continu s-l transforme, pstrndu-l
ntr-o comuniune vie cu Cuvntul fcut trup. Drept urmare, viaa spiritual este dat
de Dumnezeu prin darul prezenei Lui. Omul primete aceast revelaie i rspunde
prin actul credinei lui, ncepnd un dialog liturgic generator de unitate ntre El i noi.

8
J.-C. Larchet, Terapeutica bolilor spirituale, p. 628.
9
J.-C. Larchet, Terapeutica bolilor spirituale, p. 349.

233
Persoana lui Iisus Hristos este locul unde s-au ntlnit odat pentru totdeauna
experiena omului prin Dumnezeu i cea a lui Dumnezeu prin om: voi suntei n
Mine i Eu sunt n voi.
Mntuitorul, prin venirea Sa n lume, a aprins n sufletul omului nostalgia
dup realizarea idealului pe care-l fixeaz Fiul Omului, adic ndumnezeirea, ceea
ce nseamn renaterea unui om nou, cu o voin ce trebuie s se identifice cu
voina lui Hristos. Porunca Mntuitorului: Fii, dar, voi desvrii, precum Tatl
vostru Cel ceresc desvrit este (Matei 5, 48) este destinat acelora care sunt
stpnii de dorul de a renate la o nou via n Hristos.
Sfntul Simion Noul Teolog vorbete despre o pecete a harului existent
n fiina omului prin lucrarea Sfntului Duh: Hristoase al meu, Care m-ai umplut
de Duhul Tu dumnezeiesc, druiete pn la sfrit, necontenit, n ntregime harul
Tu, robului Tu; nu-l lua de la mine, nu Te ntoarce, Ziditorule, nu m trece cu vederea,
odat ce m-ai pus naintea feei Tale i ntre robii Ti m-ai pecetluit cu pecetea harului
Tu
10
.
n istorie i n adncul spiritului uman, Hristos Se nate, moare i nviaz,
n aceast interioritate se leag raporturile dintre Dumnezeu i om, trasndu-se
itinerariul ntregii viei spirituale este ntotdeauna o ntlnire. Dumnezeu iese
din El nsui spre om, iar omul i prsete izolarea sa i-L ntlnete pe Cellalt:
Niciodat Tu n-ai dispreuit pe nimeni, noi suntem cei ce ne ascundem, nevrnd s
mergem ctre Tine
11
.
Setea de absolut sdit n natura uman este Dumnezeu nsui. Fiul s-a
fcut om ca s mplineasc setea umanitii pentru adevrata nelegere a sensului
ei filial cu Tatl, ca origine suprem a ei. Fr ntruparea Fiului i Cuvntului
lui Dumnezeu, omul ar fi fost lipsit de sensul existenial lui, ar fi rmas lipsit de
adevrata raionalitate i afeciune a crei culmi st n filiaie
12
.
Antropologia rsritean reprezint ontologia deificrii, iluminarea progresiv
a omului i a lumii. Aceast metamorfoz a omului atest viaa divin n universul
uman i are loc n Biseric.
Imaginaia omului ndeamn spre infinit, spre ideal, n care binele, adevrul i
frumosul nu are limite. Vasile Fernea prezint ntr-o lucrare a sa exprimarea unui
poet: O, suflete, ce caui tu mai sus dect vrfurile munilor i dincolo de marginile
orizontului? Pe Dumnezeu, stpnul cel fr de margini, peste marginile lumii
13
.
Dumnezeu este inta spre care tinde sufletul omului pe cile adevrului, a
binelui i a frumosului. Omul dorete s ajung n lumea transcendent i totodat
dorete ca i Dumnezeu s se ndrepte spre el, astfel nct strigtul universal al
naturii omeneti este El.

10
Sfntul Simeon Noul Teolog, Imnul 41,5, n Sources Chrtiennes, Editura Du Cerf, Paris, p. 46,
apud Pr. Dumitru Stniloae, Iubirea cretin, Editura Porto-Franco, Galai, 1993, p. 156.
11
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Imnul 41,5, p. 57.
12
Pr. Dumitru Stniloae, Trirea lui Dumnezeu n Ortodoxie, Editura Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 2000, p. 61.
13
Vasile Fernea, Suferinele omeneti, Editura Galaxia Gutenberg, Bucureti, 2005, p. 23.
GHEORGHE ANTA

234
Datorit chipului Su din om, acesta rmne nemuritor pn cnd e nsetat
de cunoatere, pn cnd are contiina treaz c are mereu ceva nou de cunoscut,
pn cnd se afl ntr-o contiin a legturii cu Dumnezeu cel infinit
14
.
Educaia cretin urmrete realizarea comuniunii omului cu Dumnezeu i
creterea continu n aceast comuniune. Puterea educaiei cretine, n ceea ce are
ea de realizat i are sursa, aa dup cum am vzut, n comuniunea omului cu
Dumnezeu. Iat ce spune Sfntul Clement Alexandrinul: nvtura, ntemeiat pe
dovezi sdete n sufletul celui care-i nsuete nvtura, o credin puternic i
exact; ntruct acela nu gndete c ar putea fi altfel dect aa cum i s-a demonstrat
i nici nu se las prad celor care vor s-l nele cu ajutorul acestei tiine pregtitoare,
sufletul se curete de impresiile sensibile i se nflcreaz ca s poat ntrezri
cndva adevrul. Dac este pstrat o educaie bun i o instrucie folositoare,
atunci ele dau natere la naturi bune, iar dac primesc la rndul lor o instrucie
asemntoare ajung nc mai bune dect cele dinaintea lor
15
.
Ca sistem de referin pentru testarea ideilor fundamentale ale educaiei
rmne Sfnta Scriptur, Cuvntul lui Dumnezeu. Cuvntul lui Dumnezeu, conform
marelui pedagog Comenius, Biblia este: Cartea cea mai universal care conine tot
ceea ce i este necesar omului s tie i s cread, s fac i s spere pentru aceast
via, dar i pentru cea viitoare
16
. Aici descoperim c fiina uman nu este o
ntrebare fr rspuns adresat spiritului universului, ci este existen purttoare a
Chipului lui Dumnezeu, creia i s-a oferit i i se ofer posibilitatea ndumnezeirii
prin educaie, ajungnd la transfigurarea n Hristos, n msura n care l accept i
triete n El, n msura n care se identific cu El i pentru El. Astfel viaa spiritual
ncepe s se contureze, iar contiina ncepe s lucreze mrturisind pe Hristos n
duhul moralei evanghelice, aceea care s-a impus prin luarea ca model a vieii lui
Iisus, un aspect important al devenirii omului transfigurat: o respiraie nobil a
vieii interioare, o cultur a sufletului angajat pe urma pailor lui Iisus
17
.
n final putem afirma c fiina uman avnd Chipul lui Dumnezeu n ea,
tinde spre El; l caut i este dominat de dorul Lui; aceast dorin noi o putem
ignora limitndu-ne la materialitatea lumii sau o putem mplini trind n Hristos i
pentru Hristos.

14
D. Stniloae, Trirea lui Dumnezeu n Ortodoxie, p. 164.
15
Sfntul Clement Alexandrinul, Scrieri partea a 2-a, Stomatele, col. Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti,
Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1982, p. 29.
16
J. A. Comenius, Pompaedia, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1977, p. 9.
17
Ernest Bernea, Hristos i condiia uman, Editura Cartea Romneasc, Bucureti, 1996, p. 107.

THE RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND THE KNOWLEDGE OF GOD

GHEORGHE ANTA
*

ABSTRACT. The religious education is an integral part of the general educational
process, which makes connection between individual consciousness and the
general culture. The religious education is a constitutive part of mans spiritual
moulding, which requires the ability to assimilate and the ability to operate, in
every-day life, with notions belonging to religious culture, requires to mould
the soul in Christian moral spirit, through loving God and our fellow creature.
Living in Christ requires knowledge of God, and that does not confine to
a rational knowledge, because you cannot know God only by your mind. You get to
know God only when you receive Him inside your body through Eucharist, when
you carry out his commandments, and through a life of sacrifice, in order to obtain
the Christian virtues.
From the orthodox point of view, knowing God requires sharing your
testimony, both verbal and through behaviour.
The Holy Scripture, The Word of God, continues to be the reference system
for testing the fundamental ideas of the education.

Keywords: education, knowledge, behaviour, consciousness, culture.

The religious education is an integral part of the general educational
process, which makes connection between individual consciousness and the
general culture. Culture defines synthetically the human way of existence and it is
the symbol of mans creative force. It represents a real system of values. There
have been permanently sought definitions and explanations which could be able
to establish the sphere in which the culture moves, as a reality, or as a concept.
The term culture was taken by all the modern languages from Latin
language, where the word culture had both the meaning of tillage, and the
meaning of spiritual cultivation. It was taken into account both the idea of
transformation of mans exterior nature, and the idea of mans natural faculties,
which education could transform from potentialities in realities. The word culture
passes, thus, in the wide sphere of education, too, which has in view the moulding
of the soul, instruction and moulding of the personality, based on knowledge and
personal experience.

*
Lect., PhD., Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,
santa.gheorghe@yahoo.com
GHEORGHE ANTA

236
The definition of the term culture belongs to the British Edward Burnett
Taylor (1832 1917), who was the first to see culture as a complex ensemble
which includes: knowledge, beliefs, art, moral, Law, traditions and any other
productions and ways of life, created by the man who lives in the society
1
.
Through culture, the human personality is moulded, because culture offers
models of behaviour, social attitudes, acquired and learnt reactions, the entire
history of man, as a social being.
Communication is an integral factor of the culture, a representative and a
structural factor without which we cannot understand any other form of culture. It
means a permanent change of information, messages and meanings among people,
which gives consistency in richness to the cultural phenomenon. It is the essence of
mans social life, because life together, information storage and the transfer of the
social inheritance to the new generations would not be possible without the existence
of multiple forms of meaning and communication. Culture and communication are
a conceptual pair in all the sciences which study the human condition implicitly in
the culture and religious education. The Religion has its own well determined place,
because in the world, it organizes and regulates the relation between man and the
mystery of life and death. Who forgets about Religion misses life itself, because
Religion represents a decisive factor, specific to all life relations.
An up-to-date clarification of the teaching of faith represents for the
Orthodox Church, not only an internal, didactic and pastoral necessity, but a
missionary obligation, essential in Catechism. The Church feels the need to think
about the fundamental truths of its faith, continuously and in a pastoral way, and
on the other hand, The Gospel must be interpreted in each period, for each situation,
for each generation. The Orthodox Church has its own reasons to explain, to spread
and to preach the faith which was given to the saints, once and for all (Judas 3) to
all who are within the Church.
The religious education is a constitutive part of mans spiritual moulding,
which requires the ability to assimilate and the ability to operate, in every-day life,
with notions belonging to religious culture, requires to mould the soul in Christian
moral spirit, through loving God and our fellow creature.
Within the framework of the instructive process, through the moral-
religious education is formed and educated the religious feeling. This feeling
means a source of energy and moral power for man, because we have in front of
our eyes the model of perfection: The Man God, Jesus Christ, our Saviour.
In reality, the moral-religious education, through the nature of its study
object, exceeds the common educational sphere, because the pupils are not only
urged to accumulate and use a certain amount of knowledge, but they are challenged
to understand and, if they can, to assimilate an other way of living, living in
Christ.

1
Pierre Bonte, Michel Izard, Dicionar de etnologie i antropologie, after E. B. Taylor, The primitive
culture (Iasi: Polirom, 1999), 682.

237
Living in Christ requires knowledge of God, and that does not confine to a
rational knowledge, because you cannot know God only by your mind. You get to
know God only when you receive Him inside your body through Eucharist, when
you carry out his commandments, and through a life of sacrifice, in order to obtain
the Christian virtues.
From the orthodox point of view, knowing God requires sharing your
testimony, both verbal and through bahaviour. The light through which man sees
God and unites with Him is only a gift of God. In this light and through this light,
God unites with those who are united with Him: When man dwells in God, he will
be worthy of the grace of knowing God
2
. The knowledge of God necessarily includes
sharing your testimony. You cannot know God and not to tell the others about
Him. This testimony comes from knowledge, and the knowledge comes from purity
and from carrying out the commandments. In Johns Gospel, chapter 4, Jesus
talking to Samaritan woman, we have a definite model of a shared testimony, as a
work which follows the knowledge of God.
The knowledge of God always keeps a paradoxical character, according as
man, having a limited knowledge, advances in knowledge of God, Who is unlimited.
God cannot be kept in notions or concepts, because thus, we bound His vastness,
but we just infer through a limited understanding His incomprehensible mysteries.
On the one hand, the word is needed in the knowledge of God, and on the other hand,
the words must be surpassed. So, through words and meanings referring to God, we
have to go always beyond these words and meanings, and to understand that God is
beyond concepts, but these keep the pathway open in the knowledge of God. The
knowledge of God does not mean only rational knowledge and valuable judgements,
but always, in Christianity, and especially in Orthodoxy, it materializes in communicating
from the Resurrected Christ, Christianity is not a philosophical school speculating
about the abstract concepts, but before all these, it means to communicate from
the Living God
3
. The pathway of the knowledge of God always has as purpose
mans communion with God, mans becoming godlike
4
. The absolute state of man
become godlike will be achieved in the future life, after the resurrection of the dead,
when Jesus Christ will come the second time, but man must start to work at this
state even in this life by changing the spoilt and damageable nature. God has given us
in the Church all the means to achieve this work, only personal effort is needed, our
will to do that. This communion of man with God requires co-operation, man working
alongside of God, for we are workers alongside of God (1 Corinthians 3, 9).
The goal of the Orthodox spirituality is Christians accomplishment through
his communion with God and his more and more thorough imprinting of Christs
human nature, full of God
5
. The Holy Fathers say that mans accomplishment has no

2
Sf. Maxim Mrturisitorul, Capete despre dragoste, apud Jean-Claude Larchet, Terapeutica bolilor
spirituale (Bucuresti: Sophia, 2011), 659.
3
Vladimir Lossky, Teologia mistic a Bisericii de Rsrit (Bucuresti: Anastasia, 1990), 70.
4
V. Lossky, Teologia mistic, 71.
5
Dumitru Staniloae, Ascetica i mistica Bisericii Ortodoxe (Bucuresti: Institutul Biblic i de Misiune al
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 2002), 5.
GHEORGHE ANTA

238
limit, precisely because God is endless, and consequently mans endeavour to achieve
the communion with The Endless One does not have a final point from which he
cannot advance further, so mans communion with God is an endless progress.
The Church offered to believers at hand The Holy Mysteries as sources of
grace, meeting points with God, with The Holy Ghost, who descends upon us. Thus,
from Orthodox view, there is a close, an inseparable connection between word and
mystery, it is an essential unity based on silence
6
. The word and the mystery are
inseparable in the eastern Fathers thinking, together forming a unique and unitary
environment of communion between God and man, a mutual share between divine
life and human life. Christ makes Himself known through word. His word has
power and proves to be out of this world. The listening crowds were wondering:
Who is This Man?, Whence does He know all these?. On this context, Christ
explains His words, justifying Himself and showing the people the way to the
Kingdom of Heavens. The words spoken by Jesus contain His teaching about His
divine origin, and Who sent Him among the people, through this revealing The
Mystery of The Holy Trinity, Holy Trinitys love for the decayed man, the purpose
for which The Son embodied, meaning mankinds salvation, and the way through
which He will achieve this salvation. Thus, Christs word, told to the people
precedes and describes His act of love, His Sacrifice of love for mankind.
All the words of Jesus and His teaching have the purpose to make us discover
God and The Kingdom of Heavens step by step, and to lead the people to salvation,
in fact, the first aspect includes the second, because Gods revealing has as purpose
mans salvation and Gods presence in mans salvation work. His words revealing
force resides in the fact that through Jesus Christs word power, He reveals The
Father. So, Jesus Christs word contains His teaching, meaning the work of revealing
God, the work of mans salvation which urges the man to endless communion with
The Father, through love, in this way getting to the real knowledge of God.
The knowledge of God requires a superior life experience, pure thoughts
and deeds, a joy for our love relationship with God and our fellow creature. All
these manifestations must have a correspondent in behaviour. In Peters turning
tippet pericope, (26 Matthew 69-75), this fact is confirmed: And after a while, as
those who were standing there were coming nearer, they said to Peter: indeed
you are one of them, because your language betrays you (Matthew 26,73).
You know God in the relationship with your fellow creature. The knowledge
of God does not confine to just words, but it fulfils in deeds. Our love for God resides
in carrying out His will, in carrying out His commandments: If somebody loves Me,
he will carry out My word (John 14, 23). This is My commandment: to love each
other, as I loved you (John 15, 12). Both in the Holy Scripture and in The Holy
Fathers Writings, there are a lot of proofs that you can know God only by having a
brotherhood relationship with the one next to you: To love your fellow creature as
you love yourself (Matthew 22, 39); And the second is this: to love your fellow

6
John Breck, Puterea Cuvntului n Biserica dreptmritoare (Bucuresti: Institutul Biblic i de
Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 1999), 7.

239
creature as you love yourself. There is no other commandment greater than this
(Mark 12, 31). According to the Holy Apostle Paul, the one who loves his fellow
creature carries out Gods Law (Romans 13, 8) love does not harm the fellow
creature: so love is the carrying out of Gods Law (Romans 13, 10).
Emmanuel Levinas emphasized the fact that you have to know who is the
one next to you, in order to know how to relate to him, how to behave. When you are
aware that the one next to you is the son of God, than he is His Highness.
7
Hence, the
respect, the honor, the love, proper to a child of God, are implied in this statement.
The love for God cannot be reduced to a simple emotional state, although it
activates mans affective abilities (the power to want, to love), does not confine to this,
but it moves the entire nature of man, setting to work all his powers. The spiritual
meaning of love requires a unity, a relationship between two persons. The perfect
love requires reciprocity. If love is unity, it is, also, duality, It is unity in duality.
There is something mutual between God and man, which makes possible to
approach God. The man is the icon of God, and as such, he is a spiritual being,
ontologically oriented towards God. As in the case of human love, reciprocity is
needed, which means Gods descending to the man, in love, and mans ascending to
God, in love. That is why The Son of God came as a man, to restore the relationship
of love between man and God, deteriorated by sin. We specify that God is The One
who loved us first. Our love for Him is an answer-love, is the answer of humans
spirit to the love God showed us and still shows.
If we answer with love to Gods love, between all of us and God is achieved
such a unity, that we and Jesus Christ become one spirit, so if we remain inside Him
and He remains inside us, we live in Him and He lives in us, and we become dwelling
of The Holy Trinity, partaking to Her life through grace (John 14, 23). Here, I stand at
the door and knock; if somebody will hear My voice and will open the door, I shall
enter inside and I shall dine with him and he will dine with Me (The Apocalypse 3,
20). This supper means communion: remains inside Me and I remain inside him
(John 6, 56). For God is love and the one who remains in love, remains in God, and
God remains inside him(1 John 4, 16).
Love, as a gift of grace, is a divine power sprung from The Father-God and
shared to the people through Jesus Christ in The Holy Ghost. Mans returning to the
first nature loving, full of beauty is achieved through ascetism, within the framework
of a conversion process, through which the man totally returns to God, all his power
to love, which once was aimed to the world, now he turns it towards God. All this
power to love, once turned towards God, transforms in pure love for the love of God.
To gain the true love for God, first of all, man must cover the path of his
inner cleaning, the path of his spiritual healing, to clean his entire being, because
love overwhelms all the being, not only a part of it. The selfish love of the self gives
birth to the lack of knowledge and even to the ignorance of our fellow creature,

7
Emmanuel Levinas, Totalitate i infinit (Iasi: Polirom, 1999), 19.
GHEORGHE ANTA

240
frequently reducing him to a simple object, either worthy of being coveted or
worthy of desertion. It leads to a superficial, approximate and totally exterior
knowledge of the people, a false one and really hallucinating
8
.
Because God is love, the one who loves resembles God. Therefore, the more
a man is closer to perfection in love, the more he grows in resemblance of God.
Love, more than any other virtue, makes man become godlike, because God is love.
When man loves purely, he is the closest to God, he resembles Him, he imitates God.
The faculties of knowledge recover their health, turning from the pleasure
of the senses to God. Love gains its real meaning, moving to its proper natural
sense: For the soul, having by nature the thinking power, from this power virtue is
born. And it has it by nature, in order to remain as it was created. And it was created
good and very right. And the souls righteousness is shown in keeping its understanding
nature, as it was created. And when it turns away and distorts from its natural state,
they say that this is souls wickedness. So, achieving virtue is not a hard thing to do.
Because we are in virtue if we remain as we were created
9
.
Christ-Lord does not offer the man just moral precepts, but because He
Himself carried them out first, He exceptionally reveals the perfect example of human
living in its complete and saint form, through His words and acts, through His
manner. Jesus revealed us in His Person, in which He incorporated the human nature
and the divine nature, the real man, the new man (Ephesians 4, 24) who renews in
complete consciousness, according to the example of The One Who created him
(Colossians 3, 10). The new Adam is not just restored, but complete, through the
perfect communion with God. He wants us to resemble Him, really and totally, to be
Gods followers (Ephesians 5, 1), not from outside, like imitating or following a wise
man or a hero, but dressing ourselves in Him (Galatians 3, 27), partaking His humanity
become divine, becoming participants of the divine nature(2 Peter 1, 4).
The Son is The Word, And The Father-God has given this name to a person
Who does not live in the solitude of contemplation, but in a relation of communication:
through Word, God is close to us as a Person, so that The Word is a manifestation
of a person to another, is the main mean of a communication between persons. The
Word is a dialogue. Jesus Christ is the Person Who calls us in communion through
The Word, revealing to us its reality. The communion with God brings us in the
middle of the supreme reality and reveals us its meaning, causing our separation
from the ephemeral world.
Through embodiment, the divine Self has spoken to the human self, than
His Word made Him exist by His nature, which he listens to, and continues to
transform it, keeping it in a vivid communion with the Word become body.
Consequently, the spiritual life is given by God through the gift of His presence. Man
receives this revelation and answers through the act of his faith, starting a liturgical
dialogue which generates communion between He and us.

8
J.-C. Larchet, Terapeutica bolilor spirituale, 628.
9
J.-C. Larchet, Terapeutica bolilor spirituale, 349.

241
Jesus Christs person is the place where mans experience through God
and Gods experience through man have met each other once and for all: you are
inside Me and I am inside you.
The Saviour, through His coming into the world, has lit in mans soul the
wistfulness for achieving the ideal The Son of man has settled, namely to become
godlike, which means the rebirth of a new man, with a will which must be identical
to Christs will.
Our Saviours commandment: Therefore, be complete, as your Heavenly
Father is complete (Matthew 5, 48) is addressed to those who are overwhelmed
by the longing to revive to a new life in Christ.
Saint Simon The New Theologian speaks about a seal of the grace existing
in mans being through the work of The Holy Ghost: My Christ, Who filled me
with Your Holy Ghost, gift to your servant your grace, until the end, ceaselessly,
entirely; dont take it away from me, dont turn your face from me, My Creator,
dont let me unnoticed, once you have laid me in front of Your face and among
Your servants You have sealed me with the seal of Your grace
10
.
In history and deep inside the human spirit, Christ is born, dies and
resurrects, in this interiority take place the relations between God and man, being
outlined the itinerary of the entire spiritual life it is always a meeting. God gets
out of Himself aiming at man, and the man leaves his seclusion and meets the Other:
You have never despised anyone, we are the ones who hide, not wanting to go
towards You
11
.
The thirst for infinite implanted in human nature is God Himself. The Son
made Himself man in order to achieve humanitys thirst for the real understanding of
its filial meaning with The Father, as its supreme origin. Without the embodiment
of The Word of God, man would have been deprived of his ontological meaning, he
would have been left deprived of the real rationality and affection of whose height
resides in filiation
12
.
The eastern anthropology represents the ontology of deifying, the progressive
illumination of man and world. This metamorphose of man certifies the divine life
in the human universe and takes place in the Church.
Mans imagination urges towards the infinite, towards the ideal, in which
the good, the truth and the beauty has no limits. Vasile Fernea presents in one of his
works a poets assertion: Oh, my soul, what are you searching for higher than the
peaks of the mountains and beyond the edges of the horizon? I search God, the
master without boundaries, beyond the boundaries of the world
13
.

10
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Imnul 41,5, in Sources Chrtiennes (Paris: Du Cerf). 46, after Dumitru
Stniloae, Iubirea cretin (Galai: Porto-Franco, 1993), 156.
11
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Imnul 41,5, 57.
12
Dumitru Staniloae, Trirea lui Dumnezeu n Ortodoxie (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia, 2000), 61.
13
Vasile Fernea, Suferinele omeneti (Bucureti: Gutenberg Galaxy, 2005), 23.
GHEORGHE ANTA

242
God is the goal towards which mans soul aims at on the paths of the truth
and beauty. The man wants to reach the transcendental world and at the same time
he wants God to make for him, too, so that human natures universal call is God.
Because of His icon from man, this remains immortal being thirsty of
knowledge, because he has the awaken consciousness that he always has something
new to know, until he finds himself in an awareness of his connection with the
infinite God
14
.
The Christian education has in view to achieve mans communion with God
and the continuous growth in this communion. The power of the Christian education
in what it has to achieve has as source, as we have seen, mans communion with God.
Here is what Saint Clement the Alexandrine says: The teaching based on proofs
implants a strong and exact faith in the soul of the one who assimilates the teaching;
because that one does not think that it could be otherwise than he was proved and
does not let himself to be an easy prey for those who want to cheat him, too with
the help of this preparatory science the soul cleans of the sensitive delusions and
fires in order to discern some day the truth. If it is kept a good education and a
useful instruction, then they give birth to good natures, and if they receive, in their
turn, a similar instruction, they get even better than the ones before them
15
.
The Holy Scripture, The Word of God, continues to be the reference system
for testing the fundamental ideas of the education. According to the great educator,
Comenius, The Word of God, The Bible, is: The most universal book which contains
everything is necessary to the man to know and to think, to do and to hope for this
life, but for the next one, too
16
. Here we discover that the human being is not a
question without answer asked to the spirit of the universe, but he is a being carrying
the icon of God and he was offered and is still offered the possibility of becoming
godlike, through education, achieving the transfiguration in Christ, according as he
accepts Him and lives in Him, according as he resembles Him and for Him. Thus, the
spiritual life starts to outline, and the conscience starts to work, preaching about God
in the spirit of the Gospel moral, the one which imposed through taking as a model
the life of Jesus Christ, an important aspect of becoming the transfigured man: a
noble breath of the inner life, a culture of the soul committed to follow Jesus steps
17
.
In the end we can assert that human being, having the icon of God inside,
aims at Him; man seeks Him and is overwhelmed by the longing for Him; we can
ignore this desire by limiting ourselves to the material of this world, or we can
fulfill it by living in Christ and for Christ.

14
D. Staniloae, Trirea lui Dumnezeu n Ortodoxie, 164.
15
Sf. Clement Alexandrinul, Scrieri partea a 2-a, Stomatele, col. Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti (Bucuresti:
Institutul Biblic i de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 1982), 29.
16
J. A. Comenius, Pompaedia (Bucureti: Didactic i Pedagogic, 1977), 9.
17
Ernest Bernea, Hristos i condiia uman (Bucureti: Cartea Romneasc, 1996), 107.


PICTURA CRETIN MEDIEVAL DIN PERIOADA ROMANIC

MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

REZUMAT. Arta romanic se nate la finalul secolului al X-lea, se desfoar
n secolul al XI-lea, iar n prima jumtate a veacului al XII-lea ajunge la apogeu. n
majoritatea ei, pictura din aceast perioad a fost religioas. Iconografia cretin
prezint o diversitate de cicluri precum: ciclul hristologic, cel evanghelic i
aghiografic. Reinem ca exemple: Hristos Pantocrator, Hristos n majestate,
Judecata de Apoi, Crucificarea, Creaia, etc. Tehnica specific n epoc a fost
tempera i fresca. Culorile folosite cu pregnan erau: rou, ocru, violet, galben,
negru i alb. Personajele erau redate din fa, vestimentaia era stilizat n forme
geometrice, iar fondul era de aur. Ele reprezint influena artei bizantine, n
Italia, i a celei romanice catalane, n Frana. Studiul a analizat ansambluri
decorative din: Frana, Italia i Spania. Pictura religioas medieval cu caracterul
ei narativ-educativ a servit la ilustrarea scenelor sfinte, la meninerea unui
climat religios n rndul maselor de cretini i la preamrirea lui Dumnezeu i
a Sfinilor.

Cuvinte cheie: fresc, tempera, Hristos Pantocrator, Hristos n glorie, Judecata
de Apoi, Apocalips.

Cadru istoric
Arta romanic se nate la finalul secolului al X-lea, se desfoar n secolul
al XI-lea, iar n prima jumtate a veacului al XII-lea ajunge la apogeu, pentru ca
nc de la sfritul celei de-a doua jumti a secolului respectiv s fie nlocuit de
arta gotic, n Frana.
1
Europa dominat de sfritul urmailor lui Carol Magnul este
preluat de puterea episcopilor i a marilor demnitari. Ei dein nu doar puterea
spiritual dar i cea politic i militar a timpului. Ordinele monahale construiesc
edificii impozante, mnstiri ce vor deveni centre de cultur i art n tot Apusul.
Ordinul cistercienilor stabilit la Cteaux, n Frana, rivaliza cu cel al benedictinilor

Conf. Univ. Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
muntean_marcel@yahoo.com
1
Virgil Vtianu, Istoria Artei Europene, vol. I, Epoca Medie, Ed. Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti,
1967, p. 253. Termenul de romanic a fost acceptat de istoricii de art abia n veacul al XIX-lea, pe
care l-au mprumutat de la filologi, n ideea c apariia artei romanice ar fi un fenomen asemntor
i analog cu cel al formrii limbilor i a literaturilor romanice.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

244
de la Cluny. O alt important cauz a dezvoltrii culturii cretine n Occident sunt
pelerinajele, att la Roma ori la Sfntul Iacob de Compostela, ct i spre Locurile
Sfinte.
2

Acest timp a fost denumit i cu aplativul de ev ntunecat deoarece ntr-adevr
se nregistreaz o multitudine de schimbri, migraii, rzboaie, etc. Comunitile i
popoarele au trit cu foarte puine cunotine iar generaiile ce au urmat au avut tot
mai puine date legate de aceast epoc. Invaziile de triburi germanice, goii, vandalii,
saxonii, danezii i vikingii au adus cu ei o art diferit de cea a Europei. Gustul spre
decorativ i inedit l observm n prelucrarea metalului sau a lemnului. Clugrii
din Irlanda celtic i Anglia saxon au ncercat s mbine tradiia artitilor nordici
cu arta cretin. Graie acestei diferene de culturi i moduri de percepere a artei, a
tradiiei clasice i a gustului artitilor locali ori a celor noi venii se va nate o art
specific Europei Occidentale.
3

Pictura n perioada Romanicului
n ansamblul ei, arta picturii din aceast epoc a fost de sorginte religioas.
Miniaturile meteugit nfptuite pe filele de pergament ale crilor i frescele
monumentale din absidele bisericilor reprezint, ntr-o prezentare succint, cele
dou extreme ale artei pictoriceti din aria romanicului. Fresca a fost subordonat
arhitecturii, pictorul fiind ntr-o permanent colaborare cu arhitectul. Aceast tehnic
este menionat de clugrul Thophile, autorul tratatului Schedula diversarum artium.
4

Tratatul de pictur surprinde prin informaiile pe care le ddea artitilor i cu privire
la alegerea culorilor diverse pentru chip, mini, veminte, copaci, intervenind pn la
modul n care se desena prin linii grafice articularea membrelor ori drapajul figurilor
5
.
Artistul decorator trebuia s respecte plinurile n raport cu spaiile goale, consolidnd
echilibrul. Pictura nu trebuia s scobeasc peretele i s creeze un spaiu tridimensional.
Pictorul anuleaz perspectiva prin folosirea unei nuane ntunecate pentru fond. Puine
detalii se cunosc despre creatori, uneori numele lor ne este indicat n pergamentele
contemporane unde se afl inscripionate i autoportretele lor. Muli dintre creatori
se retrgeau n monahism, ducnd o via auster. Civa dintre ei erau specialiti
n anumite cicluri aghiografice, fiind chemai la curtea unor mari dregtori n diverse
pri ale lumii spre a mpodobi cu arta lor marile catedrale.

2
George Oprescu, Manual de Istoria Artelor Evul Mediu, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti, 1985, pp. 190-191.
3
E. H. Gombrich, O istorie a artei, trad. de Sanda Rpeanu, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti, 1975, pp. 53-54.
4
Marcel Pacaut, Jacques Rossiaud, Epoca Romanic, trad. de V. Protopopescu, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti,
1982, pp. 221-222. Pe zid se aplicau straturile de tencuial, ce erau amestecate n prealabil cu var,
crend corp comun cu fondul. Pentru omogenizarea i rezistena ei, meterul trebuia s lucreze cu
rapiditate. El executa liniile mari ale amplelor compoziii, figurile principale, n timp ce ucenicii aplicau
tentele de culoare, dup care de asemenea, revenea meterul ce accentua desenul, contururile ori
cutele vemintelor i mai apoi chipurile sacre. Personajele sunt redate decorativ deseori dispuse pe
fonduri colorate mai puternic reliefate de benzi orizontale.
5
Henri Focillon, Arta occidentului Evul Mediu romanic, trad. de Irina Ionescu, vol. 1, Ed. Meridiane,
Bucureti, 1974, p. 219.

245
Figurile sunt deseori fr corporalitate ori modeleu, fiind cu precdere utilizat
linia de contur. n acest sens R. Schneider remarca: Cele mai adeseori desenul rmne
sobru, cu acea gravitate perpetu specific romanic. Figurile aproape ntotdeauna vzute
din fa, se prelungesc n ovale n care se deschid mari ochi fici, ce par a vedea mai
departe dect oamenii obinuii. Niciodat perspectiv nici peisaj. O gam restrns de
culori.
6
Culorile principale erau cele ce realizau armonia lucrrilor, fiind ntrebuinate:
rou, ocru, violet, galben, negru i alb. Totodat, nu se renunase la figurile redate
frontal, drapajul stilizat n forme geometrice i fondul de aur - elemente ce reprezint
puternica influen a artei bizantine, n Italia i a celei romanice catalane, n Frana.
Din punct de vedere tehnic se crede c era n vog pictura n tempera, n mai multe
straturi succesive i mai puin fresca. n Frana se pot enumera dou grupuri de
picturi clasificate n funcie de fondurile tradiionale i anume: una cu fonduri luminoase,
nscriind regiunile din vest i din centru (din aria Maine i pn la Auvergne) i alta
cu fonduri ntunecate (ce se ntindea din Burgundia i pn la Languedoc, dar i
pictura din Cluny).
Cel mai frumos ansamblu decorat integral de la sfritul veacului al XI-lea
este pstrat n biserica Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe
7
. Acest exemplu aparine grupului
cu picturi pe fond luminos, deschis. Culorile dominante sunt ocru-galben, rou, alb,
negru, verdele foarte rar i albastru rezervat lui Hristos. Se simte o pictur decorativ
executat pe fonduri alternant pictate n benzi succesive. Acestea au rolul de a menine
vitalitatea scenelor, dar i de a menine vederea n limitele bidimensionalului. ntregul
decor este situat pe bolta n leagn grandioas. Scenele biblice se completeaz de o
parte i alta a liniei cheilor. Episoadele precum: Facerea, Trecerea Mrii Roii, Construirea
Turnului Babel, evoc plastic mreia creaiei,
ct i aspecte ce in de viaa contemporan cu
faptele sale eterne de munc i de lupt.
8
Figu-
rile dinamice i graioase sunt dispuse pe un
fond ritmat, pastelat ce cuprinde o sucesiune de
benzi (alternate) decorate n culori luminoase
i blnde (fig. 1).
Marile bazilici romanice dispuneau de
spaii ample destinate picturii, n raport cu cele
gotice ce ddeau mai mare importan vitra-
liului. ndeosebi erau decorate: corul sau alta-
rul, partea apusean i pereii laterali. Cea mai
important parte, desigur, era Sfntul Altar ce
avea ca tem pe Hristos de tipul Pantocrator,
iar mai trziu apoteoza Fecioarei. Pe peretele de vest era ilustrat cu precdere
Judecata de Apoi, n vreme ce pe prile de nord i de sud erau redate scene din
Vechiul i Noul Testament.

6
Ovidiu Drimba, Istoria Culturii i Civilzaiei, vol. 3, Ed. tiinific, Bucureti, 1990, p. 371.
7
Marcel Pacaut, Jacques Rossiaud, Epoca..., p. 223.
8
Henri Focillon, Arta occidentului..., p. 222.
Fig. 1. ntmpinarea Domnului,
fresc, sec. al XII-lea, Biserica
Saint Aignan, Brinay
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

246
Iconografia cretin medieval
Scopul iconografiei cretine era acela de preamrire a lui Dumnezeu, dar
de multe ori arta romanic avea o funcie didactic, ilustratoare a dogmei cretine.
Sfntul Grigorie cel Mare, pap al Romei, trece cu vederea peste rolul liturgic al
imaginii sacre, respectiv al icoanei, admind celelalte aspecte ale acestui tip de
reprezentare
9
. Cu toate acestea, dorina ilustrrii anumitor teme asemenea celei a
Judecii cuprindea i dorina de a avertiza i nu doar de a-i nva pe credincioi cu
privire la faptele personale vzute n contextul final. Tema lui Hristos nconjurat de
cele patru simboluri ale evanghelitilor, subiect cu caracter apocaliptic, era repetat
pn la monotonie ncepnd din 1150, fiind contemporan, n rspndirea sa, cu
extinderea ereziei catare
10
. Limbajul plastic adoptat de artitii romanici provenea
din diverse arii culturale. Animalele i montrii aveau drept fond comun motenirea
Asiei occidentale: cele patru simboluri evanghelice provenind din taurii naripai ce
pzeau palatul lui Xerxes din Persepolis, iar Profetul Daniel n groapa cu lei avea
reale corespondene cu Ghilgame mblnzind fiarele slbatice. Temele sacre i au
originea n Orient, de aici ele au ptruns n Occident mpreun cu arta roman, att
de prezent n spaiul romanic
11
. Marile teme s-au fixat, marcate fiind de nelesul lor
teologic. Dou sunt sursele iconice adoptate: cele orientale i cele ce se vor aduga
prin tradiia geniului grec. La nceput, Maica Domnului are atributele unei doamne
din nalta aristocraie, iar Hristos a unui adolescent plin de buntate i nu de mreie.
Arta carolingian le-a preluat deja formate i unite. Cu toate acestea nu trebuie
negat rolul artitilor medievali ce nu au fost doar copiti, nici simpli imitatori, ci ei le-
au preluat, simplificat i adaptat noilor necesiti de decorare ale maiestuoaselor
lcauri de cult. Teatrul de mistere a impus o serie de detalii realiste pe care artitii
le-au recreat n scenele sacre. Pe de alt parte, anumite teme ca de exemplu a marilor
fondatori ai monahismului: Sfinii Benedict de la Saint-Benot-sur-Loire i Antonie
de la Vzelay, ori a sfinilor locali (Sfinii Sernin, Hilaire, Austremoine i Nectarie) fac
parte din iconografia romanic
12
.

9
Alain Besanon, Imaginea interzis. Istoria intelectual a iconoclasmului de la Platon la Kandinsky,
trad. de Mona Antohi, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996, p. 162. Esenial este scrisoarea papei
Grigorie cel Mare ctre Serenus care precizeaz scopul imaginii n aria occidental; aceea de ordin:
pedagogic, memorativ, emoional. Libertatea creatorilor va fi ntrit n veacurile viitoare, atunci
cnd Biserica apusean nu va intervenii n stilul i n iconografia cretin.
10
11
Henri Focillon, Arta occidentului...., p. 167, 187. Figurile ecvestre des regsite n Vestul Franei (de
la SaintCroix din Burgundia pn la Saint-Hilaire din Poitieres) nu sunt dect tema mpratului
victorios al crui car omoar popoarele nvinse.
12
Marcel Pacaut, Jacques Rossiaud, Epoca..., p. 188, 190. Clugrii au adoptat arta sirian, plin de
solemnitate i severitate (tipul Fecioarei suverane este numit Theotokos, iar Hristos prelund prero-
gativele unui sirian este redat cu barb, matur). Cele dou tendine se observ n tema Vizitaiunii.
La Biserica Saint-Gabriel, pe tipan, cele dou femei se strng n brae - tradie sirian - dram i
pasiune, n timp ce la Moissac ele nainteaz una ctre cealalt - tradiia greac. Dintre cele dou tendine
a nvins cea oriental, mai realist fiind nnobilat de iconografia bizantin ce a strlucit asupra
Occidentului n veacurile al X-lea i al XI-lea.

247
Asimetriile simbolice sunt o coordonat a acestui timp, ca de pild cele
patru animale din viziunea Profetului Iezechiel: ngerul l reprezint pe Sfntul
Evanghelist Matei, boul (sau vielul) pe Sfntul Evanghelist Luca, leul pe Sfntul
Evanghelist Marcu, iar vulturul pe Sfntul Evanghelist Ioan. Totodat, animalele
apocaliptice simbolizeaz i patru momente din viaa lui Hristos: omul-ntruparea,
vielul-Patimile, leul-nvierea, vulturul-nlarea. Acestea sunt i embleme ale
virtuilor umane: raiunea este corespunztoare omului, vielul muncii, leul puterii i
vulturul contemplaiei. Dac punul, mielul ori porumbelul sunt expresii semantico-
plastice ale divinitii, atunci apul este al impuritii, corbul este vestitorul
diavolului, cucuveaua e imaginea poporului evreu, ea fiind deopotriv speriat de
porumbel (simbol al divinitii). Omului i este atribuit rscumprarea prin munc,
putndu-se apropia de Dumnezeu prin cunoatere i credin.
Relund prezentarea temelor predilecte, menionm c scenele vechi
testamentare se succed cu cele echivalente ale Noului Testament, ntlnindu-se de
cele mai multe ori n acelai monument. Tot la fel i donatorii sau ctitorii erau redai
n mai multe rnduri chiar, n acele spaii ecleziale
13
. Cu precdere se pot invoca, n
acest sens, ideile Fericitului Augustin ce se concretizau n urmtoarele cuvinte:
Vechiul Testament acoperit de un vl, iar Noul Testament este Vechiul dezvluit
14
.
Episoadele biblice ale Vechiului Testament, pe deplin ilustrate, sunt n concordan
cu marile srbtori: Crciunul cu Patile, Copilria lui Iisus cu scenele adiacente
(nchinarea Magilor, Uciderea Pruncilor, Fuga n Egipt, ntmpinarea Domnului).
Patimile sunt reprezentate n detalii pitoreti. Tema Patimilor, cunoscut drept i
Cristos Paskon, i are izvorul n drama bizantin a crei influen este atestat de
multitudinea de manuscrise, dezvluind punerea n scen a episoadelor Punerii n
mormnt i ale nvierii. nlarea o ntlnim n decoraia capitelurilor i a portalurilor.
Cu totul surprinztor, tema este preferat mult n epoc. Tipologia chipului Mntuitorului
n redactarea scenei Judecii Finale prezint un interes aparte. Mntuitorul este
sugerat n expresii deosebite pe timpanul de la Beaulieu, unde i deschide braele n
umbra crucii, nconjurat fiind de discipolii Si, dar i de ngeri. La Autum, El primete
gravitatea Judectorului, n vreme ce la Moissac (fig. 3), Iisus se aseamn cu un
monarh oriental. Distant i impuntor l observm la Vzelay (fig. 2), unde este redat
mai mare ca proporii, n faa mulimii viilor i morilor ce stau alturi de semnele
zodiacale
15

13
Jean Gimpel, Constructorii Goticului, trad. de Crian Toescu, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti, 1981, p. 32.
Abatele Suger a pus a fi nfiat de patru ori n catedral, pe timpan, la picioarele Domnului, n
vitraliu, la tronul Fecioarei i numelui su, pe faada abaiei de la Saint Denis.
14
Jean Gimpel, Constructorii, pp. 192-193. Abatele Suger face din acest simbolism tema central a
programului iconografic al portalulilor i al vitraliilor din grandioasele catedrale. Temele testa-
mentare se succed. Pe aceai capitel de la Autum, moartea lui Iuda, rspunde uciderii lui Cain; la
Notre-Dame-la Grande, ucenicii sunt mpreun cu profeii; Fecioara Maria este redat n paralel cu
Eva, tot ntr-un capitel de la Clermont-Ferrand; Buna-Vestire este alturat cu Pcatul Evei i nlarea
Domnului cu Izgonirea din paradis.
15
Jean Gimpel, Constructorii, pp. 193-194.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

248

Sintetiznd, menionm faptul c n iconografia romanic trei sunt temele
eseniale ce privesc reprezentarea Mntuitorului: ciclul naterii, al patimilor i
parabolele evanghelice. Alturi de acestea, ilustrarea vieilor sfinilor ocup un loc
semnificativ. Aria tematologic este epic i teratologic. Ea cuprinde epopeea divin,
cea a sfritului lumii i a haosului cu elemente impregnate din spaiul oriental. O
lume de contradicii se succed pe pereii bazilicilor; construciilor severe i riguroase
se interpun semnele unei iconografii transfigurate,
deformate de sorginte din Orient
16
.
Alturi de tehnica frescei, mozaicul era folo-
sit n mpodobirea decorurilor interioare. Mozaicul ca
motenire a artei bizantine era cunoscut n ntreaga
Europ. Dintre cele mai frumoase decoraii muzive
trebuie amintite cele ce mpodobesc Catedralele din
Torcello i Cefalu. Judecata de Apoi de la Torcello (fig. 4)
asociaz n partea superioar redactarea Pogorrii la
iad din tipologia bizantin (n care Hristos ridic din
iad pe Adam i Eva, clcnd victorios pe porile sf-
rmate) cu imaginea Judecii, ntlnit n manuscrisul
lui Cosma Idicopleustes, din veacul al VI-lea.
17
Scena
ampl se desfoar pe registre, avnd pe axa media-
n pe Hristos, pe tron, nconjurat de Fecioara Maria i
Sfntul Ioan Boteztorul mpreun cu Sfinii Apostoli.
La picioarele tronului Etimasiei, ngenunchiai, reapar
protoprinii notri Adam i Eva, redai n proporii

16
Henri Focillon, Arta occidentului..., p. 171.
17
Virgil Vtianu, Istoria Artei, p. 314.
Fig. 3. Hristos n glorie, timpan, piatr,
sec. al XII-lea, Catedrala, Moissac.
Fig. 2. Hristos n glorie,
timpan, piatr, sec. al XII-lea,
Catedrala, Vzelay.
Fig. 4. Judecata de Apoi, mozaic,
sec. XII - XIII-lea, Biserica Santa
Maria Assunta, Torcello.

249
mult micorate fa de Hristos Mntuitor. Reprezentarea iadului i a raiului, precum
i a momentului cntririi sufletelor - cu detaliile aferente scenei - este probabil cea
mai complex i veche redactare a acestei teme iconografice transpus n aceast
tehnic. Stilistic, acest mozaic cu accente bizantine face o sintez ntre stilul artei
monahale i cel al colii palatului, acesta din urm simindu-se cu precdere, n
caracterul narativ ce detaliaz figurile secundare: pmntul, marea, condamnaii i
cei mntuii, ce sunt redai cu mai mult vioiciune.
Tematica sacr mprumutat de cele mai multe ori din arta constantinopolitan,
aa cum s-a menionat mai nainte, s-a perpetuat i n alte monumente. Se cunoate
faptul c abatele Desiderio a adus artiti bizantini din capital, spre a decora mnstirea
Sfntul Benedict din Monte Casino.
18

Din pcate, din acest monument, nu s-a pstrat nimic pictat. Cele mai frumoase
exemple din acest timp se gsesc la Biserica Sant Angelo in Formis, unde formele i
stilul poart amprenta Bizanului (fig. 6). Aceleai elemente se regsesc i n frescele
de la Biserica Sfntului Petru al Monte din Civate, n apropiere de Alpi (fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Hristos Pantocrator, fresc, sec. XI-lea, Biserica Sfntul Petru al Monte, Civate.
Fig. 6. Hristos Pantocrator, fresc sec. al XII-lea Biserica Sant Angelo in Formis.

Frumuseea acestui fragment din decoraia interioar const nu doar n
simplitatea i armonia culorilor calde de rou stins, ocru i galben, dar i n analogia
semantic prin care iconograful atribuie creaia lui Hristos Dumnezeu. tim acest
amnunt tocmai din nimbul cruciger ce i este conferit lui Iisus, care apare redat n
dou ipostaze. Desenul riguros ce se reduce la esenial este finalizat printr-o linie de
culoare roie, care construiete figurile. Liniei calde i se adaug i una alb, ce
sublineaz necesitatea reliefurilor i intensific dorina de luminare a personajelor
(fig. 7).

18
. , trad. de Marcel Muntean, . ,
1996, p. 50.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

250

Fig. 7. Crearea lui Adam i a Evei i pcatul originar, fresc, 1100,
Biserica abaial Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe.

ntre exemplele ce provin din Italia, cel mai gritor monument este cel al
Sfntului Clement de la Roma, din bazilica inferioar. Frescele realizate demonstreaz
o interferen de sintez romanic cu elementele paleocretine i bizantine. Acestea
sunt explicate prin efortul printelui Desiderius, abatele de la Monte-Casino, idee
formulat anterior. Picturile de la San Angelo in Formis dovedesc aderena pictorilor
locali la schemele compoziionale bizantine pe care le-au transpus n experiene proprii,
notabile
19
. Chipul Pantocratorului i ndeosebi, poziionarea Sa, cu mna dreapt ridicat,
eznd pe tron i innd, de asemenea, cartea pe genunchiul stng (din imaginile
precedente) prezint suficiente dovezi ale unui adevrat laitmotiv utilizat n Italia.
n fresca de la Berz-la-Ville (fig. 8), Hristos este reprezentat aezat pe un
tron nconjurat de o mandorl colorat, mandorl des ntlnit i n sculptura vremii,
asemenea celei de la Chartres (fig. 9).
20
Chipul Su blnd, cu ochii privind nainte este
strjuit de nimbul cruciger. Himationul n dominant roietic este frumos ordonat pe
trupul Su. Cu dreapta binecuvnteaz, iar cu stnga susine un filacter desfurat,
n plin micare, pe care l ntinde Sfntului Apostol Petru. n imediata Sa apropiere se
profileaz Apostolii pe fondul albastru, simboliznd cerul nstelat. Deasupra capului
Mntuitorului, din nalt, o mn susine o coroan. Este fr ndoial imaginea lui
Dumnezeu Tatl.
n Spania se simt influenele artei cretine europene, dar i cele arabe sau
musulmane. Cele mai numeroase exemple provin din Catalonia, astzi adpostite
n Muzeul Artei Catalane din Barcelona. Marile antiere de pictur se limitau la
decorariile absidale, unde mai ntotdeauna trona Hristos Atotstpnitorul, de tipul
Pantocratorului. Chipul Su, ca i a celorlalte figuri, aveau cteva caracteristici precum:
faa prelung, ochii supradimensionai, silueta sever i maiestuoas, realizate
printr-un contur incisiv, puternic. Figura lui Hristos Pantocrator, aparinnd probabil
Maestrului din Tahll este unul dintre prototipurile divinitii ce a rmas peste timp
o veritabil surs de influen, pentru numeroi pictori din aria catalan (fig. 10).

19
20
William Fleming, Arte i idei, vol. I, trad. de Florin Ionescu, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti, 1983, p. 202.

251

Fig. 8. Hristos Pantocrator, fresc, sec. al XI-lea, Capela cluniac, Berz-la-Ville.
Fig. 9. Hristos n glorie, timpan, piatr, sec. al XII-lea, Catedrala din Chartres.

Alturi de temele evanghelice, artitii au sur-
prins i scene din Vechiul Testament (Adam i Eva,
Cain i Abel, etc), ori viaa sfinilor i martiriul lor. O
importan deosebit o au i subiectele datorate viziunii
lui Iezechil sau pe cele ale Apocalipsei. Culorile intense
cuprindeau o palet expresiv din care nu lipseau:
ocrul galben, violetul, albastrul, negrul i nuanele de
rou.
Desenul figurilor era, cu precdere executat cu
negru i tot el servea la conturul vemintelor, a deco-
rului. Prezena benzilor orizontale de culoare, aezate
drept fundal al personajelor reprezentate, avea la ori-
gini un caracter simbolic naturalist. Siena natural de-
finea pmntul, verdele smarald vegetaia, ocru galben
arhitectura i albastrul nuanat cerul
21
. Uneori aceast
simbolistic era nlocuit de nevoile de ordin estetic.
Modul de redare a chipurilor i implicit a ansamblu-
lui comport reguli ntlnite n epoc, cnd se punea
accent pe portrete, vemintele fiind tratate decorativ
la fel ca i peisajul i arhitecturile
22
.

21
Jos Gudiol ricart, Arta romanic din Catalonia, trad. de P. Dinopol, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti,
1968, p. 9.
22
Jos Gudiol ricart, Arta romanic..., p. 10. Faa era colorat cu o nuan luminoas de ocru galben,
urmnd mai apoi contururile i detaliile cu negru, modelndu-se cu nuane de sien volumul ce
asigura ovalul obrazului. Se continua cu tuele trandafirii, transparente pentru buze, i pomei. Cu
alb se accentuau proeminenele. Sugerarea faldurilor i a elementelor de arhitectur se realiza
printr-o culoare de intensitate descrescnd. Culoarea de baz era un factor de legtur ntre albul
care i d modeleului luminozitatea sa i negrul care puncteaz i circumscrie formele.
Fig. 10. Maestrul din Tahll,
Hristos Pantocrator, fresc,
sec al XII-lea, Biserica
Sfntului Clement, Tahll,
Muzeul de Art Catalan,
Barcelona.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

252
Meterii timpului apus nu i-au semnat capodoperele, de aceea, pentru
diferenierea operelor de art s-a recurs la botezarea lor n funcie de locul unde
se gsesc lucrrile lor principale, precum i a temelor iconografice majore. De
pild, aa apare numele unui artist ce a pictat Judecata de Apoi: Maestrul Judecii
de Apoi. Se pot aminti i ali creatori: Maestrul din Pedret, Maestrul din Tahl,
Maestrul din Andorra, Maestrul din Urgell, etc.
Un mare numr de edificii sacre construite n Catalonia au fost decorate
abia n decursul secolului al XII-lea. O parte din acestea au fost pictate de pictori
strini bine nzestrai, n timp ce o alt categorie de lucrri aparin artitilor
autohtoni, adepi ai marilor maetrii. Acetia din urm se definesc printr-o stilizare
accentuat, cvasi-expresionist. Unul dintre ei a mpodobit absida Bisericii Santa
Maria du Mur. Hristos este tratat mai puin dramatic dect cel de la Tahll, iar
stilul este precumpnitor decorativ, ornamental (fig. 11).
n raport cu alte picturi prezenatate, fresca de la Biserica Santa Maria
din Tahl surprinde prin dorina expres de a reda micarea, ritmul vioi i
unduios, dar i prin sobrietate i cromatic. Artistul a rnduit scena de lupt
pe un fundal gradat realizat din succesiunea paralel a benzilor de ocru galben,
rou oxid i gri (fig. 12).

Fig. 11. Hristos Pantocrator, fresc, sec. al XII-lea, Biserica Santa Maria du Mur, Lrida.
Fig. 12. Lupta lui David cu Goliat, fresc, sec. al XII-lea, Biserica Santa Maria, Tahl.

Cu aceeai intensitate, dar trdnd mai mult spirit popular, chiar naiv, par
a avea picturile din Biserica San Marti Sescorts, rednd scene din viaa lui Adam i
Eva (fig. 13). Dac desenul nudurilor rmne ntr-un stil arbitrar, culoarea prin
surprinderea unei armonii calde este una fericit.
Cu o mai mare expresivitate se impun frescele din Biserica San Miquel din
Engolasters, datorate Maestrului din Andorra, ce l nfieaz pe Arhanghelul
Mihail cu stindardul. Activitatea i produciile pictorilor spanioli nu s-au diminuat
nici n decursul veacului al XIII-lea, cu toate c cel ce s-a difereniat a fost stilul

253
i factura picturii. A disprut legea frontalitii, iar modalitile de expresie s-
au ndreptat ctre mai mult lirism i fluiditate a liniei. Maestrul din Llu este
unul din acei autori trzii ai ngerilor din Casserres (fig. 14). Lui i se datoreaz o
oper de trecere ctre arta gotic. Figurile sale au pierdut rigiditatea i robusteea
artei romanice care aveau s mai dinuie n atelierele artizanilor spanioli
23
.

Fig. 13. fresc, sec. al XII-lea, Biserica San Marti Sescorts.
Fig. 14. Maestrul din Llu, ngerii muzicani, detaliu din Judecata de Apoi, fresc,
sec. al XIII-lea, Biserica Sant Pau, Casserres.

Influena picturii romanice catalane s-a materializat ndeosebi n sudul
Franei, unde i-a pstrat elementele definitorii. n schimb n Italia, influena
bizantin s-a fcut simit prin figurile redate frontal, drapajul realizat prin linii
geometrice i fondurile evident de aur.
24

Vitraliul se dezvolt cu rapiditate, Frana devenind promotoarea acestei
tehnici de mpodobire a bisericilor din Romanic i mai apoi i din Gotic. Cele dou
exemple din arta vitraliului redau tema Rstignirii Domnului n dou ipostaze
apropiate. Iisus este reprezentat mort, cu capul aezat pe umrul drept, nconjurat
de nimbul cruciger. n jurul Su observm, n prima redactare, dou figuri: Maica
Domnului i Apostolul Ioan (fig. 15). n plus, n cea de-a doua imagine sunt
surprini i cei doi soldai Longinus i Stefaton (fig. 16). Fondul albastru similar
nvluie ambele compoziii, una nscris ntr-un cerc i alta ntr-un dreptunghi.

23
Jos Guidol Ricart, Arta romanic..., p. 15.
24
Ovidiu Drimba, Istoria Culturii, p. 370.

MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

254

Fig. 15. Rstignirea, vitraliu, sec. al XII-lea7, Catedrala, Chartres.
Fig. 16. Rstignirea, vitraliu, sec. al XII-lea, Catedrala, Poitiers.

Concluzii
Finaliznd acest studiu, ce a avut n vedere pictura cretin din spaiul artei
romanice, considerm c i n acest timp artitii au nnobilat marile catedrale cu
creaiile lor nepieritoare, nchinndu-i operele divinitii. Temele principale au vizat
att scene ale Vechiului Testament, ct i cele ndatorate Noului Testament, care au
fost preponderente. Hristos n glorie ori Judecata de Apoi (cu varianta Apocalipsei)
redau, cu siguran, concepia mistic, medieval. Iisus, n absida bisericii sau n
timpanul de la intrarea n ea, ne privete amenintor ca un Judector al lumii. Figura
Sa sever i monumental, puternic ierarhizat, n raport cu celelalte personaje
sacre i profane devine simbolul artei romanice, stigmatiznd ntregul repertoriu
din epoc. Ca un laitmotiv, iconografii au ales acest subiect cruia de cele mai multe
ori i-au gsit acelai izvor iconic, cel al Pantocratorului bizantin. Indiferent de stil,
artitii L-au reprezentat cu nimbul cruciger, binecuvntnd i susinnd cu mna
stnga, Sfnta Evanghelie.
Pictura monumental a rmas ancorat n limitele bidimensionalului specific
Evului Mediu, n mod special Romanicului. Cromatica se evideniaz printr-un limbaj
armonic de culori nchise i deschise. Desenul nregistreaz un duct (liniarism)
sacadat. Tradiia postbizantin dominat de hieratismul figurilor este continuat,
iar n unele zone secondat de un stil provincial.
Pictura religioas medieval este preponderant narativ-educativ, avnd
o nsemntate deosebit n ilustrarea scenelor sfinte, precum i n meninerea
unui climat religios n rndul maselor de cretini. La sfritul Romanicului i n
zorii Goticului, tipologia imaginativ sacr i va schimba caracterul. Solemnitatea
Dumnezeului Rzbuntor las loc Dumnezeului Ierttor.

MEDIEVAL CHRISTIAN PAINTING DURING
ROMANESQUE PERIOD

MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

ABSTRACT. Romanesque art is born at the end of the X
th
century, going further
through Xl
th
, having its apogee in the first half of the Xll
th
century. In its majority,
the painting in this period was religious. The christian iconography displays a
diversity of cycles like: Christological, Evangelical and Hagiographic. As examples
we have: Jesus Christ Pantocrator, Jesus Christ in Majesty, The Final Judgement,
Creation etc. The specific technique was tempera and fresco. The main colors used
were: red, ochre, violet, yellow, black and white. The characters were displayed
frontally, clothing stylized in geometrical shapes, golden background. They
represent the influence of the Byzantine art in Italy and of Catalan Romanesque in
France. The study analyzed decorative ensembles in France, Italy and Spain. The
medieval religious painting with its narative-educational purpose, was used to
illustrate holy scenes, maintaining a religious climate in Christian masses and to
adore God and the Holy Saints.

Keywords: fresco, tempera, Christ Pantocrator, Christ in glory, The Final Judgment,
Apocalypse.

Historic Background
Romanesque art is born at the end of the X th

century, going further through
Xl th, having its apogee in the first half of the Xll th

century, at the second half of it
being replaced by Gothic art in France
1
. Europe, dominated by the end of Charles the
Great successors, is taken over by the power of the bishops and big dignitaries. They
hold not only the spiritual, but also the political and military power of that time. The
monk orders are rising impressive buildings, monasteries that will become cultural
and art centers, all over the Western Europe. The Cistercian Order established at
Citeaux in France, was in rivalry with the Benedictines from Cluny. Another important

Conf. Univ. Dr., Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania,,
muntean_marcel@yahoo.com
1
Virgil Vtianu, Istoria Artei Europene, vol. I, Epoca Medie (Bucureti: Didactic and Pedagogical Press,
1967), 253. The term Romanesque was accepted by the art historians only in the XlX th

Century, which
was borrowed from from philologists, concerning the fact that the emergence of the Romanesque
would be similar with the configuration of Romanesque literary languages.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

256
cause of developing the Christian culture in Western Europe are the pilgrimages to
Rome, or Santiago de Compostela and to the Holy Places
2
.
These times were also called the Dark Ages because there were really a
multitude of changes, migrations, wars etc. The communities and peoples had very
poor knowledge and the generations that followed had less and less information
about this age. Germanic tribes invasions, gots, vandals, saxons and vikings brought
with them a different art from the one of Europe. The propensity for decorative and
originality we observe in metal and wood processing. The monks from Celtic Ireland
and Saxon England tried to interweave the tradition on Northern artists with the
Christian art. Thanks to this difference between the cultures and art perception
types, classical tradition and the set of local artists and of newcomers, there was a
new art burgeoning, specific to the Western Europe
3
.

Painting during Romanesque
As a whole, painting art during this period had a religious origin. Handcrafted
miniatures made on the book parchments and the monumental frescos from the
church absides represent in a succinct presentation the two extremes of pictorial
art of Romanesque. Fresco was subordinated to architecture, the painter being in a
continue collaboration with the architect. This technique was mentioned by monk
Theophile, the author of Schedula diversarum artium treaty
4
. The painting treaty is
surprising through the information that was offered to the artists regarding choosing
the colors for the face, hands, clothes, trees, going as far as the way they had to draw
the graphic lines, limbs articulation or the draping of the figures
5
. The decorating
artist had to take into account the fills in regard to empty spaces, consolidating the
balance. The painting did not need to chisel the wall, creating a tridimentional space.
The painter cancels the perspective using a dark color for the background. Few
details are known about the creators, some names are shown in the contemporary
parchments where their self-portraits were drawn. Many creators were withdrawn
in monasticism having an ascetic life. Some of them were specialized in some
Hagiographic cycles, being requested for by the high dignitaries, in different parts of
the world, to adorn with their art the big cathedrals.

2
George Oprescu, Manual de Istoria Artelor Evul Mediu (Bucureti: Meridiane Press, 1985), 190-191.
3
E. H. Gombrich, O istorie a artei, Translated by Sanda Rpeanu (Bucureti: Meridiane Press, 1975),
53-54.
4
Marcel Pacaut and Jacques Rossiaud, Epoca Romanic, Translated by V. Protopopescu (Bucureti:
Meridiane Press, 1982), 221-222. On the wall were applied the layers of mortar, which were mixed
with lime first making a whole with the background. To homogenize and make it durable, the dab
had to work fast. He executed the big lines of the large compositions, the main figures, while the
disciples applied the color tint, then the dab came and accentuated the drawing, contours and the
clothes wrinkles and then the sacred faces. The characters are depicted decoratively often
displayed on hard-colored backgrounds set off on horizontal stripes.
5
Henri Focillon, Arta occidentului Evul Mediu romanic, vol. 1, Translated by Irina Ionescu (Bucureti:
Meridiane Press, 1974), 219.
MEDIEVAL CHRISTIAN PAINTING DURING ROMANESQUE PERIOD

257
The figures are often lacking corporeality and volume, being used mainly
the contour line. In that effect, R. Schneider remarked: Most often the design remains
sober, with that perpetual gravity specific to the Romanesque. The figures almost always
are seen from the front, elongating into ovals, where fixed, large opened eyes appear
to see further than the regular people. Never any perspective or landscape. A low color
gamut.
6
The main colors were the ones which generated the harmony of the workings,
using: red, ochre, violet, yellow, black and white. Also, there were not discarded
frontal display of figures, stylized geometrical shapes draping, golden background -
elements that represent a strong influence of Byzantine art, in Italy and of Catalan
Romanesque, in France. From a technical standpoint it is believed that the tempera
painting was en vogue, in successive layers and less the fresco.

In France there can be
particularized two groups of paintings sorted according to traditional backgrounds,
like: one with light backgrounds, consisting of Western and Central areas (Maine to
Auvergne) and another with dark backgrounds, (Burgundy to Languedoc, including
also the paintings from Cluny).
The most beautiful integrally decorated ensemble from the end of the Xl
th

century is kept in the Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe church.
7
This example belongs
to the group of paintings with light background. The dominant colors are yellow
ochre, red, white, black, very rarely green and the blue used especially for Jesus
Christ. One can feel a decorative painting carried out on alternant backgrounds in
succesive stripes. These have the role of maintaining the vitality of the scenes, but
also to maintain the sight within the limits of bi-dimentional. The whole decoration
is placed on the majestic cradle arch. The Bible scenes are balancing on either sides
of the keys lines. The like episodes: Creation,
Crossing the Red Sea, Building of the Babel Tower,
suggestively evoking the majesty of Creation
and also aspects related to the contemporary
life with its facts of working and fighting
8
. Dy-
namic and gracious figures are displayed on a
rhythmic, pasteled background which encom-
passes a succesion of stripes (alternated) deco-
rated in light and mild colors. (fig. 1)

The great basilicas of Romanesque had
large spaces intended for painting, versus the
Gothic ones which attached a higher importance
to stained glass. Especially were decorated:
the choir, shrine, the Western side and the side
walls. Of highest importance was of course the Holy Shrine, wich had as main theme
Jesus Pantocrator and later, the St. Marys Apotheosis. On the Western wall was
illustrated particularly with The Final Judgement and the North and South walls
displayed scenes from the Old and New Testament.

6
Ovidiu Drimba, Istoria Culturii i Civilzaiei, vol. 3 (Bucureti: Scientific Press, 1990), 371.
7
Pacaut and Rossiaud, 223.
8
Focillon, 222.
Fig. 1. The Presentation of Christ in
the Temple, freco, XII th Century,
Cathedral Saint Aignan, Brinay.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

258
Christian Medieval Iconography
The main purpose of Christian iconography was that of adoring God, but
many times the Romanesque art had an educational function, illustrating the Christian
dogma. St. Gregory the Great, Pope of Rome overlooks the liturgical role of sacred image,
respectively of the icon, admitting the other aspects of this type of representation.
9
Nevertheless, the desire to illustrate certain themes like The Final Judgment contained
also the desire to warn and not only to teach the believers about their own behaviors
seen in the final context. The Jesus Christ theme, being surrounded by the four symbols
of Evangelists, a subject with Apocalyptic nature was repeated to monotony, starting
from 1150, being contemporary in its spreading with the Cather heresy.
10
The suggestive
language adopted by Romanesque artists had its origin in diverse cultural areas.
The animals and monsters had as common background the Western Asia legacy:
the four evangelical symbols derive from the winged bulls that guarded the Xerxes
of Persepolis palace, Daniel the Prophet in the lions den had real correspondence to
Gilgamesh taming the wild beasts. The sacred themes had their origin in the Orient,
from here they got into the West, together with the Roman art, so preponderant in
the Romanesque area.
11
The great themes were set being marked by their theological
meaning. Two are the iconographic sources adopted, the Oriental ones and those that
will be added through the Greek tradition genius. At the beginning, Saint Mary has
the attributes of a lady from the high aristocracy and Jesus Christ of an adolescent full
of kindness and not majesty. The Carolingian art assumed them already configured
and united. Nevertheless there must not be disclaimed the role of medieval artists whom
were not just copyists or simple imitators but took them, simplified and adapted to
the new necessities of decorating the majestic worship places. On the other hand,
certain themes like for example the great founders of monasticism: Saint Benedict
de la Saint-Benot-sur-Loire, Saint Antonie de la Vzelay, or local saints (Saints Sernin,
Hilaire, Austremoine and Nectarie) belong to the Romanesque iconography.
12

9
Alain Besanon, Imaginea interzis, Istoria intelectual a iconoclasmului de la Platon la Kandinsky,
Translated by Mona Antohi (Bucureti: Humanitas Press, 1996), 162. Of most importance was the
letter written by Pope Gregory the Great to Serenus, where was emphasized the purpose of image in
Western area; of an order: educational, memorability and emotional. The freedom of creators will be
strengthened in the future centuries, when the Western Church will not intervene in the style and in
Christian iconography.
10
10
Focillon, 167, 187. The equestrian figures frequently found in Western France (from Saint-Croix in
Burgundy to Saint-Hilaire from Poitiers) are not other than the theme of victorious Emperor of whose
carriage kills the defeated people.
12
Pacaut and Rossiaud, 188, 190. The monks adopted the Syrian art, full of solemnity and severity
(the sovereign Virgin type was named Theotokos, and Jesus Christ taking over the prerogatives of a
Syrian, is depicted with a beard, mature). The two tendencies are observed in the theme of Visitation.
In Saint-Gabriel Church, on the tympanum, the two women hug each other - Syrian tradition drama
and passion, while at Moissac they go each towards the other Greek tradition. From the two tendencies,
victorious was the Oriental one, more realistical, being ennobled by the Byzantine iconography which
shined throughout West in the X th

and Xl th Century.

259
The symbolic asymmetries are a coordinate of this time. Like for example,
the four animals from the vision of Ezekiel the Prophet: the angel represents Saint
Matthew the Evangelist, the bull (or calf) represents Saint Luke the Evangelist, the
lion is Saint Mark the Evangelist and the eagle is Saint John the Evangelist. At the same
time the apocalyptic beasts symbolize also the four moments from Jesus Christ life:
the man Incarnation, the calf The Passions, the lion Resurrection, the eagle
Ascension. These are also the emblems of human virtues: reason corresponds to man,
the calf - to work, lion to power and eagle meditation. If the peacock, lamb or pigeon
are semantic-plastic expressions of Divinity, then the goat corresponds to impurity,
the raven is the herald of evil, the owl is the image of the Jewish people, being scared
by the pigeon (a symbol of Divinity). To the man is attributed redemption through
work, having the possibility to be close to God through knowledge and faith.
To resume presentation of the predilection themes we mention that the
scenes from the Old Testament are succeeding to the equivalent ones from the New
Testament, sometimes being seen in the same monument. Likewise the sponsors and
constructors were displayed many times in the ecclesiastic areas.
13
With priority
can be invoked in that direction, the ideas of Saint Augustine of Hippo which took
shape in the following words: The Old Testament covered by a veil, and The New
Testament is the Old Reveiled.
14
The Biblical episodes of the Old Testament are
according to the big celebrations: Christmas and Easter, Childhood of Jesus Christ
with the adjacent scenes (Worship of The Mags, Child Killing, Flight into Egypt, The
Presentation of Christ in the Temple). The Passions are represented in picturesque
details. The theme of the Passions also known as Cristos Paskon, are originated in
the byzantine drama depicting the biblical episodes of the Entombment of Christ
and the Resurrection and whose wide-reaching influence is attested by numerous
manuscripts. The Ascension is depicted in the decorations of the portals and capitals.
The theme is, oddly enough, popular in the era. The typology of the Saviors face in the
scene of the Final Judgment is of a particular note. The Saviors figure is suggested in
a unique pose on the Beaulieu tympanum, where He opens his arms in the shadow
of the cross, amidst both His disciples and angels. At Autum, He receives the guise of
the Judge, while in Moissac (fig. 3), Jesus resembles an oriental monarch. Distant and
imposing at Vzelay (fig. 2), He is depicted in larger proportions in front of the crowds
of the dead and the living which stand beside the zodiacal signs.
15

13
Jean Gimpel, Constructorii Goticului, Translated by Crian Toescu (Bucureti: Meridiane Press, 1981),
32. The abbot Suger set to be depicted four times in the cathedral, on the tympanum, falling to the knees
of God, in the stained glass, at the throne of the Virgin and his name on the facade of the Abbey of
Saint-Denis.
14
Gimpel, 192-193. The abbot Suger make from this symbolism the central theme on the iconographic
program of the portals and the stained glass from the grand cathedrals. The testamentary themes
are succeeding. On the same necking from Autum, the death of Judas, is related to the kill of Cain; at
Notre-Dame-la-Grande, the disciples are together with the Profets; Virgin Mary is depicted in parallel
with Eve, also on a necking from Clermont-Ferrand; Annunciation is joined with the sin of Eve and
Ascension with Expulsion from Paradise.
15
Gimpel, 193-194.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

260

To sum it all up, there are three essential themes regarding the depiction of
the Savior in Roman iconography: the cycle of death, the passion and the evangelical
parabola. Besides this, illustrating the lives of the saints holds a significant place. The
themes are epic and teratologic. They encompass the Divine saga, end of the world and
chaos, and they show oriental influences. An inconsistent world rests upon the walls
of the Basilicas; in between severe and rigorous constructions lie the interpositions of
elements consisting in transfigured iconography,
deformed by their oriental origins
16
.
Together with the fresco technique, mosaic
was used for interior decorations. The mosaic, as a
byzantine art, was known across Europe. The most
esthetic of the mosaics are those from the cathedrals
of Torcello and Cefalu. The Final Judgement of Torcello
(fig. 4) associates in its upper part the Descent into
Hell from byzantine typology (where Christ saves Adam
and Eve from hell, victoriously treading upon the
shattered gates) with the Judgement appearing in
the manuscript of Cosma Idicopleustes, from the VI th
Century.
17
The ample scene unfolds on horizontal
planes, and in the middle one Christ is depicted on a
throne, amidst the Virgin Mary, Saint John the Baptist
and the Apostles. At the foot of the Etimasies throne,
Adam and Eve reappear kneeling, their size considera-
bly reduced related to that of Jesus Christ. The depiction

16
Focillon, 171.
17
Vtianu, 314.
Fig. 3. Jesus Christ in glory, tympanum,
stone, XII th Century, Moissac Cathedral.
Fig. 2. Jesus Christ in glory,
tympanum, stone, XII th
Century,Vzelay Cathedral.
Fig. 4. The Final Judgement,
mosaic, XII-XIII Century, Santa
Maria Assunta Church, Torcello.

261
of heaven and hell and the weighing of the souls - with all the afferent details - are
probably the oldest and the most complex depiction of these themes using this specific
technique. Stylistically, this byzantine-influenced mosaic is a synthesis between the
monahal arts style and that of the palaces school, the last one being the most
prominent in the narrative style detailing the secondary figures: the earth and sea,
the saved and condemned, with the former being depicted as especially willful.
The sacred theme borrowed mostly from the byzantine art, as mentioned
before, perpetuated itself in other monuments as well. It is a known fact that the
abbot of Desiderio brought byzantine artists in the capital, in order to decorate the
Saint Benedict Monastery of Monte Casino.
18

Unfortunately, nothing painted has been kept intact from this monument.
The most beautiful examples from this period can be found in Formis, at the Sant
Angelo church, where the shapes and the style carry byzantine characteristics (fig. 6).
The same elements are also found on the frescos of the Saint Peter of al Monte church,
situated in Civate, near the Alps (fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Christ Pantocrator, fresco, XI th Century, Saint Peter al Monte Church, Civate.
Fig. 6. Christ Pantocrator, fresco XII th Century, Sant Angelo Church, Formis.

The beauty of this fragment from the interior decorations is given not only
given by the simplicity and the harmony of its warm colours of red, ocre and yellow,
but also by the semantic analogy through which the icon artist assigns the creation
to Christ The God. We know this detail exactly from the nimbus given to Jesus, which
is illustrated in two ways. The rigorous drawing which diminishes to the essential is
finished through a red - coloured line, which defines the figures. In addition to the
warm stroke of the brush, there is a white one, which has the purpose of capturing
the necessity of form and intensifies the desire to illuminate the characters (fig. 7).

18
. , Translated by Marcel Muntean (.
, 1996), 50.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

262

Fig. 7. Creation of Adam and Eve and the Original Sin, fresco, 1100,
Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe Abatial Church.

Among the examples which come from Italy, the most notable monument is
that of Saint Clement, situated in Rome, situated in the inferior basilisk. The frescos
prove a romantic interference with proto-Christian and byzantine elements. These
are explained through the efforts of padre Desiderius, the abbot of Monte-Casino.
The pictures from San Angelo in Formis prove the adhesion of local painters to
the byzantine compositional schemes, which they have transposed in their own
experiences.
19
The Pantocrators countenance and especially His positioning, with
His left hand sitting on the throne and holding the book on his left knee (from the
previous images) presents many traces of a truly recurrent theme used in Italy.
On the fresco from Berz-la-Ville (fig. 8), Jesus Christ is represented sitting
on a throne, surrounded by a colourful mandorla, a mandorla which is often present
in the sculptues of the time, such as in the one at Chartres (fig. 9).
20
His gentle face,
with eyes looking forward is guarded by the nimbus. The mostly red himation is
beautifully arranged on His figure. With His right hand he is blessing, and with the
left one he is holding an unrolling scroll that he is handing over to Saint Apostle Peter.
In His close proximity the apostles profiles can be seen on a blue background, that
symbolizes the starry sky. Above the Saviors head, from up on high, a hand props up
a crown. It is, without a doubt, the depiction of God, the Father.
Spain shows both European Christian influences as well as Muslim and
Arab ones. A majority of the examples originate in Catalonia, and reside today in the
Catalan Art Museum in Barcelona. The biggest painting workshops were limited to
apsidal decorations, where almost always Christ Almighty reigned, as a Pantocrator,
His Face, just like others, had a few characteristic elements such as: long face,
enlarged eyes, and a severe majestic silhouette, outlined in a powerful, incisive way.
The figure of Pantocrator Christ, most probably belonging to The Master of Tahll,
is one of the prototypes of the divinity that remained a veritable source of influence
over time for numerous painters from the Catalan area (fig. 10).

19
20
William Fleming, Arts and Ideas, vol. I, Translated by Florin Ionescu (Bucureti: Meridiane Press,
1983), 202.

263

Fig. 8. Christ Pantocrator, fresco, XI th Century, Cluniac Chapel, Berz-la-Ville.
Fig. 9. Christ in glory, tympanum, stone, XII th Century, Chartres Cathedral.

Along with the evangelical themes, artists
have also captured scenes from The Old Testament
(Adam and Eve, Cain and Abel, etc.), or the life of the
saints and their martyrdom.
Of great importance are also subjects related
to Ezekiels prophecy or to Apocalypse. The expressive
palette of intense colors encompassed: ochre yellow,
violet, blue, black and different shades of red. The faces
were mostly painted in black, which was also used
for the outline of the clothes and the decorum. The
presence of horizontal bands of colour as a background
to the depicted figures had, in its inception, a symbolic
naturalistic character. The natural Siena defined the
earth, the emerald green vegetation, ocre yellow archi-
tecture and the nuanced blue defined the sky.
21
These
symbols were sometimes replaced by aesthetical
considerations. The depiction of faces and, implicitly,
the whole ensemble has strong traces of the epochs
rules the portraits are strongly emphasized and the
garments are treated as decorative elements, akin to
the landscape or architecture.
22

21
Jos Gudiol Ricart, Roman Art in Catalonia, Translated by P. Dinopol (Bucureti: Meridiane Press,
1968), 9.
22
Ricart, 10. His face was coloured with a bright mustard yellow, contoured and detailed with black,
whhilst the cheek oval was shaped with shades of siena. It cotinued with rosy lines, transparent
for the lips and cheek bones. Proeminences were accentuated with white. The suggestion of
cloth folds and architectural elements was done by decreasing the intensity of the colour. The
base colour was a bonding factor between the white which brightens the fresco and the black
which emphasizes and contours the figures.
Fig. 10. Tahll Master, Christ
Pantocrator, fresco, XII th
Century, Saint Clement
Church, Tahll, Museum of
Catalan Art, Barcelona.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

264
The craftsman of old did not sign their masterpieces and, consequentially, a
pseudonym was required in order to differentiate them according to the location of
their main works, as well as their major iconographic themes. For example, this is
how the name of the artist who painted the Final Judgement became The Master of
the Final Judgement. We can remind other painters as well: The Master from Pedret,
The Master from Tahl, The Master from Andorra, The Master from Urgell, etc.
A large number of sacred edifices built in Catalonia were decorated only
during the XII Century. While part of those were painted by highly talented foreign
painters, others were painted by native artists, disciples of the the great masters.
The latter can be defined by their accentuated stylization that is quasi-expressionist.
One of them decorated the apse of the church of Santa Maria du Mur. Christ is treated
less dramatically than the one in Tahl and the style is mostly ornamental (fig. 11).

Fig. 11. Christ Pantocrator, fresco, XII th Century, Santa Maria du Mur Church, Lrida.
Fig. 12. The combat of David and Goliath, fresco, XII th Century, Santa Maria Church,Tahl.

In relation to the other presented paintings, the fresco from the Church of
Santa Maria, situated in Tahl, is singular in its express will to depict movement, a
willful undulating pacing, as well as with its marvelous chromatics, but also with its
sobriety. The artist has placed the battle scene on a background of parallel red,
yellow ocher, grey and oxide red stripes of paint (fig. 12).
With the same intensity, but showing more popular, even naive, spirit the
paintings from the San Marti Sescorts Church, depict scenes from the life of Adam
and Eve (fig. 13). Whereas the nude drawn are somewhat arbitrary in style, the
colour, by constituting a harmonic, warm whole, is very fortunate.
Posessing a greater expressivity, the paintings of the San Miquel Church
from Engolasters are of more interest: they were painted by the Master of Andorra,
and show Archangel Michael with the banner.

265
The activity and production of Spanish painters didnt diminish in the XIII th
Century, but the style and exterior structure of their painting is different than before.
The law of frontality disappears, and the expression techniques head towards a
more lyrical attitude, increasing the fluidity of the lines. The Llu Master is one of
those late authors of the Angels from Casserres (fig. 14). He is the one responsible
for a transition towards gothic art. His depictions have lost the rigidity and robust-
ness of the roman art that would continue to live on in the workshops of Spanish
artisans
23
.

Fig. 13. The eviction from Paradise, fresco, XII th Century, San Marti Sescorts Church.
Fig. 14. The Master from Llu, Musician angels, detail from The Final Judgement, fresco, XIII
th Century, Sant Pau Church, Casserres.

The influence of the roman catalan painting was felt the most in southern
France, where it has retained its defining elements. In Italy, on the other hand, the
byzantine influence revealed itself through frontally-viewed figures, clothing details
made up of geometrical lines and prominent gilt backgrounds.
24

Stained Glass developed rapidly, France being the promoter of this technique
in the Roman and later Gothic churches. The two examples of stained glass show
the Crucification in two similar poses. Jesus Christ is shown in death, with his head
resting upon his right shoulder, surrounded by a halo. In His close proximity, we
can notice for the first picture two figures: the Holy Mother, and John the Apostle
(fig. 15). In the second image, the two soldiers, Longinus and Stefaton, are also
shown (fig. 16). The similar blue background engulfs both images, one filling out a
circle, the other a rectangle.

23
Ricart, 15.
24
Drimba, 370.
MARCEL GH. MUNTEAN

266

Fig. 15. The Crucification, stained glass, XII th Century, Chartres Cathedral
Fig. 16. The Crucification, stained glass, XII th Century, Poitiers Cathedral.

Conclusions
As a final note for this study, which concerns Christian painting throughout
roman art, it is our opinion that, during this time, artists have ennobled the great
cathedrals with their undying creations, dedications to Divinity. The main themes
targeted both scenes of the Old Testament and those of the New, the latter of which
were predominant. Christ in Glory or The Final Judgement (with the Apocalypse version)
accurately depicts the medieval mystic worldview. Jesus Christ, in the apse of the
church or at its entrance, looks upon the viewer in a threatening manner, as the judge
of our world. His severe and monumental figure, strongly hierarchical in comparison
with the other characters, sacred or profane, becomes the symbol of Roman art,
stigmatizing the whole repertoire of the age. As a leitmotif, iconographers have
chosen this subject and, in the vast majority of cases, the byzantine Pantocrator
serves as the iconic inspiration. Regardless of style, artists have always shown Him
with his halo, blessing and holding the Holy Gospel in His left hand.
Monumental painting remained anchored in the limits of the two-dimensional
perspective specific of the Middle Ages and especially of Roman art. The chromatics
is consisting in a harmonic dialect of dark and light colors.
The drawing has a fragmented linearism. The post-byzantine tradition
dominated by hieratic figures is continued, and in some places followed by a provincial
style. Medieval religious painting is predominantly narrative and educative, having
the special role of illustrating holy scenes, and maintaining a religious spirit in the
Christian masses. Towards the end of the roman age, and with the dawn of the Gothic,
the sacred iconic typology undergoes a change in character. The solemn Vengeful
God gives way to the Forgiving God.

ACEDIA CA NEGRIJ

PETRU ORMENIAN
*

REZUMAT. Studiul de fa debuteaz cu cteva precizri privind actualitatea acediei,
unul dintre cele opt gnduri ale rutii. A vorbi despre acedie nu este un demers
uor. n sens metaforic, acedia poate fi comparat cu o furtun, recunoscut dup
efectele distrugtoare pe care le produce. Unul dintre aceste efecte este i starea de
negrij. Ajuns n aceast ipostaz, omul se comport ca i cum nu ar avea un suflet i
un destin venic. Negrija este cauza principal a nereuitei omului n cele duhovniceti.
Privit prin lentila negrijii, acedia poate s ia chipul a ceea ce s-ar putea numi
lacebunita i sindromul nu-mi pas.

Cuvinte-cheie: acedie, negrij, lacebunit, sindromul nu-mi pas, indiferentism, lene.

Actualitatea temei
Dispariia acediei din limbajul comun, a srcit cultura european de
posibilitatea de a numi o important trstur a vieii duhovniceti. Chiar dac acest
cuvntul a disprut sau a fost uitat, realitatea pe care o descoper este puternic
prezent n cultura noastr
1
. Neputina de a ne cunoate blocajele interioare, ne-a
dus la incapacitatea de a cunoate blocajele pe care noi le-am creat n cultur.
Pierznd importana trezviei n viaa duhovniceasc, ne-am expus, n mod
vdit, pericolului acediei. n ultimii 1600 de ani, treptat, am pierdut nelesul cuvntului
acedie i, astfel, suntem mai puin contieni de cauza suferinei noastre
2
. Cheltuim
sume mari pentru petrecerea timpului liber, dar suntem din ce n ce mai tensionai
i stresai. Suntem preocupai de toate tirile i noutile dintr-o zi, dar uitm ceea
ce este important pentru noi. Investim timp i munc n descoperirea a tot felul de
lucruri noi, dar avem nevoie de instructori pentru a ne nva s respirm i s ne
relaxm. Tindem s cunoatem tot ceea ce ne nconjoar, dar suntem tot mai nepricepui
n a nelege scopul vieii noastre. Ne strduim s avem ct mai mult i devenim tot

*
opetrut81@yahoo.com
1
Christopher Jamison, Finding Happiness. Monastic steps for a fulfilling life, Liturgical Press, Phoenix,
2009, p. 54.
2
Galle Jeanmart, Acdie et conscience intime du temps, n: Bulletin d'analyse phnomnologique,
vol. 2, nr.1 (janvier 2006), pp. 3-32. n articol se vorbete despre neputina Occidentului de a gndi
acedia, care nu e un efect al contingenei istorice.
PETRU ORMENIAN

268
mai sectuii. Ne refugiem n spectacolul stupid din faa ecranului, pentru c suntem
neputincioi de a ne bucura de prezena celuilalt i de tot ceea ce ne nconjoar.
Toate acestea ne arat c acedia este actual, dar nu recunoscut ca atare.
Relevana acediei pentru societatea contemporan o putem deduce din
interesul pe care oamenii l arat fa de aceast tem. Astfel, pentru a oferi cteva
exemple, ne referim la succesul pe care scriitoarea american Kathleen Norris l-a
avut prin romanul ei: Acedia & Me. A marriage, monks, and a writers life. n acest
roman, autoarea ne ofer o retrospectiv a propriei viei, prin lentila acediei
3
. Kathleen
Norris insist asupra faptului c acedia este o prim caracteristic a timpurilor
noastre
4
i ea are relevan pentru omul contemporan. De asemenea, acelai interes
s-a putut observa atunci cnd a avut loc lansarea acestei cri n mai multe orae
americane
5
, precum i n conferinele susinute pe aceast tem. Amintim succesul de
care a avut parte cartea Akedia. Plictiseala i terapia ei dup avva Evagrie Ponticul
sau sufletul n lupt cu demonul amiezii, scris de ieromonahul Gabriel Bunge.
Aceast carte a fost editat n mai multe ediii, n limbi de circulaie internaional,
precum i n limba romn
6
.
Chiar dac termenul acedie nu este familiar necunosctorilor literaturii
monastice sau medievale, realitatea descoperit de acest cuvnt are relevan pentru
cititorii contemporani. Acedia nu este o relicv a secolului al patrulea, ci o stare pe care,
ignornd-o, ne expunem unui pericol imens. Oriunde am fi i orice am face, acedia este
prezent. Oriunde am fugi pentru a scpa de ea, acedia este acolo, propunndu-ne
mereu o alternativ. Chiar i atunci cnd suntem implicai ntr-o activitate, cnd
dorim s facem binele, se poate s fim atini de duhul acediei.
Demonul acediei continu s fie prezent i s lucreze n lume, deoarece acedia
este legat de nsi condiia uman i lovete n chiar pulsaia vieii
7
. Acedia e un
fenomen la fel de vechi ct omenirea nsi, chiar dac ideea a fost teoretizat doar

3
Dintre recenziile acestei cri, amintim: William a. barry, The Noonday Demon, Acedia and Me: A
Marriage, Monks and a Writers Life by Kathleen Norris, n: America. The National Catholic Weekly,
oct. 6, 2008, pp. 31-34; Lawrence morey, Kathleen Norris, Acedia and Me: A Marriage, Monks and a
Writers Life, n Cistercian Studies Quarterly, 45.1 (2010), pp. 97-98; Erin ryan, The noonday demon
casting its shadow over time, n National Catholic Reporter, oct. 3, 2008, p. 1, 4.
4
Kathleen Norris, Acedia & me: a marriage, monks, and a writers life, Riverhead Books, New York, 2008,
p. 126.
5
Kathleen Norris, Struggling with a bad thought, http://edition.cnn.com/2010/LIVING/personal/04/06/
got.acedia.spiritual.morphine/index.html>, 11 februarie 2013. Potrivit acestui site, autoarea este sur-
prins c, ntr-un turneu de-a lungul Americii, muli oameni s-au artat interesai de acest subiect i
au dorit s primeasc mai multe informaii despre acest cuvnt straniu - acedia.
6
n anul 2007, editura Deisis oferea cititorilor, ediia a III-a a lucrrii. Aceast carte a aprut prima dat
n anul 1983, n numrul IX al seriei Centrului de Spiritualitate Patristic Koinonia al Arhiepiscopiei
din Kln. Autorul mrturisete c n-ar fi visat c, dup mai mult de un deceniu, s fie nevoit a pregti o
a patra ediie. Se pare c titlul acestei cri le-a spus ceva secret oamenilor care au cumprat-o, vezi
Ierom. Gabriel bunge, Cuvnt-nainte la ediia a IV-a, revizuit i lrgit (1995), n: Akedia. Plictiseala i
terapia ei dup avva Evagrie Ponticul sau sufletul n lupt cu demonul amiezii, Deisis, Sibiu, 2007, p. 25.
7
Augustin Punoiu, Cnd viaa devine o fundtur fr ieire: Akedia i cutarea sensului vieii, n:
Ziarul Lumina, 19 septembrie 2011, p. 7.
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269
mai trziu n istorie
8
. Omul atins de acedie nu i mai triete viaa, ci doar o suport.
Acedia este un ru al tuturor timpurilor, moartea sufletului i a minii
9
. n versiunea
secularizat se prezint ca plictiseal, melancolie, spleen, lehamite, indiferen fa
de valori, momente chinuitoare de vid existenial
10
, fiind, mai ales, o tentaie prin
excelen a singurtii, fapt ce explic revenirea ei secularizat n actualitate, odat
cu apariia omului modern i a individualismului
11
. Cei care ajung prad acediei i
concretizeaz starea n ntrebarea: la ce bun? sau n exclamaia: nu-mi pas!.
Hainele moderne ale acediei sunt alctuite dintr-un insuportabil amestec de
plictiseal i nelinite, dorin frenetic de evadare i fric de responsabilizare, lips
de angajament i disperare moleitoare. Astzi, acedia a luat forma conformismului
social, a unui fel de curiozitate distras, n locul cunoaterii exacte a lucrurilor. Acedicul
nu poate transpira. Mai presus de toate, nu tie cum s triasc i, n toate momentele
de vid ale vieii, spune c de vin e plictiseala.
De cele mai multe ori, acedia a fost analizat n legtur cu vocaia monahal.
Scrierile ascetice o prezint ca o ameninare a celor ce se druiesc vieii spirituale.
Demonul acediei ncearc s ne deprteze de cile Duhului, s sting din inim dorul
dup Dumnezeu, s strice ritmul vieuirii cretine, s ntrerup tcerea i imobilitatea,
s dispreuiasc cele duhovniceti. Dar, acedia i atac pe toii cretinii care au vocaia
ndumnezeirii sau, mai bine zis, pe toi oamenii care, fiind creai dup chipul lui
Dumnezeu, tind spre asemnarea cu Ziditorul.
Acedia lovete i n Biseric, ispitind-o permanent s-i piard vocaia. Atini
de acedie, credincioii i uit sensul, uit c sunt nsemnai cu semnul crucii, c
sunt chemai nu pentru a ctiga ceva, ci ca s piard totul, nu pentru a fi primii, ci
ultimii, nu pentru a tri, ci pentru a muri
12
. Acedia este ispita Bisericii n pelerinajul
pe care l face spre mpria cerurilor. n aceast cltorie, demonul acediei ispitete
n trei feluri
13
. n primul rnd, el propune ntoarcerea la viaa petrecut mai nainte
n Egipt. Apoi, i ndeamn pe pelerini s fac altceva dect au fost chemai s fac, de
exemplu, s ridice un viel de aur. n al treilea rnd, i face s-i piard curajul i s
cad ntr-o tristee paralizant, care-i face neputincioi s prseasc pustiul.
Acedia poate atinge chiar i comuniti ntregi. Problema dependenei de
internet, a realitii virtuale, a familiilor dispersate care sunt att de ocupate nct nu
mai petrec timpul mpreun, a disonanei dintre faptul c trim n cea mai prosper

8
Urban Voll, The Vice of Acedia, Dominican House of Studies, Washington DC, 1966, p. 15.
9
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Cele 225 de capete teologice i practice, I, 74, n: Filocalia, vol. 6, Humanitas,
Bucureti, 1997, p. 37.
10
Ioan I. Ic jr., Introducere la o cltorie spre marginea infernului singurtii noastre, n Ierom.
Gabriel bunge, Akedia..., p. 13.
11
Ioan I. Ic jr., p. 13.
12
Afirmaia aparine teologului anglican Bosco Peters, care, n articolul despre acedie, analizeaz goana
dup nou a omului contemporan i dorina asidu de schimbare. Din aceast perspectiv, decizia Sinodului
General al Bisericii anglicane de a oferi rnduieli de slujbe alternative n locul celor ndtinate este
considerat de autor a fi o dovad a faptului c i Biserica sufer de acedie. Bosco peters, Acedia
noonday demon, <http://liturgy.co.nz/acedia-noonday-demon>, 26 mai 2011.
13
Louis j. Cameli, Ecclesial asceticism: disciplines for the family of faith, n: America. The National Catholic
Weekly, 28 december 1996, p. 21.
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270
societate ai crei locuitori sunt nemulumii, consumatori constani de medicamente
pentru anxietate, depresie i somn, toate acestea sunt simptomele clare are faptului
c acedia lovete comuniti ntregi. Acedia poate s fie asemnat cu acneea la
adolescen, este nedorit i totui, inevitabil.
Acedia nu-i ocolete nici pe cei care triesc n afara oricrei discipline. n
cazul lor, ia forma unui sentiment de plictiseal, de insatisfacie i de nelinite fr
motiv. Atunci cnd i face simit prezena, acedia ne ofer un sentiment fals de
automulumire i securitate. Acedia este un duman nspimnttor, deoarece
argumentele pe care le aduce sunt inatacabile
14
.
Analiza Prinilor Bisericii asupra acediei
15
ne descoper c ea se manifest,
adeseori, sub diferite stri: lene, plictis, sil, urt, lehamite, moleeal, lncezeal,
toropeal, descurajare, amoreal a sufletului, lips de grij pentru mntuire,
ngreunare a sufletului i a trupului i o somnolen care nu e fireasc
16
. Acedia
aduce un sentiment de insatisfacie, n aa fel nct sufletul simte c i lipsete ceva
i nu mai este interesat de nimic, mai mult, totul pare a fi lipsit de sens. Mintea
acedicului nu se poate fixa pe nici un lucru, aa nct omul simte c nu mai are stare,
caut continuu s evadeze. Instabilitatea este att fizic, ct i psihic. Adeseori, acedia
se camufleaz sub forma unui sentiment de nemulumire care, treptat, ntunec
mintea i arunc sufletul n bezn
17
. ndeprtat de cunoaterea lui Dumnezeu,
acedia atac sufletul cu mniere grabnic i-l mpovreaz cu gnduri de hul
mpotriva lui Dumnezeu. Acedia este pentru suflet gustarea gheneei
18
.
A ncerca s vorbim despre acedie este asemenea demersului de a vorbi despre
un negativ sau de a prinde o umbr
19
. Acedia este un duman nevzut, asemenea
unei furtuni, care este recunoscut dup efectele distrugtoare pe care le produce.
Este o for pe care o neglijm, n defavoarea noastr. n continuare, vom analiza
acedia sub chipul lipsei de grij.

Acedia ca negrij
Potrivit Dicionarului Liddell Scott, primul sens al cuvntului acedie este
lipsa de grij. n limba greac clasic, cuvntul acedie era folosit, n special, pentru a
desemna lipsa de grij pentru nmormntarea cuiva, a nu nmormnta pe cineva
20
.
Din toate timpurile i n toate locurile, grija de a-i nmormnta pe cei decedai a fost
un imperativ. Actul acesta a fost receptat ca o datorie fireasc sau gestul elementar

14
Claude Peifer, Monastic Spirituality, Sheed and Ward, New York, 1966, p. 307.
15
Petru Ormenian, Actualitatea unei maladii. Acedia la Sfntul Ioan Casian, n: Condiia uman ntre
suferin i iubirea lui Dumnezeu. Terapia bolii i ngrijirile paliative, referatele simpozionului teologic
internaional, organizat de Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox Alba Iulia (4-6 mai 2012), Rentregirea,
Alba Iulia, 2012, pp. 423-443.
16
Jean-Claude larchet, Terapeutica bolilor spirituale, Ed. Sophia, Bucureti, 2001, p. 167.
17
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Cele 225 de capete teologice..., I, 71, p. 35.
18
SF. Isaac Sirul, Cuvinte despre nevoin, 46, n: Filocalia, vol. 10, Humanitas, Bucureti, 2008, p. 221.
19
Kathleen Norris vorbete despre statutul liminal al acediei, vezi Kathleen Norris, Acedia & me, p. 44.
20
Henry George Liddel, Robert Scott, A Greek English Lexicon, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1996, p. 49.
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271
manifestat fa de o persoan decedat. Din aceast perspectiv, sensul cuvntului
acedie ar putea fi echivalent cu lipsa de grij pentru lucrurile foarte importante.
Am prefera ca, n rndurile de mai jos, s nu folosim expresia lips de grij, ci
cuvntul negrij, chiar dac nu este un termen academic. Acedia, neleas ca negrij,
nu nseamn apatie i nici o via fericit lipsit de griji, ci, mai ales, o via care este
lipsit de elementele importante, care i dau valoare i consisten. Este vorba despre
grija de suflet, grija pentru mntuire. Considerm mai potrivit cuvntul negrij i
pentru faptul c, mai nainte, prin expresia a se griji
21
, se exprima mprtirea
omului cu Sfintele Taine. Potrivit mentalitii cretine autentice, forma suprem de grij
a unei persoane se exprim prin comuniunea deplin n Hristos i cu Hristos. Grija
fa de nevoia fundamental a sufletului odat mplinit, duce la ameliorarea celorlalte
griji pmnteti. Lipsa de toat grija cea lumeasc este vzut ca o condiie a
participrii credincioilor la Liturghia euharistic
22
.
Grija fundamental a omului este grija de suflet i de destinul venic al acestuia.
Aceast grij este sntoas. Ea nfrumuseeaz i ofer tonus vieii. Negrija fa de
suflet i de nevoile acestuia aduce n viaa omului panoplia de griji care-l sectuiesc
i-l mbolnvesc. Negrija fa de dimensiunea spiritual a sufletului este sursa nefericirii
omului i a culturii occidentale. Cuprini de ritmul alert al societii contemporane,
uitm sau neglijm c, att noi, ct i cei din jurul nostru, avem un suflet i un destin
venic. n felul acesta cultivm o societate acedic, a negrijii, pe care o vom lsa
motenire copiilor notri. Acedia a devenit parte a societii
23
.
Dintre cauzele negrijii amintim: grija exclusiv pentru cele pmnteti;
practicismul modern, care a oferit tuturor activitilor un caracter utilitar; accentul
care s-a pus pe cantitate, n defavoarea calitii; cultura hedonist a societii noastre
care a transformat corpul ntr-un obiect sexual
24
; cutarea asidu a confortului i
lipsa dispoziiei spre jertf.
Nici un om de pe faa pmntului nu a fost scutit de atacurile acediei sub forma
negrijii. Oamenii care triesc n Biseric i se strduiesc s duc o via bineplcut
naintea lui Dumnezeu nu sunt nici ei scutii de negrij. Lipsindu-se de ncordarea

21
De aici avem i cuvntul grijanie, cu sensul exclusiv de mprtanie, cuminecare, vezi Dicionarul
Explicativ al Limbii Romne, Univers Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1998, p. 435. Menionm i o lucrare
excepional despre cuvintele religioase din limba romn, istoricul i semnificaia lor, n Maria Ivni-
Freniu, Limba romn i limbajul rugciunii, Anastasia, Bucureti, 2001.
22
nainte de aducerea cinstitelor daruri la Sfntul Altar se cnt imnul heruvimic, n care noi i nchipuim
pe heruvimii care aduc sfnt cntare Treimii Celei fctoare de via. ndemnul mplinirii acestui
deziderat cere ca toat grija cea lumeasc de la noi s o lepdm, vezi Liturghier, Ed. Institutului Biblic
i de Misiune Ortodox Bucureti, 2012, p. 160.
23
Christopher Jamison, Finding Happiness..., p. 53.
24
n acest sens este relevant teoria obiectificrii lansat de Fredrickson i Roberts n anul 1997. Vezi
Barbara l. fredrickson, Toni-Ann roberts, Objectification Theory. Toward understanding womens lives
experiences and mental health risks, n: Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21 (1997), pp. 173-206; Amy
Slater, Marika Tiggermann, A test of objectification theory in adolescent girls, n: Sex roles: a journal of
Research, 46 (2002), pp. 343-349; Barbara l. Fredrickson, Toni-Ann Roberts, Stephanie N. Noll, Diane M.
Quinn, Jean M. Twenge, That swimsuit becomes you: sex differences in self-objectification, restraines eating,
and math performance, n: Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 75 (1998), no. 1, pp. 269-284.
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272
rugciunii, fcnd diferite pogorminte la programul de via duhovniceasc, la un
moment dat, cretinul se simte gol, fr rvn, nemngiat de harul dumnezeiesc.
Omul nu ajunge n aceast stare dintr-o dat, ci treptat. Amintind de aceasta, Gheron
Iosif mrturisea: Groaza m apuc povestind acestea, pentru c, din experien, am
vzut ua acestei cderi i multe lacrimi am vrsat gndindu-m la acrivia i atenia
pe care le cere viaa duhovniceasc
25
. Analiznd duhovnicete ravagiile pe care le
aduce negrija, printele afirma c distruge, de obicei, rdcinile i principiile
26
.
Negrija l atac pe om mai ales n perioada de mijloc a vieii duhovniceti.
Perioada a doua a vrstei duhovniceti este perioada n care nu mai simim ca nainte
dulceaa harului i suntem lsai, aparent pe forele noastre. Este momentul n care
vine o ntunecare, care ne poate arunca n negrij. n aceast etap, credinciosul
obosete i, adeseori, pot aprea diverse boli, care-l pot face pe om s fie mai ngduitor
cu sine nsui i, n felul acesta, va ajunge ncet la negrij. Negrija este greu de combtut,
aprnd ca ceva firesc, deoarece, n aceast stare particip trupul nostru, care simte
osteneala i durerea.
Negrija este dumanul nfricotor i viclean al vieii noastre. Ea este cauza
principal a nereuitei omului n cele duhovniceti. Cel ce sufer de negrij nu poate
aduna nimic, cci negrija se aseamn secetei, care nu las nimic s ncoleasc.
Negrija i atac pe toi oamenii. Pe cei nceptori n viaa duhovniceasc i oprete,
pe cei naintai i mpiedic, pe cei netiutori nu-i las s nvee, pe cei czui nu-i
las s se ridice, ntr-un cuvnt, este catastrofal pentru toi
27
. Aceasta se vede i din
faptul c negrija atrage toate patimile i neputinele asupra omului.
Printele Sofronie Saharov, vorbind despre acedie, mrturisea: ntreaga
umanitate, cu foarte puine excepii, triete n aceast stare de ne-grij. Oamenii au
devenit nepstori fa de propria mntuire. Nu caut voia dumnezeiasc. Ei se mrginesc
la chipurile vieuirii trupeti, la nevoile de zi cu zi, la patimile lumii i la rutin.[]
lipsa de grij pentru mntuire nu este altceva dect moartea persoanei
28
.

Lacebunita
Chiar i dintr-o perspectiv neteologic, negrija se arat a fi pgubitoare. Ea
poate s ia chipul a ceea ce Jean Sullivan
29
numea lacebunita. Aceast boal i

25
Monahul Iosif Vatopedinul, Triri ale dumnezeiescului har: o epistol despre viaa lui Gheron Iosif
Isihastul - epistole inedite, Ed. Sf. Nectarie, Arad, 2008, p. 71.
26
Eu nu voi osteni s repet c toi cei care s-au lipsit de harul lui Dumnezeu i de starea duhovniceasc
din neglijena lor li s-a ntmplat, i nu din slava deart, vezi Ibidem.
27
Cuviosul Iosif Isihastul o numete maica tuturor relelor, vezi Gheron Iosif, Mrturii din viaa
monahal, Ed. Bizantin, Bucureti, 1996, p. 99.
28
Arhimandritul Sofronie, Din via i din duh, Rentregirea, Alba Iulia, 2011, p. 16.
29
Jean Sulivan este pseudonimul lui Joseph Lemarchand, preot catolic i scriitor francez nscut n anul
1913 i trecut la cele venice n anul 1980. A scris peste 30 de cri. n anii 60, Jaques Madnale l
considera capabil s continue munca lui Georges Bernanos. Mai multe vezi la Joseph Cunneen,
Spiritual essay: To lie a little less. The literary vocation of Jean Sulivan,
<www.theway.org.uk/Back/40Cunneen.pdf>, 21 ianuarie 2013 sau Joseph cunneen, The fugitive joy
of Jean Sulivan, n: Renascence: Essay on Values in Literature, vol 52 (2000), no.3, p. 233.
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273
primete numele de la expresia: la ce bun?. Ea i atinge pe toi, indiferent de vrst.
Omul poate s ntlneasc lacebunita la orice vrst, n toate domeniile i vocaiile.
Cei tineri, atini de aceast boal, se ntreab adesea: La ce bun s te angajezi ntr-o
via care se anun neltoare? La ce bun s te cstoreti, dac puin mai trziu te
despari? La ce bun s ai copii, dac trebuie s-i creti ntr-o lume ca aceasta? Cnd
vd tot ce au de nfruntat: omaj, drog, SIDA, etc
30
. Dac tinereea ar trebui s fie
caracterizat prin cuvntul eroism
31
, lacebunita l aduce pe om la starea de mediocritate.
De aceea, Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul numete generaia actual generaia nepsrii
32
.
Lacebunita i atinge i pe cei ce au un program invariabil. S o iei de la capt,
mereu aceeai via, cu aceeai soie sau cu acelai brbat. Aa se ajunge la divor,
fiind foarte multe astfel de cazuri. Epoca noastr nu agreeaz durata, poate pentru
c aceasta este proba fundamental pentru fericirea sau nefericirea omului. ntlnim
lacebunita i la vrste mai naintate i chiar la persoane care, pn atunci, nu-i
czuser victime. Ea i atac i pe preoi, mai ales la sfritul vieii cnd, dup ce i-
au druit altora viaa lor, i dau seama ct ar mai fi de fcut. Ce nseamn ce fac eu
n comparaie cu ceea ce rmne de fcut? Unde sunt rezultatele muncii mele? O
pictur de ap ntr-un ocean [] La ce bun?
33
Vieuitorii din mnstire sunt foarte
expui la aceast boal, cci, dup prima perioad de har i de mult progres, ce mai
poi atepta, dect a trece victorios prin ncercarea duratei i a rbdrii n monotonia
cotidianului fr sfrit.
Starea de negrij, adresarea constant i revolttoare a ntrebrii la ce bun?,
nu fac altceva dect s vicieze bucuria de a tri. ntr-un mod general, aceast viciere
se produce n trei etape. n tineree, insistnd pe dorina de afirmare i de mplinire,
omul se va izbi de realitatea care nu e prea ngduitoare. Aceasta va provoca un oc,
o ruptur, schizo. Trecnd peste, viaa va fi ngreunat de grijile cotidiene, care vor
lsa sentimentul c oricum nu putem realiza ceea ce sperm. E starea n care omul
risc s devin maso. i gsete plcerea de a vedea totul n negru. Dac depete
i aceast situaie, dup ceva timp, omul risc s devin parano, adic totul va fi din
cauza celorlali. Toate acestea nu fac altceva dect s arate incapacitatea de a accepta
viaa aa cum este
34
, fiind evadri sofisticate i argumentate n faa realitii care ni
se impune n via.
Lacebunita nu este altceva dect ceea ce tradiia monahal denumete prin
termenul acedie. Este o boal actual i existenial, o epidemie. Lacebunita ia natere din
neputina omului de a tri prezentul. Omul nu poate tri provocrile contemporane,
realitatea cotidian, deoarece nu se regsete n ele i, refuzndu-le, se sustrage vieii.
Lacebunita l duce pe om la nemulumire, un simptom al ei fiind crteala permanent.
Lacebunita se repercuteaz i asupra ntregii viei, deoarece, cel atins de ea nu mai
poate avea relaii sntoase nici cu sine, nici cu alii, nici cu Dumnezeu, nici cu ritmul
vieii aa cum se prezint el.

30
Amd Hailler, Dominique Meggl, Monahul i psihiatrul. Convorbiri despre fericire, Ed. Christiana,
Bucureti, 1997, p.22.
31
Ioan Suciu, Eroism-terapie contra mediocritii, Alba Iulia, 2002, p.33.
32
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Trezvie duhovniceasc, Schitul Lacu, Sfntul Munte Athos, 2000, p. 27.
33
Amd Hailler, Dominique Meggl, Monahul i psihiatrul..., p. 22.
34
Amd Hailler, Dominique Meggl, Monahul i psihiatrul..., p. 32-37.
PETRU ORMENIAN

274
Sindromul nu-mi pas
Lacebunita l face pe om s se replieze asupra sinelui. Ea l duce pe om la
ceea ce am putea numi fenomenul de ipsaie
35
. Sinele devine centrul lumii i al tuturor
aciunilor. Aceast atitudine este fireasc pn la o anumit vrst, dac este trectoare,
altfel, dac se fixeaz i se agraveaz, ea devine patologic. Ia chipul a ceea ce am putea
numi sindromul nu-mi pas. Acesta este greu de definit, deoarece expresia nu-
mi pas este att de folosit n limbajul cotidian, nct asocierea cuvntului sindrom
pare surprinztoare. Folosim expresia circumscriind nelesului ei lipsa de implicare,
pasivitatea nefireasc, indiferena, dezinteresul.
Dac pcatul mndriei l face pe om s se mpotriveasc sau s-L refuze pe
Dumnezeu, considerndu-se pe sine a fi dumnezeu, starea de nepsare l aduce pe
om n situaia n care, vznd frumuseea lumii i a tot ceea ce-l nconjoar, s spun
pasiv: nu-mi pas.
Starea de pcat nu se definete doar prin ceea ce facem greit, ci i prin lipsa
nfptuirii. Prin ceea ce ar trebui s facem i nu facem. Faptele rele descoper starea
interioar pe care o avem i ele sunt, ntr-un fel, spovedania public a inimii noastre.
Mult mai subtil este neimplicarea, nesvrirea binelui care ar trebui fcut. Aceast
stare poate fi mai periculoas dect cea dinti deoarece, cele care nu se vd, pot s
aib o influen mai mare asupra noastr, fr s contientizm aceasta.
Sindromul nu-mi pas are repercusiuni asupra propriei persoane, dar i a
relaiei cu aproapele. Despre consecinele asupra sinelui am amintit atunci cnd am
vorbit despre negrija fa de suflet i destinul su venic. n ceea ce privete relaia
cu aproapele, acest sindrom se dovedete a fi duman sau uciga al iubirii. Treapta
de nceput a iubirii este de a ne psa de cel de lng noi. Sindromul acesta ne poate
aduce n starea n care, stui fiind, s ne uitm la un copil srman i flmnd i s
spunem: nu este copilul meu; sau, s vedem un vrstnic stnd singur i neajutorat n
parc i s spunem: pi, nu este tatl meu. Acest sindrom este capacitatea spiritului
uman de a se uita la lume i la tot ceea ce a fcut Dumnezeu i s spun: nu-mi
pas
36
. Lipsa iubirii n aciunile pe care le ntreprindem este direct proporional
cu sentimentele de descurajare i nefericire pe care le trim.
Sindromul nu-mi pas este o stare contient, dezvoltat de persoan, pentru
a putea face fa unui numr de provocri personale i sociale. Acest sindrom creeaz
dependen, iar cel care nu contientizeaz motivele nepsrii, nu poate s depeasc
aceast stare.
Dezvoltarea mediilor comunicaionale i accesibilitatea tot mai ridicat la
internet au fcut ca, treptat, s renunm la relaiile reale, n favoarea celor virtuale.
n aceast situaie, omul, aflat n faa unui flux impresionant de tiri care prezint
diferite nenorociri i situaii limit, i creeaz un zid de protecie incontient, prin

35
Termenul provine de la latinescul ipse, care nseamn sine nsui.
36
Kathleen Norris, Acedia & me, p. 115.
ACEDIA CA NEGRIJ

275
insensibilitate. Tragediile sunt clasate n funcie de numrul victimelor i viaa devine
un spectacol, uneori comic, alteori tragic. Insensibilitatea creat de mediul virtual se
transfer n viaa cotidian. Astfel, devenim tot mai nepstori la nevoile celorlali.
n acest context, importante devin lucrurile care ne sunt inoculate ca fiind importante.
Este relevant mrturia lui Thomas Merton, care, fiind ntrebat de un angajat al unui
magazin ce marc de past de dini folosete, a rspuns c nu conteaz. La auzul
acestor cuvinte, funcionarul a czut aproape mort i a nceput s ia pe rnd fiecare
past, s-i spun ingredientele secrete pe care le conine i avantajul folosirii ei.
ntr-o societate de consum este foarte grav s nu-i pese de astfel de lucruri
37
.
Celelalte lucruri pot fi evitate, din pcate chiar i cele imperios necesare.
Nepsarea fa de ceilali conduce la ceea ce, n America, se numete granny
dumping. Este o expresie argotic ce desemneaz dorina de a scpa de ngrijirea
unei persoane vrstnice apropiate. Termenul este folosit pentru a defini practica
anonim de a-i abandona pe vrstnici n faa caselor de ngrijire sau practica spitalelor
urbane de a abandona pacienii nevoiai, unii dintre ei chiar n halatul de spital i cu
branula n mn.
Sindromul nepsrii este devastator nu doar prin efectele pe care nepsarea
o rspndete n jurul ei, ci i prin ceea ce produce n snul societii. Sunt situaii
cnd acest sindrom poate duce chiar i la crime. n acest sens, este relevant tragedia
din aprilie 1999 cnd, doi tineri, ntr-o suburbie a oraului Denver, au ucis treisprezece
oameni la coala lor, apoi s-au sinucis. Numeroasele bombe artizanale produse acas
i amplasate n cldirea colii, au convins poliia c intenia celor doi a fost s distrug
coala i s-i ucid pe toi cei ce se aflau n ea. Orice nemulumire ar fi avut aceti
tineri fa de colegii lor, gestul de care au dat dovad, arat c ei se aflau n chinurile
unei lipse de grij att de severe, nct a devenit patologic
38
. ntr-o cultur nnebunit
de celebritate i nepstoare fa de nevoile de baz ale persoanei, nu trebuie s ne
mire c cei doi tineri, considerai pierdui, au reuit n cele din urm s fac ceva,
chiar dac extrem de violent i mpotriva vieii nsi.
Nepsarea nu este doar o simpl ne implicare social sau inactivitate, ci ea
comport profunde semnificaii duhovniceti. Cel nepstor devine insensibil la
nevoile celorlali i neputincios n a tri iubirea. Ajuns n aceast stare, omul nu
triete viaa, ci doar o suport.
Fr a insista, menionm aici faptul c, un chip al acediei ca negrij l reprezint
lenea sau trndvia. Lenea este mai mult dect o simpl inactivitate. Ea reprezint
neputina de a ne concentra pe lucrurile cu adevrat importante, reflexul unei epuizri a
sufletului. Dac Sfntul Marcu Ascetul vorbea despre ntunericul pe care-l aduce
trndvia asupra minii, putem afirma cu convingere c cel lene este neputincios n
a vedea harul lui Dumnezeu n lucrurile bune, cu att mai puin n cele obinuite.

37
38
PETRU ORMENIAN

276
Se poate ca o persoan s fie extrem de ocupat i activ, dar s neglijeze
lucrurile importante. ntr-o astfel de situaie, vorbim tot despre lene. Adeseori, se
poate ca, n mod incontient, s alegem s fie ocupai cu cele mrunte, tocmai pentru
a avea o scuz n neglijarea lucrurilor importante
39
.

Concluzii
Acedia nu este o relicv a secolului al IV-lea, ci o stare ce caracterizeaz
societatea contemporan. Dispariia termenului din limbajul comun, a srcit cultura
european de posibilitatea de a defini o trstur fundamental a vieii duhovniceti.
Acedia este legat de condiia uman, iar interesul pe care oamenii, n diferite situaii,
l manifest fa de aceast tem, ne face s credem c este relevant pentru omul
cititorul contemporan.
Hainele moderne ale acediei sunt alctuite dintr-un amestec de plictiseal
i nelinite, dorin de evadare i fric de responsabilizare, indiferen de valori i
momente de vid existenial.
Acedia i atinge pe cei ce-i dedic viaa slujirii lui Dumnezeu, pe cei ce
triesc n afara oricrei discipline, pe toii credincioii, precum i comuniti ntregi.
Acedia, sub forma negrijii, reprezint neatenia faa de nevoia fundamental
a sufletului i de valoarea venic a lui. Nici un om de pe faa pmntului nu a fost
scutit de atacurile acediei sub forma negrijii. Pe cei nceptori n viaa duhovniceasc
i oprete, pe cei naintai i mpiedic, pe cei netiutori nu-i las s nvee, pe cei czui
nu-i las s se ridice. Acedia este cauza nereuitei omului n cele duhovniceti.
Negrija atrage toate patimile i neputinele asupra omului. Ea nu este altceva dect
moartea persoanei.
Un chip al acediei ca negrij este ceea ce am putea numi starea de lacebunit.
O astfel de stare viciaz bucuria de a tri i ne face neputincioi de a tri prezentul.
Ea descoper neputina omului de a tri prezentul i de a avea relaii sntoase cu
sine, cu ceilali i cu Dumnezeu.
Sindromul nu-mi pas reprezint un alt chip al acediei ca negrij. Acest
sindrom este o stare contient, dezvoltat de persoan, pentru a putea face fa
unui numr de provocri personale i sociale. Acest sindrom creeaz dependen, iar
cel care nu contientizeaz motivele nepsrii, nu poate s depeasc aceast stare.
Nepsarea nu este doar o simpl ne implicare social sau inactivitate, ci ea comport
profunde semnificaii duhovniceti. Cel nepstor devine insensibil la nevoile celorlali
i neputincios n a tri iubirea. Ajuns n aceast stare, omul nu-i mai triete viaa,
ci doar o suport.

39
Autoarea Kathleen Norris afirm c aceast stare i face pe unii oamenii s nu citeasc Sfnta Scriptur
sau crile duhovniceti, ci mai degrab, evanghelii gnostice i ale lucruri care gdil auzul, dar care
nu ndeamn la fapta bun: a-i iubi vecinul, a-i ajuta pe cei sraci i a mrturisi adevrul.


ACEDIA SEEN AS CARELESSNESS

PETRU ORMENIAN
*

ABSTRACT. This study begins with some clarifications on current acedia, one
of the eight bad thoughts. Speaking about acedia is not an easy endeavour. In
a metaphorical sense we could compare acedia with a storm which is recognized
by the damaging effects it produces. One of these effects is the carelessness state.
Once he arrives in this state, man acts as he would not have a soul and an eternal
destiny. Carelessness is the main cause of mans failure in the spiritual life. Seen
through the lens of carelessness, acedia can take the image of what might be
called "lacebunita" and "I dont care syndrome".

Keywords: acedia, carelessness, lacebunita, I dont care syndrome, indifference,
laziness.

Actuality of the Subject
The fact that the term acedia has disappeared from the common language
has expelled the European cultures possibility to call it an important feature of the
spiritual life. Even if the word has disappeared or has been forgotten, the reality which it
reveals is extremely present in our culture
1
. The inability to identify our inner blockages
led us to the inability to know the blockages that we have created in the culture.
By losing the importance of wakefulness in the spiritual life, we have exposed
ourselves openly to the danger of acedia. In the last 1,600 years, we have gradually
lost the meaning of the word acedia and thus we are less aware of the cause of our
suffering
2
. We spend large sums for leisure, but we are more and more tense and
stressed. We are concerned about all the news and novelties of the day, but we forgot
what is really important to us. We invest time and work in order to discover all sorts
of new things, but we need instructors to teach us to breathe and relax. We yearn to
know everything that surrounds us, but we are increasingly unwise to understand
the purpose of our life. We strive to have more and we become increasingly empty.

*
opetrut81@yahoo.com
1
Christopher Jamison, Finding Happiness. Monastic steps for a fulfilling life (Phoneix: Liturgical Press,
2009), 54.
2
Galle Jeanmart, Acdie et conscience intime du temps, Bulletin danalyse phnomnologique, 2, 1
(Janvier 2006): 3-32. This article is about the Occidents inability to think about acedia, which is not an
effect of historical contingency.
PETRU ORMENIAN

278
We take refuge in the stupid show in front of the screen, because we are unable to
enjoy the presence of the person near us and everything that surrounds us. All these
make us believe that acedia is present nowadays and we dont even notice it.
The relevance of acedia for the contemporary society can be deducted by
analyzing the interest that people show towards this subject. So, to give a few examples,
we refer to the success of the novel Acedia & Me. A Marriage, Monks, and a Writers
Life, written by the American writer Kathleen Norris. In this novel, the author gives
us a flashback of her own life through the lens of acedia
3
. Kathleen Norris asserts that
acedia is a primary feature of our times
4
, and it has great relevance for contemporary
man. Moreover, the same interest could be seen when this book was released in many
American cities
5
, as well as in conferences held on this subject. We can mention also
the success of the book Despondency: The Spiritual Theaching of Evagrius Ponticus
on Acedia, written by the ieromonk Gabriel Bunge. This book has been published in
several editions in international languages, as well as in Romanian language
6
.
Although the term acedia is unfamiliar to those who are not acquainted with
the monastic or medieval literature, the reality revealed by this word has relevance
for contemporary readers. Acedia is not a relic of the fourth century, but a state which,
if we ignore, we expose ourselves to a huge danger. Wherever we are and whatever
we do, acedia is present. Wherever we run to get rid of it, acedia is out there always
suggesting us an alternative. Even when we are engaged in an activity, when we
want to do a good deed, we might be touched by the spirit of acedia.
The demon of acedia continues to be present and to work in the world,
because acedia is linked to the human condition itself and "strikes at the very pulse
of life
7
". Acedia is a phenomenon as old as mankind itself, even though the idea was

3
Among the book reviews we mention: William A. Barry, The Noonday Demon, Acedia and Me : A
Marriage, Monks and a Writers Life by Kathleen Norris, review of Acedia & me: a marriage, monks, and a
writers life, by Kathleen Norris, America. The National Catholic Weekly, oct. 6 (2008): 31-34; Lawrence
Morey, Kathleen Norris, Acedia and Me: A Marriage, Monks and a Writers Life, review of Acedia &
me: a marriage, monks, and a writers life, by Kathleen Norris, Cistercian Studies Quarterly, 45.1 (2010):
97-98; Erin Ryan The noonday demon casting its shadow over time, review of Acedia & me: a
marriage, monks, and a writers life, by Kathleen Norris, National Catholic Reporter, oct. 3 (2008): 1, 4.
4
Kathleen Norris, Acedia & me: a marriage, monks, and a writers life (New York: Riverhead Books,
2008), 126.
5
Kathleen Norris, Struggling with a bad thought, http://edition.cnn.com/2010/LIVING/personal/04/06/
got.acedia.spiritual.morphine/index.html (accesed February 11, 2013). According to this site, the author
was very surprised that in a tour across America many people were very interested in this subject and
wanted to receive more information about this strange word - acedia.
6
In 2007, Deisis Publishing House offered to the readers the 3
rd
edition of the work. This book was first
published in 1983, in number IX of the seria by Patristic Spirituality Center Koinonia from Kln
Archiepiscopacy. The author confesses that he would have never dreamed that, after more than a
decade he would have to prepare the fourth edition. It seems that this books title have told something
secret to those people who bought it, see Gabriel Bunge, Foreword to the 4
th
revised edition (1995), in
Akedia. Plictiseala i terapia ei dup avva Evagrie Ponticul sau sufletul n lupt cu demonul amiezii, by
Gabriel Bunge, Translated from Duch by diac. Ioan I. Ic jr. (Sibiu: Deisis, 2007), 25.
7
Augustin Punoiu, Cnd viaa devine o fundtur fr ieire: Akedia i cutarea sensului vieii, Ziarul
Lumina, 19 septembrie 2011, 7.

279
theorized only later in history
8
. The man affected by acedia no longer lives his life,
he just bears it. Acedia is the evil of all times, "the death of soul and mind
9
". In the
secularised version, acedia presents itself as "boredom, melancholy, spleen, disgust,
indifference towards values, agonizing moments of existential vacuum"
10
, and, most
importantly, a temptation par excellence of loneliness, which explains "its secularised
re-emergence, with the dawn of modern man and individualism"
11
. Those who
become a prey of acedia externalize their condition by the question "what for?" or
by the exclamation "I dont care! ".
Acedias fashionable clothes are made from a mixture of insufferable of
boredom and restlessness, frantic desire to escape and fear of responsibility, lack of
commitment and somnolently despair. Today, acedia has taken the form of a social
conformism, some kind of distracted curiosity, instead of having an exactly insight
of things. The acedic person cannot sweat. Above all, he doesnt know how to live
and in all of lifes vacuum moments he blames boredom.
Usually, acedia was analyzed in relation to the monastic vocation. Ascetic
writings present it as a threat to those who consecrate to spiritual life. Acedia demon
attempts to draw us away from the ways of the Holy Spirit, to quench the longing
for God from our heart, to spoil the rhythm of Christian living, to break the silence and
immobility, to despise all the spiritual values. In fact, acedia attacks all Christians who
have the vocation for holiness or, to be more precise, all men who, being created in
Gods image long for their likeness to the Creator.
Acedia also strikes in the Church constantly tempting it to lose its vocation.
Touched by acedia, believers forget their sense, "they forget that are badged with the
sign of the cross, that they are called not to win something, but to lose everything,
not to be first, but last, not to live, but to die"
12
. Acedia is the Churchs temptation in
its pilgrimage to the Kingdom of Heaven. In this journey, the demon of acedia tempts
in three ways
13
. First, he proposes a return to the life spent "earlier in Egypt". Then, he
induces pilgrims to do something else than they have been called to do, for example,
"to erect a golden calf." Thirdly, he makes them loose courage and fall into a paralyzing
sadness, which makes them "powerless to leave the wilderness".

8
Urban Voll, The Vice of Acedia (Washington DC: Dominican House of Studies, 1966), 15.
9
Sfntul Simeon Noul Teolog, Cele 225 de capete teologice i practice, I, 74, in Filocalia, vol. 6, Translation,
introduction and notes by Dumitru Stniloae (Bucureti: Editura Humanitas, 1997), 37.
10
Ioan I. Ic jr., Foreword to Akedia. Plictiseala i terapia ei dup avva Evagrie Ponticul sau sufletul n lupt
cu demonul amiezii, by Gabriel Bunge, Translated from Duch by Ioan I. Ic jr. (Sibiu: Deisis, 2007), 13.
11
Ic, 13.
12
The assertion belongs to the Anglican theologian Bosco Peters, who, in his article about acedia analyses
the rush for newness of contemporary man and his assiduous desire for change. From this perspective,
The General Synod of the Anglican Churchs decision to offer alternative curch services instead of the
time-honoured ones is considered by the author to be a proof of the fact that even the Church is
suffering by acedia. Bosco Peters, Acedia noonday demon, http://liturgy.co.nz/acedia-noonday-demon
(accesed May 26, 2011).
13
Louis J. Cameli, Ecclesial asceticism: disciplines for the family of faith, America. The National Catholic
Weekly, 28 December 1996, 21.
PETRU ORMENIAN

280
Acedia can touch even entire communities. Problems such as internet addiction,
virtual reality, dispersed families which are so busy that do not spend time together,
the dissonance between the fact that we live in the most prosperous society whose
people are unhappy, constant consumers of medicines for anxiety, depression and
sleep, these are all clear symptoms that acedia strikes entire communities. Acedia
can be likened to acne in adolescence, which is undesirable, but unavoidable.
Acedia does not avoid those who live outside any discipline. In their case, it
takes the form of a sense of boredom, dissatisfaction and anxiety for no reason.
When is here, acedia gives us a false sense of complacency and security. Acedia is a
terrifying enemy because it brings arguments that are unassailable
14
.
From Church Fathers analysis on acedia
15
, we find that it often manifests in
different states: "laziness, boredom, disgust, loneliness, aversion, drowsiness, langour,
apathy, discouragement, numbness of the soul, lack of concern for souls salvation,
weighting of soul and body and unnatural sleepiness"
16
. Acedia brings a sense of
dissatisfaction, so that the soul feels that something is missing and is not interested
in anything more, so everything seems to be meaningless. The acedic persons mind
cannot concentrate on anything, so the man feels anxious, continuously looking to
escape. Instability is both physical and mental. Often, acedia is disguised as a feeling of
dissatisfaction which gradually darkens the mind and "throws the soul into dark"
17
. The
heart aloof from knowing God, is attacked by acedia with instant anger that burdens
it with thoughts of blasphemy against God. Acedia is for the soul "the taste of hell"
18
.
Trying to speak about acedia is similar to the approach of talking about a
negative or catching a shadow
19
. Acedia is an unseen enemy like a storm that is
recognized by the damaging effects it produces. It is a force that we neglect and it
has effects against us. Next we will analyze acedia seen as carelessness.

Acedia Seen as Carelessness
According to Liddell Scott Dictionary, the first meaning of the word acedia
is lack of care. In classical Greek, the word was used in particular to denote the lack
of concern for ones funeral, not burying someone
20
. In all times and in all places,
taking care to bury the deceased was an imperative. This act was perceived as a
natural duty or the elementary gesture manifested towards a deceased person. From
this perspective, the meaning of the word acedia could be equivalent to the lack of
care for very important things.

14
Claude Peifer, Monastic Spirituality (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1966), 307.
15
Petru Ormenian, Actualitatea unei maladii. Acedia la Sfntul Ioan Casian, in Condiia uman ntre
suferin i iubirea lui Dumnezeu. Terapia bolii i ngrijiri paleative (Alba Iulia: Rentregirea, 2012), 423-443.
16
Jean-Claude Larchet, Terapeutica boliilor spirituale, Translated by Marinela Bojin (Bucureti: Sophia,
2001), 167.
17
Sfntul Simeon Noul Teolog, 35.
18
Sfntul Isaac Sirul, Cuvinte despre nevoin, 46, in Filocalia, vol. 10, Translation, introduction and
notes by Dumitru Stniloae (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2008), 221.
19
Kathleen Norris speaks about the liminal status of acedia, see Kathleen Norris, Acedia & me, 44.
20
Henry George Liddel, Robert Scott, A Greek English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 49.

281
In the lines below, we would prefer to use the word carelessness instead of the
expression lack of care, even if it is not an academic term. Understood as carelessness,
acedia does not mean apathy or a happy carefree life, but above all, a life that lacks
the important elements that confer it value and consistency. Its about taking care of
the soul, looking for salvation. We consider more appropriate the word carelessness
also for the reason that, some time ago, the expression "a se griji"
21
(to care for ones
soul) was used to define the human partake of the Holy Communion. According to
authentic Christian mentality, the supreme care for a person is expressed through
full communion in Christ and with Christ. Once the fundamental need of the soul is
accomplished, this leads to the improvement of all other "earthly" worries. Lack of
"all the worldly care" is seen as a prerequisite to christians participation in the
Eucharistic Liturgy
22
.
The fundamental care of man is the care of the soul of man and its eternal
destiny. This concern is healthy. It beautifies life and gives her tonus. But the lack of care
for the soul and its "needs" brings to human life the panoply of concerns that drain
and sicken him. The carelessness for the spiritual dimension of the soul is the source of
human unhappiness and Western culture. Being covered by the fast rhythm of
contemporary society, we forget or neglect that both ourselves and those around us,
have a soul and an eternal destiny. Thus we cultivate an acedic society, a society of
carelessness that we will endow to our children. Acedia has become part of the
society.
23

Among the causes of carelessness we can mention: the exclusive care for
the earthy things; modern practicism who gave all activities a commercial nature,
the emphasis on quantity to the detriment of quality; the hedonistic culture of our
society that transformed human body into a sexual object
24
, assiduous search for
comfort and unwillingness to sacrifice.
No man on earth is exempt from acedias attacks under the carelessness
form. People living in the Church who strive to live a pleasing life in front God are also
not exempt from carelessness. By lacking intensity in the prayer, making different

21
In Romanian language, from the verb "a se griji" (to care of ones soul) there is a derived noun "grijanie",
which refers exclusively to the Holy Communion, see Dicionarul Explicativ al Limbii Romne (Bucureti:
Univers Enciclopedic, 1998), 435. We also mention an exceptional work about religious words in
Romanian language, their history and significance in Maria Ivni-Freniu, Limba romn i limbajul
rugciunii (Bucureti: Anastasia, 2001).
22
Before the Holy gifts are brought in the Holy Altar people sing the Cherubic hymn in which we prefigure
the cherubs that bring their holy singing for the life giving Holy Trinity. The urge to accomplish this
appeals that "all the worldly care shall be cast off", see Liturghier (Bucureti: Institutul Biblic i de
Misiune Ortodox Publishing House, 2012), 160.
23
Jaminson, 53.
24
In this sense, the objectification theory, launched by Fredrickson and Roberts in 1997, is relevant. See
Barbara L. Fredrickson and Toni-Ann Roberts, Objectification Theory. Toward understanding womens
lives experiences and mental health risks, Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21 (1997): 173-206; Amy
Slater and Marika Tiggermann, A test of objectification theory in adolescent girls, Sex roles: a journal
of Research, 46 (2002): 343-349; Barbara L. Fredrickson et. al., That swimsuit becomes you: sex
differences in self-objectification, restraines eating, and math performance, Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 75, 1 (1998): 269-284.
PETRU ORMENIAN

282
compromises regarding the spiritual life program at a time, the Christian feels empty,
without fervour, without feeling the divine graces consolation. Man gets in this state
not at once, but gradually. Reminding this state, Elder Joseph confessed: "Horror grabs
me telling these, because, from experience, I saw the door of this fall and I shed many
tears thinking of the accurancy and attention that spiritual life requires"
25
. Analyzing
in a spiritual manner the ravages brought by carelessness, Father stated that it "usually
destroys roots and principles"
26
.
It attacks man especially during the middle period of the spiritual life. The
second period of spiritual age is the time when we do not feel the sweetness of
divine grace as we used to in the previous period and, apparently, we are left on our
forces. Is the moment when comes a darkness that can throw us in carelessness. In
this stage, the believer gets tired and often may appear different diseases that can
make the man be more lenient to himself and, thus, he will slowly reach to carelessness.
Carelessness is difficult to refute, appearing as something natural, because our body
participates in this state and feels toil and pain.
Carelessness is the frightening and cunning enemy of our lives. It is the main
cause of mans failure in the spiritual aspects. The man suffering by carelessness
cannot achieve anything because carelessness resembles to drought that does not
allow anything to germinate. Carelessness attacks all people. It inhibits the beginners
in the spiritual life, it impedes those who are advanced, it doesnt let ignorants to learn,
and it doesnt let the fallen ones to raise, in a word, is catastrophic for all
27
. This is
shown by the fact that carelessness attracts all passions and infirmities on man.
When speaking about acedia, Father Sophrony Sakharov confessed: "all of
humanity, with very few exceptions, lives in this state of lack of care. People have
become indifferent to their salvation. There are not seeking for Gods will. They are
limited to the manners of bodily living, to daily needs, the worlds passions and
routine. [...] lack of concern for salvation is nothing but the death of the person"
28
.

"Lacebunita"
Even if it is looked from a non-theological perspective, carelessness proves
to be detrimental. It may take the form of what Jean Sullivan called lacebunita
29
.

25
Iosif Vatopedinul, Triri ale dumnezeiescului har: o epistol despre viaa lui Gheron Iosif Isihastul -
epistole inedite, Translation from Greek language by Agapie (Corbu) (Arad: Editura Sf. Nectarie, 2008), 71.
26
"I will not tire repating that all those who were deprived of Gods grace and spiritual condition, it
happened because of their carelessness, and not because of their pride", see Iosif Vatopedinul, 71.
27
Elder Joseph the Hesychast calls it "the mother of all evils", see Gheron Iosif, Mrturii din viaa monahal,
Translated by Constantin Coman (Bucureti: Editura Bizantin, 1996), 99.
28
Arhimandritul Sofronie, Din via i din duh, Translated by ierom. Rafail (Alba Iulia: Rentregirea, 2011), 16.
29
Lacebunita is a term coined in Romanian language that derives from the question la ce bun? -"what
for?". Jean Sulivan is the pseudonym of Joseph Lemarchand, Catholic priest, and French writer born in
1913 and deceased in 1980. He wrote over 30 books. In the 60s, Jaques Madnale considered him
capable to continue Georges Bernanoss work. See more in Joseph Cunneen, Spiritual essay: To lie a little
less. The literary vocation of Jean Sulivan, www.theway.org.uk/Back/40Cunneen.pdf (accesed January
21, 2013), or Joseph Cunneen, The fugitive joy of Jean Sulivan, Renascence: Essay on Values in Literature,
52, 3 (2000): 233.

283
This disease gets its name from the phrase "what for?" It touches everyone, regardless
of age. Man can come across lacebunita at any age, in all areas and vocations. The
young persons, touched by this disease often ask: "What for one should engage in a
life that is announced misleading? What for one should marry, if later he will divorce?
What for one should have children, if they must grow up in a world like this? What
for, when I see all they have to face: unemployment, drugs, AIDS, so on "
30
. If youth
should be characterized by the word heroism
31
, lacebunita brings man to the state
of mediocrity. Therefore, Elder Paisios the Athonite called the present generation
the carelessness generation
32
.
Lacebunita also touches those who have an invariable program. Always take
it over again, the same life, with the same wife or the same husband. So it comes to
divorce, and there are very many such cases. Our age does not like duration, perhaps
because it is the fundamental test for mans happiness or unhappiness. Lacebunita
can come up also at older ages, and even at people who havent been victims of it up
to then. It also attacks priests, especially by the end of their life when, after they
have consecrated their lives for others, they realize that much more should be done.
"What did I in comparison with what remains to be done? Where are the results of
my work? A drop of water in the ocean [...] What for?"
33
The monastery dwellers are
very exposed to this disease, because, after the first period of grace and much progress,
what can one expect more than trying to pass victoriously through duration and
patience trials in the endless daily monotony.
The carelessness state and the constant and revolting ask of the question
"what for?" do nothing but to spoil the joy of living. In a general way, this vitiation
occurs in three stages. In his youth, putting emphasis on the desire for affirmance
and fulfillment, man will have to butt into the reality that is not very lenient. This
will cause a shock, a rupture, a schizo (schizophrenia). Passing over it, life will be laden
with daily worries that will give us a feeling that whatever we do we cannot realize
what we hope to. This is the state in which man may become maso (masochistic).
Man finds his delight in seeing everything through blue glasses. If he surpasses this
situation, after a while, the man is likely to become parano (paranoid), which means
that everything will happen because of others. All these things illustrate the inability
to accept life as it is
34
, and they represent sophisticated and motivated escapes from
the reality that we have to face in life.
Lacebunita is nothing else but what the monastic tradition designates under
the term of acedia. It is an actual and existential disease, an epidemic. Lacebunita arises
from mans inability to live the present. Man cannot live contemporary challenges,
everyday reality because he doesnt find himself in them and, by denying them, he
evades life. Lacebunita leads man to dissatisfaction, and a symptom of it is the

30
Amd Hailler and Dominique Meggl, Monahul i psihiatrul. Convorbiri despre fericire, Translated by
Eugenia Vlad, Foreword by Vasile Mihoc (Bucureti: Editura Christiana, 1997), 22.
31
Ioan Suciu, Eroism-terapie contra mediocritii (Alba Iulia: 2002), 33.
32
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Trezvie duhovniceasc (Sfntul Munte Athos: Schitul Lacu, 2000), 27.
33
Hailler and Meggl, 22.
34
Hailler and Meggl, 32-37.
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284
permanent murmur. Lacebunita is reflected upon the whole life because the person
touched by it cannot have healthy relationships either with himself or with the
others, nor with God or with the rhythm of life as it is presented.

"The I dont Care Syndrome"
Lacebunita determines man to double back on the self. It leads man to what
we might call selfishness. The self becomes the center of the world and of all actions.
This attitude is natural up to a certain age, if it is fleeting, otherwise, if it take roots and
it exacerbates, it becomes pathological. This state takes the form of what we might call
the syndrome "I dont care". This syndrome is difficult to define, because the phrase "I
dont care" is so often used in everyday language that the association with the word
syndrome seems surprising. We use this expression in order to circumscribe to its
meaning the lack of involvement, unnatural passivity, indifference, disinterestedness.
If the pride sin makes man to be against or to refuse God, considering himself
to be god, indifference brings man to that condition in which he sees the beauty of
the world and all that surrounds it, but he says "I dont care".
Sinfulness cannot be defined only by what we do wrong, but also by what
we dont do, by what we should do and we do not. Wrongdoing reveals our inner
condition and it represents in a way the public confession of our heart. But more subtle
than this is the lack of involvement, non-accomplishment of the good deeds that
should be done. This state may be more dangerous than the first one because those
things that are unseen, may have a greater influence on us and we dont realize this.
"I dont care" syndrome has repercussions upon ourselves, but also on the
relationship with our neighbor. We have mentioned the consequences upon the self
when we talked about the lack of care for the soul and its eternal destiny. In what
concerns the relationship with our neighbor, this syndrome appears to be an
enemy or a murderer of love. The early stage of love is to care for the person next to
us. This syndrome can bring us to the state in which, being weary of everything, we
might look at a poor and hungry child and say "It is not my child"; or, to see an
elderly person sitting alone and helpless in the park and say "Well, he is not my
father." This syndrome is in fact the human spirit "capacity" to look at the world and
all what God has done and say "I dont care"
35
. The lack of love from our actions is
directly proportional to hopelessness and unhappiness feelings that we live.
"I dont care" syndrome is a conscious state, developed by a person in order
to cope with a number of personal and social challenges. This syndrome produces
addiction, and one who is not aware of the reasons o his indifference, cannot exceed
this state.
The development of communication media and increasing internet accessibility
determined us gradually to give up real relationships in favor of virtual ones. In this
case, man, who is confronted with an impressive stream of news that present different

35
Norris, Acedia & me, 115.

285
disasters and crowded situations, unconsciously creates a protection wall through
insensitivity. Tragedies are ranked according to the number of victims and life becomes
a teleshow, sometimes comic, but sometimes tragic. The insensitivity created by
means of virtual medium is transferred to everyday life. Thus, we become more and
more indifferent to the needs of others. In this context, only things that are inoculated
to us as important become important to us. In this sense, we may consider relevant
Thomas Mertons statement, who, being asked by a store employee what brand of
toothpaste he uses, he said it did not matter. On hearing these words, the employee
fell almost dead and he began to take each toothpaste and describe its secret ingredients
contained and the advantage of its use. In a consumer society not to care about such
things has become a serious problem
36
. All other things can be avoided, unfortunately
even the imperious ones.
Indifference towards others leads to what in America is called "granny dumping".
It is a slang expression designating the desire to escape taking care by a close elderly
person. The term is used to define the anonymous practice of abandoning the elderly
in front of nursing homes or the urban hospitals practice to abandon the indigent
patients, some of them in the hospital gown and with IVs in the hand.
Neglecting syndrome is devastating not only by the effects that indifference
spreads around it, but also by what occurs within society. There are situations when
this syndrome may lead even to murder. In this regard, is relevant to mention the
tragedy from April 1999, when two young men from a suburb of Denver, killed
thirteen people in their school, and then committed suicide. The numerous bombs
produced at home and placed in the school building, convinced the police that their
intention was to destroy the school and kill all who were inside. No matter what
discontent would have these young people towards their fellows, their gesture proves
that they were in the throes of a severe lack of care that became pathological
37
. In a
culture that is crazy about celebrity and uncaring about the basic needs of a person,
we should not be surprised that the two young, considered lost, finally managed to
do something, even if it was extremely violent and against life itself.
Carelessness is not just a simple social lack of involvement or inactivity; it
involves deep spiritual meanings. The careless becomes insensitive to the needs of
others and incapable to live love. Once he arrives in this state, man cannot live his
life, he only endures it.
Without insisting upon this, we just mention here that, a form of acedia as
carelessness is represented by laziness or sloth. Laziness is more than just a simple
inactivity. It is the inability to focus on the really important things, a reflection soul
exhaustion. If Saint Mark the Ascetic talked about the darkness that laziness brings
to the mind, we can strongly state that the idler is incapable to see Gods grace in all
good things, and least of all in the usual ones.

36
37
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286
It may also happen that person who is extremely busy and active neglects
the important things. In this situation, we can also talk all about laziness. Often, it
may be that, unconsciously, we choose to be busy with the small things just to have
an excuse to neglect the important ones
38

Conclusions
Acedia is not a relic of the fourth century, but a state that characterizes
contemporary society. The fact that the term acedia has disappeared from the
common language has expelled the European cultures possibility to call it an
important feature of the spiritual life. Acedia is related to the human condition and
the interest that people show towards this subject, in different situations, makes us
believe that this topic is relevant for the contemporary reader.
Acedias fashionable clothes are made from a mixture of insufferable of
boredom and restlessness, desire to escape and fear of responsibility, indifference
to values and moments of existential vacuum. Acedia touches those who devote her
life to serve God, those who live out of any discipline, all believers and also entire
communities.
Acedia seen as carelessness represents the lack of concern for the fundamental
needs of the soul and its eternal value. No man on earth is not exempt from acedias
attacks under the form of carelessness. It inhibits the beginners in the spiritual life,
it impedes those who are advanced, it doesnt let ignorants to learn, and it doesnt
let the fallen ones to raise. Acedia is the cause of mans failure in the spiritual life.
Carelessness attracts all passions and infirmities of man. It is nothing else but death.
An image of acedia seen as carelessness is what we might call the
"lacebunita" state. Such a condition vitiates the joy of living and makes us incapable
to live the present. It reveals mans inability to live the present and have healthy
relationships with self, with the others and with God.
"I dont care" syndrome is another form of acedia seen as carelessness. This
syndrome is a conscious state, developed by a person in order to cope with a
number of personal and social challenges. This syndrome produces addiction, and
one who is not aware of the reasons o his indifference, cannot exceed this state.
Carelessness is not just a simple social lack of involvement or inactivity; it
involves deep spiritual meanings. The careless becomes insensitive to the needs of
others and incapable to live love. Once he arrives in this state, man cannot live his
life, he only endures it.

38
The author Kathleen Norris states that this state determines some people not to read the Holy Bible
or the spiritual books, but rather Gnostic gospels and other books that tickle hearing, but do not
advise to do good deeds: to love your neighbour, help the poor people and confess the truth.

DIMENSIUNEA SPIRITUAL A BOLII

HADRIAN-V. CONIU
*

ABSTRACT. Orice boal se nscrie ntr-o experiena ontologic adeseori devastatoare,
punnd n discuie (mai mult sau mai puin) fundamentele, cadrul i formele pro-
priei noastre existene, echilibrele dobndite, libera dispoziie a facultilor noastre
sufleteti i trupeti, valorile noastre de referin, relaia noastr cu ceilali i nsi
viaa noastr. n multe cazuri, boala constituie o ncercare spiritual care angajeaz
ntreaga noastr fiin, punndu-i amprenta decisiv asupra dinamicii vieii. Se im-
pune, aadar, n condiiile unei viei duhovniceti autentice, depirea ntr-o form
sau alta a acestor ncercri, asumarea bolii, a diferitelor forme de suferin care o
nsoesc i gsirea unor soluii teoretice i practice la problemele care se pun. Fiecare
dintre noi, n cursul existenei sale, trebuie nu numai s se atepte la suferine i boli
(ncercri sau urmri ale pcatelor) ci, atunci cnd acestea apar, s continue a tri i
a-i afla, n ciuda lor i n ele, mplinirea. Hristos vine i Se arat lumii ca Doctor, iar
mntuirea pe care o aduce El este vindecarea omului, pentru c omenirea este cu
adevrat bolnav. Prinii i ntreaga Tradiie, socotind starea adamic primordial ca
starea de sntate a omenirii au vzut, firete, n omenirea czut n urma pcatului
strmoesc, o stare de boal, complex, care a cuprins ntreaga fiin a omului. Stu-
diul de fa se nscrie n intenia noastr de a evidenia rolul decisiv al iubirii n pro-
cesul de tmduire a omului bolnav. Pentru aceasta, a fost a fost detaliat sensul spi-
ritual al bolii i semnificaia pozitiv a suferinei, cooperarea divino-uman ntru
iubire reliefnd apropierea omului de viaa venic.

Cuvinte cheie: sntate, suferin, boal, iubire, tmduire.

1. Precaritatea sntii i lucrarea bolii
Diversitatea i complexitatea bolilor sufleteti, geneza patimilor, reprezint
o consecin logic a pcatului strmoesc (cauza primordial a bolilor), ce a
dezechilibrat starea de sntate a omului nceputurilor. n cele ce urmeaz, vom
ncerca s aprofundm dimensiunea spiritual a bolilor trupeti, adic s identificm
semnificaia pozitiv a bolii i a suferinei, precum i lucrarea tmduitoare a suferinei
trite ntru iubire, cooperarea divino-uman constituind baza tmduirii.

*
Drd., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia; Prof. dr.,
Colegiul Naional Al. Papiu-Ilarian, Trgu Mure, Romnia; Lect. univ. dr., Facultatea de Inginerie,
Universitatea Petru Maior Trgu Mure, Romnia, e-mail: hcontiu@yahoo.com
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

288
1.1. Precaritatea sntii sau supravieuirea bolii
Natura uman, alturi de ntreaga creaie, czut n Adam, este restaurat n
Hristos pentru a-i redobndi starea de sntate paradisiac, pentru c precum natura
omului (i alturi de ea, ntreaga creaie) s-a mbolnvit, prin Adam, de stricciune,
n Hristos, i-a redobndit sntatea. Prin ntruparea Sa, Hristos a ndeprtat zidul
care separa natura uman de Dumnezeu iar prin lucrarea Sa rscumprtoare, El a
eliberat umanitatea czut de sub tirania diavolului i a zdrobit puterea pcatului. Prin
moartea Sa, El a biruit moartea i stricciunea, iar prin nvierea Sa a dat oamenilor o
via nou i venic. Totui aceast lucrare a lui Hristos nu se mplinete fr a fi
respectat libertatea omului, mplinirea ei presupunnd acceptarea i conlucrarea de
bun voie din partea acestuia din urm. Astfel, restaurarea i ndumnezeirea naturii
umane, realizate n ipostasul lui Hristos, rmn virtuale atta timp ct ipostasurile
umane nu s-au ncorporat n El i nu s-au asimilat Lui. Aceast ncorporare i
aceast asimilare se efectueaz n Biseric, care este trupul lui Hristos, prin harul
Sfntului Duh, care este mprtit n Sfintele Taine. La rndul su, omul trebuie s
participe, s colaboreze la propria-i transformare prin har, s lucreze pentru a i-l
nsui (...cu fric i cu cutremur lucrai la mntuirea voastr, Filipeni, 2, 12), s se
deschid spre el i s i-l asimileze prin eforturi statornice. Prin botez, se dezbrac
de omul cel vechi (S v dezbrcai de omul cel vechi al fostului vostru fel de via,
care se stric prin poftele nelciunii, Efeseni 4, 22) i se mbrac n Hristos (Ci n
Hristos vai botezat, n Hristos vai mbrcat, Galateni, 3, 27), n omul cel nou (i
s v mbrcai n omul cel nou, cel zidit dup Dumnezeu n dreptatea i sfinenia
adevrului, Efeseni 4, 24), dar n mod potenial; el trebuie s actualizeze aceast
schimbare n el a firii celei czute n fire restaurat i ndumnezeit
1
.
n procesul lent i dificil de rennoire n Hristos prin participare activ la
viaa nou, cderile sunt frecvente i nimeni nu poate spune c este fr de pcat
(Zis-a cel nebun ntru inima sa: Nu este Dumnezeu!/ Stricai au devenit i uri sau
fcut n cile lor,/ nu-i nimeni care s fac binele, nu, nici mcar unul nu este./ Din cer
Sa aplecat Domnul spre fiii oamenilor/ s vad dac este cineva carenelege sau care-L
urmeaz pe Dumnezeu./ Toi sau abtut, mpreun netrebnici sau fcut, nu-i nimeni
care s fac binele, nu, nici mcar unul nu este!, Psalmul 13, 1-3 vezi i Psalmul
52, 1-2; Nimeni nu este drept, nu e nici unul; nu-i cine s-neleag, nu-i cins-L caute
pe Dumnezeu; toi sau abtut, mpreun netrebnici sau fcut. Nu-i cins fac binele,
nu, nu-i nici mcar unul. Mormnt deschis e gtlejul lor; cu limbile lor au viclenit;
venin de aspid-i sub buzele lor; de blestem li-i gura plin, i de amrciune; grabnice
le sunt picioarele s verse snge; pustiire i nenorocire sunt n cile lor, i calea pcii
nau cunoscut-o, nu-i fric de Dumnezeu naintea ochilor lor Romani 3, 10-18; Dac
zicem c noi nu avem pcat, pe noi nine ne amgim i adevrul nu estentru noi.
Dac ne mrturisim pcatele, credincios este El i drept ca s ne ierte pcatele i s ne

1
Jean-Claude Larchet, Teologia bolii, trad. din lb. francez de Pr. Prof. Vasile Mihoc, Editura Oastea
Domnului, Sibiu, 1997, pp. 41-42; vezi, referitor la aceast problem, i Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog,
Discursuri teologice i etice. Scrieri I, studiu introductiv i trad. diac. Ioan I. Ic jr i un studiu de
ierom. Alexander Golitzin, Deisis, Sibiu,
2
2001, p. 366 .u.

289
cureasc de toat nedreptatea. Dac zicem c nam pctuit, l facem pe El mincinos,
i cuvntul Su nu estentru noi, 1 Ioan 1, 8-10). Totodat, numeroi oameni struie
n alegerea rului. Astfel, deoarece pcatul se perpetueaz n lume, consecinele sale
continu s afecteze natura uman i ntreaga creaie, iar boala supravieuiete. Chiar
dac Mntuitorul a pus capt tiraniei Celui-Ru, suprimnd necesitatea pcatului i
anulnd puterea morii (omul este, din punct de vedere spiritual, liber fa de ele),
El n-a suprimat pcatul sau urmrile lui sau moartea sau lucrarea demonic, pentru
a nu fora liberul arbitru, dup cum spune i Sfntul Ioan Damaschin:
Este clar c n chip voluntar se ndeplinete curirea, cci spune: Dac se curete
cineva pe sine
2
. i este just i inversiunea termenilor: dac nu se va curi, va fi un
vas de necinste, nefolositor stpnului i vrednic de distrugere. Aadar, citatul de mai sus
i acesta: Dumnezeu i-a nchis pe toi n neascultare
3
, i acesta: Le-a dat Dumnezeu
duh de amorire, ochi ca s nu vad, urechi ca s nu aud
4
, nu trebuie nelese c sunt
svrite de Dumnezeu, ci c Dumnezeu le ngduie din cauza liberului arbitru i din
cauz c binele este neforat
5
.
Numai la sfritul veacurilor se va face restaurarea tuturor lucrurilor (cf.
Fapte 3, 21), artndu-se, potrivit fgduinelor Lui, ceruri nou i pmnt nou, n care
locuiete dreptatea (2 Petru 3, 13), ordinea i armonia distruse de pcat urmnd a
fi restabilite, ndumnezeirea ntregii fiine umane aflndu-i atunci deplina realizare.
Doar atunci boala i moartea vor fi suprimate pentru totdeauna.

1.2. Ambivalena sntii i a bolii
n lumea noastr czut i restaurat parial, chiar i sfinii sufer inevitabil,
n trup, suferine i boli
6
, i, la sfrit, moartea biologic. Acest adevr dovedete
indubitabil c nu exist o relaie necesar (obligatorie) ntre sntatea trupului i
sntatea sufletului, c boala i suferinele fizice nu sunt direct imputabile pcatului
personal. Acestea i lovesc deopotriv pe drepi i pctoi; deertciune este n
toate, spune Ecclesiastul. Una i aceeai ntmplare/ i este i dreptului, i nelegiuitului,/
i celui bun, i celui ru,/ i celui curat, i celui necurat,/ i celui ce jertfete, i celui ce
nu jertfete;/ precum este cel bun, aa e i cel pctos (9, 2), iar Evanghelistul Matei
confirm c El face s rsar soarele Su peste cei ri i peste cei buni i face s plou
peste cei drepi i peste cei nedrepi (5, 45).
Uneori, sfinii sunt chiar mai lovii dect ceilali oameni. Jean-Claude Larchet
7

distinge dou motive fundamentale al acestui fapt: unul ine de iconomia dumne-

2
2 Timotei 2, 20-21.
3
Romani 11, 32.
4
Isaia 29, 10; Romani 11, 8.
5
Sf. Ioan Damaschin, Dogmatica, cartea a patra, capitolul XIX, trad. din limba greac, introducere i
note de Preotul profesor Dumitru Fecioru, Ed. Institutului Biblic i de Misiune a Bisericii Ortodoxe
Romne, Bucureti, 2001, p. 229.
6
SF. Simeon Noul Teolog, Discursuri ..., pp. 123-124.
7
Teologia bolii, p. 47.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

290
zeiasc (Dumnezeu, fr a fi cauza bolilor i suferinelor, le ngduie i le autorizeaz
8

n vederea progresului spiritual al omului i zidirea duhovniceasc a celor din jur), iar
cellalt poate fi o aciune direct a demonilor care caut, pe aceast cale, s-i tulbure,
s-i dezechilibreze, s le perturbe activitatea i linitea luntric, s-i mpiedice n
ndeplinirea sarcinii eseniale.
n legtur cu primul motiv, considerm sugestive urmtoarele rspunsuri:
ntrebndu-se de ce Dumnezeu ngduie ca sfinii s fie lovii n attea feluri,
Sfntul Ioan Hrisostom d opt rspunsuri: n primul rnd, ca s mpiedice ca virtuile
sublime i faptele minunate ale sfinilor s le inspire orgoliu (cf. 2 Corinteni 12, 7). n al
doilea rnd, de team ca ei s nu fie cinstii mai mult dect se cuvine oamenilor a fi
cinstii i s nu fie privii ca dumnezei, iar nu ca simpli muritori. n al treilea rnd pentru
ca puterea lui Dumnezeu s strluceasc i mai mult, cci ea se arat mai ales n
slbiciune (cf. 2 Corinteni 12, 9). n al patrulea rnd, pentru ca i rbdarea sfinilor s
apar cu mai mult strlucire i s se vad c ei nu-I slujesc lui Dumnezeu din interes, ci
c au fa de El o dragoste curat, cci n mijlocul necazurilor ei i sunt mereu la fel de
devotai (...). n al cincilea rnd, pentru a ne face s meditm la nvierea morilor; cci
atunci cnd vedem un drept plin de numeroase virtui neieind din via dect dup ce a
suferit o infinitate de rele, fr s vrem ne gndim la judecata viitoare, care va manifesta
fa de el dreptatea lui Dumnezeu. n al aselea rnd, pentru ca cei ce sufr mpotrivirile
s fie uurai i mngiai vznd c i cei mai sfini au suferit la fel, ba chiar i mai mult.
n al aptelea rnd, pentru ca (...) sublimitatea faptelor lor s nu v fac s credei c ei
au fost de o natur diferit de a voastr i c v este cu neputin s-i imitai (cf. Iacob 5,
17; nelepciunea lui Solomon 7, 1). n sfrit, n al optulea rnd, pentru a v nva n ce
const cu adevrat fericirea i nenorocirea, adevrata fericire fiind aceea de a fi unit cu
Dumnezeu printr-o via virtuoas i singura adevrat nenorocire fiind aceea de a fi
desprit de El
9
.
n legtur cu al doilea, remarcm sublinierea pe care o face Evagrie Ponticul
c, atunci cnd duhul omului este unit n rugciune cu Dumnezeu, diavolul, neavnd
putere direct asupra sufletului, nu are alt mijloc dect a aciona asupra trupului,
lovindu-l i schimbndu-i constituia (krasis).
Ceilali strecoar n minte gnduri sau nelesuri, sau vederi prin schimbri n starea
trupului (...). Cnd pizmaul diavol nu poate mica memoria n vremea rugciunii, atunci
silete starea umoral a trupului s aduc vreo nlucire ciudat naintea minii i s o
fac pe aceasta s primeasc o anumit form
10
.
Aadar, sntatea trupului, att n ceea ce-i privete pe sfini, ct i pentru
orice om, nu poate fi, n timpul vieii pmnteti, un bun dobndit n mod definitiv,
absolut. Se poate spune c sntatea este o stare de mai puin boal, o boal care

8
Sfinii Prini respect constant aceast nuan, folosind, n general, verbul sugchorein, care nseamn a
concede, a consimi, a accepta, a autoriza, a permite, sau verbul parachorein, al crui sens este nrudit
(J.-Cl. LARCHET, Teologia bolii, p. 47, nota 155).
9
J.-Cl. Larchet, Teologia bolii, pp.47-48.
10
Evagrie Ponticul, Cuvnt despre rugciune, 63, 68, n Filocalia, vol. I, trad. din grecete, introducere
i note de Dumitru Stniloae, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti,
2
1999, pp. 94-95.

291
(nc) nu se arat,
11
un echilibru parial i provizoriu
12
.
Trebuie s spunem, n conformitate cu gndirea Sfinilor Prini, c, chiar dac
sntatea fizic reprezint o normalitate a naturii umane (firescul strii paradisiace)
i deci, poate fi considerat un lucru bun n sine, totui ea nu-i servete omului la nimic,
fiind un bine doar n aparen dac nu este bine ntrebuinat, spre mplinirea
poruncilor i spre slava lui Dumnezeu:
Cunotina este bun prin fire; asemenea i sntatea. Dar cele dimpotriv i-au
folosit pe muli, mai mult dect acestea. Cci celor netrebnici cunotina nu le este spre
bine, dei prin fire este bun. De asemenea nici sntatea, nici bogia, nici bucuria. Cci
nu le ntrebuineaz cu folos. Prin urmare acestora le sunt de folos cele dimpotriv.
Aadar, nici acelea nu sunt rele n ele nsele, dei par c sunt rele
13
.
Sntatea poate reprezenta chiar un ru dac l conduce pe om la indiferen
fa de Creatorul su, dndu-i impresia iluzorie (i demonic) c i este suficient luii;
ea constituie un ru i mai mare dac e folosit ca un instrument al nelegiuirii, spre
dedarea la patimi (Romani 6, 13).
n ceea ce privete boala, ea constituie un ru n sine doar n msura n care
apare ca o consecin a pcatului adamic i ca un efect al lucrrii demonice n lumea
czut. Ea constituie un ru doar n planul fizic, fiindc nu poate atinge sufletul, nu
poate afecta fiina esenial. nsui Mntuitorul ne nva: Nu v temei de cei ce ucid
trupul dar sufletul nu pot s-l ucid; ci mai degrab temei-v de acela care poate ca i
sufletul i trupul s le piard n gheen (Matei 10, 28). Boala nu are deci, puterea prin
ea nsi de a-l despri pe om de Dumnezeu i deci, din punct de vedere spiritual,
nu poate fi considerat un ru pentru el; este un ru doar n aparen, putnd
reprezenta chiar un bine pentru om n msura n care se folosete de ea. Chiar dac
reprezint o stare de slbiciune (slbire) a fiinei umane, ea poate fi convertit ntr-
o stare de putere (puternicie) duhovniceasc, dup spusa Sfntului Apostol Pavel:
Cnd sunt slab, atunci sunt tare (2 Corinteni 12, 10). Ea reprezint, atunci cnd
este acceptat i asumat, o cale spre mntuire:
Boala e mai presus de cercarea pedagogic i celui ce o suport cu rbdare i
mulumete lui Dumnezeu i se socotete n loc de nevoin (ascez) sau chiar mai mult
i culege din rbdarea aceasta rodul mntuirii
14
.

11
n legtur cu acest aspect, al bolii care (nc) nu are suficient amploare pentru a fi identificat ca
atare, J.-Cl. Larchet apreciaz posibilitatea pentru medicin de a extinde i de a rafina din ce n ce
mai mult definiia pe care ea o d bolii i tot mai marea medicalizare a individului n societile noastre
n care se ncearc cu orice pre reperarea unor boli care altdat nu erau nicidecum considerate ca
atare (Teologia bolii, nota 183, p. 53).
12
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Cateheze. Scrieri II, cateheza 25, studiu introductiv i trad. diac. Ioan I. Ic jr,
Deisis, Sibiu,
2
2003, pp. 263-264.
13
Sf. Maxim Mrturisitorul, A doua sut a capetelor despre dragoste, 77, n Filocalia, vol. II., trad. din
grecete, introducere i note de Dumitru Stniloae, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti,
2
1999, p. 82.
14
Sfinii Varsanufie i Ioan, Scrisori duhovniceti, 78, n Filocalia, vol. XI, trad. din grecete, introducere i
note de Pr. Prof. Dr. Dumitru Stniloae, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 2009, p.102.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

292
2. Semnificaia mntuitoare a suferinei
2.1. Semnificaia pozitiv a suferinei i a bolii
Sfinii Prini spun, n dese rnduri, c suferina i boala, orict ar fi de grele
i chinuitoare, sunt un semn al prezenei i al lucrrii lui Dumnezeu n viaa omului,
o dovad a iubirii Sale nemrginite i totodat concrete. Printele Prof. dr. Constantin
Coman
15
amintete un cuvnt cutremurtor al Sfntului Ioan Gur de Aur: Te amenin
Dumnezeu, nseamn c voiete s te izbveasc! Tace, nseamn c se gndete
s te dea pieirii! Suferina se contureaz astfel, ca un instrument pedagogic pe care
Dumnezeu l folosete spre binele omului, care-l scoate pe om din captivitatea
autosuficienei, a plcerilor trectoare. Asumarea acesteia de ctre om reprezint
o nelegere a acestei pedagogii divine i o intrare pe fgaul firesc al unei ci
mntuitoare. O astfel de atitudine presupune, totui, recunoaterea unui sens al
bolii i a unei finaliti care transcende natura fizic.
Printele Simeon Kraiopoulos
16
se adreseaz direct omului suferind oferindu-i
o perspectiv transcendent asupra bolii sale i, firete, un sens:
Frate, ngduie Dumnezeu s ai o strmtorare, o durere, o suferin, o greutate,
ngduie s trieti ceva care te copleete pn n strfundurile existenei tale? Este o
binecuvntare! Te cerceteaz Dumnezeu! Este ca i cum i-ar spune: Sunt aici! Oprete-te
i ia aminte, ntoarce-te i privete-M! Nu te lsa copleit de situaie, oricare ar fi aceasta!
Vreau s-i dau ceva! Ce s-i dau? Pe Mine nsumi! Da, vreau s-i dau harul Meu i prin
acesta pe Mine nsumi i s te fac Dumnezeu! Voiesc s fii ceea ce sunt i Eu, adic
Dumnezeu, pentru c te iubesc, te doresc, pentru c eti fptura Mea i pentru tine le-am
fcut i le fac pe toate (...). Tocmai pentru c suferi, pentru c eti constrns, c ai
nluntrul tu rni, c vin asupra ta toate, c nu mai exist nici o ndejde, nici o cale de
ieire, nici sprijin sau mngiere, tocmai c i se ntmpl toate acestea, nu este numai
un indiciu, ci nsi dovada prezenei lui Dumnezeu.
Boala considerat n ea nsi, fr perspectiva unei pedagogii divine
izbvitoare, conduce la dublarea suferinei fizice cu cea moral, provocat de
sentimentul absurditii ei. O atitudine de felul acesta permite aciunea demonic i
dezvoltarea n suflet a patimilor, care-l dezechilibreaz pe om, ca teama, angoasa,
mnia, acedia, revolta, disperarea
17
; n acest fel, nu doar c trupul nu se vindec, ci
chiar se accentueaz simptomele rului care-l afecteaz, extinzndu-se i asupra
sufletului, mbolnvindu-l: Sa mbolnvit cineva de o boal foarte grea? E obidit,
dar boala nu poate so alunge prin asta, ba nc o face i mai grea, spune Sfntul
Ioan Gur de Aur
18
.

15
n prefaa lucrrii Taina suferinei a Arhim. Simeon Kraiopoulos, trad. de Preot Victor Manolache,
Ed. Bizantin, Bucureti, 2007, p. 5.
16
Taina suferinei, pp. 7-8.
17
J.-Cl. Larchet, Teologia bolii, p. 58.
18
Predicile despre statui, V, 4, n Scrieri alese, vol. I, trad. din original de t. Bezdechi, prof. de limba i
lit. elen la Univ. din Cluj, Editura Sfintei Episcopii a Rmnicului-Noului Deverin R. Vlcii, 1937.

293
Sfntul Maxim Mrturisitorul ne sftuiete s nu fim preocupai mai nti de
cauzele naturale ale bolii (suferinei) sau de mijloacele de remediere, ci s cercetm
scopul acestei ncercri, s identificm semnificaia acesteia n cadrul relaiei cu
Dumnezeu i s selectm aspectele pozitive care ne conduc spre mntuire: Cnd i va
veni vreo ncercare pe neateptate (...), ntreab pentru ce a venit. i vei afla ndreptare
19
.
Boala i suferina, ca simboluri ale deprtrii omului de starea paradisiac, ca
semne ale slbiciunii i efemeritii sale, reuesc s distrug iluziile de autosuficien
pe care omul le poate avea, dus n eroare de o sntate aparent durabil, sfrm
orgoliul i i dezvluie omului goliciunea sa (Facerea 3, 7), amintindu-i c (trupete)
nu-i altceva dect rn (Facerea 3, 19). Sfntul Ioan Scrarul spune c:
Exist o boal pentru curirea de pcate; i exist o alta, pentru smerirea
cugetului. Bunul i Preabunul nostru Domn i Stpn, cnd vede pe unii mai trndavi
n nevoin, smerete trupul lor prin boal, ca printr-o nevoin mai nedureroas. Dar
uneori ea vine i pentru a curi sufletul de gnduri rele sau de patimi
20
.
Boala, neleas i asumat ca un da! smerit adresat voinei divine i trit n
dimensiunea ei de punte spre lumea cea adevrat, are ca efect nu strivirea omului
sub povara trupului morii sale (Romani 7, 24), ci, dimpotriv uurarea suferinei
i ntoarcerea omului spre Dumnezeu. Ea implic n mod cert crucea martiriului, ca
o urmare a ptimirii lui Hristos, ca mbriare a Crucii Mntuitorului, i, chiar dac
nu este acelai martiriu pentru toi, ns cu toii vom trece printr-un martiriu
21
,
dup modelul sfinilor, att a celor care au vieuit n perioada prigoanelor, ct i a celor
care au trit sau triesc martiriul contiinei, nevoindu-se printr-o via ascetic.

2.2. Suferina, cale spre mntuire
n orice boal, Dumnezeu ne vorbete despre mntuirea noastr, spunea
Profesorul Jean-Claude Larchet
22
, exprimndu-i voina de a ne ajuta s o realizm,
iar Arhimandritul Simeon Kraiopoulos
23
numete boala (suferina) o cale scurt de
mntuire. Sfinii Prini remarc deseori c boala este o manifestare a pedagogiei
divine
24
. Ea este, n acelai timp, i o corecie aplicat de ctre Dumnezeu omului
datorit pcatelor sale, cu scopul de a-l tmdui sufletete
25
. Ea redreseaz pervertirea,

19
A doua sut a capetelor despre dragoste, 42, p. 76.
20
Scara, XXVI, 34, n Filocalia, vol. IX, trad. din grecete, introducere i note de Pr. prof. dr. Dumitru
Stniloae, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti,
2
2002, p. 315; pricin de smerenie este considerat i de Sf.
Isaac Sirul, Cuvinte despre nevoin, XXI, n Filocalia, vol. X, trad. din grecete, introducere i note de
Pr. prof. dr. Dumitru Stniloae, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 2008, p. 105.
21
Arhim. Simeon Kraiopoulos, Taina...., pp. 14-15.
22
Teologia bolii, p. 61.
23
Taina...., p. 15.
24
Sfinii Varsanufie i Ioan, Scrisori duhovniceti, 515, n Filocalia, vol. XI, p. 439: Dumnezeu s-i trimit n
grab tmduirea sufletului i a trupului (...). Struie ct poi n mulumire fa de El, pentru c te-a
iubit i te-a miluit prin sfnta lui pedagogie; vezi i Scrisorile 78, 513, 516, 613.
25
J.-Cl. Larchet (Teologia bolii, p. 61, notele 36, 38) precizeaz c termenul nu trebuie neles n accepiunea
sa negativ, de pedeaps sau sanciune, ci mai ales n sensul pozitiv al verbului latin corrigere, care
este acela de a redresa, a reforma, a ameliora, a vindeca. Termenul folosit n general de ctre
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

294
chircirea, pe care a generat-o pcatul, re-ndreptnd firea uman la verticalitatea fireasc,
de dinaintea cderii. Boala trupeasc devine astfel, prin purtarea de grij a lui Dumnezeu,
un mijloc (medicament) de tmduire a sufletului i un prilej de progres duhovnicesc.
Ia aminte la tine pururea, spune Sfntul Isaac Sirul
26
, i vezi rostul ce-l au n
calitatea faptelor tale necazurile ce te ntmpin, locul pustiu al vieuirii tale, subirimea
minii tale mpreun cu cunoaterea amnunit, marea lungime a linitii tale mpreun
cu leacurile cele multe, adic cu ncercrile ce sunt aduse de Doctorul cel adevrat
pentru sntatea omului celui dinluntru.
Nu exist om care s nu fi gustat suferina, mai devreme sau mai trziu. Unii
se tem de ea, vor s fie ct mai departe de o asemenea stare, iar alii o doresc ca pe o
binecuvntare i dor ceresc. Important este nu faptul c suferim ci modul n care
reacionm la suferin, atitudinea (potrivit) pe care o avem n faa ei. Considerm c
este sugestiv urmtoarea ntmplare, relatat de Printele Simeon Kraiopoulos
27
:
M aflam ntr-o tovrie pe Sfntul Munte i ajunsesem pe nfricotoarele
locuri de nevoin ale Karuliilor. Aceste locuri sunt pustiul cel mai aspru al Sfntului
Munte. Acolo, printre alii, se nevoia i un monah srb pe care l-am vizitat. Ne-a primit
cu mult bucurie, aa cum fac de obicei toi clugrii de la Sfntul Munte, i, cnd l-am
rugat s ne spun ceva spre folosul nostru sufletesc, a adus vorba despre suferina lui.
Ne-a spus c ntr-un timp suferea foarte mult i se ruga pe msur. Dup ce-a ndurat
mult, a rbdat i iari a rbdat, ca i cum Dumnezeu n-ar fi auzit rugciunea lui, n
cele din urm, la un moment dat, a luat ulei din candela lui Hristos i a pus pe locul
care-l durea i suferina a ncetat. Dup ce durerea l-a prsit i s-a simit sntos, a
neles atunci ct de bine a fcut sufletului su acea ptimire. Este adevrat c n
ceasul n care cineva sufer, nu nelege aceasta. Cnd ns suferina trece, abia atunci
vede ct bine i-a adus. Aadar, abia dup ce suferina a trecut, ascetul a neles ct de
bine i fcuse. De aceea, aa cum ne-a spus, a nceput apoi, s-L roage pe Hristos s-i
dea i alt suferin i vorbind grecete, cu accentul lui srbesc, zicea: D-mi i alt
suferin, d-mi i alt suferin! Chiar dac suferina era cumplit, era mare, de
nesuportat, fcuse mult bine sufletului su i de aceea o cerea. Ne-a spus clar: Orict
te-ai ruga, nu te foloseti de rugciune, ct te foloseti de suferin!
Dumnezeu tie cel mai bine de ce are fiecare nevoie, dnd fiecruia cele ce-i
sunt de folos din punct de vedere duhovnicesc. El tmduiete i mntuiete pe
fiecare n conformitate cu personalitatea sa i cu situaiile particulare, deoarece
dup pricina patimilor afltoare n suflet aduce i doctorul sufletelor leacuri prin
judecile lui, arat Sfntul Maxim Mrturisitorul
28
. Boala este folosit n aceast

Prinii greci este paideia, cu sensul pozitiv de educaie; acesta deriv din verbul paideuein, care
nseamn a instrui, a crete, a educa, a forma, concomitent cu a redresa. Totodat, termenul de
pedagogie deriv din cuvntul grecesc paidagogia, care nseamn, pe lng educaie, ngrijirile care se
dau unui bolnav. Profesorul francez amintete i c Hristos este numit de ctre Clement al Alexandriei o
paidagogos, care nseamn cel ce educ, cel ce conduce, i, n acelai timp, cel ce ngrijete bolile.
26
Cuvinte despre nevoin, VIII, n Filocalia, vol. X, p. 60.
27
Taina..., pp. 15-16.
28
A doua sut a capetelor despre dragoste, 44, p. 76.

295
lucrare divin ca un mijloc deosebit de puternic pentru a-l trezi pe omul mptimit,
pentru a-l face s contientizeze, prin suferina trupului su, boala adnc care-i
brzdeaz sufletul. Uneori, boala este privit extrem de sugestiv ca un plug care
brzdeaz adnc i scoate rdcinile patimilor. Prin suferin se deselenete astfel,
orice rdcin egoist din luntrul sufletului omenesc, orice mpietrire. Suferina
conduce spre dobndirea smereniei, nlturnd mndria, pentru c atunci cnd
eti binecuvntat n alte mprejurri exist pericolul s te mndreti, dar cnd eti
binecuvntat n durere i suferin, atunci cu greu te poi mndri
29
.
Dac pentru omul contemporan viteza i lipsa timpului, n mijlocul unei
lumi din ce n ce mai agitate, agasante i stresante, este o stare cvasigeneral, atunci,
o cale potrivit i scurt, care conduce spre scopul dorit (mntuirea), este suferina.
O atitudine potrivit nu las timpul suferinei s se iroseasc ci, indiferent de loc i
moment, l nvenicete, transformndu-l n cale spre cer. n acest sens, un Avv n
Pateric spune c: Dimineaa se poate s fii n iad, iar spre sear s te afli n Rai
30
.
Timpul mntuirii este scurtat prin asumarea suferinei. Cel mai la ndemn exemplu
este cel al tlharului de pe cruce, care, dincolo de toate frdelegile (posibile) pe care
le-a fcut, s-a pocit, i-a artat ntreaga sa cin, ndjduind n mila i iubirea Lui, a
luat o atitudine corect (potrivit) n faa Domnului i a auzit cuvintele cunoscute:
Adevr i spun Eu ie: astzi vei fi cu Mine n Rai! (Luca 23, 43).

2.3. Cooperarea divino-uman, baza tmduirii
ansa de a prsi starea de boal i suferin st ntr-o atitudine dinamic
de ateptare a ajutorului dumnezeiesc, care presupune fuga continu de pasivitatea
suportrii unei boli fr orizont, adic fr sens, acoperit de o adncire n
materialitate, corespunztoare omului trupesc. Omul trebuie s se lupte (...), spune
Sfntul Varsanufie, i va fi ajutat
31
, el nsui mrturisind din experienele sale c nu
m-am lsat i am luptat pn ce m-a ntrit Domnul
32
, oferind prin aceasta un exemplu
de struin smerit i vindectoare. Acelai sfnt arat c bolnavul trebuie s tie
c odat cu boala, Dumnezeu i trimite i mijloacele de a trece peste ea, c cei ce
voiesc s plac lui Dumnezeu trebuie s treac prin unele necazuri (dac i-ai pus
n gnd s-L slujeti pe Domnul, pregtete-i sufletul pentru ncercri, nelepciunea
lui Isus, fiul lui Sirah, 2, 1), s se narmeze cu rbdare (Tot ce i sentmpl, primete
cu plcere, iar n necazurile smereniei tale fii rbdtor, nelepciunea lui Isus, fiul lui
Sirah, 2, 4
33
; fii rbdtori ntru necaz, struitori n rugciune, Romani, 12, 12), s
ndure mucenicete, mulumind lui Dumnezeu pentru toate
34
(dup modelul lui Iov:
Dac noi am primit din mna Domnului pe cele bune, oare nu le vom rbda i pe cele

29
Arhim. Simeon Kraiopoulos, Taina...., p. 21.
30
cf. Arhim. Simeon Kraiopoulos, Taina...., p. 23.
31
Scrisori duhovniceti, 347, n Filocalia, vol. XI, p. 321.
32
Scrisori..., 512, p. 437.
33
Ecouri ale acestui verset se regsesc (i) n opera lui Marin Preda: Dragul mamii, i spune aceasta
personajului principal al romanului Cel mai iubit dintre pmnteni, Victor Petrini, dac tot trebuie
s faci ceva, mcar f de plcere... (citat din memorie).
34
1 Tesaloniceni 5, 18.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

296
rele?..., Gol am ieit din pntecele maicii mele,/ gol m voi ntoarcen matca mea;/
Domnul a dat, Domnul a luat;/ cum I-a plcut Domnului, aa sa fcut;/ fie numele
Domnului binecuvntat!):
S nu ne descurajm. Avem un Dumnezeu milostiv, care cunoate mai mult ca noi
neputina noastr; i dac, pentru a ne ncerca, aduce asupra noastr cte o boal, avem
pe Apostolul, care ne mbie mngierea, zicnd: credincios este Dumnezeu, Care nu va
ngdui s fii ispitii mai mult dect v stn putere, ci odat cu ispita v va aduce i
calea de a iei din ea, ca so putei rbda (1 Corinteni 10, 13)
35

Iar dac ajutorul lui Dumnezeu ntrzie, Sf. Varsanufie ne sftuiete s pstrm
rbdarea pn la capt, s nu ne descurajm, s nu dezndjduim, cci aproape este
Dumnezeu, care zice: Nu te voi lsa, nici nu te voi prsi (Evrei 13, 5)
36
. ntrzierea
aceasta a ajutorului divin sau a tmduirii are ca i cheie de nelegere pedagogia
divin despre care s-a scris mai sus. Uneori rspunsul divin ntrzie deoarece nu a
venit momentul oportun pentru mplinirea cererii (la plinirea vremii, Galateni 4, 4),
alteori pentru c Dumnezeu a rnduit pentru noi ceva mai bun (Evrei 11, 40), ns
ntotdeauna cu scopul ntririi n credin, n ndejde, n rbdare i n alte virtui. Se
poate spune astfel c, pentru un bolnav, este mai profitabil duhovnicete s nu
primeasc tmduire (rspuns) imediat, pentru a dobndi roadele rbdrii. n acest
sens, este sugestiv istorioara de mai jos:
Unul dintre Sfinii Prini a spus: odat, cnd eram foarte ntristat din pricina
ncercrilor, am mers la un pustnic btrn. Acesta era bolnav i intuit la pat. Dup ce
am luat binecuvntarea lui, m-am aezat lng el i i-am spus: Printe, f o rugciune
pentru mine, cci mult m mhnesc din pricina ispitelor diavoleti. Atunci stareul
deschizndu-i ochii mi-a spus: Fiul meu, tu eti tnr i de aceea nu ngduie Dumnezeu
s fii copleit de ispite mai presus de puterea ta. Dei sunt tnr, am ispite pe care numai
oamenii virtuoi le au. Dumnezeu vrea s te fac nelept. Cum m va face nelept?
Eu n fiecare zi gust moartea sufletului. nceteaz, fiul meu! Am spus c Dumnezeu te
iubete i i va da harul Su. S tii, fiul meu, c treizeci de ani m-am lupta cu demonii
i timp de douzeci de ani nu am simit ajutorul lui Dumnezeu. ns dup ce a trecut
cel de-al douzeci i cincilea an am nceput s simt o oarecare odihn, care a nceput
apoi s creasc tot mai mult. n cel de-al douzeci i optulea an odihna a devenit foarte
simit. Iar, cnd se apropia sfritul celui de-al treizecilea an, att de mult s-a ntrit
ntru mine aceast odihn, nct nu pot s o exprim n cuvinte. Cnd vreau s m ridic
la rugciune, doar trei psalmi apuc s rostesc cu gura mea i ndat sunt rpit n extaz,
lng Dumnezeu. n aceast stare, trei zile dac stau n picioare, nu simt deloc oboseal.
Vezi ct odihn mi-a pricinuit lucrarea cea de muli ani a rbdrii?
37

35
Scrisori..., 74, p. 98.
36
Scrisori..., 74, p. 99.
37
Sf. Isaac Sirul cel de Dumnezeu-insuflat, Despre ispite, ntristri, dureri i rbdare, trad. din lb. greac
de Ieroschim. tefan Nuescu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Ed. Evanghelismos, Bucureti,
2007, p. 53.

297
Bolnavul trebuie aadar s se pzeasc de descurajare, slbiciunea care rezult
din starea sa nefiind un handicap n lupta duhovniceasc, ci, dimpotriv, dup cum
arat Sfntul Apostol Pavel, Dumnezeu i arat puterea n slbiciune (cf. 2 Corinteni 12,
10). Dumnezeu vegheaz asupra bolnavului, i nelege neputina i l ajut. Cooperarea
divino-uman se rsfrnge aadar n procesul tmduirii, pe de o parte, prin grija
pururi veghetoare pe care Dumnezeu o poart ntru iubire fpturilor Sale, iar pe de alt
parte, prin deplina ncredinare a bolnavului (suferindului) n minile lui Dumnezeu.
Aceasta este baza tmduirii omului, att de bolile sale trupeti, ct i de cele sufleteti.
Iar atunci cnd orizonturile vindecrii se nchid parc nspre moarte, acelai Sfnt
Varsanufie ne nva s nu ne temem de aceasta: Odat ce ai pe Dumnezeu, nu te
teme, ci arunc toat grija ta asupra Lui i El va purta grij de tine (Psalmul 54, 25; 1
Petru 5, 7)
38
. Cuvintele Sfntului Apostol Pavel i sunt amintite unui frate bolnav:
Fiindc noi tim c dac acest cort locuina noastr pmnteasc se va desface, avem
zidire de la Dumnezeu, cas nefcut de mn, venic n ceruri (2 Corinteni 5, 1)
Crede fr s te ndoieti, i spune Sfntul Varsanufie, i Dumnezeu te va ajuta
39
.

3. Concluzii
n ncheiere, concluzionm c boala i suferina pot i trebuie s fie depite
duhovnicete i transfigurate n Hristos. Chiar dac, dup cum s-a artat mai sus, ele
pot constitui o cale ascetic capabil de a-l conduce spre om nspre ndumnezeire
(theosis), totui, ele nu ar trebui dorite sau cutate
40
. Energia care s-ar pierde prin
cutarea acestora ar fi mai bine s fie folosit la mplinirea poruncilor i la preamrirea
lui Dumnezeu. Dac dintr-un punct de vedere, bolile favorizeaz viaa duhovniceasc,
dintr-altul i sunt o piedic. Cuviosul Nichita Stithatul precizeaz cu claritate:
Bolile sunt folositoare celor nceptori n viaa virtuoas. Ele fac trupul neputincios
ca s-l ajute n vetejirea i n slbirea aprinderii afltoare n el; iar cugetul pmntesc
al sufletului l subiaz, n vreme ce-i ntresc i i mputernicesc curajul, de poate spune
dup dumnezeiescul Apostol: Cnd sunt slab, atunci sunt tare (2 Corinteni, 12, 10).
Dar pe ct sunt de folositoare bolile acestora, pe att de vtmtoare sunt ele celor
ce-au sporit n ostenelile virtuilor i s-au ridicat deasupra simurilor i au ajuns la
vederi cereti. Cci i ntrerup de la ndeletnicirea cu cele dumnezeieti, le ngroa
prin dureri i greuti partea nelegtoare a sufletului, o tulbur cu norul descurajrii
i usuc lacrimile umilinei cu seceta durerilor
41
.
Aadar, nu se urmrete aducerea trupului cu orice pre ntr-o stare de
neputin, ci mai degrab un echilibru ntre vigoarea lui i cea a sufletului. Preferarea
sntii este deci, fireasc, ns cu condiia ca ea s fie trit n Dumnezeu i pentru
Dumnezeu.

38
Scrisori, 75, p. 99.
39
Scrisori, 75, p. 99.
40
cf. J.-Cl. Larchet, Teologia bolii, p. 79.
41
Suta nti a capetelor despre fptuire..., 87, n Filocalia, vol. VI, trad. din grecete, introducere i note
de Dumitru Stniloae, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 2004, p. 238.

THE SPIRITUAL EXTENT OF ILLNESS

HADRIAN-V. CONIU
*

ABSTRACT. Any disease constitutes an interpretation, which is all the more alive
and profound as it is not in any way abstract and gratuitous, but rather enrolled
within an oftentimes heartbreaking ontological experience. Most frequently, this
interpretation is crucial. Because the disease calls into question (more or less) the
groundwork, framework and forms of our own existence, our referential values,
our relationships with others and our life itself. In many instances, the disease
constitutes a spiritual trial which employs our entire being, decisively leaving its
mark on the dynamics of life. Thus, in the conditions of an authentic clerical life,
overcoming this trial, in one way or another, the assumption of the disease, of the
different types of suffering that accompany it and finding theoretical and practical
solutions to the problems which arise is imposed. Every one of us, in the course of his
existence, not only has to expect suffering and illnesses (trials or consequences of
sins), but, when these occur, to continue to live and to find out, despite and within
them, his fulfillment. Christ comes and shows Himself to the world as doctor, and the
redemption He brings is the recuperation of man, because mankind is truly diseased.
The parents and the whole Tradition, counting the primordial Adamic state as the
health condition of mankind have naturally seen a complex condition which has
seized the whole human being. This study registers within our intention to highlight
the decisive role of love in the process of healing the sick. Therefore it was detailed
the spiritual meaning of disease and the positive significance of suffering, the divine-
human cooperation in love emphasizing the closeness of man to life eternal.

Keywords: Health, Suffering, Disease, Love, Healing.

1. The precariousness of our health and inner workings of disease
The diversity and complexity of spiritual illnesses, the origin of sin and
moil, are all a logical consequence of the Original Sin (The cause of all ailments),
which has cancelled out the state of well-being that the first men had. In what
follows, we will thoroughly study the spiritual dimensions of bodily ailments, thus
identifying the positive side of illness and moil, as well as the healing effects of the
said moils, divine-human cooperation being the basis of restoration.

*
Th.D. Student, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania;
Teacher, Ph.D., Al. Papiu-Ilarian National College, Trgu Mure, Romania; Ph.D. Lecturer, Faculty
of Engineering, Petru Maior University, Trgu Mure, Romania; e-mail: hcontiu@yahoo.com

299
1.1. The precariousness of health, or survival of disease
Human nature, along with all of Creation, fell along with Adam and was
restored by Jesus, in order to regain the heavenly health he once had, as well as
human nature (And with it, the whole of Creation). What fell to illness with Adam
has regained its well-being through Christ. Through His incarnation, Christ
removed the wall that separated human nature from God, and through His efforts
has freed mankind from the tyranny of evil and crushed the unholy. Through His
death, He has defeated death and decay, and through His resurrection gave
mankind new and eternal life. However, the outcome of Christs work does not
fulfil itself by breaking the freedom of man, but instead surmises the agreement
and conclusion of the latters good will. Thus, the restoration and filling with godly
essence of human nature, realized through Christ, will remain but an aspiration
until mankind has assimilated into Him. This incorporation and assimilation are
performed by the Church, which is the body of Christ, though the Holy Ghost
spread into Sacraments. In turn, man must participate and contribute to his own
transformation through grace, and work for it to come true (...continue to work
out your salvation with fear and trembling Philippians 2, 12), to open himself to
Christ and gradually take Him in. Through Christening, man can be rid of his old
self (to put off your old self, which belongs to your former manner of life and is
corrupt through deceitful desires Ephesians 4, 22) and dress to fit his new
persona (and to put on the new self, created to be like God in true righteousness
and holiness, Ephesians 2, 24). Yet, man must also adapt to this new way of
being, from fallen to restored and blessed
1
.
Through this slow and arduous process of renewal in Christ, through
actively participating in this newfound life, falling is a frequent occurrence and
nobody can claim to be without sin (The fool says in his heart: There is no God!/
They are corrupt, their deeds are vile,/ there is no one who does good./

The LORD
looks down from heaven/on all mankind/ to see if there are any who understand,/
any who seek God./

All have turned away, all have become corrupt;/ there is no one
who does good,/ not even one! Psalm 13, 1-3 see you Psalm 52, 1-2, too; As it is
written, There is none righteous, no, not one;/

There is none that understand death,
there is none that seeketh after God./

They are all gone out of the way, they are
together become unprofitable; there is none that doeth good, no, not one./

Their
throat is an open sepulchre; with their tongues they have used deceit; the poison of
asps is under their lips;/

Whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness;/ Their feet
are swift to shed blood;/

Destruction and misery are in their ways;/

And the way of
peace have they not known;/

There is no fear of God before their eyes, Romans 3,
10-18; If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in
us./

If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse

1
Jean-Claude Larchet, Teologia bolii, French trans. by Prof. Vasile Mihoc (Sibiu: Editura Oastea
Domnului, 1997), 41-42; also see Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Discursuri teologice i etice. Scrieri I
(Sibiu: Deisis, 2001) 366.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

300
us from all unrighteousness./

If we say that we have not sinned, we make him a liar,
and his word is not in us, John 1, 8-10). Concomitantly, many linger upon the choice
of evil. Thus, because sin is perpetuated, its consequences continue to affect human
nature and the whole of Creation, and the disease survives. Although Jesus put
an end to the tyranny of the Evil One, suppressing the need to sin and cancelling
the power of death (mankind is, from a spiritual point of view, free of them), He
hasnt suppressed sin or its consequences, death, demonic workings, so as not to
infringe upon mans free will, as John Damascene has spoken:
It is clear that healing happens voluntarily, as the Bible says: If a man therefore
purge himself from these
2
. It is just, and the opposite applies: if one does not cleanse
himself, he shall become an empty vessel, useless and worthy of death. Thus, with the
above mentioned and these quotes: For God has bound everyone over to disobedience
3

and For the Lord has poured out on you/ The spirit of deep sleep,/ And has closed your
eyes, namely, the prophets;/ And He has covered your heads, namely, the seers
4
.
These must not be understood as being done by God, but understood how God allows
them to be in the name of free will
5
.
Only during the end of days will everything be fully restored, rearranged
according to Gods will (But according to his promise we are waiting for new heavens
and a new earth in which righteousness dwells, 2 Peter 3, 13.), the order and harmony
once lost will be restored, the blessing of all mankind coming as it reaches its full
potential. Only then will disease and death be forever suppressed.

1.2. The healthy-ill ambivalence
In our decayed and partially restored world, even saints suffer inevitably,
from moils and diseases
6
, and eventually biological death. This truth proves that
there is no necessary relation between the state of the soul and body, that disease
and physical suffering are not directly attributable to our personal sin. These ailments
trouble both the righteous and the sinful, or as it is written in the Ecclesiastes: As
it is with the good,/ so with the sinful;/ as it is with those who take oaths,/ so with
those who are afraid to take them (9, 2) (also, you see Matthew 5, 45).
Sometimes, the blessed saints suffer even more. Jean-Claude Larchet
7

distinguishes two fundamental reasons for this fact: The first being free will (God
does not interfere with diseases, but lets them be
8
, so that mankind may progress

2
2 Timothy 2, 20-21.
3
Romans 11, 32.
4
Isaiah 29, 10; Romans 11, 8.
5
Sf. Ioan Damaschin, Dogmatica, Fourth book, Chapter XIX (Bucureti: Ed. Institutului Biblic i de
Misiune a Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, 2001) 229.
6
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Discursuri ..., 123-124.
7
Larchet, 47.
8
The holy Fathers respect this by using the verb sugchorein, which means to yield, as well as
parachorein, which has the same meaning (LARCHET, 47, note 155).

301
and better itself). The second may be direct demonic interference, which seek to
hinder their progress.
Regarding the first reason, we may consider the following:
Wondering why God allows his saints to be tormented, St. John Chrysostom offers 8
answers: Firstly, so that their pride is not boosted by their virtues and wonderful
feats (Corinthians 12, 7). Secondly, from fear that they would be praised as gods
themselves. Thirdly, so that the power of God may shine even brighter, as His power
is made perfect in weakness (Corinthians 12, 9). Fourthly, so that their patience
shines brighter and nonbelievers see that Saints do not serve Him with greed, but
with pure love (...). Fifthly, so we may contemplate on the end days; when we see a
Saint full of virtues have to wait until the end time to be resurrected, we cant help
but feel humble. Sixthly, so that even the lowly can feel relief, knowing that everybody
suffers, even the holiest of men. Seventhly, so that nobody thinks they were better than
any other man and it is impossible for a plain person to become blessed (Jacob 5, 17).
Lastly, so that every man may know what both happiness and torment are, true
happiness comes from being one with God through a life of virtue, and the only real
torment is being separated from Him
9

Regarding the second we can consider Evagrius Ponticus remark, that when
the soul is united with God through prayer, the devil, now powerless to influence the
soul, has nothing else to do but alter the body, changing its constitution (krasis).
Some introduce thoughts or meanings while in prayer, or attempts to change
the body. Yet when the devil realizes he cannot move ones memory during prayer, it
is then that he forces the body of the faithful to alter in weird ways, and shape his
illness
10
.
Thus, bodily well being, both that of the saints and of the every man, cannot
be permanently obtained. It can be said that health is a state of little disease, a disease
still in hiding
11
, a partial and temporary balance
12
.
Knowledge is naturally good, just like health. Yet the latter has used more than
those who used it. To the foolish knowledge is harmful, despite being good by definition.
The same applies to health, wealth and happiness, for nobody uses them wisely
13
.

9
Larchet, 47-48.
10
Evagrie Ponticul, Cuvnt despre rugciune, 63, 68, in Filocalia, vol. I (Bucureti: Humanitas, 1999),
94-95.
11
Regarding this aspect of illness, which is yet to be fully explored, J.-Cl. LARCHET appreciates the
possibility for medicine to extend and refine the definition it gives to illness, ending up with introducing
medicine everywhere in society, going as far as considering non-diseases such (Teologia bolii, 53,
note 183).
12
Sf. Simeon Noul Teolog, Cateheze. Scrieri II, cateheza 25, revised 2nd edition, introductory study
and translation by diac. Ioan I. Ic jr (Sibiu: Ed. Deisis, 2003), 263-264.
13
Sf. Maxim Marturisitorul, A doua sut a capetelor despre dragoste, 77, in Filocalia, vol. II. (Bucureti:
Humanitas, 1999), 82.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

302
Health can be harmful if it leads man to ignore his Creator, creating the
demonic illusion that he is self-sufficient. It is even more harmful if used to cause
harm and initiate sin (Romans 6, 13).
When it comes to disease, it constitutes evil simply because it appears as a
consequence to the Adamic Sin and as a demonic work in the fallen world. It is
harmful solely in the physical world, as it cannot affect the soul, the essential
being. Christ himself says: And do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill
the soul. Rather fear him who can destroy both soul and body in hell (Matthew 10,
28). Hence, disease has no power itself in separating man from God and cannot be
considered harmful from a spiritual perspective; it is only apparent, being able to
influence man in a good way if he uses it. Even if it represents a state of weakness,
it can be converted into spiritual strength (2 Corinthians 12, 10). When accepted
and integrated, it represents a way to salvation.
Illness is beyond scientific research; those who endure it with patience and
thank God for His help, gain more grace for the coming Salvation
14
.

2. The side of Salvation in illness
2.1. The positive aspect of illness and moil
The holy Fathers often say that illness, however challenging, is a sign of
Gods presence and workings in everyday life, a sign of His limitless and fair love.
Pr. Prof. Dr. Constantin Coman
15
reminds us: If God threatens you, it means he
wants to absolve you of your sins! If He is silent, it means He wants you to die!
Suffering is used as a pedagogic instrument that God uses to better mankind, to
pull him out of the captivity of the temporary. If man assumes it, it will present
newfound knowledge. Such an attitude requires knowledge in at least a spiritual
aspect of the disease.
Father Simeon Kraiopoulos
16
addresses the suffering of man by offering
him a transcending view on his illness, and naturally, a purpose:
Brother, does God allow you freedom, pain, suffering, hardship, does He allow
you to live whatever you want, deep inside you? Its a blessing! God is researching
you! Its almost as if hes saying: I am here! Turn around and look at Me! Do you
need something from me? What should I give you? Myself! Yes, I want to give you my
grace and through it we can become one, because I love you, you are my creation
and with you I have done everything . The fact that you suffer is not only a hint, but
proof itself that God exists.

14
Sf. Varsanufie and Ioan, Scrisori duhovniceti, 78, in Filocalia, vol. XI (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2009),
102.
15
In the preface of Taina suferinei (The mystery of torment) of Arhim. Simeon Kraiopoulos, trans. by
Priest Victor Manolache (Bucureti: Ed. Bizantin, 2007), 5.
16
Kraiopoulos, 7-8.

303
Disease considered in itself, without the perspective of divine teachings,
leads to doubling the physical suffering with moral suffering, cause by the absurdity
of it. Such an attitude allows demonic action and the development of sin, which
unbalance man, just like fear, angst, anger, pride and despair
17
; considering these,
the body not only stops healing, but accentuates the symptoms of evil that affect it,
and help it extend to the soul, infecting it: Has anybody got sever ill? Its dejected,
but sickness can not be sent away, on the contrary it makes it harder, said the St.
John Chrysostom the Golden Mouth
18
.
The Saint Maxim The Confessor advises us firstly not to be preoccupied of
the natural causes of the illness (suffering) or the means of healing, but to seek the
purpose of this trial, to identify the meaning of it in relationship with God and to select
the positive aspects that lead us to salvation: When you will find an unexpected
trial (...), ask for what it has come. And you will find guideness
19
.
Sickness and suffering, as symbols of the drifting away from the heavenly
state, as signs of his weakness and his effeminacy, succeed to destroy the illusions
of auto sufficient which man can have, fooled by a apparently lasting health,
shatters his pride and reveals him his shallowness (Genesis 3, 7), reminding him
that (physically) he is nothing else that mari (Genesis 3, 19). Saint John Climasus
says:
There is an illness for the cleansing of sins, and another one for the humility of
the thought. Our dear and good Lord and Master, when he sees some more sluggish
in need, humbles their body by disease, like trough amore painless need. But
sometimes it also comes to cleanse your soul of bad thoughts or passions
20
.
The disease, understood and assumed as an yes! quakerish addressed to
the divine will and liven in its bridge dimension to the real world, has as an effect
not the crush of man under the burden of his body of death (Romans 7, 24), but,
on the contrary alleviation of suffering and the return of man to God. It certainly
implies the martyrs cross, as a result of Christs passion, as an embrace of the
Saviours Cross, and, even if there isnt the same martyrdom for all
21
, after the
Saints model, both who lived trough the persecutions, and those who have lived
or are living martyrdom consciousness, striving through an ascetic life.

17
Larchet, 58.
18
Predicile despre statui (Sermons on statues) V, 4, in Scrieri alese (Chosen writings), vol. I, trans.
from original by t. Bezdechi, prof. of lang. and lit Hellenic at the Univ. from Cluj, Publishing house
Holy Bishops of Rmnicului-Noului Deverin R. Vlcii, 1937.
19
Maxim Marturisitorul, 42, 76.
20
Scara, XXVI, 34, in Philocalia, vol. IX (Bucureti: Humanitas, 2001), 315; cause of humility is
considered by St. Isaac Sirul too, Cuvinte despre nevoin, XXI, in Filocalia, vol. X (Bucureti:
21
Kraiopoulos, 14-15.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

304
2.2. Suffering, the path to salvation
In every disease, God tells us about our salvation, said Professor Jean-
Claude Larchet
22
, expressing willingness to help us to achieve it, and Archimandrite
Simeon Kraiopoulos
23
calls disease (suffering) a short way of salvation.
Fathers often remark that disease is a manifestation of divine pedagogy
24
.
It is at the same time, also a correction applied by God to man because of his sins,
in order to heal the soul
25
. It rectifies perversion, the huddle, which was generated
by the sin, redressing human nature to natural verticality, before the fall. Bodily
disease becomes, through the care of God, a way (medicine) of healing the soul and
an opportunity for spiritual progress.
Take heed to yourself forever, says St. Isaac the Syrian
26
, and see the purpose
that the trouble that follows you have in the quality of your actions, deserted place
of your living, your mind thinness together with detailed knowledge, the great
length of your peace together with the many remedies, that is with the attempts that
are brought by the reak Doctor for the health of the inner man.
There is no man not to have tasted suffering, sooner or later. Some fear it,
they want to be as far from such a state, and others want it as a blessing and
heavenly miss. The important think is not that we suffer but the way we respond
to suffering, the right attitude we have in front of it. We believe it is a suggestive
story, told by Father Simeon Kraiopoulos
27
:
I was in a fellowship on the Holy Mountain and had reached the frightening
places of the Karuls. Those places are the most harsh of the Holy Mountain. There,
among others, they needed a Serbian monk whom I visited. They welcomed with
great happiness, as all the monks from the Holy Mountain did, and when I asked him
to tell us something which would benefit our soul, he brought about his suffering. He
told us that in a very long time he was suffering a lot as prayed. After enduring
more, he waited and waited, like God didnt heard his prayer, eventually, at a time,
he took oil from Christs lamp and put it on the place that hurt and the pain ceased.

22
Larchet, 61.
23
Kraiopoulos, 15.
24
St. Varsanufie and Ioan, Scrisori duhovniceti, 515, n Filocalia, vol. XI, 439: God send you in a hurry
healing of soul and body (...). Persist as you can in thanksgiving to Him because He loved you and
obtained mercy for you through His holy pedagogy , see also Letters 78, 513, 516, 613.
25
Larchet, 61 (notes 36 and 38) specifies that the term must not be understood in the negative sense,
as punishment or sanction but rather in the positive sense of the Latin verb which is to redress,
reform, improve, cure. The term generally used by the Greek Fathers is paideia, with the
positive sense of education; it derives from the verb paideuein, which means to train, increase,
educate, forming, along with to redress. However, the term pedagogy (paidagogia) derived
from the Greek word which means, in addition to education, care that is given to a patient. French
teacher points out that Christ is called by Clement of Alexandria one paidagogos, which means one
who teaches at leading, and at the same time, who cares diseases.
26
Isaac Sirul, Cuvinte despre nevoin, VIII, in Philocalia, vol. X, 60.
27
Kraiopoulos, 15-16.

305
After the pain left him and he felt healthy, he then understood how much good did
that passion do to his soul. Its true that at the time someone is in pain, he does not
understand it. But when the pain passes only then he sees how well it brought to
him. So, only after the pain has passed, the ascetic understood how well it done.
Because of that, like he told us, it started then, to pray to Christ to also give him
another pain and speaking in Greece in his Serbian accent he said: Give me another
pain, give me another pain! Even if the pain was terrible, it was great, unbearably,
it has done a lot of good to his souls and thats why he was asking for it. He clearly
told us: No matter how much you would pray, you do not use the prayer as much as
you use the pain!
God knows best what everybody needs and gives them what is beneficial
from the spiritual point of view. He heals and saves each in accordance with his
personality and particular situations because according to the cause of the
passions which are in the soul, the doctor brings cures to the souls through his
judgments, says St. Maximus the Confessor
28
. The disease is used in this divine
work as a particularly powerful way to awaken the addicted man, to make him
aware through his body suffering, disease and furrow deep that soul. Sometimes,
the disease is considered highly suggestive that a plow that furrow deep and pulls out
the roots of passions. Through pain it broaches so that any selfish root from within
the human soul, any hardening. Suffering leads to acquire humility, removing pride,
because "when you are blessed in other circumstances there is a danger to be proud
of, but when you're blessed in pain and suffering, then you can hardly boast
29
.
If for the contemporary man the speed and lack of time in the middle of a
world increasingly restless, annoying and stressful, is a state quasi-general, then,
the right and short way, which leads to the goal (salvation) is suffering. A proper
attitude does not leave the time of suffering waste but, regardless of place and
time, it makes it everlasting, making it a path to heaven. In this respect, an Abba
said in Patericon: In the morning you can be in hell and in the evening to be in
heaven
30
. The time of salvation is shortened by assuming the suffering. Easiest
example is the thief on the cross, which, beyond all transgressions (possible) that
he did, he repented, he showed all his repentance, trusting in His mercy and love,
took a right attitude (appropriate) before the Lord he heard the words known:
Truly I tell you, today you will be with me in paradise! (Luke 23, 43).

2.3. Divine-human cooperation, the basis of healing
The chance to leave the state of illness and suffering lies in a dynamic
attitude of waiting for the divine aid, which involves continuous running from the
passivity of enduring a illness without horizon, namely without meaning, covered
by a deepening in materiality, corresponding to the human body. Man must fight (...),

28
St. Maxim Marturisitorul, 44, 76.
29
Kraiopoulos, 21.
30
cf. Kraiopoulos, 23.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

306
says St. Varsanufie, and he will be helped
31
, he confessed himself from his
experiences that I didn't gave up, and I struggled until the Lord strengthened me
32
,
thereby providing an example of humbled and healing perseverance. The same
saint shows that the patient needs to know that with disease, God sends the means
to overcome it, that the desire to please God must go through some trouble (My
son, if thou come to serve the Lord, prepare thy soul for temptation, The Wisdom of
Jesus the Son of Sirach, 2:1), to arm themselves with patience (Whatsoever is
brought upon thee take cheerfully, and be patient when thou art changed to a low
estate, The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, 2, 4
33
; Be joyful in hope, patient in
affliction, faithful in prayer, Romans, 12, 12), to endure like a martyr, while
thanking God for everything
34
(after the model of Job: If we received the good
hand of God, won't we endure also the bad?..., Naked I came from my mother's womb,
and naked I will depart. The Lord gave and the Lord has taken away; may the name
of the Lord be praised!):
No temptation has overtaken you except what is common to mankind. And God
is faithful; he will not let you be tempted beyond what you can bear. But when you
are tempted, he will also provide a way out so that you can endure it (1
Corinthians 10, 13)
35

And if God's help is delayed, St. Varsanufie advises us to keep patience till
the end, do not get discouraged, do not despair "because God is close, he says:
Never will I leave you; never will I forsake you (Hebrew 13, 5)
36
. The delay of the
divine aid or of healing has as key to understanding divine pedagogy that have
been written about above. Sometimes divine answer is delayed because an adequate
moment for the accomplishment of the request has not come (when the set time
had fully come, Galatians 4, 4), since God had planned something better for us so that
only together with us would they be made perfect (Hebrews 11, 40), but always
with the aim of strengthening in faith, in hope, in patience and in other virtues. It
can be said that, for a patient it is more profitable to not receive spiritually healing
(reply) immediately to obtain the fruits of patience. In this respect, the story
below:
One of the Fathers said: once, when I was very sad because of the trials I went to
an old hermit. He was sick bedridden. After I got his blessing I sat next to him and I said,
Father, do a prayer for me, for I much grief because of demonic temptations. Then
opening their eyes abbot said: My son, you are young and therefore God does not
allow you to be overwhelmed by temptation beyond your strength. Although I am

31
St. Varsanufie and Ioan, 347, in Philocalia, vol. XI, 321.
32
St. Varsanufie and Ioan, 512, 437.
33
Echoes of this verse are found in Marin Predas works as well, in his Magnum Opus Cel mai iubit
dintre pmnteni.
34
1 Tes. 5, 18.
35
36

307
young, I temptations that only virtuous people have them. God wants to make you
wise. How will he make me wise? I taste the death of the soul every day. Cease,
my son! I said that God loves you and will give you His grace. Know my son that
thirty years I struggled with demons and for twenty years I have not felt God's help.
But after passing the twenty-fifth year I started to feel somewhat rested which then
started to grow more and more. In the twenty-eighth year rest became much felt.
And when approaching the end of the thirtieth year so much has strengthened in me
the rest that I can not express in words. When I get up in prayer, only three psalms I get
to speak with my mouth and soon I am caught up in ecstasy next to God. In this state,
three days if I stand on my feet I feel no fatigue. See how much rest the virtue of
patience has given me?
37

The sufferer should therefore beware of discouragement, the weakness
resulting from his condition not being a disability in the spiritual struggle but
rather, as the Apostle Paul shows us, God shows his power in weakness (cf. 2 Cor.
12, 10). God watches over the suffering, and helps him. The repercussion of
human-divine cooperation has separate effects on the process of healing: on one
hand, through the ever watchful care that God has for his followers, and on the
other, through the patient entrusting himself to God, giving himself over to his
hands. This is the basis of human healing, so his bodily diseases, as well as the
soul's. And when the healing horizons seem to be closing towards death the same
Saint Varsanufie teaches us not to fear it: Cast all your anxiety on him because he
cares for you (Psalm 54, 25; 1 Petru 5, 7)
38
. The words of the Apostle Paul are
mentioned a sick brother: For we know that if the earthly tent we live in is
destroyed, we have a building from God, an eternal house in heaven, not built by
human hands (2 Corinthians 5, 1) Believe without doubt, says St. the same Saint
Varsanufie, and God will help
39
.

3. Conclusions
In the ending of this chapter, we conclude that disease and suffering can
and must be overcome and transformed spiritually in Christ. Although, as indicated
above, they can be an ascetic way capable of leading man towards deification (thesis),
however, they should not be desired or sought
40
. Energy that would be lost in their
search would be better used to fulfil the commandments and worship of God. If from
one point of view, diseases favour spiritual life, in another they are an obstacle.
The pious Nicetas Stethatos clearly states:

37
St. Isaac Sirul, Despre ispite, ntristri, dureri i rbdare, translated from Greek Ieroschim, Stephen
Nuescu Hermitage Lake - Mount Athos (Bucureti: Ed Evanghelismos, 2007), 53.
38
39
40
cf. Larchet, 79.
HADRIAN-V. CONIU

308
Diseases are useful for those starters in the virtuous life. They make the helpless
body to help it rot and weakening ignition in it, and the earthly thought of the soul
thins it, while I strengthen and empower its courage, that can tell by the divine
Apostle: when I am weak, then I am strong (2 Corinthians 12, 10). But how useful
are their diseases, the more harmful they are those who have increased the labours
of virtue and rose above the senses and reached heavenly views. For they interrupt
the occupations the divine, it thickens through pain and difficulties the understanding
part of the soul, it abashed it with the cloud of discouragement and dries the tears of
humility drought of suffering
41
.
Therefore, the aim is not to bring the body at any cost in a state of
helplessness, but rather a balance between his vigour and soul. Health preference
is therefore natural, but provided that it be lived in God and for God.

41
Nicetas Stethatos, Suta nti a capetelor despre fptuire..., 87, in Philocalia, vol. VI (Bucureti:


V. RECENZII

File de istorie. Preuire i recunotin Pr. Prof. Dr. Mircea Pcurariu,
Ed. Presa Universitar Clujean Ed. Andreian, 2012, 790 p.

Cu ocazia mplinirii frumoasei vrste de 80
de ani a printelui academician Mircea Pcurariu,
i-a fost dedicat un volum omagial, realizat prin
colaborarea dintre Editura Andreiana a Arhiepis-
copiei Sibiului i Editura Presa Universitar Clu-
jean, coordonat de dasclii sibieni: Conf. univ.
dr. Paul Brusanowski, Pr. Prof. univ. dr. Nicolae
Chifr i lect. univ. dr. Emanuel-Pavel Tval, iar
studiile sunt realizate, n mare parte, de ucenici
i colaboratori ai ilustrului istoric sibian, dintre
care menionm pe: P.S. Visarion, P.S. Macarie,
Acad. Nicolae Edroiu, Acad. Ioan-Aurel Pop,
Nicolae Bocan, Alexandru Moraru, Ioan-Vasile
Leb, Vasile Stanciu, Aurel Pavel, Ciprian Streza,
Nicolae Dura, Mihai Iosu, Constantin Necula, Da-
niel Buda, Radu Tascovici, Gabriel Basa, Daniel
Ni-Danielescu, Sorin Dobre i Eugen Drgoi.
Prima seciune cuprinde mesajul Preaferi-
citului Printe Patriarh Daniel i cel al naltprea-
sfinitului Printe Mitropolit Laureniu la acest
popas srbtoresc, precum i biografia printe-
lui profesor i impresionanta activitate didactic,
administrativ, tiinific i publicistic, cuprin-
znd: 34 de lucrri n volum, 7 volume i ediii
coordonate, 150 studii, dintre care 19 publicate
peste hotare, 505 articole, 29 note i nsemnri,
89 recenzii, 63 predici tiprite, 34 prefee, 287
conferine, dintre care 20 n strintate, 328
interviuri i expuneri n presa scris i audio-
vizual.
Partea I intitulat: Studii de istorie biseri-
ceasc veche i medie, cuprinde 12 studii: n pri-
mul dintre acestea: De la formularea unei teo-
logii politice la nfptuirea unei politici cretine
hrisostomice, fiind relevant transpunerea n
practic a fundamentelor biblice i ncercarea
nfptuirii unei politici autentic cretine, care
postuleaz curajul de a aciona i de a spune lu-
crurilor pe nume i chiar de a nega autoritatea
puterii seculare n momentul n care sunt tr-
date interesele Bisericii lui Hristos (p. 141). Ne
este adus apoi n atenie Eusebiu de Cezareea ca
model de istoric bisericesc, emblematic i mereu
actual. Studiul Srbii i Imperiul Bizantin n tim-
pul arului tefan Duan ilustreaz c plasarea
orgoliilor feudale nainte i n defavoarea so-
lidaritii ortodoxe au condus la supunerea cre-
tintii balcanice pentru mai multe secole st-
pnirii islamice cu excese de intoleran i fa-
natism religios (p. 173). ncepnd cu secolul al
XIII-lea numrul aezmintelor hunedorene a
fost unul nsemnat, aa cum rezult din studiul:
Toponime, hidronime i antroponime hunedorene
cu rezonan monahal. Consecinele politico-mi-
litare i confesionale ale extinderii habsburgilor
nspre sud-estul Europei dup 1683 au fost unele
cu totul nefaste pentru Biserica Ortodox din
aceste teritorii, n special pentru cea din Transil-
vania. Materialul cu titlul: Iisus Hristos, Dumnezeu
i OmPersoan unic n dou firi n gndirea
teologic a clugrilor scii evideniaz contri-
buia acestora la elucidarea controverselor hris-
tologice ale secolelor al V-lea i al VI-lea. Con-
tribuia: Mnstiri basarabene pn la 1812 ana-
lizeaz sumar structurile monastice din aceast
provincie romneasc nainte de anexarea de
ctre Imperiul arist. Urmeaz: Ecouri italiene
despre asaltul otoman asupra Cretintii din
vara anului 1462 care arat c aceast campa-
nie militar n-a avut succesul scontat, ara Ro-
mneasc meninndu-i statutul de stat cre-
tin liber. Din legturile culturale ale patriarhului
Hrisant Notara al Ierusalimului cu Moldova, pre-
zint, apoi, aceast personalitate complex care
a influenat, n veacul al XVIII-lea, viaa cultu-
ral, bisericeasc, politic i social a Moldovei,
al crei oaspete a fost n trei rnduri. Studiul:
Rmnicu Vlcea, vatr de spiritualitate rom-
neasc descrie aezmintele religioase mrtu-
rii vii ale unei civilizaii deosebit de nfloritoare,
din punct de vedere religios, n inuturile Olte-
niei (p. 306). Sunt evideniai apoi: Marele clu-
cer Tudor Vladimirescu i mitropolitul Daniil al
II-lea, ctitorii Mnstirii Aninoasa din judeul Arge,
RECENZI I

310
superb ansamblu de tradiie brncoveneasc.
Seciunea se ncheie cu studiul: Iudicium Ecclesiae
i Iudicium Dei o incursiune n trecutul instan-
elor de judecat ale Bisericii de pe teritoriul
Romniei (p. 349).
Partea II intitulat: Studii de istorie biseri-
ceasc modern i contemporan, cuprinde 20
de studii i este deschis de studiul cu titlul:
Aspecte privitoare la presa bisericeasc din ara
noastr pn n anul 1918 ce avea un caracter
multiplu i progresist. Urmeaz: Oameni i insti-
tuii n slujba neamului romnesc. Gimnaziul or-
todox de la Brad, astzi Colegiul Naional Avram
Iancu prestigioas coal hunedorean nfiina-
t n anul 1870 de Mitropolitul Andrei aguna.
Oglind a crezului i nzuinelor acestui mare
ierarh (p. 382). Legmnt de credin i iubire.
Cuvntarea episcopului Ioan Meianu la hiroto-
nia ntru arhiereu este publicat acum pentru
prima oar. Studiul: Andrei aguna i Protopopia-
tul Clujului reliefeaz grija arhiereului pentru
parohiile i n special pentru colile confesio-
nale din aceast parte a Transilvaniei, aa cum
rezult din corespondena cu protopopul Vasile
Roescu i din Raportul acestuia despre starea
colilor, din 1865, fiind redate fragmente din
acesta. Materialul amplu: Contribuii cu privire
la evoluia Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne sub impac-
tul Legii i Statutului de Organizare din 6 mai 1925
aduce n lumin tratativele pentru unificarea
organizrii bisericeti din Vechiul regat, Transil-
vania, Basarabia i Bucovina, n urma Marii Uni-
ri i frmntrile ce au urmat pn dup al doilea
rzboi mondial. Oarecum o continuare crono-
logic este: Biserica Ortodox Romn din docu-
mentele regimului comunist n perioada 1945-
1958, pe baza materialelor extrase din Arhiva
fostei securiti privind legturile Biserica Orto-
dox Romn cu celelalte Biserici ortodoxe i cu
celelalte culte, revenirea Bisericii greco-catolice
la Ortodoxie, activitatea Asociaiei Oastea Dom-
nului, personaliti eclesiastice monitorizate de
autoritile vremii, monahismul ntre desfiinare
i supraveghere. Trecnd ntr-un alt registru,
studiul: Patriarhul Kiril Lukaris n istoriografia
rus de la sfritul secolului XIX - nceputul seco-
lului XX aduce la iveal rezultatele contradicto-
rii, ale cercetrilor ntreprinse n Teologia rus
cu privire la Mrturisirea calvinizant din 1629
pus sub numele patriarhului Kiril. Revenind la
istoria Bisericii romneti, studiul: Doi ierarhi
romni de altdat: mitropoliii Sofronie i Calinic
Miclescu rezum activitatea acestor personaliti
pe plan bisericesc, dar i n lupta pentru unita-
tea i modernizarea Statului romn (p. 543). Ur-
mtorul studiu l omagiaz pe patriarhul muzi-
cii bisericeti din Transilvania, Dimitrie Cunan
175 de ani de la natere, coninnd i cteva scrie-
sori din cadrul corespondenei legate de lucra-
rea sa principal Cntrile bisericeti dup me-
lodiile celor opt glasuri. Trecnd n alt provin-
cie romneasc, un studiu extins rspunde la n-
trebarea: Cine i cnd a drmat Biserica dom-
neasc Sf. Dimitrie din Galai? Mrturii inedite.
Revenind n Transilvania, studiul: Identitate
pierdut, identitate regsit. Despre schimbarea
apartenenei confesionale n Strciu i Pria, Slaj,
la nceputul secolului al XX-lea relateaz una
dintre cele mai spectaculoase treceri n mas
la Ortodoxie, n ara Silvaniei. Este inserat apoi
un referat ce ndrznete s vorbeasc despre:
Credin i religiozitate n Europa de azi, n con-
diiile secularizrii i cheam pe cretinul orto-
dox la trirea profund i curat a religiozitii
sale n Biserica drept-mritoare a sfintei Orto-
doxii, dup rnduielile pe care Sfnta Scriptur
i Sfinii Prini ni le ofer pe crarea mntui-
rii (p. 624). Studiul urmtor evoc personali-
tatea unui mare profesor, ierarh i ctitor, care
cu motenirea sa ne ncurajeaz, cu dragostea
sa ne binecuvinteaz i cu exemplul su ne orien-
teaz (p. 641), n: Mitropolitul Nicolae Blan
vldica ndejdilor de la Sibiu. Importana eveni-
mentelor istorice ale secolului al XX-lea pentru
Biserica Ortodox Romn este subliniat din
nou: Constituia din 1923, ridicarea la rang de
Patriarhie, Legea i Statutul din 1925, Concor-
datul cu Vaticanul din 1929, teroarea hortyst
(1940-1944) i apoi instaurarea regimului co-
munist. Este ilustrat apoi viaa, opera i mu-
cenicia fostului Rector al Academiei Teologice
Ortodoxe din Cluj, prin intermediul studiului:
Un martir braovean: Pr. Prof. dr. Liviu Galaction
Munteanu, cu anexe de cert valoare. Studiul
Lectio divina, parte integrant a revigorrii pro-
povduirii moderne caut s identifice mode-
lele comunicrii pertinente i n flux coerent a
coninuturilor de credin (p. 695). Ne sunt adu-
se n atenie apoi, Aspecte catehetice i misionare
n Congresele Asociaiei Andrei aguna a preo-
ilor ortodoci romni din Transilvania n perioa-
da interbelic, o organizaie foarte activ, care
a dezbtut o gam larg de probleme, cele mai
multe de contientizarea responsabilitii i mi-
siunii pe care trebuiau s le ndeplineasc (p.
737). Studiul Aspecte privind starea cultural i
RECENZI I

311
numrul preoilor de mir din Oltenia n trecut i
astzi ne pune n fa un tablou al preoimii ol-
tene din ultimele trei secole, cu date interesante,
multe inedite (p. 738). Studiul: O introducere n
istoriografia muzicii corale din Biserica Ortodox
Romn puncteaz activitatea unor persona-
liti ce au marcat aceast realitate cultural:
Melchisedec tefnescu, Gheorghe Dima, Nifon
Ploieteanu, Tiberiu Brediceanu, Mihail Gr. Pos-
lunicu, Zeno Vancea, Gheorghe Ciobanu. Ulti-
mul material tiinific din carte, Sfntul Ierarh
Andrei aguna Apostolul i lumintorul romni-
lor ardeleni evideniaz rolul covritor al ma-
relui i providenialului mitropolit, numit i
Moise al romnilor la constituirea ASTRA a
doua ctitorie ca importan dup Mitropolie -,
al crei prim preedinte a fost.
Densul, complexul i valorosul volum care
intr n circuitul istoriografiei, adresndu-se tu-
turor celor interesai de trecutul Bisericii noastre,
se ncheie cu Lista abrevierilor, Lista autorilor
i Cuprins. Pe coperta I se regsete fotografia
celui omagiat, la masa de lucru, nconjurat de
foarte multe cri.

DACIAN BUT-CPUAN
Dr., Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox, Universitatea
Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,

Ioan-Vasile Leb, Gabriel-Viorel Grdan, Marius Eppel, Pavel Vesa,
Instituii Ecleziastice. Compendiu de Legislaie Bisericeasc (Secolul al XIX-lea),
Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, Cluj-Napoca, 2010, 360 p.

Sub egida Institutului de Istorie Eclezias-
tic din cadrul Universitii Babe-Bolyai, consti-
tuit din istorici i teologi, clerici i laici deopo-
triv, au fost publicate n decursul ultimilor zece
ani diverse lucrri care survoleaz multiplele
aspecte ale istoriei vieii religioase privind con-
fesiunile istorice din Romnia i Europa Cen-
tral-Oriental. Subiectele abordate cu predilec-
ie de cercettori au fost dedicate unor teme,
precum organizarea vieii religioase i biseri-
ceti, sistemul colar confesional, personalit-
ile ierarhilor, relaiile stat-biseric, raporturile
interconfesionale .a. Publicaiile rezultate n
urma acestor antiere de cercetare au reuit s
mbogeasc n mod semnificativ producia is-
toriografic romneasc postdecembrist, resus-
citnd i restituind mediului academic i cultu-
ral din ara noastr o fie larg a istoriei care
fusese timp ndelungat uitat.
Avnd n vedere faptul c orice lucrare cu
caracter istoric, care i propune s urmreasc
i s restituie ochiului contemporaneitii trecu-
tul unei comuniti, al unei instituii sau perso-
naliti, a societii umane n ansamblu ntr-o
anumit perioad determinat, dar i a mutaii-
lor i transformrilor prin care toate acestea au
trecut, presupune, dup caz, o bun accesare i
cunoatere a surselor primare arhivistice i do-
cumentare, eforturile specialitilor de a facilita
accesul la aceste surse sunt mai mult dect
binevenite. Aceast motivaie a stat i la baza
acestui demers editorial al crui produs finit se
dovedete a fi volumul pe care l avem n ve-
dere. Aprut n a doua jumtate a anului 2010,
sub egida a patru specialiti recunoscui n cm-
pul de cercetare al istoriei Bisericii Ortodoxe
Romne, tomul intitulat sugestiv Instituii Ecle-
ziastice. Compendiu de Legislaie Bisericeasc
(Secolul al XIX-lea) acoper spectrul larg al le-
gislaiei bisericeti ortodoxe pe baza creia a
funcionat viaa eclezial pravoslavnic n Transil-
vania i Ungaria, n perioada anilor 1779-1918.
Fcnd referire la propriul proiect editorial,
cei patru istorici argumenteaz necesitatea i
utilitatea apariiei acestui compendiu prin ab-
sena, pe de o parte, a unei lucrri de specia-
litate, care s prezinte avatarurile constituio-
nale pe care o instituie ecleziastic le-a suferit
de-a lungul timpului (p.7), dar i prin nevoia
de a reda cercetrii istorice i teologice rom-
neti contemporane o serie de documente le-
gislative nc netranscrise pn n prezent din
chirilic, iar altele dispersate prin diferite volu-
me (p.35), pe de alt parte. n ceea ce privete
limba izvoarelor i modalitatea de transcriere a
documentelor, editorii au modernizat i adap-
RECENZI I

312
tat ortografia i cuvintele arhaice la lexicul ro-
mnesc actual, ceea ce denot att seriozitatea
i profesionalismul echipei editoriale n ches-
tiunea abordrii surselor, ct mai ales responsa-
bilitatea fa de exigenele lingvistice ale lecto-
rului contemporan. De altfel, echipa editorial
demonstreaz c proiectul de fa este unul care
se focalizeaz nu doar asupra unei simple publi-
cri de surse documentare care vizeaz trecu-
tul bisericesc al romnilor ortodoci, ci mai ales
asupra nlesnirii unei receptri ct mai facile a
acestor izvoare n rndurile cititorilor i cercet-
torilor contemporani. Prin prefaarea acestora
cu un studiu intitulat Instituiile Bisericii Orto-
doxe Romne din Transilvania, lectorul este
introdus n contextul istoric al redactrii i adop-
trii prezentelor regulamente. Studiul introduc-
tiv evideniaz, de asemenea, evoluia legislativ-
organizatoric a BOR din cuprinsul Monarhiei
habsburgice, surprinznd modul n care Biserica
s-a adaptat din punct de vedere instituional la
procesul de modernizare, desfurat n cursul
lungului secol al XIX-lea, ale crui dimensiuni
temporale au fost extinse de istorici ntre dou
evenimente europene majore: Revoluia francez
i Primul Rzboi Mondial. Aceast relaie dintre
Biseric i modernizare este sesizat prin mo-
dul n care funcionarea i administrarea insti-
tuiilor ecleziastice ortodoxe parohie, protopo-
piat, consistoriu, episcopie, mitropolie au evo-
luat de la un statut incipient, care trasa liniile
generale ale constituirii acestora, spre un statut
constituional modern, care definea cu exacti-
tate modul lor de funcionare. Concluzia edito-
rilor evideniaz cu claritate c introducerea
acestui statut constituional modern s-a consu-
mat n timpul mitropolitului Andrei aguna, al
crui Proiect i apoi Statut Organic, adoptat de
Congresul Naional Bisericesc n toamna anului
1868, a asigurat respectarea constituionalis-
mului n snul Bisericii, restabilind, totodat,
adevrata sinodalitate. Aceast reform consti-
tuional a asigurat Mitropoliei ortodoxe rom-
neti din Transilvania i Ungaria o via ecle-
zial dinamic, care a avut urmri pozitive sem-
nificative n toate sferele vieii romnilor din ju-
mtatea transleithan a Monarhiei Austro-ungare.
Studiului introductiv i urmeaz o Not
asupra ediiei n cuprinsul creia editorii men-
ioneaz criteriile metodologice, lingvistice i
de structur pe care le-au urmat pe parcursul
depistrii i editrii materialului documentar,
specificnd, totodat, sursele instituionale de
unde acestea provin, dar i persoanele care le-au
facilitat accesarea i culegerea acestora.
Cele aisprezece documente ecleziastice de
natur juridic restituite sunt redate n ordine
cronologic dup cum urmeaz: Rescriptul de-
claratoriu, mai exact Rescriptum Declaratorium
Illyricae Nationis din 16 iulie 1779; Sistema
consistoriale din 17 iunie 1782; Despre organi-
zarea i funcionarea Sinodului diecezii Aradu-
lui adoptat n primvara anului 1849 la Chi-
ineu Cri; Organizarea Sinodului diecezan pro-
pus cu prilejul Sinodului eparhial ardean din
iulie 1850; Proiect de Regulament pentru orga-
nizarea treburilor bisericeti, colare i funda-
ionale romne de religie greco-oriental n
statele austriece, prin Andrei Baron de aguna,
episcopul Bisericii greco-orientale din Ardeal;
Regulament pentru organizarea treburilor bise-
riceti, colare i fundaionale romne de religie
greco-oriental n statele austriece, prin Andrei
Baron de aguna, episcopul Bisericii greco-orien-
tale din Ardeal (aprobat la sinodul diecezan din
1864); Regulamentul afacerilor interne pentru
Congresul naional al Bisericii greco-rsritene
romne convocat pe 16/28 septembrie 1868;
Proiect de un Regulament pentru organizarea
treburilor bisericeti, colare i fundaionale
romne de religie greco-oriental prin Andrei
Baron de aguna. Arhiepiscop i mitropolit al
Bisericii greco-orientale din Ardeal i Ungaria;
Regulamentul afacerilor interne pentru Con-
gresul naional al Bisericii greco-orientale rom-
ne din Ungaria i Transilvania; Statutul Orga-
nic al Bisericii ortodoxe romne din Ungaria i
Transilvania, adoptat n octombrie 1868; Regu-
lamentul afacerilor interne pentru Sinodul arhi-
diecezan al Bisericii greco-orientale romne din
Transilvania, adoptat n 15/27 aprilie 1879;
Regulament pentru administrarea i controla-
rea averilor bisericeti din arhidieceza greco-
oriental romn a Transilvaniei, adoptat n
3/15 mai 1880; Regulament pentru procedura
la alegerea de protopresbiter, votat n 11/23
octombrie 1888; Regulamentul afacerilor in-
terne pentru Sinodul eparhial greco-oriental
romn al diecezei Aradului, adoptat n anul
1892; Regulament la alegerile de deputai
sinodali n Eparhia Aradului, conform 91 din
Statutul Organic, aprobat n 24 aprilie/7 mai
1902 i Regulament pentru parohii n provin-
cia mitropolitan a Bisericii ortodoxe romne
din Ungaria i Transilvania, votat n 10/23
octombrie 1909.
RECENZI I

313
Publicat cu profesionalism la editura Presa
Universitar Clujean, n condiii grafice excelente
Compendiu de Legislaie Bisericeasc, pe care
cei patru editori l pun acum n faa teologilor,
istoricilor i tuturor cercettorilor interesai de
dezvoltarea instituional a vieii bisericeti a
romnilor din Transilvania i Ungaria, pe du-
rata secolului al XIX-lea, au din acest moment
posibilitatea de a accesa n mod direct, pe lng
textul fundamental al cunoscutului Statut Orga-
nic agunian i cuprinsul unui numr bogat
de regulamente ecleziastice ale perioadei. Cele
aisprezece documente se dovedesc a fi nu doar
un mnunchi de scrieri religioase de natur
canonic-juridic, care denot o evoluie clar a
gndirii teologice romneti, ci i o bogat sur-
s documentar cu privire la realitile istorice
i problemele cu care parohiile, protopopiatele,
episcopiile, Mitropolia ortodox romn din
Transilvania i Ungaria, ntr-un cuvnt Biserica
n ansamblul ei, s-au confruntat n decursul
unui secol i jumtate.

MIRCEA GHEORGHE ABRUDAN
*
Drd., Facultatea de Istorie i Filosofie, Universitatea
Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia,
mirceapadre@yahoo.com

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), continund cu cel al sufletului

), ajungnd la vederea lui

), progresul nelimitat n vederea/cunoatere lui Dumnezeu

/ neflh) care se pogoar peste

/ gnfoj i sktoj) are un dublu sens: n primul rnd n

/ gnwsa (Bedjan 175) ceea ce este dincolo de cunoatere.

), care ating limita maxim n vederea lui Dumnezeu. Aceasta se numete n

. Descriind starea de a fi subordonat patimilor, nu face parte din itinerariul

), pentru a descrie cunoaterea apofatic

). Este important s observm c, n limba siriac, aceeai rdcin lingvistic

) lumii cu ochii int la cununa sa (1 Cor. 9, 24-25)

). C aceasta ridic cugetul dintru

), continuing with the psychical level

) up to the spiritual level (

), aiming at the vision of God

), the limitless progress in the vision/knowledge of

/ neflh) descending upon the tabernacle as image

/ gnwsa (Bedjan 175, Wensinck 118) what is beyond the knowledge.

), the dark cloud (

) and the darkness (

) and then silence (

) and it can be understood in

) of this world, each

) that is called immaterial contemplation (

). It elevates the intellect above earthly things and

) which is, according to a clear interpretation,

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