Judith Butler notes that gender socialization begins before the child is born, in

the mothers womb (Robertson 8). As this socialization is an inherent part of ones life,
what one perceives as feminine or masculine is a result of this long process of gender
socialization (Kendall 342). Gender is defined as the culturally and socially
constructed differences between females and males. Gender differences are rooted in
the meanings, beliefs and practices related with being feminine or being masculine
(Kendall 342). As this definition suggests, social and cultural processes are more
important in defining what is feminine and what is masculine and their accompanying
roles and acceptable relationships (Kendall 342). The Takarazuka theatre in Japan is an
all female revue in which females play the male parts as well as their female
counterparts. Actors in the Revue must learn how to be feminine and masculine. The
actors who play male parts are so convincing that heterosexual and homosexual female
fans often become infatuated with them (Robertson 15). The actors, although female,
become male through the characters they play but more importantly, through the male
lifestyle and personality they must lead in order to keep the illusion of being male.
Although the female actors who play male roles were socialized as females: emotional,
dainty and soft, they take on male characteristics, convincing the fans that they are
somewhat male. Therefore, as illustrated by the Takarazuka theatre, gender roles and
perceptions of maleness and femaleness are a result of socialization, making gender a
fluid concept and one that is easily learned. In addition, since socialization perpetuates
gender stereotyping and construction, and as patriarchy is the underlying fabric
dominant in most cultures, culturally approved socialization is dependant upon
patriarchic notions of what is male and what is female.

THE TAKARAZUKA REVUES ROOTS

The all female Takarazuka Revue was founded in 1913 by Kobayashi Ichizo
(Robertson 8). Kobayashi recruited twenty girls, trained them to sing and dance and
gave them each a stage name. These girls were broken down into otokoyaku, who play
the roles of men, and musumeyaku, who play the roles of women (Robertson 11). In
1919 Kobayashi established the forerunner of the present day Takarazuka Music
Academy and he required that all Takarasiennes must be graduates of the two-year
Academy. Kobayashi declared that he had founded the Academy not only to train
female students in the Western and Japanese theatrical arts, but also to reassure parents
that their daughters were under the constant supervision of male Academy officials
which would help prevent young women fall into decadent lifestyle (Robertson 8).
In the context of state formation and nationalism in Japan in the 1920s, the
notion of Good Wife, Wise Mother (ryosai kenbo) was the model female gender in the
Meiji Civil Code (Robertson 66). In Japan, the key indicators for females of social
adulthood are marriage and motherhood. Kobayashi wrote many articles in womens
journals reminding females that working for wages outside the home should be
temporary and a preparation for marriage (Robertson 67). Consequently, when they
eventually retired from the stage and married, which was strongly urged by Kobayashi
and the Academy, the women would be prepared for their role as Good Wife, Wise
Mother in the patriarchal household (Robertson 67). Kobayashi encouraged this role
and believed that women who graduated from the Academy would learn how to better
serve her husband after playing a male role. She would better understand the male
psyche and would be better prepared for marriage. Thus, it was in this context that the
Takarazuka theatre was accepted into the mainstream market.

GENDER AS A FLUID CONCEPT

Within postmodern theory, the formation of identity happens in and through us.
Sex is assigned at birth by physicians who visually inspect the baby and pronounce its
male or female status (Bolaria 119). With this status, the appropriate socialization is
then imparted, boys developing a masculine gender identity and girls developing a
feminine gender identity (Bolaria 120). This process suggests that gender is a fluid
concept. Takarazuka theatre uses clothing to highlight this fluidity. In The Rose of
Versailles, one of the most famous revues, the main character, Oscar, is a female raised
as a boy in order to ensure the patrilineal continuity of a family of generals (Robertson
75). When Oscar is portrayed as a male, his character changes into masculine attire.
This change of clothes occurs similarly as he changes into his female self. Clothing
becomes the means to which the character can commute gender. The overall Oscar
character represents the slippage between sex and gender (Robertson 74).
This fluidity from one gender to the next is learned or easily obtained. The
above-mentioned Butler stated that gender construction began before birth. This
statement indicates that we are female or male because of socialization tactics. These
tactics placed on us even before birth places us into containments. Females are limited
to femininity and its attached attributes, attitudes and even interests. Women are
socialized at a young age to embrace their maternal roles, as indicated by the types of
toys they are encouraged to play with. For example, little girls are given baby dolls and
Easy Bake Ovens. These toys clearly send the message that girls are supposed to
behave in a certain way and meet certain societal expectations. Even in the
employment sphere women are encouraged to embrace maternal or servile jobs;
something that perhaps perpetuates the feminization of poverty.

MASCULINITY AND FEMININITY

Since adopting maleness or femaleness is a learned process, it is important to
note what society views as masculine and feminine. Regardless of language or culture,
masculine and feminine stereotypes are fairly universal. For example, men are defined
as being strong, dominant and decisive while women are seen as weak, dependent and
emotional (Kendall 343). Societies tend to uphold these male and female
characteristics, marking a clear delineation between what is appropriately masculine
and feminine.
Anne Allisons experience of the Japanese pre-school system exemplifies how
Japanese society and the dominant patriarchy controls the ideas of femininity and the
duties of a woman and mother. Allison believes that from the view of the Westerner,
the Japanese school system are engaging in overkill when it comes to how much the
female parent must provide for her child (149). It is purely the mothers responsibility
to take care of the childs duties while in school. For example, in pre-school, children
must wear specific uniforms that must be made by the mother. There are handbooks
given to the mother, not the father, about how to prepare these uniforms and how to
make bento, or a lunchbox (Allison 150). Allison views the whole rigorous process as
the programming of mothers into a certain model: to be productive and to be the
emotional nurturers for her children (Allison 151). In a broader sense, the notion that
the Japanese school system structures womens lives to take on the nurturer role while
forcing women to remain in the domestic sphere, continues to reinforce those
unchangeable patriarchal aspects of society.
Through the learned aspects of maleness, the Takarazuka male actors take on
the typically culturally assigned characteristics, such as being loud, controlling and
strong. However, since the male actors take on these characteristics, they begin to

dominate the female actors, thus, recreating a patriarchy. Therefore the Takarazuka
theatre in Japan can be used to illustrate the fluidity of gender as well as illustrating the
persistent ideas rooted in gender socialization.
SOCIALIZATION REPRODUCES PATRIARCHY
Since an otokoyaku has to construct an inner maleness, the Takarazuka actors
inevitably reproduce hierarchical gender typologies. As the dominant socialization
practices bolster the idea that males are superior to females, that females should be
subservient to men or that males occupy the higher ranks of society, although the
otokoyaku are biologically female, when they become male, they unintentionally
reproduce a patriarchy. There exists a hierarchy in which the top echelon is dominated
by the all male management (producers, choreographers) and underneath them, the
female actors. Moving down the ladder, the group of female actors is broken down to
female actors who play male parts and female actors who play the female roles. The
male actors are considered to be more valuable than the female actors; there is usually
one star male actor on stage to the many background female actors (Robertson 85).
In order to deflect the emerging lesbian subtext from the media and the
reviewers, Kobayashi asked the leading otokoyaku at the time, Ashihara Kuniko in a
public editorial to make sure that new students understood that they were not to use
masculine words or to behave in a manly fashion in their daily lives. Kobayashis
editorial was a timely and opportunistic measure used to minimize any negative
attention concerning the otokoyakus masculine lifestyle and to reinforce his
patriarchal agenda for the Takarasiennes (Robertson 73).
Foucault speaks of sex identification as being part of a control mechanism. The
fact that someone is biologically male or female forces people into their appropriate
sexual orientation and its accompanying gender roles (Bolaria 124). Thus, this power

constructed within the group of actors is another indication that sex, as constructed by
society, continues to control individuals. Not only does it control individuals but it also
allows for a person to exercise control over another, as long as it is socially fitting.
This is seen through Kobayashi and his all male management, and what he valued as
being appropriate for a Japanese male and female. It is a containment that neatly places
individuals into their appropriate societal roles. Therefore, due to the patriarchic
nature of socialization, the otokoyaku maintain the ideals of the dominant paternalistic
structure.
POLITICAL ISSUES AND REDEFINING GENDER
As we are individuals within a larger structure, one that is complex and
persistent in its values and traditions, as individuals we are socialized into a particular
preset mold. When one does not fit into this mold, he or she is considered a stranger,
or as the Japanese would say, soto. As the Takarazuka theatre nicely illustrates, when a
group of individuals move away from the norm, society begins to question the validity
of certain practices. For example, the reviews of the Theatre targeted the male-lead and
female-lead actors, accusing them of promoting a lesbian lifestyle.
As Japan is a securely male-dominated society, when the family structure is
threatened, the state is considered under attack. Underlying these ideals of appropriate
male and female behaviour and the patriarchy that breeds these notions, one must
understand the roots of Japanese culture and ideologies. The teachings of Confucius
were integral to society, believing that it would maintain social harmony as well as the
ethics of social relations (Heinz 264). According to the kinship ideology, the lineage
and the state were complementary to each other, not competitive (Heinz 265).
Japanese society is heavy with nationalism; the state is always placed above the
individual.

As Confucius noted, the family is particularly important to the state, as they are
the structure or backbone of the country. The notion of life-time employment in Japan
can better illustrate this point. Large conglomerates dominate the economy in Japan
and employees usually begin at one of these companies right after completing their
university degree (Ogasawara 82). They begin as recruits and with time, they are
expectantly promoted by the company. There are two tracks in the Japanese company:
the management track and the office track (Ogasawara 82). Women who perform
services for men dominate the office track and the management track is headed by
males who climb further up the corporate ladder (Ogasawara 98). Males are seen as the
breadwinners in Japanese society and since it is the majority and the norm, males are
paid more and are guaranteed life-time employment. According to the general Japanese
ideology of the family, males are necessary to fuel the economy and are rewarded with
life-time employment and promotions. The economy is closely knitted to Japanese
society and politics, that an attack on this working system is a real threat that must be
dealt with.
This being the case, when an issue arises that directly influences or threatens the
family, it is considered a threat against the state. Therefore, it is no surprise that
Kobayashi was heavily involved with politics, trying to ease the politicians worries
about an all-female revue and its accompanying lesbian subtext. Lesbianism, as
theorized by psychologist Yasuda Tokutaro, represented female and cultural
emancipation as well as sexual equality since neither sex was placed in a lower position
(Robertson 192). If Japan as a state fears the dissemination of the proper family
structure that for so long held the nation together, the thought of female liberation
would be considered a more than real threat.

Why look at Japanese society and the Takarazuka theatre to illustrate gender
construction and gender socialization? As a Korean second generation female, I find
that the values and gender socialization entrenched in Japanese society are very similar
to the Korean way of thinking and assessing reality. As a Korean-Canadian, I can take
an objective view of both Korean culture and Canadian culture. What I notice as
different is the way in which each culture views females and their roles in society.
Canadian culture seems to treat women as an oppressed group and therefore, there have
been services and institutions set up for women by women. Female students in my
generation enjoy the fruits of the Western feminism movement. However, comparing
young Korean women who have been socialized in Korea to young Canadian women
today, each group has a very different outlook on life and the role they occupy in
society.
As with Japanese society, Korean society seems to value early marriage and
places a huge amount of pressure on young women to marry. They assume that when a
woman marries, she will quit her job in order to start a family and become the ideal
housewife. Korean women are also supposed to be overly feminine and dainty.
Although there are always exceptions to the rule, what I have experienced and have
observed has lead to the conclusion that women are to be indulged; they are not
powerhouses, they are merely something to be enjoyed. As mentioned above,
socialization is the key factor that produces these behaviours and ideals. For example,
growing up, I always felt that there was a conflict with the gender ideals that my
mother tried to enforce and with Canadian gender ideals. Although Western notions of
the female still do not represent complete female emancipation, but compared to the
Korean ideal, it enjoys much more freedom. One example is the idea that in the
presence of a male or groups of men, younger females should be as prim and proper as

possible, without saying much or asking questions. I remember many times being
shushed for speaking up and contradicting some of my fathers colleagues. It was
not a rude objection, but I simply wanted to express my opinions. However, when my
older brother spoke up, it was seen as intelligent and independent thinking. He was
never shushed unless it was outrightly rude. I was taught at school that one should
always speak their mind, so when I thought it was appropriate, I would speak up. This
behaviour got me in trouble numerous times. Thus, the female and her appropriate
behaviours in Korean culture is different from the female in Canadian culture, creating
a conflict for second generation Korean Canadians females.
In addition to the cultural conflict surrounding gender specific behaviours, when
Korean females reject the feminine image and reject feminine fashions, they are
typified as being too masculine and are not considered marriage material, thus,
becoming a problem for the family. Many Korean friends, including myself, have
noted that they do not fit into that dominant female mold. However, masculine
fashions and behaviours are somewhat more acceptable in Canadian society thereby
furthering this cultural conflict
If gender is so fluid, something that can be learned convincingly, the question
arises: how many sexes are there? How many genders? Serena Nanda studied the
hijras of India as both a third sex and a third gender (Bolaria 121). Within Western
society, the dichotomization of the two sexes is recent, stemming from the nineteenth
century (Bolaria 121). Thomas Laqueur argues that until this separation of the sexes,
there was a one-sex model in operation. All bodies were essentially male, with
women seen as imperfect males (Bolaria 121). Therefore, how society views gender
and ones biological sex is fluid and changes as society embraces new ideas and
perspectives. It is perhaps the rigidity of socialization and the persistent cultural ideals

of masculinity and femininity that Western culture does not make room for variety, only
pursuing the dichotomization of two sexes and their accompanying socially appropriate
sexual identities as the norm.
Gender roles are extremely important in Japanese society as each male and
female member in the family are assigned specific tasks. These tasks are vital to the
survival of the Japanese economy and society. The family unit is a microcosm of state
power and if it is challenge, it may challenge other power hierarchies, for example, the
elites in society versus subordinate groups. As illustrated by the Takarazuka theatre,
gender can be fluid because it is easily learned. In addition to the fluidity of gender,
gender socialization is a powerful process in which individuals learn certain behaviours
and roles. These roles continue to suppress certain groups such as women, who usually
play the role of the dependent housewife, thus perpetuating certain societal inequalities
such as the gender wage gap and contribute to the feminization of poverty. The
likelihood that an individual will be poor is directly linked to that persons attachment
to the labour force (Bolaria 148). Women who remained housewives all their adult
years were disadvantaged materially by their total economic dependence on a husband
and when the womans male figure disappears through divorce or death, it places
women in a difficult position in the labour market (Bolaria 148). Gender socialization
and the idea that gender is a social construct has many broader social implications that
can negatively affect ones social and economic experience in life.

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Works Cited
Allison, Anne. Producing Mothers, Re-Imaging Japanese Women. Ed. Anne
Imamura. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996.
Bolaria, B. Singh. (ed.) Social Issues and Contradictions in Canadian
Society. Scarborough:
Nelson Thomson Learning, 2000.
Heinz, Carolyn Brown. Asian Cultural Traditions. Prospect Heights: Waveland Press
Inc., 1999.
Kendall, Diana. Sociology in Our Times. Toronto: Wadsworth
Publishing:, 2002.
Ogasawara, Yuko. Office Ladies and Salaried Men. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1998.
Robertson, Jennifer. Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

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The Takarazuka Theatre:

Gender Socialization and Gender Construction

12

Dawn Kim
93892016
Sociology 100 004
Professor J. Overboe
The University of British Columbia
April 5, 2004

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