Do you think Lindquist is practicing rhetorical listening?

An assistant professor of English at the University of Southern Mississippi, Julie Lindquist

compiles her ethnographic findings on working-class bar patrons and their use of argumentative
language to create a group identity in A Place to Stand, Politics and Persuasion in a Working Class Bar.
Despite Lindquist's need to gather specific knowledge in order to meet the goals of her study, it is
evident she practices rhetorical listening by the approach and procedures she embraces as researcher.
Ratcliffe describes rhetorical listening as "a trope for interpretive invention and as a code of crosscultural conduct . . . to situate themselves openly in relation to all kinds of discourse, whether written,
oral, or imagistic. (p. 204). By this definition, rhetorical listening requires Lindquist to stand under the
discourse and listen with intent by considering how personal experience may construct Smokehouser's
perceptions and beliefs, an approach that is visible throughout the text.
Lindquist gathers data using an ethnographic approach that almost seems to force her to listen
rhetorically to Smokehousers. From the importance Lindquist's seems to place on her past experiences
that have led her to feel as a "dissenter" it can be inferred that these life events have shaped her
understanding of ethnographic research (p. 11-16). Lindquist realizes that her own history has an impact
on choosing to conduct an ethnographic study and how she uses rhetorical listening to interpret
arguments between Smokehousers. She states, ". . . I do suggest that because my particular brand of
alienation was in many ways a product of how my own values and assumptions conflicted with those
around me, my ethnography of Smokehouse rhetoric is a product of this history" (p.11). Therefore, this
ethnography is as much about Lindquist as it is about the Smokehousers because she is the one
interpreting the arguments by listening rhetorically.
Reeves, Kuper, and Hodges in Qualitative Research Methodologies: Ethnography describe
ethnographic study as, " . . . the study of social interactions, behaviors, and perceptions that occur
within groups, teams, organizations, and communities," and furthers the meaning by adding, "The
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central aim of ethnography is to provide rich, holistic insights into people's views and actions . . . " This
definition of ethnographic research suggests it is nearly impossible to conduct a ethnographic research
study without listening rhetorically. Lindquists seems to be able to identify the similarities in
ethnographic research and rhetorical listening by understanding that, " . . . researchers wishing to
understand the connection between meaning and consciousness in a given setting must fully participate
in social contexts in which these meanings are given life; they must consider the identities, histories, and
intentions of the people whose meaning-making process they wish to understand," (p. 10). This gives
reason to why she chose to insert herself into the community by becoming a participant in the space
while also positioning herself as an observer. This positioning allows her to practice rhetorical listening
by acknowledging the identities, histories, and intentions of Smokehousers through the arguments they
initiate and participate in. From these arguments, Lindquist recognizes that Smokehousers tell stories,
"about themselves, to themselves, in argument" (p. 10). The fact that Lindquist can come to the
conclusion that Smokehouser's arguments run deeper than face value indicates her application of
rhetorical listening, which can be seen specifically during her in-depth interviews with select
Smokehousers.
Lindquist uses routine practices for collecting data in ethnographic studies by conducting
interviews with Smokehousers Walter, Joe, Arlen, Maggie, and Perry. This method supports the use of,
and almost imposes rhetorical listening on Lindquist. She uses interviews to gain a better insight of
Smokehousers life stories and ideologies by listening unbiasedly and rhetorically, with intent and not for
intent, to each Smokehouser. This can be seen as she explains the goal of meeting with Smokerhousers
individually . . . in the hopes of carving out a new rhetorical place where I might position myself as
uncritical consumer of narrated ideologies, where I might hear what Somkehousers feel they must say in
order to catch flashes of insight into what they think they think (p. 58). Lindquist denotes herself as an
uncritical consumer, and employs her unbiased stance to uncover Smokehousers reasoning. This
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stance and procedure upheld by Lindquist, is an example of how she practices rhetorical listening during
the interviews. In her interview with Walter, Lindquist asks a question about class structure in America,
to which Walter replies with an answer he admits knowing she doesnt like that (p. 77). Instead of
arguing her point of view, Lindquist urges Walter to talk more on the subject. Here, she listens
rhetorically by casting her own beliefs to the side and listening with a sense of understanding and
neutrality. Her conclusion of Walters stance on class structure further illustrates her practice of
rhetorical listening as she concludes that, For Walter, social class concerns culture as much as
economics: Walt allows that economic standing is important in determining class but insists that habit
and manner are nonetheless significant in making people higher in the social hierarchy different from
other further down, (p.78) a conclusion she would be unable to make had she not been listening
rhetorically.
Lindquist seeks to analyze the working-class bar patrons of Smokehouse and their use of
argumentative language to create a group identity. It is evident she practices rhetorical listening by the
approach and procedures she embraces as researcher. Lindquist uses the method of ethnography to
collect data crucial to her study. This approach partially forces her to use rhetorical listening because it
requires she emerge herself into the Smokehouse community as a participant and unbiased observer. As
researcher, Lindquist conducts individual interviews with select Smokehousers. During this common
ethnographic method used to collect data, Lindquist demonstrates practicing rhetorical listening by
standing under the discourse which is made possible by disregarding her own beliefs.

What are some of the social, political, and economic contexts in which Menchu constructs Mayan
culture? What role might objects play in the construction of that culture?
Rigoberta Menchu shares stories of oppression among her Mayan community and their
struggle to survive through personal accounts in the book I Rigoberta Menchu. The political, economic,
and social contexts that Menchu uses to construct Mayan culture are interwoven and heavily immersed
in tradition. This tradition plays a significant role in constructing the foundation of the Mayan
community and shaping all aspects of Mayan life.
The Mayan community in which Menchu grows up in is a collectivist culture. Their reliance on
one another is highlighted during Menchus explanation of childbirth ceremonies, The birth of a new
member is very significant for the community, as it belongs to the community not just the parents (p. 8)
The community works together to raise the child in the Mayan tradition and teaches them too, live like
the fellow members of the community, (p. 16) by explaining why they preform certain rituals and why
they do the things they do. However, while the community works as a whole, they still recognize the
difference gender has on roles in the community. These differences can be seen as early as childbearing
as Menchu describes the difference between birth ceremonies of a male child, . . . there are special
celebrations, not because hes male but because of all the hard work and responsibility hell have as a
man. Boys are given more, they get more food because their work is harder and they have more
responsibility (p.15). Babies are introduced to their roles in the community early in life by being given
toys to play with. As a baby, males are given a machete and an axe, while a female is given a washing
board (p. 17). These objects imply gender in a traditional sense, where men are providers of the
household while women are the homemaker, even though it can be argued that women work just as
hard as the women. Other objects such as nahuals, an animal spirit given to each community member
to protect them, is another example of how objects are used to construct Mayan culture. These
protective spirits have characteristics that are said to align with the owners personality traits and
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children are only told their nahual when they are mature enough. As Menchu recounts theses stories
and rituals, she socially constructs the Mayan culture as collectivist, traditionalistic, and gendered.
Mayans abide by a political structure separate from the Guatemalan government. A leader is
elected by the community and seen as, " . . . not a king but someone whom the community looks up to
like a father" (p. 7). This tradition has constructed their political views and because of this, they dont
see the Guatemalan government as a part of their government. Menchu recalls the story of her family
being forced to vote in a Guatemalan presidential election and she describes the day they were told that
their president won, My parents laughed when they heard them say our President, because for us
he was the President of the ladinos, not ours at all (p. 30). Their detachment from the Guatamulan
government and reliance on the elected Mayan leader is a result of their collectivist culture and
adherence to tradition..
Menchu illustrations of hard work and continuous struggle construct Mayan culture
economically. All her life Menchu has witnessed her family face a variety of hardships, stemming from
their lack of wealth. As a child, Menchu watched as two of her brothers starved to death from
malnutrition (p. 5) and as she grew older she began to partake in hard work herself as she recounts
stories of boarding the lorry to go work in the fincas. Her account of the finca's landowner speaks
volumes of how the Mayan culture struggles to provide food and views the rich. Menchu recalls being
scared of the landowner because he was fat (p. 28). Food is so scarce in her community that everyone
there is skinny; therefore, she's not accustomed to seeing someone of his size. It's important in Mayan
tradition to share with your neighbors, because of this it can be inferred that Menchu doesn't like the
rich landowner because he has the resources to become so fat, while her people continuously suffer
through starvation.

Menchu constructs her culture through political, social, and economic contexts that are all
heavily immersed in Mayan tradition and enforced by objects. As a collectivist culture, the Mayan
community works together in every aspect of life, they don't recognize themselves under the
Guatemalan government, instead following their communities elected representative, and struggle
economically.

Works Cited
Debray, Elisabeth. I, Rigoberta Mench: An Indian Woman in Guatemala. London: Verso, 1984. Print.
Lindquist, Julie. A Place to Stand: Politics and Persuasion in a Working-class Bar. Oxford: Oxford UP,
2002. Print.
Ratcliffe, Krista. "Rhetorical Listening: A Trope for Interpretive Invention and a "Code of Cross-Cultural
Conduct"" JSTOR 51.2 (1999): 195-224. Print.
Reeves, S., A. Kuper, and B. D. Hodges. "Qualitative Research Methodologies: Ethnography." BMJ 337
(2008): A1020. Web. 4 Oct. 2014. <http://78.158.56.101/archive/health/doc/resources/reevesetalethnography.pdf/at_download/file.pdf>.