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Christian Bayley
AAS 111
Section 002
Dahlia Petrus
Pan-Africanism: Garvey vs. Du Bois
The Pan-Africanist movements of the early twentieth century laid most of the foundation
for both modern philosophies of blackness and black political movements. The two main schools
of Pan African thought during this time period were led by Marcus Garvey and William Edward
Burghardt Du Bois. Though founded on similar principles, the Garvey and Du Bois movements
were almost diametrically opposite, both with their own advantages and drawbacks. While
Garvey espoused ideas of Black Nationalism and a return to Africa, Du Bois supported racial
equality through domestic integration and a philosophy of double consciousness.
The philosophies of Garvey and Du Bois were both influenced heavily by each figures
respective upbringing. Garvey was born into a working class family in Jamaica and was a
printers apprentice as a teenager. Du Bois was born during the reconstruction period in the
United States in a relatively free black community. Garvey had to leave school early for his
apprenticeship, while Du Bois became the first person of color to receive a doctorate from
Harvard. As a result, Garvey relied on charismatic oration while Du Bois relied on
intellectualism. Each would end up criticizing the other for their respective strengths. Garvey
claimed Du Bois was simply an intellectual on the side of the white man and Du Bois claimed
Garvey was either a lunatic or a traitor (PBS.com).
Du Bois philosophical works were foundational in the development of his political
strategies. Through his heavy involvement in academia, Du Bois developed his theory of double

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consciousness. First articulated in his work The Souls of Black Folk, double consciousness theory
argued that the consciousness of any African American was stuck looking at one's self through
the eyes of others (Bois 38). This meant that the African descendent outside of Africa was
doomed to an eternal struggle of attempting to situate herself between the hereditary ideologies
of the homeland and the imposed ideologies of the colonizer. This subject would be trapped in an
attempt to both hang on to her African-ness and not ignore her American-ness. Du Bois valuing
of both African and American cultures and ideologies would be what led him to pursue a strategy
of integration and equality.
It was based on these ideals that in 1909, Du Bois founded the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People in order to promote a domestic solution to the issue of race.
He believed that despite the predicament of double consciousness, African Americans were what
their labelled implied; both African and American. Because of this inescapable truth, Du Bois
thought it was necessary to fight for equality in America and thought the idea of a return to
Africa to be both unnecessary and improper.
Unlike Du Bois, Garvey experienced the effects of racism in a more material manner. At
an early age, Garvey was forced out of financial necessity to end his education. The experience
of oppression sparked a fire within Garvey that led him to leave Jamaica, first to Central
America in 1910. There he worked on a banana plantation in Costa Rica shortly before moving
to Panama to work on a newspaper. In 1912 he returned to Jamaica for a short while before
going to London to study, speak, and work on another publication. Garveys experience as the
Other in the Caribbean, Central America, and England would lead him to develop political
strategies that focused on black pride and nationalism. When he returned again to Jamaica in
1914, he founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association on those ideals. After the UNIA

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had some success in Jamaica, Garvey decided to move to New York to establish a chapter of his
organization. It was from then on that Garvey would explode as an international icon in the black
struggle and shift his focus away from Jamaica and to the global stage.
The economic strategies of Du Bois and Garvey were also a point of contention between
the two figures. As the UNIA rose in membership and influence, Garvey advocated for what can
be referred to as Black Capitalism. This push began slowly with Garvey encouraging the growth
of black owned businesses and factories through his African Factories Corporation. However,
this wasnt the end of the line for Garvey. His goal was to expand trade between all areas of the
diaspora and Africa through the creation of the Black Star Steamship Corporation (Mulzac 76).
The Black Star Line began with what seemed to be enormous success. Garvey succeeded
in selling a large number of shares of its stock through advertisement in the UNIA publication
Negro World. Garveys audience, a majority of African Americans, were enraptured by the
thought of contributing to black economic success. However, due to poor financial management,
some government subversion, and Garveys authoritarian style of rule, the Black Star Line failed
miserably. It was this failure that led to Garveys eventual imprisonment from 1925 to 1927.
In the beginning, Du Bois liked the idea of the Black Star Line, but after he realized its
obvious shortcomings, Du Bois heavily criticized Garveys methods. It was during the rise and
fall of the Black Star Line that Du Bois took a definitively hardline stance against Garvey and
the UNIA. Throughout the continuation of Garveys various ventures in black owned enterprise,
Du Bois remained a vigilant critic. Du Bois eventually became a soft Marxist with some socialist
leanings, but during the height of conflict between the two Du Bois was simply opposed to
Garveys Black Capitalism.

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The question of proposed relationship to Africa was central to the conflict between
Garvey and Du Bois. Both figures had a vast appreciation for Africa, but each in his own way.
Du Bois insisted that African Americans should be integrated into American society, while still
trying to improve the condition of Africa. It was for this reason that Du Bois helped to form the
first Pan-African Congress with the goal of persuading European nations to give autonomy back
to each African nation.
Garvey, on the other hand, believed in a return to Africa. This return, in combination with
the idea of reflex influence, was what motivated Garvey to pursue Black Capitalism. During the
height of his popularity, Garvey even set up various titles within the leadership of the UNIA,
naming himself The Emperor of the Kingdom of Africa (Nytimes.com). It was this sort of
pomp and entitlement to Africa that Du Bois so heavily criticized.
Ironically, it would be Du Bois and not Garvey that ended up returning to Africa. Toward
the end of his life, Du Bois would be invited to Ghana and eventually die there. As to why
Garvey never returned, it is likely that various European powers feared the impact that a visit
from him would have on their colonies.
All of this being taken into account, it is difficult for me to come to a concrete and
cohesive conclusion about the prospects of Pan-Africanism. In a general sense, yes, I support the
goals of Pan-Africanism, but I find enumerating my specific opinions to be a challenge. I agree
with Du Bois theory of double consciousness, but dont necessarily agree with the conclusions
that he draws from it. I agree with Garvey on the necessity of a return to Africa and the creation
of a kind of Black Capitalism that benefits diasporans and Africans, but I disagree with his
methods. I dont completely agree with either figure, but I find certain portions of each of their
methodologies to be parts of my ideal kind of Pan-Africanism.

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The Pan-Africanism that I imagine is a kind of hybrid between the philosophies of Du
Bois, Garvey, and their modern day counterparts. I believe that developing a theory of the black
body is a prerequisite to creating any kind of legal reform or concrete improvement. In this area I
default to Du Bois, but with a spin. Du Bois concludes that the best solution for a double
conscious subject is integration into their current society. In my opinion, it is impossible for this
kind of integration to become fully actualized without first deconstructing the oppressive
portions of that society. In instances where violence is used to oppress any minority, my opinion
is that retaliatory violence is both justified and necessary to deconstruct that oppression. In this
respect I default to Garveys opinion on the necessity of violence. After and during this
deconstruction, there must be some sort of economic empowerment for the black body.
However, before the deconstruction of oppressive society and whiteness, it is most likely that
only a certain level of economic empowerment is possible. This is evidenced by the fact that as
whiteness has continued to be disassembled, minority groups have become increasingly
empowered. This is why the project of deconstruction must continue even if it can never be fully
actualized. In essence, the objective of my kind of Pan-Africanism is balance. For every
Malcolm X there must also be a Martin Luther King Junior.
Though they are almost complete opposites, both Garvey and Du Bois are parts of the
larger Pan-African painting. They each inspired millions of people as they gave new answers to
lingering questions. Their legacies are obvious as they each represent early versions of more
recent black movements. Despite their respective drawbacks, Garvey and Du Bois both will be
remembered by generations of Pan-Africanists to come.

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Works Cited
Bois, W. E. B. The Souls of Black Folk. Ed. David W. Blight and Robert W. Goodin. Boston:
Bedford, 1997. Print.
Mulzac, Hugh, Louis E. Burnham, and Norvell Welch. A Star to Steer by. New York:
International, 1963. Print.
Nytimes.com. "On This Day: Marcus Garvey, Negro Ex-Leader." New York Times, 12 June
2010. Web. 18 Nov. 2014.
<http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0817.html>.
Pbs.org. "People & Events: W.E.B. Du Bois, 1868-1963." Public Broadcasting Station Online, 1
Jan. 2000. Web. 18 Nov. 2014.
<http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/garvey/peopleevents/p_Du Bois.html>.