People Power Revolution

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"People Power" redirects here. For current and former political parties, see People Power Party
(disambiguation).
"EDSA Revolution" redirects here. For other uses, see EDSA Revolution (disambiguation).
People Power Revolution

Date 22 February 1986 25 February 1986
(3 days)
Location Philippines, primarily Epifanio de los Santos
Avenue, Metro Manila
Causes
Alleged corruption by the Marcos regime
Assasination of Benigno Aquino Jr.
Alleged fraud during the 1986 Presidential
snap elections
Goals Removal of Ferdinand Marcos from office
Result
Removal of Ferdinand Marcos from office
Marcos exiled to Hawaii
Start of the Fifth Philippine Republic
Corazon Aquino becomes President
Parties to the civil conflict
Marcos Government
Armed Forces of the
Supporters of the
People Power
RevolutionPolitical groups:
Philippines
Forces loyal to
Marcos
Presidential Security
Group
[1]

Government Parties:
Kilusang Bagong
Lipunan
UNIDO
PDP-Laban
Liberal Party
Military defectors:
Reform the Armed
Forces Movement
Defected soldiers
Others:
Anti-Marcos civilian
protesters
Catholic Church in the
Philippines
Archdiocese of Manila
CBCP
[2]

Militant groups:
Bagong Alyansang
Makabayan
[2][3]

Kilusang Mayo
Uno
League of Filipino
Students
Christians for
National
Liberation

Lead figures
Ferdinand Marcos
Imelda Marcos
Fabian Ver
Corazon Aquino
Salvador Laurel
Juan Ponce Enrile
Fidel V. Ramos
Gringo Honasan
Jaime Cardinal Sin
Attempts at regime change in the
Philippines (19702007)
Civil unrest (1970)
People Power (1986)
1986-90 plots
Honasan's Second (1989)
Fall of Estrada (2001)
May 1 riots (2001)
Oakwood mutiny (2003)
State of emergency (2006)
Manila Peninsula rebellion (2007)
V
T
E
The People Power Revolution (also known as the EDSA Revolution, the Philippine Revolution
of 1986, and the Yellow Revolution) was a series of popular demonstrations in the Philippines that
began in 1983 and culminated in 1986. The methods used amounted to a sustained campaign
of civil resistance against regime violence and electoral fraud. This case ofnonviolent revolution led
to the departure of President Ferdinand Marcos and the restoration of the country's democracy. It is
also referred to as the Yellow Revolution due to the presence of yellow ribbons during the
demonstrations following the assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr..
[4][5]
It was widely seen as a
victory of the people against the 20-year runningauthoritarian, repressive
[6]
regime of then
president Ferdinand Marcos and made news headlines as "the revolution that surprised the world".
[7]

The majority of the demonstrations took place on a long stretch of Epifanio de los Santos Avenue,
more commonly known by its acronym EDSA, in Metropolitan Manila from February 2225, 1986,
and involved over two million Filipino civilians, as well as several political, military, and including
religious groups led by Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila. The protests, fueled by the
resistance and opposition from years of corrupt governance by Marcos, culminated with the
departure of thedictator from Malacaang Palace to the United States state of Hawaii. Corazon
Aquino was proclaimed as the legitimatePresident of the Philippines after the revolution.
[8]

Contents
[hide]
1 Background and history
o 1.1 Assassination of Ninoy Aquino
o 1.2 Calls for election
o 1.3 Snap election
2 Events
o 2.1 Sin's appeal
o 2.2 Rising mass support
o 2.3 More defections
o 2.4 The capture of Channel 4
o 2.5 AFP holds fire
o 2.6 Two inaugurations
o 2.7 Marcos' departure
3 Aftermath
4 Legacy
5 Criticism
6 Timeline
7 See also
o 7.1 Similar events
8 References
9 Bibliography
Background and history[edit]


President Ferdinand Marcos
Ferdinand E. Marcos was elected president in 1965, defeating incumbent Diosdado Macapagal by a
very slim margin. During this time, Marcos was very active in the initiation of public works projects
and the intensification of tax collections. Marcos and his government claimed that they "built more
roads than all his predecessors combined, and more schools than any previous
administration".
[9]
Amidst charges of vote buying and a fraudulent election, Marcos was reelected in
1969, this time defeating Sergio Osmea Jr.
[citation needed]

Marcos's second term for the presidency, however, was marred by allegations of widespread graft
and corruption. The increasing disparity of wealth between the very wealthy and the very poor which
made up the majority of the country's population led to the rise of crime and civil unrest around the
country. These factors, including the formation of the New People's Army, an armed revolt that
called for the redistribution of wealth and land reform in the Philippines, and a bloody Muslim
separatist movement in the southern island of Mindanao led by the Moro National Liberation Front or
MNLF, contributed to the rapid rise of civil discontent and unrest in the Philippines.
[citation needed]

Marcos was barred from running for a third term as president in 1973, so on September 23, 1972, by
virtue of a presidential proclamation (No. 1081), he declared martial law, citing rising civil
disobedience as justification. Through this decree, Marcos seized emergency powers giving him full
control of the Philippine military and the authority to suppress the freedom of speech, the freedom of
the press, and many other civil liberties. Marcos also dissolved the Philippine Congress and shut
down media establishments critical of the Marcos government. Marcos also ordered the immediate
arrest of his political opponents and critics. Among those arrested were Senate President Jovito
Salonga, Senator Jose Diokno, and Senator Benigno Aquino Jr., the staunchest of his critics and the
man who was groomed by the opposition to succeed Marcos after the 1973 elections. Marcos would
also abolish the Philippines' 1935 constitution and replace it with a parliamentary-style government
(theBatasang Pambansa) along with a new constitution written by him. With practically all of his
political opponents arrested and in exile, Marcos' pre-emptive declaration of martial law in 1972, and
the ratification of his new constitution through political coercion, enabled him to effectively legitimize
his government and hold on to power for another 14 years beyond his first two terms as president. At
a period when the Cold War was still a political reality, Marcos's dictatorship ensured the political
support of the United States by Marcos' promise to stamp out communism in the Philippines and by
assuring the United States of its continued use of military and naval bases in the Philippines.
[10]

Throughout his presidency, Ferdinand Marcos had set up a regime in the Philippines that would give
him ultimate power over the military and the national treasury, as well as set up a personality cult.
Following his declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972,
[11]
Marcos immediately began
to embezzle money from the government and order the military to kill any political competition
against him. As a result, the Philippine economy began to tumble greatly, and the nation lost its
competitive edge in Southeast Asia. He also ordered many stores, hotels, schools, universities, and
other public places to place his Presidential picture prominently or otherwise their facilities were shut
down. The media frequently "eulogized" Marcos through public service announcements and news
reports. Even billboard advertisements across the country were replaced with
his propaganda messages on justifying his regime's actions. Marcos also ordered the shutdown and
takeovers of businesses in the country, then put these businesses either under the government
control, or under the control of Marcos cronies.
[10]

Several groups of people, however, even within the government, conspired throughout the term of
the Marcos regime to overthrow him. They were led by the popular public figure, incarcerated
opposition senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr, who Marcos accused of leaning to a left-
wing solution. While gaining popularity amongst the Filipino people for his stance against Marcos,
Aquino was eventually forced to seek exile in the United States for health and safety reasons.
However, in 1983, Ninoy Aquino announced his plans to return to the Philippines to challenge the
Marcos government.
[10]

Within the military, disillusioned junior officers silently conveyed their grievances. This led to the
formation of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM), Soldier of the Filipino People (SFP),
and Young Officers Union (YOU). RAM, which was led by graduates of thePhilippine Military
Academy Class of '71, Lt. Col. Gringo Honasan, Lt. Col. Victor Batac, and Lt. Col. Eduardo
Kapunan, found an ally and mentor in the Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile.
Assassination of Ninoy Aquino[edit]
Main article: Assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr.


The Manila Bulletin headline of Aquino's assassination on August 21, 1983
Despite warnings from the military and other pro-Marcos groups, Ninoy Aquino was determined to
return to the Philippines. Asked what he thought of the death threats, Ninoy Aquino responded, The
Filipino is worth dying for.
[this quote needs a citation]

On August 21, 1983, after a three-year exile in the United States, Aquino was assassinated as he
was disembarking from a Taiwanesecommercial flight at the Manila International Airport (which was
later renamed in Aquinos honor).
[12]
His assassination shocked and outraged many Filipinos, most
of whom had lost confidence in the Marcos administration. The event led to more suspicions about
the government, triggering non-cooperation among Filipinos that eventually led to outright civil
disobedience.
[13]
It also shook the Marcos government, which was by then deteriorating due, in part,
to Marcos worsening health and ultimately fatal illness (lupus erythematosus).
[citation needed]

The assassination of Ninoy Aquino caused the economy of the country to deteriorate even further,
and the government plunged further into debt. By the end of 1983, the country was bankrupt, and
the economy contracted by 6.8%.
[14]

In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, led by Chief Justice Enrique Fernando, to launch an
investigation into Aquinos assassination. Despite the commissions conclusions, Cardinal Jaime Sin,
the Archbishop of Manila, declined an offer to join the commission and rejected the governments
views on the assassination. By October, Marcos appointed a second commission to investigate. The
commissions final report accused the military of staging a conspiracy to assassinate Aquino, dealing
another major blow to the already collapsing government.
[citation needed]

Calls for election[edit]
Main article: Philippine presidential election, 1986
On November 3, 1985, after pressures from Washington,
[15]
Marcos suddenly announced that a
presidential snap election would take place the following year, one year ahead of the regular
presidential election schedule, to legitimize his control over the country.
[16]
The snap election was
legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883) by the Marcos-
controlled unicameral congress called the Regular Batasang Pambansa. The growing opposition
movement encouraged Ninoy Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, to run for the presidency
with Salvador Laurel as running mate for vice-president. Marcos ran for re-election, with Arturo
Tolentino as his running mate. The Aquino-Laurel tandem ran under the United Opposition (UNIDO)
party, while the Marcos-Tolentino ticket ran under the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) party.
[17]

Snap election[edit]
Main article: Philippine presidential election, 1986
The elections were held on February 7, 1986.
[16]
The official election canvasser, the Commission on
Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos
winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the final tally of
the National Movement for Free Elections(NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino
winning with 7,835,070 votes against Marcos' 7,053,068 points.
[18]
This electoral exercise was
marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results, culminating in the
walkout of 29 COMELEC computer technicians to protest the deliberate manipulation of the official
election results to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout was considered as one of the early "sparks"
of the People Power Revolution. The walkout also served as an affirmation to allegations of vote-
buying, fraud, and tampering of election results by the KBL.
[19]

Because of reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP)
issued a statement condemning the elections. The United States Senate also passed a resolution
stating the same condemnation.
[16]
US president Ronald Reagan issued a statement calling the
fraud reports as "disturbing".
[20]
In response to the protests, COMELEC claimed that Marcos with 53
percent won over Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered that the latter won over Marcos with 52
percent of votes.
[21]

On February 15, Marcos was proclaimed by COMELEC and Batasang Pambansa as the winner
amidst the controversy. All 50 opposition members of the Parliament walked out in protest. The
Filipino people refused to accept the results, however, asserting that Aquino was the real victor. Both
"winners" took their oath of office in two different places, with Aquino gaining greater mass support.
Aquino also called for coordinated strikes and mass boycott of the media and businesses owned by
Marcos's cronies. As a result, the crony banks, corporations, and media were hit hard, and their
shares in the stock market plummeted to record levels.
[citation needed]

Events[edit]
Appalled by the bold and apparent election irregularities, the Reform the Armed Forces
Movement set into motion a coup attempt against Marcos. The initial plan was for a team to assault
Malacaan Palace and arrest Ferdinand Marcos. Other military units would take over key strategic
facilities, such as the airport, military bases, TV and radio stations, the GHQAFP in Camp Aguinaldo,
and major highway junctions to restrict counteroffensive by Marcos-loyal troops.
Lt. Col. Gregorio Honasan was to lead the team that was going to assault Malacaan Palace.
However, after Marcos learned about the plot, he ordered their leaders' arrest,
[22]
and presented to
the international and local press some of the captured plotters, Maj. Saulito Aromin and Maj.
Edgardo Doromal.
[23]

Threatened with their impending imprisonment, Enrile and his fellow coup plotters decided to ask for
help from then AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen Fidel Ramos, who was also the chief of the Philippine
Constabulary (now the Philippine National Police). Ramos agreed to resign from his position and
support the plotters. Enrile also contacted the highly influential Cardinal Archbishop of Manila Jaime
Sin for his support.
At about 6:30 pm on 22 February, Enrile and Ramos held a press conference at Camp Aguinaldo,
where they announced that they had resigned from their positions in Marcos's cabinet and were
withdrawing support from his government. Marcos himself later conducted his own news conference
calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this stupidity."
[24]

Sin's appeal[edit]
In a message aired over Radio Veritas at around 9 pm, Cardinal Sin exhorted Filipinos to aid rebel
leaders by going to the section of EDSA between Camp Crame and Aguinaldoand giving emotional
support, food and other supplies. For many this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not
stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Many people, especially priests and nuns,
still trooped to EDSA.
[24]

Radio Veritas played a critical role during the mass uprising. Former University of the
Philippines president Francisco Nemenzo stated that: "Without Radio Veritas, it would have been
difficult, if not impossible, to mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours." Similarly, a certain
account in the event said that: "Radio Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else was
going on."
[25]

Rising mass support[edit]


During the height of the revolution, an estimated one to three million people filled EDSA from Ortigas Avenue all the
way to Cubao. The photo above shows the area at the intersection of EDSA and Boni Serrano Avenue, just between
Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo.
At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main transmitter of Radio Veritas,
cutting off broadcasts to people in the provinces. The station switched to a standby transmitter with a
limited range of broadcast.
[25]
The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable
communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government
troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies.
[24]

Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood
in the street was actually very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the
crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags,
trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and
Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. Several groups
sang Bayan Ko (My Homeland),
[26]
which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the
opposition. People frequently flashed the LABAN (fight) sign,
[27]
which is an "L" formed with their
thumb and index finger.
After lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed
EDSA from Camp Aguinaldo toCamp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.
[24]

In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east
and LVT-5 tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and
armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about
two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people.
[28]
Nuns holding rosaries knelt in
front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops.
[29]
Tadiar asked the
crowds to make a clearing for them, but they did not budge. In the end, the troops retreated with no
shots fired.
[24]

By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed. Shortly after midnight, the staff were able
to go to another station to begin broadcasting from a secret location under the moniker "Radyo
Bandido" (Bandit Radio). June Keithley, with Angelo Castro, Jr., was the radio broadcaster who
continued Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the remaining days.
[24]

More defections[edit]
At dawn on Monday, February 24, the first serious encounter with government troops occurred.
Marines marching from Libis, in the east, lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly
dispersed. Some 3,000 Marines then entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo.
[24]

Later, helicopters manned by the 15th Strike Wing of the Philippine Air Force, led by Colonel Antonio
Sotelo, were ordered from Sangley Point in Cavite (South of Manila) to head to Camp
Crame.
[30]
Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame,
landed in it, with the crowds cheering and hugging the pilots and crew members. A Bell
214 helicopter piloted by Major Deo Cruz of the 205th Helicopter Wing and Sikorsky S-76 gunships
piloted by Colonel Charles Hotchkiss of the 20th Air Commando Squadron joined the rebel squadron
earlier in the air. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had
been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement.
[24]
In the
afternoon, Aquino arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos, RAM officers and a throng were
waiting.
[30]

The capture of Channel 4[edit]
At around that time, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had left Malacaang Palace and
broadcast this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out
from Crame to appear to the crowds. The jubilation was however short-lived as Marcos later
appeared on television on the government-controlled Channel 4,
[31]
(using the foreclosed ABS-
CBN facilities, transmitter and compound) declaring that he would not step down. It was thereafter
speculated that the false report was a calculated move against Marcos to encourage more
defections.
[24]

During this broadcast, Channel 4 suddenly went off the air. A contingent of rebels, under Colonel
Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. Channel 4 was put back on line shortly after noon, with
Orly Punzalan announcing, "Channel 4 is on the air again to serve the people." By this time, the
crowds at EDSA had swollen to over a million. (Some estimates placed them at two million.)
[24]
This
broadcast was considered the "return" of ABS-CBN on air because this was the time when former
employees of ABS-CBN were inside the complex after 14 years of closure since Marcos took it over
during the Martial law of 1972.
In the late afternoon, rebel helicopters attacked Villamor Airbase, destroying presidential air assets.
Another helicopter went to Malacaang, fired a rocket and caused minor damage. Later, most of the
officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected. The majority of
the Armed Forces had already changed sides.
[24]

AFP holds fire[edit]

"Marcos' finest hour"

MENU
0:00
President Ferdinand
Marcos and General Fabian
Ver during a press
conference in Malacaan
Palace.

Problems playing this file? See media help.
The actual dialogue on TV between Marcos and then AFP Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver went as
follows:
Fabian Ver: The Ambush there is aiming to mount there in the top. Very quickly, you must
immediately leave to conquer them, immediately, Mr. President.
Ferdinand Marcos: Just wait, come here.
Ver: Please, Your Honor, so we can immediately strike them. We have to immobilize the helicopters
that they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.
Marcos: My order is not to attack. No, no, no! Hold on. My order is not to attack.
Ver: They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You asked me
to withdraw yesterday-
Marcos (interrupting): Uh yes, but ah... My order is to disperse without shooting them.
Ver: We cannot withdraw all the time...
Two inaugurations[edit]


Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as the 11th president of the Philippines On February 25, 1986 at Sampaguita Hall
(Now Kalayaan Hall)
On the morning of Tuesday, February 25, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal
government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the government-owned Channel 9
tower, near Channel 4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the
station.
[24]

Later in the morning, Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple
ceremony at Club Filipino
[32]
in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in
as President by Senior Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as Vice-President by
Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by Aurora Aquino,
the mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to
General, Enrile, and many politicians.
[24]
Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, hundreds of
people cheered and celebrated. Bayan Ko (My Country, a popular folk song and the unofficial
National Anthem of protest) was sung after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color
of Aquino's campaign for presidency.
An hour later, Marcos held the inauguration at Malacaan Palace. Loyalist civilians attended the
ceremony, shouting "Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin! (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)". On the Palace
balcony, Marcos took the Oath of Office, broadcast by IBC-13 and GMA-7.
[24]
None of the invited
foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony, for security reasons. The couple finally emerged on the
balcony of the Palace before 3,000 KBL loyalists who were shouting, "Capture the snakes!"
[33]
Rather
tearfully,
[33]
First Lady Imelda Marcos gave a farewell rendition of the couple's theme song the
1938 kundiman "Dahil Sa Iyo" (Because of You) chanting the song's entreaties in Tagalog:
Because of you, I became happy
Loving I shall offer you
If it is true I shall be enslaved by you
All of this because of you.
[33]

After the inauguration, the Marcos family and their close associates hurriedly fled the Palace. The
broadcast of the event was interrupted as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations.
[24]

By this time, hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred
meters away from Malacaang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government
troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to
be violent.
[24]

Marcos' departure[edit]
At 3:00 p.m. (EST) on Monday, President Marcos phoned United States Senator Paul
Laxalt,
[33]
asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly",
[33]
to
which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to
Minister Enrile, asking for safe passage for him, his family, and close allies such as General Ver.
At midnight PHT, the Marcos family boarded a United States Air Force HH-3E
Rescue helicopters
[6]
and flew to Clark Air Base in Angeles City 83 kilometres north of Manila. The
deposed First Family and their servants then rode US Air Force DC-9 Medivac and C-141B planes
to Andersen Air Force Base in the north of the United States territory of Guam, then flying to Hickam
Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos finally arrived on February 26.
[7][24]

When news of the Marcos family's departure reached civilians, many rejoiced and danced in the
streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators stormed the Palace, which was closed to ordinary
people for around a decade. Despite looting by some angry protesters, the majority wandered about
inside through rooms where national history was shaped, looking at objects extravagant and
mundane that the Marcos clan and its court had abandoned in their flight.
[citation needed]

In other countries, people also rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. CBS anchorman Bob
Simon reported: We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy. Well, tonight they
are teaching the world.
[24]

Aftermath[edit]
Main article: Presidency of Corazon Aquino
In her speech before the United States Congress which she delivered on September 18, 1986,
seven months after assuming the presidency, President Aquino observed that "ours must have been
the cheapest revolution ever".
[34][35]

While the Marcoses fled, and the former president died in exile in Hawaii, his wife Imelda later won a
seat in the House of Representatives and his son Ferdinand Jr. was elected senator in 2010.
The revolution had an effect on democratization movements in such countries as Taiwan and South
Korea; other effects include the restoration of the freedom of the press, adoption of a new
constitution, and the subordination of the military to civilian rule, despite several coup attempts
during the Aquino administration.
[36]

The revolution provided for the restoration of democratic institutions after thirteen years of
authoritarian rule and these institutions have been used by various groups to challenge the
entrenched political families and to strengthen Philippine democracy.
[37]

Legacy[edit]


Statue commemorating the revolution along EDSA near the entrance of Camp Aguinaldo.
The EDSA Revolution Anniversary is a special public holiday in the Philippines. Since 2010, the
holiday has been a special non-working holiday only for schools, and not a regular yearly
holiday.
[38][39]



10-peso coin commemorating the People Power Revolution
Rampant corruption continued to plague the country and that led to the 2001 EDSA Revolution,
which deposed President Joseph Estrada.
Despite recent efforts at historical revisionism by his cronies,
[40]
the Marcos name has remained
synonymous with corruption in the Philippines, with his son and namesake, Senator Ferdinand
"Bongbong" Marcos Jr., accused of involvement in a multi-million peso pork barrel fund scam.
[41]

Criticism[edit]
There are political writers, especially those living outside of Metro Manila, who associate the People
Power Revolution with what they term as "Imperial Manila" because it was believed that Marcos was
toppled from his position without the participation of Filipinos living in areas outside of the capital
region. In an article published in Philippine Daily Inquirer, Amando Doronila wrote that:
People power movements have been an Imperial Manila phenomenon. Their playing field is EDSA.
They have excluded theprovincianos from their movement with their insufferable arrogance and
snobbery ... ignoring the existence of the toiling masses and peasants in agrarian Philippines.
[42]

This criticism fails to take into consideration the existence and mobilization of anti-Marcos groups
outside of Metro Manila before and during the revolution in Edsa. Protest action against Marcos held
in Antique,
[43]
Cebu, and other provinces
[44]
show that the will of those outside "Imperial Manila" was
in consonance with those protesting in EDSA, and that People Power was not merely an isolated
revolt, but a countrywide revolution.





The 2001 EDSA Revolution, also known as EDSA II (pronounced "EHD-sa Dos"), was a four-day
political protest from 17-20 January 2001 that peacefully overthrew the government of Joseph
Estrada, the tenth President of the Philippines. Estrada was succeeded by his Vice-President, Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo, who was sworn into office by then-Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. at around
noon on January 20, 2001, several hours before Estrada fled Malacaang Palace. EDSA is
an acronym derived from Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, the major thoroughfare connecting five
cities in Metro Manila, namely Pasay, Makati,Mandaluyong, Quezon City, and Caloocan, with the
revolution's epicentre at the EDSA Shrine church at the northern tip ofOrtigas Center, a business
district.
Advocates described EDSA II as "popular" but critics view the uprising as a conspiracy among
political and business elites, military top brass and Catholic Cardinal Jaime Sin.
[1]
International
reaction to the revolt was mixed, with some foreign nations including the United States immediately
recognising the legitimacy of Arroyo's presidency, and foreign commentators describing it as "a
defeat for due process of law", "mob rule", and a "de facto coup".
[2]

The only means of legitimizing the event was the last-minute Supreme Court ruling that "the welfare
of the people is the supreme law."
[3]
But by then, the Armed Forces of the Philippines had already
withdrawn support for the president, which some analysts called unconstitutional, and most foreign
political analysts agreeing with this assessment. William Overholt, a Hong Kong-based political
economist said that "It is either being called mob rule or mob rule as a cover for a well-planned coup,
... but either way, it's not democracy."
[2]
It should also be noted that opinion was divided during
EDSA II about whether Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as the incumbent Vice President should be
President if Joseph Estrada was ousted; many groups who participated in EDSA II expressly stated
that they did not want Arroyo for president either, and some of them would later participate in EDSA
III. The prevailing Constitution of the Philippines calls for the Vice President of the Philippines,
Arroyo at the time, to act as interim president only when the sitting President dies, resigns, or
becomes incapacitated, none of which occurred during EDSA II.
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Deposed president: Joseph Estrada


Incoming president: Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
On October 4, 2000, Ilocos Sur Governor Luis "Chavit" Singson, a longtime friend of President
Joseph Estrada, went public with accusations that Estrada, his family and friends received millions
of pesos from operations of the illegal numbers game,jueteng.
[4]

The expos immediately ignited reactions of rage. The next day, Senate Minority Leader Teofisto
Guingona, Jr. delivered a fiery privilege speech accusing Estrada of receiving P220 million in jueteng
money from Governor Singson from November 1998 to August 2000, as well as taking P70 million
on excise tax on cigarettes intended for Ilocos Sur. The privilege speech was referred by Senate
President Franklin Drilon, to the Blue Ribbon Committee and the Committee on Justice for joint
investigation. Another committee in the House of Representatives decided to investigate the expos,
while other house members spearheaded a move to impeach the president.
[4]

More calls for resignation came from Manila Cardinal Archbishop Jaime Sin, the Catholic Bishops
Conference of the Philippines, former Presidents Corazon Aquino and Fidel Ramos, and Vice
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (who had resigned her cabinet position of Secretary of
the Department of Social Welfare and Development). Cardinal Sin stated in a statement "In the light
of the scandals that besmirched the image of presidency, in the last two years, we stand by our
conviction that he has lost the moral authority to govern."
[5]
More resignations came from Estrada's
cabinet and economic advisers, and other members of congress defected from his ruling party.
[4]

On November 13, 2000, the House of Representatives led by Speaker Manuel Villar transmitted the
Articles of Impeachment, signed by 115 representatives, to the Senate. This caused shakeups in the
leadership of both houses of congress.
[4]
The impeachment trial was formally opened on November
20, with twenty-one senators taking their oaths as judges, and Supreme Court Chief Justice Hilario
Davide, Jr. presiding. The trial began on December 7.
[4]

The day-to-day trial was covered on live Philippine television and received the highest viewing rating
at the time.
[4]
Among the highlights of the trial was the testimony of Clarissa Ocampo, senior vice
president of Equitable PCI Bank, who testified that she was one foot away from Estrada when he
signed the name "Jose Velarde" documents involving a P500 million investment agreement with their
bank in February 2000.
[4]

Contents
[hide]
1 Timeline in Edsa 2
o 1.1 Day 1: Wednesday January 17, 2001
o 1.2 Day 2: Thursday January 18, 2001
o 1.3 Day 3: Friday January 19, 2001
o 1.4 Day 4: Saturday January 20, 2001
2 Criticism
3 See also
4 References
5 Further reading
6 External links
Timeline in Edsa 2[edit]
On January 17, 2001, the impeachment trial of President Estrada moved to the investigation of an
envelope containing crucial evidence that would allegedly prove acts of political corruption by
Estrada. Senators allied with Estrada moved to block the evidence. The conflict between the
senator-judges, and the prosecution became deeper, but then Senate Majority Floor
Leader Francisco Tatad requested to the Impeachment court to make a vote for opening the second
envelope. The vote resulted in 10 senators in favor of examining the evidence, and 11 senators in
favor of suppressing it. The list of senators who voted for the second envelope are as follows:
Voted to examine Voted against examining
1. Rodolfo Biazon
2. Renato Cayetano
3. Franklin Drilon
4. Juan Flavier
5. Teofisto Guingona, Jr.
6. Loren Legarda
7. Ramon Magsaysay, Jr.
8. Sergio Osmea III
9. Aquilino Pimentel, Jr.
10. Raul Roco
1. Robert Jaworski, Sr.
2. Blas Ople
3. Juan Ponce-Enrile
4. Vicente "Tito" Sotto III
5. Anna Dominique "Nikki" Coseteng
6. John Henry Osmea
7. Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan
8. Teresa "Tessie" Aquino-Oreta
9. Ramon Revilla, Sr.
10. Francisco "Kit" Tatad
11. Miriam Defensor Santiago
And,after the vote, Sen. Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. resigned as Senate President and walked out of the
impeachment proceedings together with the 9 opposition Senators and 11 prosecutors in the
Estrada impeachment trial. The 11 administration senators who voted YES to block the opening of
the second envelope remained in Senate Session Hall together with the members of the defense.
The phrase "JOE'S COHORTS" quickly surfaced as a mnemonic device for remembering their
names (JOE'S COHORTS: Jaworski, Oreta, Enrile, Santiago, Coseting, Osmena, Honasan, Ople,
Revilla, Tatad, Sotto).
[6]
However in February 2001, at the initiative of Senate PresidentAquilino
Pimentel, Jr., the second envelope was opened before the local and foreign media and it contained
the document that stated that Jaime Dichavez and not Estrada owned the "Jose Velarde
Account".
[7][8]

Day 1: Wednesday January 17, 2001[edit]
All 11 prosecutors in the Estrada impeachment trial resigned. Sen. Tessie Aquino-Oreta, one of
three senators who voted against opening the envelope (a "NO" vote), was seen on national
television; most assumed that she was dancing joyfully as the opposition walked out. This further
fuelled the growing anti-Erap sentiments of the crowd gathered at EDSA Shrine, and she became
the most vilified of the 11 senators. She was labelled a "prostitute" and a "concubine" of Erap for her
dancing act, while Sen. Defensor-Santiago was also ridiculed by the crowd who branded her a
"lunatic".
Day 2: Thursday January 18, 2001[edit]


Hundreds of thousands protesters choke the EDSA-Ortigas Ave. intersection calling for the resignation of
President Joseph Estrada.
The crowd continues to grow, bolstered by students from private schools and left-wing organizations.
Activists from the group Bayan and Akbayan as well as lawyers of the Integrated Bar of the
Philippines and other bar associations joined in the thousands of protesters.
Day 3: Friday January 19, 2001[edit]
The Philippine National Police and the Armed Forces of the Philippines withdraw their support for
Estrada, joining the crowds at the EDSA Shrine.
At 2:00pm, Joseph Estrada appears on television for the first time since the beginning of the protests
and maintains that he will not resign. He says he wants the impeachment trial to continue, stressing
that only a guilty verdict will remove him from office.
At 6:15pm, Estrada again appears on television, calling for a snap presidential election to be held
concurrently with congressional and local elections on May 14, 2001. He adds that he will not run in
this election.
Day 4: Saturday January 20, 2001[edit]
At noon, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo takes her oath of office in the presence of the crowd at EDSA,
becoming the 14th president of the Philippines.
At 2:00 pm, Estrada releases a letter saying he had "strong and serious doubts about the legality
and constitutionality of her proclamation as president".
[9]
In that same letter, however, he says he
would give up his office in order to allow for national reconciliation.
Later, Estrada and his family evacuate Malacaan Palace on boat along the Pasig River. They are
smiling and waving to reporters and shaking hands with the remaining Cabinet members and palace
employees. He was initially placed under house arrest in San Juan, but was later transferred to his
rest home in Sampaloc, a small village in Tanay, Rizal.
Criticism[edit]
World reaction to the administration change was mixed. Though foreign nations, including the United
States, immediately expressed recognition of the legitimacy of Arroyo's presidency, foreign
commentators described the revolt as "a defeat for due process of law", "mob rule", and a "de
facto coup".
[2]

On January 18, 2008, Joseph Estrada's Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) caused full-page
advertisement in Metro Manila newspapers, blaming EDSA 2 of having "inflicted a dent on Philippine
democracy". It featured clippings questioned the constitutionality of the revolution. The published
featured clippings were taken from Time, The New York Times, The Straits Times, The Los Angeles
Times, The Washington Post, Asia Times Online, The Economist, and International Herald Tribune.
Supreme Court justice Cecilia Muoz Palma opined that EDSA 2 violated the 1987 Constitution.
[10]

On February 2008 parts of the Catholic Church that played a vital role during EDSA II issued a sort
of an apology. The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) president and Iloilo
Archbishop Angel Lagdameo expressed disappointment in Mrs. Arroyo, saying that the event which
has become known as EDSA II, installed a president who was reported in February 2008 by the
Philippine newspaper The Daily Tribune as "... now being adjudged in surveys as the country's 'most
corrupt' leader".
[11]

On March 13, 2008, Joseph Estrada named Lucio Tan, Jaime Sin, Fidel Ramos, Luis Singson, and
the Ayala and Lopez clans (who were both involved in water businesses) as co-conspirators of
EDSA Revolution of 2001.
[12]