TEA Party Exposed by ANONYMOUS Political Party

ANONYMOUS Political Party would like to take
the pleasure to introduce
The TEA Party /// Tobacco Everywhere Always

this DOX will serve as a wake-up call to some people in the Tea Party itself
who will find it a disturbing to know the grassroots movement they are so emotionally
attached to, is in fact a pawn created by billionaires and large corporations with little interest in
fighting for the rights of the common person, but instead using the common person to fight for
their own unfettered profits.
The TEA Party drives a wedge of division in America | It desires patriots, militias,
constitutionalists, and so many more groups and individuals to ignite a revolution | to destroy
the very fabric of the threads which were designed to kept this republic united |
WE, will not tolerate the ideologies of this alleged political party anymore, nor, should any
other individual residing in this nation.
We will NOT Hail Hydra!
United as One | Divided by Zero
ANONYMOUS Political Party | United States of America
www.anonymouspoliticalparty.org
Study Confirms Tea Party Was Created by Big Tobacco and Billionaires
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Mon, 2013-02-11 00:44
BRENDAN DEMELLE
Study Confirms Tea Party Was Created by Big

Tobacco and Billionaires
A new academic study confirms that front
groups with longstanding ties to the
tobacco industry and the billionaire Koch
brothers planned the formation of the Tea
Party movement more than a decade
before it exploded onto the U.S. political
scene.
Far from a genuine grassroots uprising,
this astroturf effort was curated by
wealthy industrialists years in advance. Many of the anti-science
operatives who defended cigarettes are currently deploying their tobaccoinspired playbook internationally to evade accountability for the fossil
fuel industry's role in driving climatedisruption.
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The study, funded by the National Cancer Institute of the National Institute of
Health, traces the roots of the Tea Party's anti-tax movement back to the early
1980s when tobacco companies began to invest in third party groups to fight excise
taxes on cigarettes, as well as health studies finding a link between cancer and
secondhand cigarettesmoke.
Published in the peer-reviewed academic journal, Tobacco Control, the study
titled,'To quarterback behind the scenes, third party efforts': the tobacco
industry and the Tea Party,is not just an historical account of activities in a
bygone era. As senior author, Stanton Glantz, a University of California, San
Francisco (UCSF ) professor ofmedicine,writes:
Nonprofit organizations associated with the Tea Party have
longstanding ties to tobacco companies, and continue to advocate
on behalf of the tobacco industry's anti-tax, antiregulationagenda.
The two main organizations identified in the UCSF Quarterback study areAmericans
for Prosperity and Freedomworks.Both groups are now supporting the tobacco
companies' political agenda by mobilizing local Tea Party opposition to tobacco
taxes and smoke-free laws. Freedomworks and Americans for Prosperity were once
a single organization called Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE ). CSE was founded
in 1984 by the infamous Koch Brothers, David and Charles Koch, and received over
$5.3 million from tobacco companies, mainly Philip Morris, between 1991 and2004.
http://www.desmogblog.com/2013/02/11/study-confirms-tea-party-was-created-big-tobacco-and-billionaires[8/1/2014 11:59:38 AM]
How Unconventional Gas Threatens our

Water, Health, and Climate
Study Confirms Tea Party Was Created by Big Tobacco and Billionaires
In 1990, Tim Hyde, RJR Tobacco's head of national field operations, in an eerily
similar description of the Tea Party today, explained why groups like CSE were
important to the tobacco industry's fight against government regulation.
Hydewrote:
coalition building should proceed along two tracks: a) a grassroots
organizational and largely local track,; b) and a national, intellectual
track within the DC-New York corridor. Ultimately, we are talking
about a movement, a national effort to change the way people think
about government's (and big business) role in our lives. Any such
effort requires an intellectual foundation - a set of theoretical and
ideological arguments on itsbehalf.
The common public understanding of the origins of the Tea Party is that it is a
popular grassroots uprising that began with anti-tax protests in2009.
However, the Quarterback study reveals that in 2002, the Kochs and tobaccobacked CSE designed and made public the first Tea Party Movement website under
the web address www.usteaparty.com. Here's a screenshot of the archived U.S. Tea
Party site, as it appeared online on Sept. 13,2002:
Democracy is utterly dependent upon

an electorate that is accurately
informed. In promoting climate change
denial (and often denying their
responsibility for doing so) industry has
done more than endanger the
environment. It has
undermineddemocracy.
There is a vast difference between
putting forth a point of view, honestly
held, and intentionally sowing the
seeds of confusion. Free speech does
not include the right to deceive.
Deception is not a point of view. And
the right to disagree does not include
a right to intentionally subvert the
publicawareness.
read more
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CSE describes the U.S. Tea Party site, In 2002, our U.S. Tea Party is a national
event, hosted continuously online, and open to all Americans who feel our taxes are
too high and the tax code is too complicated. The site features a Patriot Guest
book where supporters can write a message of support for CSE and the U.S. Tea
Party movement.
Sometime around September 2011, the U.S. Tea Party site was taken offline.
According to the DNS registry, the web address www.usteaparty.com is currently
owned byFreedomworks.
The implications of the UCSF Quarterback report are widespread. The main concern
expressed by the authors lies in what they see happening overseas as the Tea
Party movement expands internationally, training activists in 30 countries including
Israel, Georgia, Japan andSerbia.
As the authorsexplain:
This international expansion makes it likely that Tea Party
organizations will be mounting opposition to tobacco control (and
http://www.desmogblog.com/2013/02/11/study-confirms-tea-party-was-created-big-tobacco-and-billionaires[8/1/2014 11:59:38 AM]
Revealed: Heather Zichal Met with

Cheniere Executives as Obama Energy
Aide Before Board Nomination
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TEA Party: Tobacco Everywhere Always | DeSmogBlog

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Mon, 2013-02-11 10:01
JOHN MASHEY
TEA Party: Tobacco Everywhere Always

weekly.
Climate change doubt is a key belief in

the TEA Party, sparked by the Kochrelated Americans for Prosperity and
FreedomWorks. Big Tobacco was heavily
involved from the 1980s onward, and by
1992 the Tea Party was already in play.
Extensive new research has unearthed
the realhistory.
To quarterback behind the scenes, thirdparty efforts: the tobacco industry and
the Tea Party by Amanda Fallin, Rachel Grana and Stanton A Glantz,
was published online last week in BMJ Tobacco Control, a high-impact
peer-reviewed journal. Theywrite:
98
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DESMOG TIP JAR

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Rather than being a purely grassroots movement that spontaneously

developed in 2009, the Tea Party has developed over time, in part
through decades of work by the tobacco industry and other
corporateinterests.
Starting in the 1980s, tobacco companies worked to create the
appearance of broad opposition to tobacco control policies by
attempting to create a grassroots smokers rights movement.
Simultaneously, they funded and worked through third-party groups,
such as Citizens for a Sound Economy, the predecessor of AFP and
FreedomWorks, to accomplish their economic and political agenda.
There has been continuity of some key players, strategies and
messages from these groups to Tea Party organisations. As of 2012,
the Tea Party was beginning to spreadinternationally.
Watch the 19 minute video from Friday, starting at 01:17:45: Quarterbacking

Behind the Scenes The Tobacco Industry and the Tea Party, read the blog by
Glantz, then buy the paper for the extensive backup detail.* It's worth it, but it is
now free. Their title came from a 1995 Philip Morris strategy memo by
BeverlyMcKittrick:
'A. Long-term - To create political environment where moderates of
both parties can vote for legislation that divests FDA of any power to
http://www.desmogblog.com/2013/02/11/tea-party-tobacco-everywhere-always[8/1/2014 12:00:58 PM]
regulate tobacco because they are convinced that FDA is already

failing miserably in accomplishing its coremission.
B. Short-term - To quarterback behind the scenes, third-party efforts
to launch, publicize and execute a broad non-tobacco-based attack on
the many failings of the FDA with respect to its currently authorized
statutoryactivities.
II . THIRD - PARTY GROUPS
A. Citizens for a Sound Economy - Monitor and help direct multifront actionplan.
B. Washington Legal Foundation - Monitor and help direct multifront actionplan
C. Competitive Enterprise Institute - Work with Borelli to help tie
their activities more into congressional efforts re timing, focus,
andvenues.'
CEI 's well-known efforts in climate anti-science feature Myron Ebell, Chris Horner,
their Cooler Heads Coalition, and their role in recruiting Ross McKitrick, Christopher
Essex and Steve McIntyre in the attack on the hockey-stick temperature curve, but
CEI had a long involvement withtobacco:

environment. It has
publicawareness.
read more
On behalf of everyone here at the Competitive Enterprise Institute, I

would like to thank you for Philip Morris's $150,000 contribution.
Fred L. Smith, Jr,President
However, CSE was tobacco's favorite, taking at least $5.3M 1991-2002. It was
founded in 1984 by David Koch and his key lieutenant, Richard Fink, ex-economics
professor at George Mason University (GMU ), home of the Mercatus Center, the
Institute for Humane Studies and law school that graduated Ken Cuccinelli and
other relevant lawyers. CSE Exec VP and first AFP President Nancy Mitchell
Pfotenhauer was a GMU student, major Koch lobbyist for years, and lately ViceRector of GMU (A.5, A.6). CSE later reorganized into TEA Party sparkplugs
Americans For Prosperity and FreedomWorks.
The tobacco/climate anti-science relationship was highlighted in Merchants of Doubt
and has been noted by others. Tobacco interests created many of the tactics and
fostered the machinery inherited by other anti-science efforts. Here at DeSMogBlog
Fakery 2: More Funny Finances, Free oF Tax, Appendix F, showed the crucial
problem for tobacco companies. As per RJ Reynolds' The Importance of Younger
Adults, they needed to addict children to create lifelong customers, not adults.
Few start smoking after age 18, and later starters find it easier to quit, because
addiction really is best entrenched while brains are stilldeveloping.
Higher cigarette taxes especially deter children from smoking, so they pose an
existential threat to tobacco companies, to be fought at all costs, but hidden
among larger groups. As Fallin, Grana and Glantzwrote,
In 1990, Tim Hyde, RJR director of national field operations, outlined
a strategy for RJR to create a movement resembling what would
later emerge as the Tea Partyby
'build[ing] broad coalitions around the issue-cluster of freedom,
choice andprivacy'
Another RJR field coordinator later described the companys motivation
for involving and organising third-partyorganisations:
'anti-tax groups were a natural. You didnt have to defend
your position on tobacco because a tax is a tax is a tax to
theseguys.'
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The authors found an even more specific Burson-Marsteller proposal from 1992:
Grounded in the theme of The New American Tax Revolution or The
New Boston Tea Party, the campaign activity should take the form of
citizens representing the widest constituency base mobilized with
signage and other attention-drawing accoutrements such as lapel
buttons, handouts, petitions and evencostumes.
It took decades, but they got that, including the costumes. I'd guess few members
of the TEA Party realize it was created to help the tobacco industry addict kids to
behavior that will kill many, slowly. For a definitive history of tobacco industry
malfeasance, there is no better source than Golden Holocaust: Origins of the
Cigarette Catastrophe and the Case for Abolition (2012).
Side-by-side with Kochs, expanding abroad, TEA = Tobacco Everywhere Always.
See also Brendan's take on this, Study Confirms Tea Party Was Created by Big
Tobacco and Billionaires.
* This article has 184 footnotes with references to many more details, plus another 16 pages of dense
supplementary material listing organizations, people, funding, campaign examples, with its own 161
footnotes. In my opinion, it is an investigative tour de force, costs $30 and is worth everypenny.
Global
(ocean,
atmosphere, ice) heat
accumulation
data bombs
from
Hiroshima nuclear
Nuccitelli
et al (2012).
of energy
since 2005
UPDATE 02/22/13: paper is now freely available.
Image credit: R. Gino Santa Maria / Shutterstock.com
Tags:tea party; tobacco; koch brothers
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Comments
Reduced NH cigarette taxes
Mon, 2013-02-11 21:26 GingerLadySlipper
The NH branch of Americans for Prosperity was heavily involved in the 2010 election, recruiting and
coaching candidates. There was general unease at that point with the medical care act and with the
continuing recession, even though NH was not affected much. The promise of jobs from the Tea
Partyers/Libertarians resonated, and the true leanings of the candidates were disguised. The legislature
went overwhelmingly Republican and many dreams of the KooKs were enacted. The voters were
appalled by the Legislature's antics and unexpectedly rejected interim Republican candidates who were
thought to have sureshots.
One of the ugly and counterproductive actions was to lower the cigarette tax, already the lowest of
nearby states. The 'reason' given was that lowering the taxes were raise the revenue because smokers
would flock to NH to buy cheaper ciggies. (Of course they didn't calculate how much the travelers would
have to pay forgas.)
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DRAFT - FOR DISCUSSION PURPOSES ONLY

10/2/95
FDA - Beverly McKittrick
I . OBJECTIVES
A. Long-term - To create political environment where

"moderates" of both parties on the Hill can vote for legislation
that divests FDA of any power to regulate tobacco because
they are convinced that FDA is already failing miserably in
accomplishing its "core mission ."
B. Short-term - To quarterback behind the scenes, third-party
efforts to launch, publicize and execute a broad non-tobaccobased attack on the many failings of the FDA with respect to
its currently authorized statutory activities .
II . THIRD-PARTY GROUPS
A. Citizens For A Sound Economy - Monitor and help direct

multi-front action plan .
B . Washington LeLral Foundation - Monitor and help direct
multi-front action plan .
C. Competitive Enterprise Institute - Work with Borelli to help
tie their activities more into congressional efforts re timing,
focus, and venues .
D . Progress and Freedom Foundation - Monitor and help direct
efforts .
E . Advertising Trade Groups - Work closely with ANA, AAF,
AAAA and FAC to make FDA regulation of advertising generally
a focus of FDA Oversight/Reform efforts . Encourage follow up
letters to appropriate Committee Members, and educational
hits on Hill on these issues .
F. Burson "Strange Bedfellow" Project - Monitor and if

preliminary outreach bears fruit, direct efforts through
Burson to steer these groups to appropriate places on Hill .
G . Alex De Toqueville Institute - Monitor and direct media and
other efforts .
http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/snc37c00/pdf
H . Other Groups - From working closely with Borelli and
Marden, identify and assist other groups in making waves on

Hill and in media concerning FDA .
III . FORUMS FOR FDA ATTACK WITH THIRD PARTIES
A. CONGRESSIONAL
1 . Oversight Committees - Both Barton efforts and
Mclntosh/Shays efforts are ongoing in House . Need
media, lobbying and policy support from third-party
groups in support of these efforts .
2. Appropriations Committee - Preparations needed
for FY97 appropriations for House and Senate . CSE
should lead here, as they did on FY96 efforts . Need
to work with CSE to develop appropriations strategy
with teeth .
3 . Authorization Committees
gear up for Hill action,
Labor will be where action
and policy support needed
- With FDA Reform set to

House Commerce and Senate
is . Again, lobbying, media
from third party groups .
4 . House Republican Conference - CSE sits at table

with Boehner concerning Republican priorities . Look
for opportunities here for CSE in moving other
groups to FDA .
B . MEDIA
1 . Paid Media - Depending on resources available, help

direct best use of ads both within and without
Beltway . Inside the Beltway media like the Hill, Roll
Call, Congressional Monitor critical at raising
temperature level . Smart use of paid media in
national/regional/trade press publications
(Washington Times, Washington Post, New York
Times, Advertising Age) requires guidance and
coordination .
2 . Earned Media - CSE has creative ideas for earned
media . This needs to be encouraged with other
appropriate groups .
3 . Op-Eds - Need as broad of coverage as possible .
Work with Borelli, de Toqueville, other groups to
encourage wave of this activity .
4 . Editorial Board Visits - Certain groups will have

expertise and capacity to do such work, like with
WSJ, Washington Times, and others .
C . REGULATORY
1 . FOIA Strategy - Various groups have

capacity/expertise in aggressive FOIA strategies that
can be directed at agency . Need to identify several
groups and help work strategy through .
2. Lawsuit/Petition Strategy - WLF has several
petitions pending at FDA demanding regulatory
action and one or two lawsuits pending against
agency . Is there more that can be done here with
either WLF or one or more other groups?
IV . RESOURCES AVAILABLE
A. Arnold and Porter - They are one stop shopping to help

you with the panoply of raw materials you will need to
help guide these groups . They can monitor FDA trade
press, help you identify issue areas for attack, and
otherwise prepare any other materials that you may need
such as draft op-eds, draft Dear Colleagues, legislative
analysis, etc .
B . David Nelson - For Barton O&I hearings/activity .
cc : Howard Liebengood
Greg Scott
COMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE
Fred L. Smith, Jr.

President
TOM
BOSELLI
October 11, 1994
Dr. Thomas J. Borelli

Director, Science and Environmental Policy
Philip Morris Management Corporation
120 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10017
Dear Tom:
On behalf of everyone here at the Competitive Enterprise Institute, I would like to
thank you for Philip Morris's $150,000 contribution. We think that our work is helping
expand the debate on matters concerning economic freedom and this generous contribution is
taken as a vote of confidence in our work.
Philip Morris's contribution will enable CEI to expand our efforts in such wellestablished areas as our Human Cost of Regulation program and other regulatory reform
projects, as well as in such newer programs as our Pop Culture project.
Again, Tom, thank you for helping CEI secure this contribution. I hope to see you
next month at our 10th Anniversary celebration and look forward to working with you in the
future.
Sincerely,
%JLS^^
Fred L. Smith, Jr.
President
W
^
OS
cr?
00
OS
looi Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite 1250 Washington, D.C. 20036 Telephone: (202) 331-1010 Fax:(202)331-0640
http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/hdl88h00/pdf
FreedomWorks Continues Dick Armey's Defense of Big Tobacco | DeSmogBlog

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Fri, 2013-01-25 10:13
ANNE LANDMAN
FreedomWorks Continues Dick Armey's Defense

of Big Tobacco
The third in a series about Dick Armey and
his relationship to the tobacco industry
throughout his career. Seepart one and part
two.

weekly.
10
Like
In his last job as head of Freedomworks,

Dick Armey became a more consistent and
reliable ally for the tobacco industry for at
least one of their pet issues: cigarette taxes.
reddit
Under Armey, FreedomWorks consistently took the tobacco industry's
side by opposing cigarette tax increases. In 2005, FreedomWorks
opposed a cigarette tax increase in Cook County, Illinois. In 2006, Armey
and FreedomWorks opposed a cigarette tax increase in Hawaii. In 2007,
FreedomWorks boasted about the effectivenessof a $12 million ad blitz by the
tobacco companies aimed at killing a cigarette tax proposal in Oregon. In 2009,
Armey spoke against cigarette taxesand FreedomWorkstook positionsopposing
higher cigarette taxes. Armey also opposed a cigarette tax increase in Maine in
2011. In the meantime, Armey also continued using FreedomWorks to promote his
flat-taxidea.
Shady Tricks
As head of Citizens for a Sound Economy/FreedomWorks, Armey engaged in

questionable strategies that pushed his astroturf methodology a little too far.
In July, 2006, the Washington Post exposed a scheme in which people signing up
for high-deductible health insurance plans were told they could also get get tax-free
medical savings accounts if they signed a separate, non-descript application form.
Applicants later discovered they had been unwittingly tricked into becoming
members of Citizens for a Sound Economy to get the low group rate they had been
promised. Their insurance certificates failed to disclose the name of CSE , the group
to which the application form was linked.
The forced-membership scheme netted CSE /FreedomWorks about 16,000 new
members and over $638,000, but led to a class-action lawsuit against the insurance
company by people who were tricked into joining CSE as part of their insurance
policy application process.
http://www.desmogblog.com/2013/01/25/freedomworks-continues-dick-armey-s-defense-big-tobacco[8/1/2014 12:07:09 PM]
DESMOG TIP JAR


Trouble arose again in May, 2008, when Armey and FreedomWorks were outed as
being behind a strange-looking website called AngryRenter.com.
The Wall Street Journal described AngryRenter.com as looking a bit like a digital
ransom note, with irregular fonts, exclamation points and big red arrows.
The site claimed to represent legions of angry renters who were driven to vent their
outrage at a proposed government bailout of irresponsible homeowners. The site
claimed to represent millions of renters standing up for our rights! and visitors
were led to sign an anti-bailout petition. According to the Wall Street Journal, the
site was designed to look underdoggy and grass-rootsy, with a heavy dose of awshucks innocence.

environment. It has
What AngryRenter.com failed to disclose was that it was created not by an actual
group of angry renters, but by wealthy publishing mogul Steve Forbes, who
worked through FreedomWorks to create it. FreedomWorks put its copyright on the
site, but buried it deep on the back pages.

publicawareness.
The Wall Street Journal(WSJ ) pointed out that while Armey was portraying himself
as a representative of the tenant class, as of May, 2008 he earned $100,833 a
year for four hours a week working for FreedomWorks Inc., the organization's
advocacy arm, and an additional $403,333 for 32 hours a week working for
FreedomWorks Foundation, its tax-deductible, educational wing, according to federal
tax filings. Mr. Armey also owns a house on 78.5 acres in Denton County, Texas,
north of Dallas. In response to a public-information request, local authorities
revealed that the land and house are worth a combined $1.7 million.
read more
WSJ also pointed out that Forbes, the chairman and CEO of Forbes and a
FreedomWorks board member, owned a 7,966 square foot house on 9.5 acres in
New Jersey, assessed at $2.78 million, and at least a half a dozen other properties
nearby, and that Forbes also owned a chateau in France.
Beyond that, at that time in 2006, Freedomworks and its affiliated foundation had
taken in $10.5 million worth of revenue, much of it from large donors that
FreedomWorks refused to disclose. In 2009,Armey defended himself against
accusations that AngryRenter.com was a front by saying he was just looking out for
the poor devil who couldn't afford to buy a house.
Beyond YardSigns
In September, 2011, FreedomWorks announced it was forming a Super PAC,

purportedly to allow it to raise money in small increments from the group's many
grassroots supporters. At the time, Armey dismissed the idea of spending millions
of dollars on political TV ad campaigns as foolish, saying it was an ineffective way
to run a campaign.
For a while, FreedomWorks stuck to non-TV campaign techniques like yard signs,
door hangers and mailers.
But in October 2012, the group accepted a $5.7 million donation from a single,
mysterious donor, a Knoxville, Tennessee company that proved difficult to trace. It
then used some of the money to purchase $1.5 million worth of TV ads attacking
Tammy Duckworth, an Iraq war veteran who was running as a Democrat for an
Illinois House seat.
Freedomworks announced it intended to make even more big TV ad buys in other
races, too. It was also later revealed that FreedomWorks had paid Glenn Beck $1
million and Rush Limbaugh over $400,000 to say nice things about FreedomWorks
on their radio talk shows, ostensibly as a way to help the group raise more money.
Neither Beck nor Limbaugh raised nearly enough to compensate FreedomWorks for
the massive amounts it had funneled to them for their support.
On December, 3, 2012 Mother Jones magazine announced that Dick Armey was
departing FreedomWorks, and that as part of the separation Armey had demanded
the group stop using his name and likeness on its promotional materials.
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It was later revealed that Armey was offered an $8 million consulting deal
($400,000 a year for the next 20 years) to leave the organization. The donor who
supplied the $8 million was Richard J. Stephenson, a FreedomWorks board member
and founder of Cancer Treatment Centers of America, who had been an ally of
FreedomWorks president and Armey's rival tea partier Matt Kibbe, who had
quietly been battling Armey for control of FreedomWorks.
In a December 13, 2012 article in Nonprofit Quarterly, Armey initially maintained

that he left FreedomWorks because he disliked the increasing lack of transparency
involved in the donations the group was taking in from businesses a curious
statement from a guy who hadn't thought twice about using less-than-transparent
tactics himself while heading the group.
But in a tell-all interview with Media Matters after he split with FreedomWorks,
Armey told how he had become increasingly alienated from the group. According to
Armey, FreedomWorks president Matt Kibbe had conducted activities behind
Armey's back and had started withholding key information from him about the
group and its operations, including information about the payments made to Beck
and Limbaugh for promoting FreedomWorks on the radio.
Apparently Armey has signed no confidentiality agreement preventing him from
talking about FreedomWorks and how he felt it had taken a wrong direction, as
Armey continues to talk to the media about his split from the organization and how
he feels FreedomWorks has taken a wrong turn.
Armey's penchant for talking off the cuff and in an unscripted manner may lead
him to spill even more information about FreedomWorks, Kibbe, corporate front
groups, the Koch brothers and more in the future.
Stay tuned.
Tags:Dick Armey FreedomWorks Citizens for a Sound Economy front groups grassroots astroturf
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The NH legislature in 2010
Fri, 2013-01-25 13:30 GingerLadySlipper
The NH legislature in 2010 suddenly decreased the moderate cigarette tax on the theory that more people
would cross state lines to buy their fix. This did not work out as advertised, gas prices being what
theyare.
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Don't Doubt It: The Tea Party Still Continues to Go Global
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Dont Doubt It: The Tea Party Still Continues

to Go Global
Written by Andrew Linn on March 31, 2014
Contrary to popular belief, the Tea Party is not dead. Nor is it going
anywhere, despite remarks by Senator Mitch McConnell in November
2013 that it was nothing but a bunch of bullies whom he planned to
punch in the nose. Then earlier this month, McConnell announced he
Close Ad
was going to crush the Tea Party (i.e. establishment Republicans

would defeat their Tea Party Republican challengers in the primary
elections).
Well, guess what, Mitch? The Tea Party is not going to be crushed.
In fact, it will have an impact in this years elections, just as it did back
in 2010.
And in case Mitch McConnell (and others out there) werent aware,
not only has the Tea Party been a force to be reckoned with
nationwide, it has also gone global (as I have mentioned in previous
articles).
Aside from the United States, I pointed out that Tea Parties sprung up
in the following countries: Canada, Nicaragua, Haiti, Colombia, Peru,
Argentina, Nigeria, Iceland, Britain, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, Spain, Denmark, Germany, Italy, Austria, Poland,
Belarus, Croatia, Bulgaria, Greece, Russia, Georgia, Israel, Nepal, Mongolia, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand.
Since then, I learned that Tea Parties have emerged in several other countries. They consist of the following: Venezuela,
Brazil, Ireland, France, Ukraine, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, Armenia, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and China.
So there you have it. Forty-three nations that have Tea Parties. I wouldnt be surprised if Tea Parties pop up in more
countries. In fact, I can picture the following countries having Tea Parties: Mexico, Honduras, Costa Rica, Panama, Chile,
Uruguay, Sweden, Finland, Portugal, Switzerland, Hungary, Romania, Lithuania, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Angola,
Madagascar, India, South Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines (just to name a few). At such a rate, every nation could
wind up having its own Tea Party, because its not just Americans who desire freedom via limited government, fiscal
responsibility, and free markets- it is everyone across the globe.
Now you are probably wondering how I was able to learn that other countries had Tea Parties. I did so via a search on
Facebook (I simply typed it in- e.g. Australian Tea Party). Not only do these Tea Parties in other countries have Facebook
http://clashdaily.com/2014/03/dont-doubt-tea-party-still-continues-go-global/[8/1/2014 12:08:20 PM]
Don't Doubt It: The Tea Party Still Continues to Go Global
profiles (yes, people still use Facebook) but some also have websites (e.g. Australian Tea Party, which is also the most
active Tea Party outside the United States).
And as I mentioned before, the New Zealand Party has become a political party.
I wouldnt be surprised if something similar takes place here in America.
Image: Courtesy of: http://neaume.deviantart.com/art/Jumping-in-the-air-266319757
60
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR: ANDREW LINN

Andrew Linn is a member of the Owensboro Tea Party and a former Field Representative for the
Media Research Center. An ex-Democrat, he became a Republican one week after the 2008
Presidential Election. He has an M.A. in history from the University of Louisville, where he
became a member of the Phi Alpha Theta historical honors society. He has also contributed to
examiner.com and Right Impulse Media.
View all articles by Andrew Linn
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Downloaded from tobaccocontrol.bmj.com on August 1, 2014 - Published by group.bmj.com
TC Online First, published on February 8, 2013 as 10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815

Research paper
To quarterback behind the scenes, third-party

efforts: the tobacco industry and the Tea Party
Amanda Fallin, Rachel Grana, Stanton A Glantz
Additional material is
published online only. To view
please visit the journal online
(http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/
tobaccocontrol-2012-050815).
Department of Medicine,
University of California
San Francisco, Center for
Tobacco Control Research and
Education, San Francisco,
California, USA
Correspondence to
Stanton A Glantz, Department
of Medicine, University of
California San Francisco,
Center for Tobacco Control
Research and Education, Room
366 Library, 530 Parnassus,
San Francisco,
CA 94143-1390, USA;
glantz@medicine.ucsf.edu
Received 1 October 2012
Accepted 29 January 2013
ABSTRACT
Background The Tea Party, which gained prominence
in the USA in 2009, advocates limited government and
low taxes. Tea Party organisations, particularly
Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks, oppose
smoke-free laws and tobacco taxes.
Methods We used the Legacy Tobacco Documents
Library, the Wayback Machine, Google, LexisNexis, the
Center for Media and Democracy and the Center for
Responsive Politics (opensecrets.org) to examine the
tobacco companies connections to the Tea Party.
Results Starting in the 1980s, tobacco companies
worked to create the appearance of broad opposition to
tobacco control policies by attempting to create a
grassroots smokers rights movement. Simultaneously,
they funded and worked through third-party groups,
such as Citizens for a Sound Economy, the predecessor
of AFP and FreedomWorks, to accomplish their economic
and political agenda. There has been continuity of some
key players, strategies and messages from these groups
to Tea Party organisations. As of 2012, the Tea Party
was beginning to spread internationally.
Conclusions Rather than being a purely grassroots
movement that spontaneously developed in 2009, the
Tea Party has developed over time, in part through
decades of work by the tobacco industry and other
corporate interests. It is important for tobacco control
advocates in the USA and internationally, to anticipate
and counter Tea Party opposition to tobacco control
policies and ensure that policymakers, the media and the
public understand the longstanding connection between
the tobacco industry, the Tea Party and its associated
organisations.
INTRODUCTION
To cite: Fallin A, Grana R,

Glantz SA. Tob Control
Published Online First:
[please include Day Month
Year] doi:10.1136/
tobaccocontrol-2012050815
The Tea Party, a loosely organised network of grassroots coalitions at local and state levels, is a complex
social and political movement to the right of the
traditional Republican Party that promotes less
government regulation and lower taxes.14 It is
often characterised as a grassroots movement that
spontaneously arose in 2009.45 However, it has
also been cited as an example of corporate astroturng,5 dened as a movement that appears to be
grassroots, but is either funded, created or
conceived by a corporation or industry trade association, political interest group or public relations
rm.68 National organisations funded by corporations, particularly Americans for Prosperity (AFP)
and FreedomWorks, played an important role in
structuring and supporting the Tea Party in the
initial stages.5 They provided training, communication and materials for the earliest Tea Party activities,
including the rst Tea Party on 27 February
2009.1 9 FreedomWorks organised the nationwide
Fallin
A, et al. Tob Control
2013;0:110.
Copyright
Article
authordoi:10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815
(or their employer) 2013. Produced
Tea Party tax protests in April 2009,10 the town hall

protests about the proposed healthcare reform in
August 20091 and the Taxpayers March on
Washington the following September 2009.11 They
continued to facilitate and support many of the
local chapters and leaders that arose from the early
events in 2009.5 AFP and FreedomWorks continued
to facilitate local Tea Party activities by
co-sponsoring rallies,1 12 13 creating talking points
and organisational tips for supporters,14 15 supplying literature for local Tea Party groups16 and providing training sessions.1 3 17 FreedomWorks was a
founding partner of the 2010 Contract from
America (recalling the Republican Partys 1994
Contract with America).18
As of 2012, AFP and FreedomWorks were supporting the tobacco companies political agenda by
mobilising local Tea Party opposition to tobacco
taxes and smoke-free laws.19 20 This support for
the tobacco companies agenda continues the
tobacco industry use of AFP and FreedomWorks
predecessor organisation, Citizens for a Sound
Economy (CSE), as a third-party ally since at least
1991 (gure 1). Moreover, starting in the 1980s,
major US tobacco companies attempted to manufacture an astroturf citizen smokers rights movement to oppose local tobacco control policies.
These smokers rights groups had grassroots membership in several localities, but were created, coordinated and funded by the cigarette companies.21
Although the Tea Party is widely considered to
have started in 2009,9 this paper presents a historical study of some of the tobacco companies early
activities and key players in the evolution of the
Tea Party. Many people in the smokers rights
effort or the tobacco companies went on to Tea
Party organisations. Moreover, while the Tea Party
started in the USA, it is beginning to spread internationally.2226 In 2012 FreedomWorks expanded
the movement internationally, training activists in
30 countries, including Israel, Georgia, Japan,
Nigeria and Serbia.22 This international expansion
makes it likely that Tea Party organisations will be
mounting opposition to tobacco control (and other
health) policies as they have done in the USA.
METHODS
We conducted a standard snowball search27 of the
Legacy Tobacco Documents Library, an online
archive of over 80 million pages of previously secret
tobacco industry documents. Initial search terms
included: CSE, tobacco tax, Food and Drug
Administration (FDA) and tobacco (19931996),
Racketeer Corrupt and Inuenced Organisations
(RICO), Kessler (19992006), Department of Justice
(DOJ) (19992006) and lawsuit (19992006). We
by BMJ Publishing Group Ltd under licence.
Research paper
Figure 1. Connections between the tobacco industry, third-party allies and the Tea Party, from the 1980s (top) through 2012 (bottom). The thick
black line connects CSE with its direct successor organisations. Online supplementary tables S1 and S2 provide more details on the linkages
depicted in this gure.
used the Wayback Machine (archive.org) to access old versions of
the CSE, AFP and FreedomWorks websites (since 1997) and
Google, LexisNexis, the Center for Media and Democracy
(sourcewatch.org and PRwatch.org), Center for Responsive
Politics (opensecrets.org) and AFP (americansforprosperity.org)
and FreedomWorks (freedomworks.org) websites internal search
engines. Internal Revenue Service Form 990s were obtained from
2002 to 2010 using Guidestar and Foundation Finder for CSE,
CSE FreedomWorks, FreedomWorks and AFP. Searches were conducted from September 2011 to March 2012. We refer to CSE
and Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation as CSE, AFP and
Americans for Prosperity Foundation as AFP, and FreedomWorks
and FreedomWorks Foundation as FreedomWorks.
Lobbying efforts are facing increasing difculty. Even national

representatives from tobacco states are losing heart for defending
smokers rights and sustaining the tobacco industry. The power
of the vested interest of the tobacco industry has not been fully
brought to bear in sustaining smokers [sic] rights.34
The tobacco industry historically worked through third-party

allies2832 because of its low credibility with the public. By the
late 1980s, confronted with increasing success of the local grassroots non-smokers rights movement, RJ Reynolds (RJR) and
Philip Morris began creating and facilitating smokers rights
groups to oppose smoke-free laws.28 33 The smokers rights
groups were an important component of the tobacco industrys
third-party advocacy efforts in the 1980s and early 1990s.
A July 1993 Philip Morris draft plan to create what became the
National Smokers Alliance (NSA) described the political
environment:
As of 2012, key personnel from the smokers rights groups

had founded or worked at rms that consulted for Tea Party
groups (gure 1).
In the 1990s, RJRs smokers rights groups were organised
through a network of eld coordinators who recruited members,
held meetings and provided meeting agendas, letters to editors
and elected ofcials, a telephone script for contacting elected
ofcials and petitions.33 By the mid-1990s, RJR was using public
relations rms Ramhurst and Walt Klein & Associates to help
coordinate their smokers rights groups. Ramhurst was formed in
1993 with support from RJR and run by former RJR smokers
rights group coordinators, James Ellis and Doug Goodyear35 36
(past vice president of Walt Klein & Associates in North
Carolina, see online supplementary table S2). By 1994 Ramhurst
was coordinating RJRs smokers rights groups, providing the
eld personnel necessary to implement and execute various programmes and activities related to RJRs national grassroots programme,37 with Walt Klein & Associates providing ancillary
services necessary to support the eld force.37
Another smokers rights group, NSA, was created in 1993 by
Philip Morris.34 Philip Morris worked with its PR rm,
Burson-Marsteller to create and plan the implementation of the
NSA.38 They positioned the NSA as independent of the industry, even though Philip Morris conceived the idea and provided
almost all the funding34 39 40 (gure 1). NSA leadership was
tied heavily to Philip Morris. NSA president Tom Humber
(gure 1 and online supplementary table S2) had been a
Burson-Marsteller senior vice president where he handled the
Philip Morris account and, before that, Brown & Williamson
Fallin A, et al. Tob Control 2013;0:110. doi:10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815
RESULTS
Figure 1 provides an overview of the connections the tobacco
industry has with organisations and key players in the Tea Party.
Online supplementary table S1 provides details of key organisations involved with the tobacco industry and the Tea Party and
online supplementary table S2 provides histories of key
individuals.
Historical context for tobacco industry third-party efforts
Research paper
director of government affairs. Gary Auxier, who also worked
on the Philip Morris account at Burson-Marsteller, became NSA
vice president.41 The NSA participated in promoting the
Enough is Enough campaign led by (Roger) Ailes
Communication that advocated the full range of tobacco industry policy positions.4244
The smokers rights groups publications disputed the health
effects of second-hand smoke, promoted choice and individual
rights and encouraged smokers to defend their rights and freedoms.45 Some of these appeals made direct reference to the
Boston Tea Party. For example, a 1989 issue of Philip Morris
Magazine included a section on excise taxes that compared that
kind of taxation with the taxes being opposed during the
Boston Tea Party.46 In 1993, Massachusetts smokers rights
groups distributed a mailing entitled Protect your right to
smoke! that included Tea Party language to describe opposition to tobacco taxes: New Englanders dont like unfair taxes
remember the Boston Tea Party?and theyre ghting mad
over proposals in Washington to raise the federal tax on cigarettes from 24 cents a pack to $1.24 or maybe even $2.24 a
pack.47 The tobacco industry and their allied organisations have
been using the Tea Party metaphor to oppose taxation since at
least the 1980s.
The smokers rights groups proved ineffectual at protecting
tobacco industry interests, particularly at stopping local smokefree laws and they were phased out in the late 1990s and early
2000s. In a parallel effort, the industry broadened its reach by
funding and collaborating with existing third-party advocacy
organisations and institutes under a unied theme of freedom,
choice and less government. In 1990, Tim Hyde, RJR director
of national eld operations, outlined a strategy for RJR to
create a movement resembling what would later emerge as the
Tea Party by
build[ing] broad coalitions around the issue-cluster of freedom,
choice and privacy
coalition-building should proceed along two tracks: a) a grassroots, organizational and largely local track; b) and a national,
intellectual track within the D.C.-New York corridor. Ultimately,
we are talking about a movement, a national effort to change
the way people think about governments (and big business) role
in our lives. Any such effort requires an intellectual foundationa
set of theoretical and ideological arguments on its behalf.48
Another RJR eld coordinator later described the companys

motivation for involving and organising third-party organisations: In about the third year [of the RJR smokers rights
groups], there was an emphasis on coalition buildinganti-tax
groups were a natural. You didnt have to defend your position
on tobacco because a tax is a tax is a tax to these guys.33 In
1992, Auxier, then at Burson-Marsteller, submitted a public
relations strategy proposal to the Coalition Against Regressive
Taxation,49 an industry effort to ght tobacco and other excise
taxes.50 It read, Grounded in the theme of The New
American Tax Revolution or The New Boston Tea Party, the
campaign activity should take the form of citizens representing
the widest constituency base mobilised with signage and other
attention-drawing accoutrements such as lapel buttons, handouts, petitions and even costumes.49
Richard Fink, former professor of economics at George Mason

University, who has worked for Koch Industries since 1990.3 51
CSE supported the agendas of the tobacco and other industries,
including oil, chemical, pharmaceutical and telecommunications,
and was funded by them.52 In 2002, before Tea Party politics
were widely discussed in the mainstream media, CSE started its
US Tea Party (http://www.usteaparty.com) project, the website of
which stated our US Tea Party is a national event, hosted continuously online and open to all Americans who feel our taxes
are too high and the tax code is too complicated.53 Between
1991 and 2002 the tobacco companies, mainly Philip Morris,
provided CSE with at least US$5.3 million (see online supplementary table S3). Philip Morris gave CSE US$250 000 annually in the early 1990s to start six state chapters.41
Philip Morris (PM) designated CSE a Category A public
policy organisation for funding.54 Category A organisations
were the largest and most important/sustained relationships
that were assigned a PM senior relationship manager to put
them at the centre of a network of information-sharing among
PM people involved with the organisation and [assure] systematic and ongoing relationship activities.54 In response to an
internal 1999 email asking whether CSE was worth its current
level of funding, Philip Morris vice president of federal government affairs replied:
They are adding this level of value. They have provided signicant grassroots assistance, in the nature of several thousand calls
to the Hill on the lawsuit [likely the federal RICO lawsuit against
the major cigarette companies discussed below] direct lobbying
on the lawsuit, some media as well as continuing a very useful
level of activity on FET [federal excise tax]/prescription drugs [a
proposal to expand Medicare and fund prescription drugs with a
tobacco tax]. Throughout the August [Congressional] Recess they
have been very active on our behalf in the eld in key states with
key Members.55
During the 1990s, the tobacco industry was facing a multitude of threats. CSE helped the industry oppose these challenges
(see online supplementary table S4), including the
Environmental Protection Agencys (EPA) second-hand smoke
risk assessment (1992), the Clinton healthcare reform plan
which included a tobacco tax (19931994), the Occupational
Safety and Health Administrations (OSHA) proposal to regulate
workplace smoking (19942001), FDA regulation of tobacco
products (19941996) and the DOJ RICO case against the
tobacco industry (led in 1999), as well as tobacco taxes
(throughout the 1990s).
Opposing the EPA report on second-hand smoke
CSE, one of the third-party anti-tax tobacco industry partners,

was a think tank dedicated to free market economics. CSE
(which split into AFP and FreedomWorks in 2004) was
co-founded in 1984 by David Koch, of Koch Industries, and
In the early 1990s, the tobacco companies made a major effort

to block the EPA risk assessment that designated second-hand
smoke a Class A (human) carcinogen.2930 56 One strategy was
to advocate new risk assessment standards that would make it
impossible to identify second-hand smoke as a carcinogen.30 57
In August 1992 CSE sponsored a conference with an overregulation message, with other industry allies and it featured
Vice President Dan Quayle,30 who had previously expressed
interest in the effort to change the risk assessment requirements.58 Humber wrote to Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs to outline unied and synergistic
recommendations for dealing with the ongoing battle over ETS
[environmental tobacco smoke, what the tobacco companies call
second-hand smoke] reporting that B-M was involved in both
concept and execution of a strategy that made sure that media
coverage of the [CSE conferences] message regarding over-
Citizens for a Sound Economy
Research paper
regulation superseded the political noise surrounding the VPs
appearance.57 Despite the efforts of the industry and their
allies, the EPA released the report in December 1992 identifying
second-hand smoke as a Class A carcinogen.59
Opposing healthcare reform

The tobacco industry waged a major campaign between 1993
and 1994 to oppose President Bill Clintons healthcare reform
efforts, particularly the US$0.75 cigarette tax to help nance
it.32 The tobacco industry worked with a broad coalition against
the proposed reform, which included CSE and RJRs smokers
rights groups (coordinated by Ramhurst) and others. According
to a document that appears to be a report to Philip Morris CEO
Mike Miles,
To ght Clintons proposed $.75 per pack excise tax increase, we
are also working behind the scenes to oppose the Clinton package
as a whole. The House Energy and Commerce Committee will be a
key battleground over the Clinton health care plan and we are
giving $400 000 to Citizens For A Sound Economya free market
based grassroots organizationto run a grassroots program aimed
at swing Democrats on the Committee.60
CSE campaigned against healthcare reform between 1993 and

1994, including media appearances, organising community
events and coordinating protests during town hall meetings (see
online supplementary table S4).32 61
Opposing the OSHA regulation of smoking in workplaces

In the mid-1990s, RJR hired the public relations rm
Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin to run the Get Government Off
Our Back (GGOOB) coalition primarily to oppose OSHA regulation of workplace second-hand smoke (as well as FDA regulation of tobacco products).31 CSE was one of 39 GGOOB
members, 18 of which were tobacco industry-funded and three
more that had split off from tobacco industry-funded groups.
GGOOB promoted an October 1994 resolution calling for
smaller government and fewer regulations and fought smokefree laws (see online supplementary table S4).
Opposing the FDA

In February 1994, the FDA started investigating regulating nicotine as a drug and cigarettes and smokeless tobacco as drugdelivery devices.62 In March 1994 Philip Morris CEO Miles
recognised that The Administration has emerged as clearly antitobacco. [including FDA Commissioner David] Kesslers recent
trial balloon on FDA regulation on the industry. This will also get
worseit seems to me that we need to seriously reconsider
whether our current passive defence strategy is the right strategy,
or whether we have less to lose by being more ferocious.63
The political landscape changed after the November 1994
mid-term elections, when Republicans took control of Congress.
A Philip Morris October 1995 draft action plan established the
long-term goal of creat[ing a] political environment where
moderates of both parties on the Hill can vote for legislation
that divests FDA of any power to regulate tobacco because they
are convinced that FDA is already failing miserably in accomplishing its core mission.64 They partnered with CSE to quarterback behind the scenes, third-party efforts to launch, publicise
and execute a broad non-tobacco-based attack on the many failings of the FDA with respect to its currently authorised statutory
activities [emphasis added].64 CSE and the Washington Legal
Foundation (another tobacco industry-funded think tank) were
the primary third-party groups designated to monitor and help
direct multi-front action plan.64
4
Throughout 1995 CSE worked to discredit the FDA and push

for major limitations on its authority. CSE published critical commentary about the FDA,65 and ran full page ads in Congressional
Monitor and the Washington Times.66 Their Death by Regulation
radio ads accused the FDA of being slow to approve drugs, thus
leading to unnecessary death67 (see online supplementary table
S4). CSE also opposed funding a modernised FDA building, one
of Kesslers priorities.67 CSE chairman, C Boyden Gray, testied
against the building in Congress, citing the FDAs overregulation
and growing bureaucracy, and attacked FDAs slow approval of
drugs.67 CSE also tried to reallocate FDA resources to product
approval process by partnering with former CSE fellow representative David McIntosh (R-IN) to freeze the Ofce of the
Commissioners budget.68
In 2000, after a tobacco industry lawsuit, the Supreme Court
ruled that the FDA did not have authority to regulate tobacco
products.69
Opposing the federal RICO lawsuit against the tobacco industry

President Clinton announced in his 1999 State of the Union
address that the DOJ was planning a case against the tobacco
industry to recover smoking-induced Medicare funds under the
RICO Act.70 In February 1999, Philip Morriss vice president of
federal government affairs outlined three strategic goals for
ghting the lawsuit: (1) to ght the US$20 million dollar appropriation for the lawsuit; (2) bar consideration or defeat any
legislation that enhances the ability of the DOJ to successfully
bring a cause of action against the tobacco industry; (3) exert
political pressure to block ling of the lawsuit.71
CSE supported these goals during 1999 (see online supplementary table S4). CSE president Paul Beckner wrote to senate
majority leader Trent Lott (R, MS) and house speaker Dennis
Hastert (R, IL), On behalf of our 250 000 grassroots members,
I urge you to oppose the federal governments proposed lawsuit
as well as any legislation to facilitate this unprecedented
action.72 CSE members and staff contacted policymakers,73
drafted commentaries,73 74 aired ads75 76 and sent out action
alerts against the case.73 (see online supplementary table S4)
On 22 July 1999 Congress rejected DOJs appropriation
request.70 (The lawsuit was then funded by the Departments of
Defense, Health and Human Services and Veterans Affairs.) The
industry and its third-party allies failed to stop the lawsuit,
which the DOJ led on 22 September 1999.70 The next day,
CSEs Michele Isele Mitola was quoted in the Washington
Times: We see this as a political ploy to nd ways to raise more
revenue to fund their [the governments] tax-and-spend
agenda.77 CSE continued opposition until at least 2002,
encouraging supporters to ask newly elected President George
W Bush to end the lawsuit.78 These efforts failed, with federal
judge Gladys Kessler ruling in 2006 that the major cigarette
companies and their afliated organisations constituted a continuing racketeering enterprise to defraud the public.79
Opposing tobacco taxes

CSE opposed state tobacco taxes (see online supplementary
table S4). For example, in 1996, the Tobacco Institute (then the
tobacco companies political and lobbying arm) provided New
Jersey CSE with US$40 00080 to ght a tobacco tax increase
using mailings, radio advertisements and patch through calls.81
A Ramhurst representative recruited industry allies including the
New Jersey CSE president, New Jersey smokers rights group
president and Grover Norquist of Americans for Tax Reform, to
write opinion editorials opposing the tax.82
Research paper
CSE opposed national-level tobacco taxes including a 1999
proposed US$0.55 increase.83 CSEs Michele Isele Mitola sent a
copy of CSEs anti-tobacco tax mailer materials to Beverly
McKittrick (Philip Morriss director of federal policy, tobacco
and legislative counsel and Washington relations) for review.
The mailer contained CSE materials, including one-pagers
entitled, Big Government/Tobacco Tax and Extinguishing
Tobacco Taxes.84
There was also crossover in employment between CSE and
the tobacco companies (see online supplementary table S2). For
example, Michele Isele Mitola left CSE, where she had held
several positions throughout the 1990s, to work at Philip
Morris.85 As of 2012, she was vice president, public affairs at
Forum Strategies and Communications, a communication and
outreach rm; all four leaders of Forum Strategies had worked
at Altria/Philip Morris.8689
CSE becomes Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks

Between 2003 and 2004, CSE (a 501(c)4) and CSE Foundation
(a 501(c)3) reorganised and changed names. CSE Foundation
became AFP. CSE merged with Empower America to become
FreedomWorks. Empower America was an organisation devoted
to ensuring that government actions foster growth, economic
well-being, freedom and individual responsibility90 (see online
supplementary table S1). According to the late former Senator
Jack Kemp, the last chair of Empower America, the merger
occurred because by merging the policy expertise of Empower
America with CSEs grassroots machine, FreedomWorks provides
the freedom movement with an organisation that has unprecedented scale, reach, experience and impact.91
Both AFP and FreedomWorks included senior CSE leaders.
Dick Armey, former Republican house majority leader, was the
FreedomWorks chairman as of 2012. He had also been CSE
chairman,92 and served as an AFP consultant in 2003.93
FreedomWorks president as of 2012, Matt Kibbe, was a CSE
vice president for 8 years.94 AFP was rst led by president
Nancy Pfotenhauer,93 a CSE vice president,95 and since 2006,
Tim Philips.96 Philips came from Century Strategies, a company
he helped to form with Ralph Reed (of the Christian Coalition)
(see online supplementary table S1).97 Pfotenhauer later led
MediaSpeak Strategies,98 an AFP consultant group99 (gure 1).
There was also staff continuity between CSE, AFP and
FreedomWorks. For example, Peggy Venable and Slade OBrien
who led the Texas and Florida CSE chapters, became AFP state
directors.76 100 101
AFP and FreedomWorks maintained policy continuity with
CSE and were using Tea Party rhetoric before 2009.102 For
example, in 2007, FreedomWorks chairman Dick Armey and
president Matt Kibbe, proposed the Boston Tea Party as a model
of grassroots pressure on an overbearing central government.103
Tea Party rhetoric was also espoused by other libertarian-oriented
groups including Ron Pauls Campaign for Liberty, which has
state chapters, and the Sam Adams Alliance.104
AFP and FreedomWorks oppose tobacco taxes and

smoke-free laws
As of 2012, AFP and FreedomWorks were continuing to
support the tobacco industrys broad policy agenda (see online
supplementary table S4), including opposing the EPA113 114 and
healthcare reform.115 These organisations have been ghting
state tobacco taxes and smoke-free laws since at least 2006 (see
online supplementary table S4).
Both organisations mounted grassroots efforts in opposition
to tobacco taxes in the states and in 2012 were participating in
the campaign against a proposed tobacco tax initiative in
California.116 AFP and FreedomWorks have advanced standard
industry arguments against tobacco taxes,117 118 including
tobacco taxes are regressive,119 120 adversely affect business20 121 122 and shift sales to surrounding states, the internet,
or the black market.123 124 In 2009, FreedomWorks fought a
proposed tobacco tax increase in Arkansas with an Enough is
Enough! advertisement, recalling the tobacco industry campaign from the late 1980s and 1990s.42 125 AFP used the same
message to oppose a tobacco tax initiative (Proposition 29) in
California in 2012.126
AFP and FreedomWorks have opposed smoke-free laws across
the country since at least 2006 (see online supplementary table
S4). AFP and FreedomWorks credited their grassroots members
with defeating the 2007 North Carolina smoke-free law.19 127
Echoing well-established tobacco industry arguments and the
patriotic rhetoric of the smokers rights groups,45 they argued
for private property rights,127 128consumer choice129 and
limited government.130132
Other third-party groups: tobacco industry and Tea Party

afliations
The public relations rms FLS Connect105 and DCI Group,

co-founded in part by Tom Synhorst,106 consulted for AFP and
FreedomWorks107 108 (gure 1 and online supplementary table
S2). DCI Groups leadership as of 2012 included Synhorst,
Hyde and Goodyear,109 all of whom were with RJRs smokers
rights programme in the 1990s.36 110 Dan Combs, a DCI Group
partner as of 2012, had been CSEs director of grassroots and
mobilisation.111 DCI Group also lobbied the New York City
Council for Altria (Philip Morris) in 2011 and 2012.112
In 2001, Humber announced that the NSA would be dissolved,

with some of its funds being transferred to the Center for
Individual Freedom (CFIF, gure 1),133 134 which Humber
founded in 1998.135 Its mission is to protect and defend individual freedoms and individual rights guaranteed by the U.S.
Constitution.136 As of 2012, CFIFs president was former NSA
spokesperson Jeffrey Mazzella137 138 and CFIFs corporate
counsel and senior vice president was former NSA attorney
Renee Giachino.139 140
The National Center for Public Policy Research (NCPPR,
gure 1), which promotes principles of a free market, individual liberty and personal responsibility [as] the greatest hope for
meeting the challenges facing America in the 21st century,141
has been a longstanding tobacco industry ally and employs or
collaborates with individuals who worked for the tobacco industry. Philip Morris funded NCPPR in the 1990s,142144 and
NCPPR was a member of RJRs GGOOB.31 NCPPR also
opposed FDA regulation of tobacco145 and the DOJ RICO
lawsuit against the tobacco industry.146 In 2012 NCPPR was
continuing efforts, such as its Occupy Occupy D.C. Smoke-in
to protest about taxes on smokeless tobacco and e-cigarettes.147
Thomas Borelli, also an NCPPR senior fellow and his spouse,
Deneen Borelli, an NCPPR fellow (as well as a FreedomWorks
fellow148) worked for Philip Morris for over 20 years and have
spoken at Tea Party events (gure 1 and online supplementary
table S2). While at Philip Morris, Thomas Borelli served on its
public policy advisory council, which reviewed and prioritised
public policy grants for funding and designated CSE a Category
A public policy organisation for funding.54 Dana Joel Gattuso, a
NCPPR senior fellow, had been CSEs deputy director of regulatory affairs.149
Consultants to AFP and FreedomWorks
Research paper
The tobacco companies have rened their astroturf tactics since

at least the 1980s and leveraged their resources to support and
sustain a network of organisations that have developed into
some of the Tea Party organisations of 2012 (gure 1). In many
ways, the Tea Party of the late 2000s has become the movement envisioned by Tim Hyde, RJR director of national eld
operations in the 1990s,48 which was grounded in patriotic
values of freedom and choice to change how people see the
role of government and big business in their lives, particularly
with regard to taxes and regulation.
While it is well known that corporations can inuence policy,
this case study demonstrates the extent to which a particular
industry has leveraged its resources to indirectly affect public
policy. The tobacco companies funded one of the main Tea
Party predecessor organisations, CSE, as well as other conservative organisations, including the Cato Institute,159 American
Enterprise Institute,160 Americans for Tax Reform,161 the
Washington Legal Foundation162 and the American Legislative
Exchange Council (ALEC)163 164 to support the companies
broader economic and political agendas. In parallel to the Tea
Partys expansion outside the USA, in 2012, ALEC advanced
tobacco industry arguments to campaign against cigarette plain
packaging policies in Canada, Australia and the UK and the
European Unions ban on snus.165
The tobacco companies amplied the benet of funding these
individual organisations by integrating them into coalitions to
ght on behalf of favourable tobacco industry positions (ie,
GGOOB, which included CSE), a prime example of astroturfing.31 In addition, this tactic has continued, as the Tea Party
organisations, AFP and FreedomWorks (descendants of CSE;
gure 1) were part of a coalition called Californians Against
Out Of Control Spending, which received a majority of funding
from tobacco companies. As such, they served as a public face
for Philip Morris and Reynolds Americans campaign against
the tobacco tax initiative in California (Proposition 29).166 The
leadership of the California AFP chapter appeared on campaign
materials and publicly represented the No on 29 campaign in
the media.116 126 167
The tobacco companies were not the only source of corporate
support for CSE. Other corporate interests have funded and
inuenced the network of organisations that support the Tea
Party. For example, David Koch was a co-founder of CSE and

AFP Foundation,3 and Koch foundations have supported these
groups.168 169 Koch Industries is a conglomerate, with multiple
industries including chemical and rening.170 Both CSE and
AFP have campaigned for fewer governmental restrictions on
environmental policies.171 172
Another example of broader corporate support for a Tea
Party-related organisation is through the CCF (gure 1), which
has received funding from the food, restaurant and agribusiness
industries, including Coca-Cola, Monsanto and Wendys
International.173 This organisation has opposed the Institute of
Medicines strategies to prevent obesity, including taxing sweetened beverages, incentivising opening grocery stores in food
deserts and implementing restaurant zoning laws.174 In June
2012, the CCF ran a full-page advertisement in the New York
Times opposing New York Mayor Michael Bloombergs proposal to end the sale of super-sized sugary drinks in New York
City as a policy to ght childhood obesity. Echoing rhetoric
used years earlier to oppose smoke-free restaurants, the headline
proclaimed, The nanny: you only thought you lived in the land
of the free.175
It is important for policymakers to be aware of the corporate
funding sources for organisations that work to inuence public
policy. AFP and FreedomWorks are registered as public charities
and social welfare organisations under the US tax code sections
501(c)3 or 501(c)4, which, as of 2012, do not have to disclose
their donors.176 Greater transparency of funding sources for
these organisations would allow policymakers and the public to
evaluate more critically messages and activities of these organisations. Requiring groups to disclose corporate funding sources
before engaging in lobbying activities would be one way to
improve transparency.
Because of the lack of transparency in funding for third-party
advocacy groups and coalitions, members of the general public,
the media and policymakers, may not know who funds and coordinates the coalitions and may unwittingly aid a corporate
agenda. Although AFP and FreedomWorks oppose smoke-free
laws, a 2011 survey on support for smoke-free laws
found that the proportion of people who favour smoke-free laws
was similar among those who identify with, and those who
oppose, the Tea Party177 (72% and 75%, respectively, in states
without smoke-free laws, p=0.145 by 2 and 77% and 87%
in states with smoke-free laws, p=0.139). Tea Party supporters
also favour preserving Medicare,1 which does not align with AFP
and FreedomWorks opposition to government-run healthcare.
Many factors beyond the tobacco industry have contributed to
the development of the Tea Party.9 Anti-tax sentiment has been
linked to notions of patriotism since the inception of the USA
when the colonies were protesting against taxation by the
British.178 In addition, the Tea Party has origins in the ultra-right
John Birch Society of the 1950s, of which Fred Koch (Charles and
David Kochs father) was a founding member.9 Often, social
movements gain prominence from complicated connections with
established political institutions.179 Although the Tea Party is a
social movement, it has been afliated closely with, and somewhat
incorporated into, the Republican Party.9 This may be due in part
to the increased conservatism of politically active Republicans
since 1970s and the increased polarisation of American politics.180
Although AFP and FreedomWorks have campaigned for very conservative policies since the 1980s (as CSE), they capitalised on the
changing political realities following President Barack Obamas
election in 2008. In particular, they harnessed anti-government
sentiment arising from the conuence of the mortgage and
banking bailout, President Barack Obamas stimulus package and
Steve Milloy, who served as co-director of NCPPRs Free

Enterprise Project with Tom Borelli,150 helped the industry
contest the link between second-hand smoke and disease.29
Milloy directed The Advancement of Sound Science
Coalition151 (TASSC, gure 1), which was created for Philip
Morris in 1993 by the public relations rm APCO Associates, as
part of the effort to undermine the EPAs second-hand smoke
risk assessment.29 Though TASSC was eventually disbanded,
Milloy maintained http://junkscience.com as of 2012152 (see
online supplementary table S2).
The Center for Consumer Freedom (CCF) is another
example of a Tea Party-related organisation with strong roots in
the tobacco industry. In 2002, Guest Choice Network became
the CCF to oppose efforts by the anti-consumer forces [to]
expand their reach beyond the restaurants and taverns, going
into your communities and even your homes.153 Lobbyist
Richard Berman created Guest Choice Network in 1995, with
US$600 000 in startup funds,154 as well as continued funding
from Philip Morris.155157 It was meant to appear as a
restaurant-driven programme to oppose smoke-free restaurants
that was not owned by Philip Morris.158
DISCUSSION
Research paper
the Democratic push for healthcare reform, which provided them
with the opportunity for more successful grassroots-level Tea Party
organising.1 In addition, the conservative media, including Fox
News and the network of conservative talk radio hosts and bloggers, provided a unied forum to amplify these messages.1 The
tobacco industry has played a part in building this network, both
by working with Roger Ailes181184 (who subsequently became
Fox News CEO) and funding the National Journalism Center
which train[s] budding journalists in free market political and economic principles.56
Contributors ATF and RG collected the data and drafted the paper. All three
authors participated in the analysis of the data and preparation of the nal paper.
Funding This research was funded by National Cancer Institute grants CA-113710
and CA-087472. The funding agency played no role in the selection of the research
topic, conduct of the research or preparation of the manuscript. SAG is American
Legacy Foundation Distinguished Professor in Tobacco Control.
Competing interests None.
Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.
Data sharing statement All source materials are publicly available.
Limitations
This paper focuses on only one of the multiple industries with
connections to the Tea Party. In addition, it would be difcult to
assess and record the full extent of corporate connections,
because they reach beyond disclosed contributions and industry
lobbyists. Another limitation is that a major source for this
paper was the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library, which is not
a complete collection and is limited to documents produced in
litigation against the tobacco industry.
REFERENCES
1
2
3
4
5
CONCLUSION
The tobacco companies have created third-party allies, front
groups and used public relations rms to foment the appearance
of popular public opposition to tobacco control policies for
decades. Tea Party strategy and leadership has important roots
in these tobacco industry efforts. AFP and FreedomWorks,
national organisers of the Tea Party, grew out of CSE, an organisation with strong ties to the tobacco industry. AFP and
FreedomWorks continue to mobilise grassroots opposition to
tobacco control policies despite the evidence that Tea Party supporters favour such policies. It is important for policy-makers,
the health community and people who support the Tea Party to
be aware of these complex and often hard-to-track linkages.
Rather than being purely a grassroots movement, the Tea Party
has been inuenced by decades of astroturng by tobacco and
other corporate interests to develop a grassroots network to
support their corporate agendas, even though their members
may not support those agendas. Greater transparency of organisation funding is needed so that policymakers and the general
publicincluding people who identify with the Tea Partycan
evaluate claims of political support for, and opposition to,
health and other public policies. It is important for tobacco
control advocates, in the USA and internationally, to anticipate
and counter Tea Party opposition to tobacco control policies
and to ensure that policy makers, the media and the public
understand the longstanding intersection between the tobacco
industry and the Tea Party policy agenda.
What this paper adds

Rather than being a grassroots movement that spontaneously
developed in 2009, the Tea Party organisations have had
connections to the tobacco companies since the 1980s. The
cigarette companies funded and worked through Citizens for a
Sound Economy (CSE), the predecessor of Tea Party
organisations, Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks, to
accomplish their economic and political agenda. There has been
continuity of some key players, strategies and messages from
these groups to Americans for Prosperity, FreedomWorks and
other Tea Party-related organisations.
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'To quarterback behind the scenes,

third-party efforts': the tobacco industry and
the Tea Party
Amanda Fallin, Rachel Grana and Stanton A Glantz
Tob Control published online February 8, 2013
doi: 10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050815
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These include:
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IRS Sleuths Were on the Right Track: Big Tobacco Created Tea Party in 1994 | DeSmogBlog

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Wed, 2013-05-22 15:10
GUEST
IRS Sleuths Were on the Right Track: Big

Tobacco Created Tea Party in 1994
This is a guest post by Pam Martens,
cross-posted with permission from Wall
Street On Parade.
On February 25, 2013, James Hepburn,
writing at Daily Kos, made the emphatic
assertion in a headline that Big Tobacco
Had Nothing to Do With Tea Party
Formation. That is likely to be the one
headline that will haunt Mr. Hepburn to
hisgrave.

weekly.
59
Like
DESMOG TIP JAR

reddit
I decided to follow in the treacherous

footsteps of the IRS and engaged in that
unforgiveable sin: I targeted the tea party as a
key word search at thelegacy tobacco document
archive.Resting quietly in the archive is full blown
proof that Big Tobaccodirectlycreated multiple Tea
Parties in 1994 as push back against a planned increase in the Federal Excise Tax
(FET) oncigarettes.
In fact, Big Tobacco not only created the Tea Party, it has promoted it over
decades, pumped millions into marketing it, and pulled it out of its magic hat every
time it needed to produce an overnight, spontaneous grassrootsmovement.
Hepburn was nit-picking an article at Huffington Post by Brendan DeMelle that
characterizedan exhaustive studyby researchers at the University of California,
San Francisco (UCSF ) as confirming that the Tea Party Was Created By Big
Tobacco. Hepburn writes: This is unfortunate because one, it isnt true, and two,
it overshadows the true origins of the Tea Party which is still largely unknown and
far moreinteresting.
DeMelle and the UCSF researchers were focusing on the hundreds of documents
linking Big Tobacco with funding and plotting with third party nonprofits to create
Tea Party groups chiefly, the Koch brothers Citizens for a Sound Economy and its
progeny, Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks. Hepburn believed the UCSF
researchers had failed to show a Big Tobacco company haddirectlycreated a Tea
Party group. But that wasnt the thrust of the UCSF researchers work they were
investigating the corporate front groups posing as nonprofit grassrootsmovements.
But direct links to Big Tobacco do exist as a simple search through the trove of
tobacco documents obtained in court battles prove. On June 2, 1994, the
http://www.desmogblog.com/2013/05/22/irs-sleuths-were-right-track-big-tobacco-created-tea-party-1994[8/1/2014 12:19:16 PM]

IRS Sleuths Were on the Right Track: Big Tobacco Created Tea Party in 1994 | DeSmogBlog
Associated Press wrote: Kentucky farmers, taking a cue from the Boston Tea Party,
will pitch sulks of tobacco into the Kentucky River next week to show their disgust
with efforts by President Clinton and others to raise federal tobacco taxes. About
3,000 growers and their families are expected. The Associated Press reported
that the Council for Burley Tobacco was sponsoring thedemonstration.
But that wasnt who actually was behind the event. In aMarch 14, 1995
memofrom Brian Waddle of the Jack Guthrie & Associates public relations firm,
Waddle reveals that his client, the New York City division of Philip Morris under the
supervision of Jay Poole, a Vice President of Philip Morris, had orchestrated the
protest. Waddlewrites:
Weve had tremendous success over the years in staging events to increase public
debate and to generate coverage on the excise tax issue. Last year, we
orchestrated The Kentucky Tobacco Party, a rally and re-enactment of the Boston
Tea Party at our states capitol on behalf of growers to protest the proposed FET
[Federal Excise Tax] increase. Nearly 4,000 farmers attended the event which
resulted in hundreds of stories across the country, including placement with The
New York Times, USA Today, the CBS Evening News, CNN , PBS and many others.
We were also the front-page story of every daily and weekly newspaper in the
state ofKentucky.
The same year, on August 2, 1994, 400 tobacco growers and warehousemenstaged
a Tea Party in Greenville, Tennessee, throwing bales of tobacco into a creek. The
event was widely covered by local broadcast media and the AssociatedPress.

environment. It has
publicawareness.
read more
(Dumping tobacco into rivers and creeks? And this is supposed to begoodpublic
relations? What part of marine life ecosystems dont these tobacco
peopleunderstand?)
Anunsigned memorandumdated September 2, 1994 from public relations firm
Ramhurst revealed that R.J. Reynolds was behind the Greenvilledemonstration.
The memo says it will summarize activities undertaken as part of the Federal Excise
Tax effort,noting:
We received more favorable coverage from the lost jobs, displaced farmer
argument than any other. From the early meetings and accompanying publicity
(400 growers in Greenville, NC , 600 in Danville, VA , Fairness for Farmers rally at
the state capitol in TN ) to the recent spate of get-tough media hits (tea party in
KY, tractor rally in VA , tea party in TN , tobacco burning in SC ) there has been an
ongoing effort to keep this story in the news. Theres no way tobacco congressman
(sic) can miss the activity level (and the intensity) of this key constituencygroup.
According to the UCSF researchers, Ramhurst was formed in 1993 with support
from R.J. Reynolds and was run by former RJR smokers rights group coordinators,
James Ellis and Doug Goodyear. By 1994, Ramhurst was executing various
programs related to the tobacco companys national grassrootsprogram.
Now that this is all cleared up, maybe we can get meaningful hearings in Congress.
by Pam Martens, cross-posted with permission fromWall Street On Parade.
Tags:tea party tea party tobacco rj reynolds Philip Morris UCSF tobacco study
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Citizens for a Sound Economy - SourceWatch

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FrackSwarm
Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE) was a powerful

industry-funded think tank that promoted deregulation,
low taxes, and policies favorable to its corporate
donors. When the group was still active, the consumer
advocacy organization Public Citizen wrote, "While CSE
purports to be a grassroots voice of consumers, it is,
more accurately, a front group for corporate lobbying
CoalSwarm
interests that refuses to reveal its funding sources."[1]
NFIB Exposed
CSE was co-founded in part by David H. Koch,[2] was

funded principally by the Koch brothers ($7.9 million
between 1986 and 1993, according to the Center for
What Is CMD?
Donate Here
ALEC Exposed
Outsourcing America
Exposed
Koch Exposed
Fix the Debt

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Public Integrity),[3] and continued to maintain strong

links with them during its existence. [4] In 2003, an
internal rift between CSE and its affiliated Citizens for a
Sound Economy Foundation (CSEF) led to a split in
which CSEF was renamed as a separate organization,
called Americans For Prosperity.
Follow the money in the Koch wiki
This article is part of the

Tobacco portal on
Sourcewatch funded
from 2006 - 2009 by the
American Legacy
Foundation.
In July 2004, CSE announced it was merging with

Empower America to create FreedomWorks.[5]
Main article: FreedomWorks
Koch Wiki
The Koch brothers -- David and Charles -- are the
right-wing billionaire co-owners of Koch Industries.
As two of the richest people in the world, they are
key funders of the right-wing infrastructure, including
the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)
and the State Policy Network (SPN). In
SourceWatch, key articles on the Kochs include:
Koch Brothers, Koch Industries, Americans for
Prosperity, American Encore, and Freedom
Partners.
Contents [hide]
1 Ties to the Koch Brothers
2 Activities
2.1 Fighting for Corporate Donors' Interests
2.2 Laying Groundwork for the Tea Party
2.3 CSE Backed Nader to Split Vote in 2004
2.3.1 FEC Complaint Against CSE
http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Citizens_for_a_Sound_Economy[8/1/2014 12:20:24 PM]
This article is
part of the
Center for
Media &
Democracy's
spotlight on front
groups and
corporate spin.

2.4 "Grassroots" Opposition to Health Care Reform (1990s)
2.5 Opposition to Clinton Energy Tax (1990s)
2.6 Campaigning for Bank Deregulation (1980s)
3 History
4 Personnel
4.1 Board of Directors
4.2 Former Directors
4.3 Other Personnel
5 Funding
5.1 Donors
5.2 Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation
6 Affiliations
7 Former Contact information
8 Articles and Resources
8.1 Related SourceWatch Articles
8.2 External Resources
8.2.1 1990s
8.2.2 2000
8.2.3 2001
8.2.4 2002
8.2.5 2003
8.2.6 2004
8.2.7 2007
8.3 References
Ties to the Koch Brothers

CSE was co-founded in part by David H. Koch,[6] was funded principally by the Koch brothers
($7.9 million between 1986 and 1993, according to the Center for Public Integrity),[7] and
continued to maintain strong links with them during its existence. [4] After founding the Cato
Institute and the Mercatus Center, according to the New Yorker, the Kochs had "concluded that
think tanks alone were not enough to effect change. They needed a mechanism to deliver those
ideas to the street, and to attract the publics support." [8] CSE was founded to be a "sales force"
for those ideas, as David Koch explained to the Weekly Standard.[9]
Richard Fink, the first president of CSE, had previously founded the Mercatus Center, a think tank
at George Mason University, with backing from the Kochs. Fink has also been on the boards of
Koch Industries, Freedom Partners, and two of the Koch Family Foundations. [10]
Activities
Fighting for Corporate Donors' Interests
In a 2000 story on CSE, the Washington Post described it as one of the think tanks that play an
"often hidden role as a weapon in the modern corporate political arsenal. The groups provide
analyses, TV advertising, polling and academic studies that add an air of authority to corporate
arguments -- in many cases while maintaining the corporate donors' anonymity." [4] While thenpresident Paul Beckner denied that CSE tailored its views to match those of financial backers, the
Washington Post found that many of CSE's activities appeared to coincide with the interests of
corporate donors.
A report by the nonprofit Public Citizen found that CSE's work often benefitted its donors:
"For instance, more than $1 million in contributions from the tobacco giant Philip Morris came
when CSE was opposing new cigarette taxes. Donations totaling $1.25 million from US West
coincided with CSE's lobbying for phone deregulation that would let US West offer longdistance service. Florida's three biggest sugar companies contributed nearly $700,000 when
CSE fought a federal plan to protect the Everglades by restricting sugar cane growing on
several thousand acres of land."[1]
Laying Groundwork for the Tea Party

In a 2013 study, researchers at the University of California-San Francisco found links between
the Tea Party movement and "tobacco industry efforts to oppose smoking restrictions and tobacco
taxes beginning in the 1980s," as reported by the university. [11]
"If you look at CSE, AFP and Freedom Works, you will see a number of the same key players,
strategies and messages going back to the 1980s," said lead author Amanda Fallin, PhD, RN,
also a CTCRE fellow. "The records indicate that the Tea Party has been shaped by the tobacco
industry, and is not a spontaneous grassroots movement at all." [11]
CSE Backed Nader to Split Vote in 2004

While CSE generally backed conservative causes, in June 2004 it mobilized supporters in an
attempt to place consumer activist Ralph Nader on the presidential ballot in Oregon. "We
disagree with Ralph Nader's politics, but we'd love to see him make the ballot," Russ Walker, the
Oregon director of CSE told Associated Press. CSE, along with other groups supporting
incumbent President George W. Bush, reportedly aimed to draw votes away from Democratic
challenger John Kerry.[12]
In spring 2004, the Nader campaign was not able to gather the signatures necessary to be listed
on the Oregon ballot.[13]
In late June the Oregonian reported that Lee Coleman, a member of the Oregon State
Republican Central Committee, said that a message left on his answering machine urging his
support for the Nader ballot had included a return number of the Bush-Cheney campaign office in
Oregon. Spokesman for the Bush campaign, Steve Schmidt, told the Oregonian that no paid
campaign staffers were making calls to help Nader but said that some volunteers may have made
calls from the campaign's office. "The campaign certainly understands that when Republican
volunteers see that there are Democrat volunteers trying to restrict the choice and keep Ralph
Nader off the ballot, that they should work to expand choice," Schmidt said. [12]
In July 2004, the Wisconsin chapter of CSE told the New York Times that "it was preparing to
follow Oregon's example, by urging Republicans to sign petitions" when Nader's petition drive
began in August. [14]
Nader was on the ballot in 34 states in 2004, including Wisconsin but not Oregon.[15] He
received 411,304 votes (one percent) in the election. [16]
FEC Complaint Against CSE

On July 1, 2004, CNN reported that the Washington, D.C. advocacy group Citizens for
Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) had filed a complaint with the Federal Election
Commission about the activities of the Oregon branch of Citizens for a Sound Economy and the
Oregon Family Council with regard to the Nader 2004 campaign for president. [17] The complaint
argued that the use of phone banks to encourage conservatives to attend a Nader nominating
convention was an illegal in-kind contribution to the Nader campaign.[18]
Matt Kibbe, president of CSE at the time, "denied the the calls were coordinated with either the
Bush or the Nader campaigns," according to CNN. [18]
"Grassroots" Opposition to Health Care Reform (1990s)

As reported by Rolling Stone, CSE played a role in fighting health care reform during the Clinton
administration, funded in part by tobacco giant Phillip Morris. Health care reform proposed by the
Clinton administration was to be funded in part by taxes on tobacco. Memos archived in the
Legacy Tobacco Documents Library "offer a detailed picture of the cigarette maker's [Philip
Morris'] behind-the-scenes moves to defeat the Clinton health care reform in '94," according to
Rolling Stone.[19] The memos include plans to pay CSE for a "grassroots" campaign aimed at
Democrats in swing states:
"The House Energy and Commerce Committee will be a key battleground over the Clinton
health care plan, and we are giving $400,000 to Citizens For A Sound Economy -- a free
market based grassroots organization -- to run a grassroots program aimed at 'swing'
Democrats on the Committee.
"We have also targeted the Democratic swing votes through third party groups, such as
Citizens for a Sound Economy... As a result of the controversy emanating at the grassroots
level, Subcommittee Chairman Waxman could not produce the votes to pass legislation out of
his Subcommittee." [19]
Opposition to Clinton Energy Tax (1990s)

According to the New Yorker, in the 1990s CSE "waged a successful assault on Clintons
proposed BTU tax on energy, for instance, running advertisements, staging media events, and
targeting opponents. And it mobilized anti-tax rallies outside the Capitol -- rallies that NPR
described as "designed to strike fear into the hearts of wavering Democrats." [8]
Campaigning for Bank Deregulation (1980s)

In the aftermath of the Wall Street crash of 1987, CSE reportedly "launched the effort to repeal
Glass-Steagall protections keeping banks from gambling in securities," according to The
Nation.[20] The law, which according to the New York Times had been passed in 1933 to create a
"firewall between commercial banks, which take deposits and make loans, and investment banks,
which underwrite securities," was finally repealed under the Clinton administration in 1999. During
the Clinton years, CSE's Richard Fink "was also a member of the Democratic Leadership Council,
which heavily influenced some but not all of Bill Clinton's policies," according to Lisa Graves. [21]
History
CSE was founded in 1984 by the Koch brothers along with Richard Fink and Matt Kibbe. Fink had
previously headed the Mercatus Center at George Mason University, but according to the New
Yorker, the Kochs had "concluded that think tanks alone were not enough to effect change. They
needed a mechanism to deliver those ideas to the street, and to attract the publics support." [8]
According to the Weekly Standard, David Koch described CSE as "a sales force that participated
in political campaigns or town hall meetings, in rallies, to communicate to the public at large much
of the information that these think tanks were creating [] Almost like a door-to-door sales force
that some of the cosmetics organizations have." [9]
The Kochs provided some $7.9 million in support to CSE between 1986 and 1993. [8]
In 1984 Charles G. Koch, David H. Koch, and J. P. Humphries asked Rich Fink to develop a
concept for a new organization that could advocate free-market policies effectively in Washington.
Fink (now executive vice president at Koch Industries) produced a 110-page business plan, and
CSE, along with the CSE Foundation, started operations later that year. Fink became the first
president. Koch Industries and the Koch Family Foundations continued to give substantial
financial support to the CSE and the CSE Foundation throughout their organizational tenure.
In 1988, Jim Miller, President Reagan's Director of the Office of Management and Budget, joined
CSE's staff and board of directors. [22] This helped raise the profile of CSE enormously. Until then,
it had campaigned mostly on tax issues (advocating a low, flat-rate tax), but now it started
focusing on legal and regulatory issues, starting with a telecommunications and financial services.
In 1989, Wayne Gable succeeded Rich Fink as President. [23] (Gable later served as Managing
Director of Federal Affairs at Koch Industries.)[10] That year, CSE Foundation rescued the Tax
Foundation from financial trouble and restructured its management and board of directors. [24]
In 1991, Gable went on to become president of the Tax Foundation,[10] and Paul Beckner took
over as president. [25] That year, CSE launched Citizens for Congressional Reform, which went on
to become U. S. Term Limit.
In 1993, C. Boyden Gray became Chairman,[26] and CSE led a major press and public relations
campaign to defeat the Clinton administration's 1993 proposal for an energy tax.[8] The Nation
later reported, "While the Koch Foundations could not legally lobby against the tax, CSE rallied
public opposition, especially in Oklahoma, where then-Senator David Boren agreed to help kill the
tax.[27]
See also CSE huffs and puffs with Big Tobacco and "Free market environmentalism?".
Personnel
(as of July 2004)
Board of Directors
C. Boyden Gray, Co-Chairman
Dick Armey, Co-Chairman
J. Clyde Ballard, Director
Jim Burnley, Director
Charles Hilton, Director
Bill Jaeger
Matt Kibbe
Thomas Knudsen, Director
David H. Padden, Director
Richard Stephenson, Director
Former Directors
James C. Miller III
Other Personnel
Joel Bucher
Wayne Gable
Scott A. Hodge
Karen Lotter/Hickey
Lawrence A. Kudlow, economic counsel
Clyde Wayne Crews, Jr.
Jeffrey A. Nesbit, former head of communications[28]
Funding
CSE -- which was a 501(c)(4) tax-exempt organization -- had a related funding arm, the Citizens
for a Sound Economy Foundation (CSEF), which was a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt organization.
In 2002, CSE had revenues of $3,590,890 and expenses of $3,726,684, based on data provided
by Public Citizen. [1]
Donors
The Washington Post reported in 2000 that, "although the Kochs and a stable of wealthy
individuals and foundations have continued to provide a base of support, corporate contributions
now constitute the bulk of CSEs income, which has grown from $4 million in 1991 to $ 15.5
million in 1998." [4] Corporate contributors mentioned by the Washington Post included:
Exxon Corporation
Phillip Morris
US West Inc
Hertz Corp
DaimlerChrysler
Dollar Thrifty Automotive Group
Huizenga Holdings
Association of American Railroads
Microsoft
General Electric
Publix Super Markets
Emerson Electric Co
AlliedSignal Inc.
Johnson & Johnson
U.S. Sugar Corp
Florida Crystals Corp.
Sugar Cane Growers Cooperative of Florida
Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation

According to the annual report filed by the Foundation, the board members to CSE and CSEF
were shared. (The 2002 return also notes three other organizations -- the Taxpayer Action
League, the Tax Foundation, and Citizens for the Environment -- as related entities with the same
board members. The Tax Foundation and Citizens for the Environment were, according to CSEF's
IRS return, created during 1998.)
According to Media Transparency, between 1985 and 2002, CSEF received $16,928,712 in 108
separate grants from only twelve foundations:
Castle Rock Foundation
Earhart Foundation
JM Foundation
Koch Family Foundations (David H. Koch Foundation, Charles G. Koch Foundation, Claude R.
Lambe Foundation)
John M. Olin Foundation, Inc.
Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation
Philip M. McKenna Foundation, Inc.
Scaife Foundations (Scaife Family, Sarah Mellon Scaife, Carthage)[29]
In 2002, CSEF gained $920,000 in grants from three of these foundations, accounting for a little
under one-quarter of the organisation's revenue. The Claude R. Lambe Foundation gave most,
contributing $700,000 for general operating costs, while the Scaife Foundation donated $175,000
and the John M. Olin Foundation $45,000.[29]
Other CSE funders (not included in above funding total) have included:
Archer Daniels Midland
DaimlerChrysler ($25,000)
Enron
General Electric
Koch Industries
F.M. Kirby Foundation
Philip Morris (>$1 million)
U.S. West ($1 million)
ExxonMobil ($75,000)
Exxon ($175,000)
Hertz ($25,000)
Microsoft ($380,000)
U.S. Sugar Corp. ($280,000)[1]
Affiliations
CSE was a member of Project Relief, an alliance of corporations, trade associations, think tanks
and law firms formed in December 1994 to promote the regulatory reform components of the
House Republican "Contract with America." It was a member of the Cooler Heads Coalition, an
industry-funded campaign sponsored by the National Consumer Coalition (an industry-funded
front group) to spread skepticism about the science of global warming. It also belonged to the
Health Benefits Coalition, which lobbies on behalf of the healthcare industry and has spent
millions of dollars opposing a Patients' Bill of Rights and other patient protection proposals.
CSE used the PR services of Smith & Harroff, a political consulting and advertising agency. [30]
Other organizations with which CSE collaborated include:
Consumers for World Trade
Competitive Enterprise Institute
Council for Government Reform (formerly known as the National Center for Privatization)
Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment
Former Contact information

Organization no longer active.
1523 16th Street, NW, 2nd Floor
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 783-3870
Fax: (202) 232-8356
Toll Free: 1-888-564-6273
E-mail: cse@cse.org
http://www.cse.org
Articles and Resources

Related SourceWatch Articles
Koch Brothers
Koch Family Foundations
Americans for Prosperity
Freedom Partners
Cato Institute
Heritage Foundation
Koch Universities
Koch Network
Knowledge and Progress Fund
American Encore
DonorsTrust
Donors Capital
60 Plus
Generation Opportunity
External Resources
"Organized Crime Ring
" Killer Koch's Citizens for a Sound Economy, Dossier by Lion Kuntz
1990s
"Tobacco Strategy
" (internal company memorandum), Philip Morris, March 1994.
"Notes for Jim (Re: Steve Parrish Presentation)

Morris, December 1994.
" (internal company memorandum), Philip
David Nicoli, "Legal Analysis of January 1995 Activities

January 26, 1995.
Robert Parry, "Petrodollar Scholars
," memo to Kathleen Linehan,
," The Nation, August 26, 1996.
2000
Philip Morris, "Budget
", Bates No 2079041604, 2000 (approximate).
Philip Morris, "Core allies
, Bates No 2077285640, 2000 (approximate).
Dan Morgan, "Think Tanks: Corporations' Quiet Weapon,"
Washington Post, Jan. 29, 2000.
A Brief History of Citizens for a Sound Economy , (part of "Attachment to CSE President
Paul Beckner's Response to Remarks Made by Oracle CEO Larry Ellison"), news release,
Citizens for a Sound Economy, June 29, 2000.
Center for Public Integrity, Stealth PACs Revealed
, organizational report, February 9, 2000.
Marianne Holt and Kathryn Wallace, Here are the groups targeted by 'no-soft-money' pledge
in New York race , Center for Public Integrity, October 3, 2000.
2001
Annual conference schedule
, Conservative Political Action Committee 2001 conference.
Jim Burns, "Conservatives Must End Government Funding Of Non-Profits

News Service, February 15, 2001.
," Conservative
Citizens for a Sound Economy, "State Board of Education Did Their Homework
Right Decision for Texas Schoolchildren, Media Release, November 19, 2001.
:Vote is
2002
Citizens for a Sound Economy, "letter to President George W. Bush
2085235064, January 31, 2002.
Curtis Moore, "Rethinking the Think Tanks
", Bates No
," Sierra Magazine, July/August 2002.
2003
Shawn Zeller, "'Free Market' Crusaders," National Journal, January 11, 2003: "Just two weeks
into her tenure as president and CEO of the newly formed Americans for Prosperity, Nancy
Pfotenhauer is brimming over with ideas and enthusiasm for her new mission. ... Pfotenhauer
said that AFP -- the nonprofit advocacy group that recently replaced the CSE Foundation after
Citizens for a Sound Economy and the CSE Foundation parted ways -- wants to 'change the
way decisions are made [by state and local governments], particularly on spending."
Statement by CSE Chairman, Former House Majority Leader Dick Armey " (CSE news
release), October 31, 2003: "A note of clarification following recent media reports: Citizens for
a Sound Economy (CSE) has not launched a new advocacy group. A recent dispute between
CSE and what is now called Americans for Prosperity resulted in a split between the two
organizations."
Steve Law, "Activist group brings money, draws concern", Statesman Journal(Salem, Oregon),
November 1, 2003.
Diane Carman, "Textbooks held to bogus litmus tests
", Denver Post, November 12, 2003.
2004
Brad Cain, "Oregonians soundly defeat tax increase, triggering cuts to services", Associated
Press, February 4, 2004.
Jeff Mapes, "Nader's 1,000 fail to show
", Oregonian, April 6, 2004.
Citizens for a Sound Economy, Americans for Tax Reform, Citizens Against Government
Waste, "National, State Forces Unite to End Courtroom Chaos; Announce Launch of
www.endlawsuitabuse.org Online Petition", Media Release, May 3, 2004.
Brad Cain, "Conservatives seek to help Nader - and ultimately Bush", Associated Press, June
24, 2004.
"GOP helps Nader Get On Oregon Ballot
", Mandate Media, June 24, 2004.
Jeff Mapes, "Nader getting support from unlikely voters : conservative groups hope to draw
votes from Democratic candidate Sen. John Kerry," Oregonian, June 25, 2004.
Center for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, "CREW files FEC complaint against
Citizens for Sound Economy, The Oregon Family Council, Nader for President 2004 and
Bush-Cheney '04: Prohibited in-kind corporate contributions at issue ", Media Release, June
30, 2004.
Melanie Sloan, "Amended Complaint
June 2004.
", Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington,
Citizens for a Sound Economy, "Phone Script: Conservatives for Ralph Nader? ", Media
Release, June 27, 2004. (This is a slightly different, later version of CSE's phone script for
Nader.)
"Group: Bush allies illegally helping Nader in Oregon: Complaint filed with Federal Election
Commission ", CNN, July 1, 2004.
Michael Janofsky and Sarah Kershaw, "Odd Alliances Form to Get Nader on Ballot
York Times, July 1, 2004.
", New
Citizens for a Sound Economy, "Left-Wing Attack Groups Target CSE: Liberal groups in panic
over CSE strategy highlighting similarities between Kerry and Nader ", Media Release, July
2, 2004.
Carla Marinucci, "GOP donors funding Nader/Bush supporters give independent's bid a
financial lift ", San Francisco Chronicle, July 9, 2004
Carla Marinucci, "Nader defends GOP cash: Candidate says he's keeping money
Francisco Chronicle, July 10, 2004.
"Grant Data Matrix, Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation
visited July 13, 2004.
", San
," MediaTransparency.org,
Citizens for a Sound Economy, "Michigan CSE Turns Out Members for Nader Ballot Push :
State chapter sends email to members and activates phone tree on eve of deadline, Media
Release, July 14, 2004.
Kevin Bogardus, Koch's low profile belies political power
, Center for Public Integrity, July 15,
2004.
"Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE) and Empower America Merge to Form
FreedomWorks ", Media Release, July 22, 2004.
2007
Jonathan Weisman, "With Insurance Policy Comes Membership: Unbeknown to Some, Those
Signing Up With Firm Are Joining Conservative Group ", Washington Post, July 23, 2006.
References
1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 Public Citizen, "Corporate Shill Enterprise
October 6, 2000, accessed July 2, 2014.
," organizational Report,
2. Tom Hamburger, Kathleen Hennessey, and Neela Banerjee, Koch brothers now at heart
of GOP power , Los Angeles Times, February 6, 2011.
3. Cited in Jane Mayer, Covert Operations
, The New Yorker, August 30, 2010.
4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Dan Morgan,

"[http://www.ucsusa.org/assets/documents/global_warming/Dan-Morgan-Post-Story_1-2900.pdf Think Tanks: Corporations Quiet Weapon; Nonprofits Studies, Lobbying Advance
Big Business Causes]," Washington Post, January 29, 2000, p. A01, archived by ucsusa,
accessed July 2, 2014.
5. Citizens for a Sound Economy, "Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE) and Empower
America Merge to Form FreedomWorks ," press release, July 25, 2004. Archived by
Internet Wayback Machine, accessed July 2, 2014.
6. Tom Hamburger, Kathleen Hennessey, and Neela Banerjee, Koch brothers now at heart
of GOP power , Los Angeles Times, February 6, 2011.
7. Cited in Jane Mayer, Covert Operations
, The New Yorker, August 30, 2010.
8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 Jane Mayer, "Covert Operations ," New Yorker, August 30, 2010.
9. 9.0 9.1 Matthew Continetti, "The Paranoid Style in Liberal Politics ," Weekly Standard,
April 4, 2011.
10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 Freedom Partners, Board Members
July 2, 2014.
, organizational website, accessed
11. 11.0 11.1 Elizabeth Fernandez, "Study: Tea Party Organizations Have Ties To Tobacco
Industry Dating Back To 1980s ," University of California-San Francisco, news release,
February 8, 2013, accessed July 7, 2014.
12. 12.0 12.1 Jeff Mapes, "Nader getting support from unlikely voters ," The Oregonian,
June 25, 2004, archived by FreedomWorks, accessed July 2, 2014.
13. Jeff Mapes, "Nader's 1,000 fail to show ," The Oregonian, April 6, 2004, archived by
Internet Wayback Machine, accessed July 2, 2014.
14. Michael Janofsky and Sarah Kershaw, "Odd Alliances Form to Get Nader on Ballot
New York Times, July 1, 2004.
15. Ralph Nader
, CNN candidates page, 2004 election, accessed July 2, 2014.
16. Nader Fast Facts
, CNN, page updated February 18, 2014, accessed July 2, 2014.
17. Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, "CREW Files FEC Complaint
Against Citizens for a Sound Economy, Oregon Family Council, and Others ,"
organizational press release, June 30, 2004.
18. 18.0 18.1 "Group: Bush allies illegally helping Nader in Oregon
," CNN, July 1, 2004.
19. 19.0 19.1 Tim Dickinson, "Echoes of Philip Morris and Hillarycare
," Rolling Stone,
October 1, 2009.
20. Lisa Graves, "ALEC Exposed: The Koch Connection
," The Nation, July 12, 2011.
21. Lisa Graves, "The Koch Cartel: Their Reach, Their Reactionary Agenda, and Their
,"
Record," The Progressive, July/August 2014.

22. Hoover Institute, James C. Miller III
23. Wayne Gable
, organization biography, accessed July 2, 2014.
, organization biography, C-SPAN, accessed July 2, 2014.
24. Albert B. Crenshaw, "Research Group Buys Troubled Tax Foundation ," Washington
Post, archived on Highbeam.com, October 9, 1989, accessed July 2, 2014.
25. Paul Beckner
, organizational biography, CSPAN, accessed July 2, 2014.
26. C. Boyden Gray
, organizational biography, CSPAN, accessed July 2, 2014.
27. Robert Parry, "Sidebar: Petrodollar Scholars

Wayback Machine, accessed July 2, 2014.
," The Nation, 1997, archived by Internet
28. "Tax's Demise Illustrates First Rule Of Lobbying: Work, Work, Work"
(1993). Retrieved on 2009-09-22.
. New York Times
29. 29.0 29.1 Media Transparency, Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation
report, archived by Internet Wayback Machine, accessed July 2, 2014.
30. Smith & Harroff, Corporations, Associations, and Coalitions
website, accessed July 2, 2014.
, grants
, past clients, organizational
This article may include information from Tobacco Documents Online
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David H. Koch is one of the billionaire brothers who

co-own Koch Industries, one of the largest privatelyheld companies in the world.[1] The New Yorker has
described David Koch and his brother Charles Koch as
"longtime libertarians who believe in drastically lower
personal and corporate taxes, minimal social services
for the needy, and much less oversight of industry
especially environmental regulation." [2] The Kochs have
built and bankrolled a powerful network of foundations,
think tanks, and politically active organizations that try
to influence elections and policy.
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sixth wealthiest person in the world.[4]
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Koch Wiki
The Koch brothers -- David and Charles -- are the
right-wing billionaire co-owners of Koch Industries. As
two of the richest people in the world, they are key
funders of the right-wing infrastructure, including the
American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and the
State Policy Network (SPN). In SourceWatch, key
articles on the Kochs include: Koch Brothers, Koch
Industries, Americans for Prosperity, American Encore,
and Freedom Partners.
The Koch Brothers: Charles (L) and

David (R)
Tools
Contents [hide]
1 Koch Brothers Early History
1.1 Relationship to John Birch Society
2 The Koch Fortune
3 Koch Brothers Early Activism, 1960-1980
3.1 David Koch Runs for Vice President as Libertarian, 1980
3.2 Charles Koch Calls for the Development of a Well Financed Cadre
4 Building the Koch Cadre, Non-Electoral Activity
4.1 Bankrolling American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)
http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/David_Koch[8/1/2014 12:21:01 PM]
Learn more about

corporations VOTING to
rewrite our laws.
David Koch is an executive vice president and board

member of Koch Industries, and chairman and chief
executive officer of Koch Chemical Technology Group,
LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Koch Industries,
which he has led since 1970. [3] David leads the David H.
Koch Foundation. Forbes listed his net worth as $41.5
billion as of July 2014, tied with his brother Charles as the
Help Write History
Follow the money in the Koch wiki

4.2 Funding Judicial Junkets
4.3 Bankrolling the Tea Party
5 Electoral Activity
5.1 "Triad" Campaign Finance Scheme Avoids Disclosure Laws, 1996
5.2 The Koch Donor Network
5.3 Building a Post-Citizens United $400 Million Dark Money Web
5.4 Koch Funded Dark Money Groups Investigated and Fined in California
5.5 Involvement in Scott Walker Race and Recall Election in 2010
5.6 2012 Post-Election Audit
5.7 Future Commitment to Politics
6 News and Controversies
6.1 Funding Walker Campaign and WI Club for Growth
6.2 Calls President Obama "A Hardcore Socialist"
6.3 Argues Climate Change Might Be Beneficial
7 Philanthropy
8 Affiliations
9 Articles & sources
9.1 Trivia
9.2 Sourcewatch articles
9.3 References
10 External links
Koch Brothers Early History

Charles Koch (b. 1935) and David Koch (b. 1940) are two of the four children of Fred Koch and
Mary Koch. Fred Koch founded Wood River Oil and Refining Co. in 1940; it had been renamed
Rock Island Oil & Refining Co. by 1961 and was renamed Koch Industries by Charles Koch in
1967. [5] Fred Koch was also a founder and executive committee member of the far-right John
Birch Society, known for opposing the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act and communism.[6]
The senior Koch's views are thought to have influenced the Koch brothers' pro-business, antiunion agenda. Lisa Graves noted that "The Kochs' mistrust of public education can be traced to
their father, Fred, who declared that the National Education Association was a communist group
and public-school books were filled with communist propaganda, paranoia that extended to all
unions, President Eisenhower and the pro-communist Supreme Court." [7] Echoing this anti-union
fervor, David Koch has stated that Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker's attack on public unions
was critically important." [8]
He also accused President Barack Obama of being "a hardcore socialist." [9]
Relationship to John Birch Society

Fred Koch was a founding member of the John Birch Society. In the 1960s, Charles Koch opened
a John Birch Society bookstore with Bob Love, a friend of his father.[10] At the time, the Society
was campaigning against the civil rights movement, calling for the impeachment of Chief Justice
Earl Warren, who had ordered public school desegregation in Brown v. Board of Education, and
accusing President John F. Kennedy of "treason" in ads shortly before his assassination. [6]
Charles and Love didn't resign from the Society until 1968. The split was reportedly due to
disagreement's about the Society's support for the Vietnam War. [6]
Charles shared his isolationist position with Robert LeFevre's all-white "Freedom School," which
he funded and on whose board he sat. Charles had also encouraged his brother, David, to attend
a Freedom School retreat, according to Sons of Wichita.[10]
The Koch Fortune

Charles Koch took over his father's Rock Island Oil and Refinery Company, becoming president
and chairman in 1967 and renaming it Koch Industries [6] Since then, the company's revenues
grew from just over $100 million to over $115 billion in 2014. The Koch brothers' fortunes have
also grown dramatically in that time, increasing from $375 million each in 1984 to some $17 billion
each in 2008--and a staggering $41 billion each in 2014, just a few years after the 2008
economic crisis.
In addition to successful investments and expansion of its resource extraction operations over the
years, Koch Industries has engaged in commodity speculation and created new types of
derivatives.[11] The Nation has reported that Koch Industries was "among the largest traders
(including Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley) speculating on the price of oil in the summer of
2008," [12] afterwards also playing a prominent role in lobbying against regulation of the
derivatives market, according to Bloomberg Businessweek.[13]
Koch Industries has been involved in many investigations and indictments related to the Clean Air
Act and the Clean Water Act.
A list of lawsuits involving Koch Industries can be accessed here: Legal Complaints
Against Koch Industries
Koch Brothers Early Activism, 1960-1980

David Koch Runs for Vice President as Libertarian, 1980
David Koch was the vice-presidential nominee for the Libertarian Party in 1980, running
alongside presidential candidate Ed Clark. About the failed bid, the New York Times has written
that "much of what occurred in that quixotic campaign shaped what the Kochs have become
today a formidable political and ideological force determined to remake American politics,
driven by opposition to government power and hostility to restrictions on money in campaigns." [14]
David Koch's campaign was made possible by Buckley v. Valeo, a 1976 Supreme Court decision
that loosened campaign finance laws. The decision permitted unlimited spending of a candidate's
own money on his/her own campaign, as well as unlimited spending by individuals to promote a
candidate, if that individual was not coordinating their campaign with the candidate.[14] In 1979,
David Koch wrote a letter to Libertarian Party members about his plan to make use this new
loophole to fund a Libertarian Party campaign. As the Vice presidential nominee of the
Libertarian Party I will contribute several hundred thousand dollars to the Presidential campaign
committee in order to ensure that our ideas and our Presidential nominee receive as much media
exposure as possible.[14] David would spend about $2.1 million on the campaign, but the
Libertarian Party won just over 1% of the vote nationally. [14]
According to William Koch, Charles and David's brother, Charles began spending significantly on
the Libertarian Party. According to the New York Times, William said in a 1986 interview, "Charles
was giving as much to the Libertarians as he was paying out in dividends [] Pretty soon we
would get the reputation that the company and the Kochs were crazy.[14]
Statements David Koch made during the campaign are revealing of his anti-government views. As
the New York Times reported about his statement at the 1979 Libertarian nominating convention,
David "denounced the 'harassment of Koch Industries and implored the Libertarian Party activists
to make the party 'a force that will roll back the coercive force of government.'" [14] At a speech on
the campaign trail in 1980, "David Koch railed against what he saw as overregulation. Presidents
Nixon and Carter had bequeathed an 'Alice in Wonderland' energy policy, he argued, a mix of
subsidies and price controls that had stymied market forces and caused high prices and
shortages." [14]
Charles Koch Calls for the Development of a Well Financed Cadre

Charles Koch began funding the Institute for Humane Studies in the 1960s. He also created his
own Charles Koch Foundation to funnel money to the Libertarian Society. He helped found the
Cato Institute in 1974, by which time he was already giving money to the Libertarian Party.
Charles also purchased the Libertarian Review.[6]
In a 1974 speech, Charles Koch stated:
"The important strategic consideration to keep in mind is that any program adopted should be
highly leveraged so that we reach those whose influence on others produces a multiplier
effect. That is why education programs are superior to political action, and support of talented
free-market scholars is preferable to mass advertising. The development of a well financed
cadre of sound proponents of the free enterprise philosophy is the most critical need facing us
at the moment." [14]
The Kochs have funded a number of nonprofit organizations like the American Legislative
Exchange Council, think tanks and legal foundations, which are listed here:
Building the Koch Cadre, Non-Electoral Activity

After the failed 1980 campaign for the vice presidency, the Koch brothers lessened their
involvement in the Libertarian Party, increasingly focusing their attention and financial support on
developing their own network of "educational programs" and "cadre" of free-market advocates.[14]
The Kochs' funding founded Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE) in 1984, headed Richard Fink.
Fink was shortly thereafter appointed to President Ronald Reagan's "Commission on
Privatization." [15] In the late 1980s and 1990s, CSE pushed for banking deregulation, like the
elimination of Glass Steagall,[7] spearheaded the defeat of a greenhouse gas tax,[2] and helped in
the defeat of health care reform in the Clinton era. [16][17]
In 2003, a rift between CSE and its related foundation led the Kochs to found Americans for
Prosperity. [2] David Koch chairs the board of directors for the Americans for Prosperity
Foundation.[18]
Today the brothers directly and indirectly fund a wide network of organizations that promote their
"free enterprise philosophy," from think tanks to scholarship programs to policy advocacy groups.
Recipients include a long list of academic institutions; Koch family foundations gave some $30.5
million to 221 colleges and universities from 2007 to 2012. [14]
Access a list of organizations with ties to the Koch brothers here:
Bankrolling American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)

Koch Industries has had a seat and a vote on the corporate board of the American Legislative
Exchange Council (ALEC) since 1994. ALEC has awarded both Koch brothers its Adam Smith
Free Enterprise Award. [7] The Nation reports that the Kochs have likely given over $1 million to
ALEC over the years, and many of ALEC's model bills reflect the policies the Kochs have been
advocating for decades.[7]
Funding Judicial Junkets

The Kochs have funded seminars for judges since the 1990s, first at the University of Kansas
and later at George Mason University, which hosts the Koch-funded think tank the Mercatus
Center. For example, the George Mason University Law & Economics Center hosted "an
expenses-paid conference on public pension reform" which was funded by the Charles G. Koch
Foundation, as well as corporate funders like ExxonMobil, Google, and Walmart, according to the
Center for Public Integrity.[19] The Judicial Conference of the United States has noted that judges'
attendance at such seminars "poses certain concerns," including that "judges may be influenced
inappropriately by those who sponsor or contribute (financially or otherwise) to these seminar
programs and who might be litigants before those judges." [20]
A report by Center for Media and Democracy/The Progressive found that a federal judge who
halted an investigation into alleged illegal campaign coordination, which involved groups like the
Wisconsin Club for Growth and Americans for Prosperity, "attended privately-funded, allexpenses-paid judicial seminars put on by George Mason University in 2006, 2008, 2010 and
2012." [21] The Washington Post reported on a similar conference in 2011, when Google was
facing an antitrust investigation, writing that "Google executives worked behind the scenes with
officials at George Mason Universitys Law & Economics Center to put on academic conferences
that would be attended by officials who were considering the case."[22]
Bankrolling the Tea Party

The Koch brothers and their network have played a significant role in supporting the far-right Tea
Party movement. According to the New Yorker, the Kochs' "Americans for Prosperity has worked
closely with the Tea Party since the movements inception," providing everything from "Tea Party
talking points" to lists of officials for activists to contact to funding conferences. [2] The New York
Times reported that Freedom Partners, for which "longtime Koch employees" constitute a majority
of the board, has given grants to a number of Tea Party-affiliated groups. [23]
According to the New Yorker, a Koch Industries spokesperson has denied that the Kochs provide
funding for Tea Party groups, and David Koch has told New York magazine, "No one representing
the tea party has ever even approached me." [2]
Electoral Activity
"Triad" Campaign Finance Scheme Avoids Disclosure Laws, 1996
The Kochs have a long history of funding money into electoral campaigns. For example, the
Kochs used a variety of means to influence the 1996 election cycle.
In Kansas, according to the Lawrence Journal-World,
"Koch-linked contributions of hard moneygifts of more than $200 by identifiable individuals
or political action committees divulged to the FECto the state's four representatives and two
Senators totaled $130,600." [24]
Senate Democrats found evidence of more complex funding schemes, as well, namely a political
campaign operation called "Triad," which they suggested "allowed wealthy individuals to put more
money into the election process than they would otherwise legally have been allowed to do" while
evading campaign reporting requirements. [6] In 1997, investigators for the Senate Governmental
Affairs Committee told the New York Times that "they believe[d] Koch Industries support[ed] the
Economic Education Trust, based in Twin Falls, Idaho, which gave $1.3 million to Triad in
1996." [25]
In an interview with Bill Moyers, staffer Beth Stein explained the scheme as follows:
"One of the things that Triad did was set up two shell corporations, essentially, tax-exempt
organizations. One was called Citizens for Reform and the other was called Citizens for the
Republic Education Fund, and the sole thing that those corporations did was to air attack
advertising in various races across the country."[26]
In 1998, the Minneapolis Star Tribute reported that Koch Industries Inc. backed a secret trust that
donated $1.8 million in 1996 to finance issue ads sympathetic to conservative Congressional
candidates, [lending] new credence to the conclusion last year of Senate Democratic investigators
that Koch's owners, Charles and David Koch, were probably the financiers behind the trust that
contributed to at least two nonprofit groups.[27]
The Koch Donor Network

Since at least 2006, the Kochs have hosted semi-annual meetings for wealthy right-wing
donors. [28] While these Koch network gatherings are carefully guarded, occasional leaked
documents and recordings have revealed that they include "titans of industry from health
insurance companies, oil executives, Wall Street investors, and real estate tycoons working
together with conservative journalists and Republican operatives," as well as prominent public
officials, including members of Congress, state governors, and even Supreme Court Justices
Clarence Thomas and Antonin Scalia. [29] The meetings involve fundraising, reportedly in the
millions of dollars, as well as discussions about political strategy.[30]
A full list of known participants in Koch summit meetings can be accessed on the Koch
network page.
Building a Post-Citizens United $400 Million Dark Money Web

According to the Washington Post, in 2012 the Kochs and fellow donors backed a "network of
politically active nonprofit groups" that was "carefully constructed with extensive legal barriers to
shield its donors," raising over $400 million for the election cycle. As the Post explains, a
"labyrinth of tax-exempt groups and limited-liability companies help[ed] mask the sources of the
money, much of which went to voter mobilization and television ads attacking President Obama
and congressional Democrats." [31]
For example, Freedom Partners, which Politico has referred to as "the Koch brothers' secret
bank", spent some $250 million in the 2012 election cycle, much of it spent in grants to other
groups that ran so-called "issue ads" during the election. [32]
Koch Funded Dark Money Groups Investigated and Fined in California

The Center to Protect Patient Rights, a group run by Koch operative Sean Noble, was fined by
the California state elections board for violating campaign finance disclosure laws as part of a
campaign to prohibit "unions from using automatic payroll deductions to raise money for political
campaigns." [33]
Other "dark money" groups involved in the network included funding sources Freedom Partners
and the TC4 Trust, CSE successor Americans for Prosperity, and a long list of Koch astroturf
organizations like the 60 Plus Association, Generation Opportunity, American Commitment,
Concerned Women for America, the Libre Initiative, and Public Notice. [34] Additional funding went
to the Wisconsin Club for Growth, and from there to Citizens for a Strong America, both of which
were later involved in a criminal investigation related to the 2012 election. [35]
Involvement in Scott Walker Race and Recall Election in 2010

Walker's gubernatorial campaign received $43,000 from the Koch Industries PAC during the 2010
election. The Koch PACgave$1 million to the Republican Governors Association, which in turn
spent $65,000 on independent expenditures to support Walker. [36] The RGA also spent$3.4
millionon TV ads and mailers attacking Walker's opponent, Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett. [37]
In a February 2012 interview with the Palm Beach Post, David Koch admitted that he was helping
fund Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker as Walker fought off a recall election sparked by his anti-union
legislation. [38] The paper reported that Koch acknowledged his group, Americans for Prosperity,
was "hard at work in places such as Wisconsin, where Gov. Scott Walker is facing off with public
unions and grappling with a likely recall." [38]

Koch was quoted as saying, "We're helping him, as we should. We've gotten pretty good at this
over the years [...] We've spent a lot of money in Wisconsin. We're going to spend more." [38]
Highlighting the recall as a fight against unions, Koch also stated that "What Scott Walker is doing
with the public unions in Wisconsin is critically important. He's an impressive guy and he's very
courageousIf the unions win the recall, there will be no stopping union power."[38]
2012 Post-Election Audit

According to Politico, after this network "spent hundreds of millions to win the White House and
the Senate and came up empty," the Kochs undertook a major audit of their organizations.
Reportedly disappointed with the election results, Charles Koch wrote an e-mail to major donors
about the need "to re-examine our vision and the strategies and capabilities required for
success," adding that "Our goal of advancing a free and prosperous America is even more
difficult than we envisioned, but it is essential that we continue, rather than abandon, this
struggle." [39]
Future Commitment to Politics

In a 2014 interview with the Wichita Business Journal, Charles Koch identified "cronyism" as one
of the biggest problems facing the United States, adding, "You name it, in every industry we have
this. The successful companies try to keep the new entrants down. Now thats great for a
company like ours. We make more money that way because we have less competition and less
innovation. But for the country as a whole, its horrible." [40]
When asked why he continues to be involved in politics, despite negative public reactions,
Charles answered, "Its like Lee Trevino used to say, somebody asked him, "How are you winning
all these golf tournaments?" and he said, Well somebody has got to win them and it might as
well be me. Thats the way I am on this. There doesnt seem to be any other large company
trying to do this so it might as well be us. Somebody has got to work to save the country and
preserve a system of opportunity." [40]
News and Controversies

Funding Walker Campaign and WI Club for Growth
The Kochs provided direct funding Republican Scott Walker's 2010 gubernatorial campaign in
Wisconsin and funded issue ads for the 2012 recall election. They also funded the Wisconsin
Club for Growth, which is involved in the 2012-2014 "John Doe" criminal investigation in
Wisconsin.
See Scott Walker, Wisconsin Club for Growth.
David Koch admitted that he was helping fund Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walkers campaign in an
interview with The Palm Beach Post. In the February 2012 interview Koch acknowledged that
his group Americans for Prosperity - is hard at work in Wisconsin, where Gov. Scott Walker is
facing off with public unions and grappling with a possible recall vote.
"We're helping him, as we should. We've gotten pretty good at this over the years," he says.
"We've spent a lot of money in Wisconsin. We're going to spend more," said Koch.
Funded by Koch money, Americans for Prosperity spent about $700,000 on an "It's working"
television ad buy in the state that credits Walker's public pension and union overhaul with giving
school districts the first surpluses they've seen in years.
"What Scott Walker is doing with the public unions in Wisconsin is critically important. He's an
impressive guy and he's very courageousIf the unions win the recall, there will be no stopping
union power," said David Koch. [41][42]
Calls President Obama "A Hardcore Socialist"

In an interview immediately after the death of Osama bin Laden, David Koch told New York
Magazine that he believes President Barack Obama is "a hardcore socialist...and hes marvelous
at pretending to be something other than that, but that is what I believe he truly is, a hardcore
socialist." [43]
In an interview after the groups supported by the Koch brothers failed to influence the outcome of
the 2012 election, David Koch said, "Were going to fight the battle as long as we breathe." [44]
Argues Climate Change Might Be Beneficial

David Koch is on record saying that he was unconvinced that global warming has been caused by
human activity. Even if it has been, he said, the heating of the planet will be beneficial, resulting
in longer growing seasons in the Northern Hemisphere. The Earth will be able to support
enormously more people because far greater land area will be available to produce food, he
said. [45]
Philanthropy
David Koch has also donated hundreds of millions of dollars to a number of non-political causes.
According to a profile published by Koch Industries, "he and the David H. Koch Charitable
Foundation have pledged or contributed more than $1 billion to cancer research, medical centers,
educational institutions, arts and cultural institutions, and to assist public policy organizations." [3]
Philanthropic causes supported by David Koch include:
New York-Presbyterian Hospital
Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center
The Mount Sinai Medical Center
The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York City)
The Smithsonians National Museum of Natural History
New York State Theater at Lincoln Center [3]
Affiliations
According to information provided by Koch Industries, David Koch has been affiliated with the
following non-profits: [3]
Cato Institute, Board Member
Reason Foundation, Board Member
Americans for Prosperity Foundation, Board Member
National Cancer Advisory Board, National Cancer Institute
Deerfield Academy, Deerfield, Mass, Life member, Board of Trustees
The Economic Club of New York, New York, Member, Board of Directors
Allen-Stevenson School, New York, Member, Board of Trustees,
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Member, Board of Trustees,
New York-Presbyterian Hospital, New York, Governor,
Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, New York, Member, Board of Trustees,
M.D. Anderson Cancer Center, Houston, Member, Board of Visitors,
Hospital for Special Surgery, New York Member, Board of Trustees,
Rockefeller University, New York, Member, Board of Directors,
House Research Institute, Los Angeles, Member, Board of Trustees,

Whitehead Institute, Cambridge, Mass., Member, Board of Associates
Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, Cold Spring Harbor, N.Y., Honorary Member, Board of
Trustees,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Mass., Life Member of the Corporation
Prostate Cancer Foundation, Los Angeles, Member, Board of Trustees
American Ballet Theatre, New York, Vice Chairman, Board of Directors
American Museum of Natural History, New York, Member, Board of Directors
Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History, Washington, D.C., Member, Board of
Trustees
Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, Inc., New York, Member, Board of Directors
Aspen Institute, Aspen, Colo., Member, Board of Directors
Institute of Human Origins, Phoenix, Ariz., Member, Board of Directors
WGBH, Channel 2, Boston, Mass., Member, Board of Overseers
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., Member, James Madison Council
Additionally, David Koch has been affiliated with the following organizations:
National Geographic Society, Council of Advisors[46]
Earthwatch Institute, Emeriti Director,
African Wildlife Foundation, Honorary Trustee [47]
WNET, Trustee [48]
Articles & sources

Trivia
David Koch was a passenger on USAir flight 1493 which crashed at LAX on February 1st 1991
[49]
Sourcewatch articles
Cato Institute
Koch Industries
Koch Family Foundations
Charles G. Koch
Oil industry
References
1. Forbes.com America's Largest Private Companies- Koch Industries
2014.
2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 Jane Mayer, "Covert Operations
Accessed July 2, 2014.
3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Koch Industries, David Koch
2014.
4. Forbes, "#6 David Koch
, accessed July 2,
," New Yorker, August 30, 2010.
, organizational profile, accessed July 2,
," profile page, accessed July 3, 2014.
5. Fred and Mary Koch Foundation, History

2014.
, organizational website, accessed June 30,
6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 Lisa Graves, "The Koch Cartel: Their Reach, Their Reactionary
Agenda, and Their Record," The Progressive, July/August 2014.
7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 Lisa Graves, "ALEC Exposed: The Koch Connection
2012, 2011. Accessed June 2, 2014.
," The Nation, July
8. Mary Bottari, "On Anniversary of Prank Call the Real David Koch Wants to "Stop Union
Power" in Wisconsin ," PR Watch, February 21, 2012.
9. Sarah Owen, "David Koch Gives President Obama Zero Credit for Bin Ladens Death
New York Magazine, May 5, 2011.
,"
10. 10.0 10.1 Daniel Schulman, Sons of Wichita: How the Koch Brothers Became America's
Most Powerful and Private Dynasty, Grand Central Publishing, 2014.
11. Lee Fang, "How Koch Became An Oil Speculation Powerhouse
19, 2011. Accessed July 1, 2014.
," ThinkProgress, June
12. Lee Fang, "Not Just Goldman Sachs: Koch Industries Hoards Commodities as a Trading
Strategy ," The Nation, July 22, 2013. Accessed July 1, 2014.
13. Asjylyn Loder, "Not Just Wall Street Opposes CFTC Derivatives Overhaul
Businessweek, April 15, 2010. Accessed July 1, 2014.
," Bloomberg
14. 14.0 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 14.6 14.7 14.8 14.9 Nicholas Confessore, "Quixotic 80
Campaign Gave Birth to Kochs Powerful Network ," New York Times, May 17, 2014.
Accessed May 29, 2014.
15. Joel Brinkley, "Reagan Appoints Privatization Unit
1987. Accessed July 1, 2014.
," New York Times, September 4,
16. Robert Pear, "CLINTON'S HEALTH PLAN: Principles; Experts' Grades: 'A' in Security, 'C'
in Simplicity, 'D+' in Savings ," New York Times, September 24, 1993. Accessed July 1,
2014.
17. Tim Dickinson, "Echoes of Philip Morris and Hillarycare
2009. Accessed July 1, 2014.
18. Americans for Prosperity Foundation, Directors
1, 2014.
," Rolling Stone, October 1,
, organizational website, accessed July
19. Chris Young, "Koch brothers, major corporations sponsor pension reform seminar for
judges ," Center for Public Integrity, April 25, 2014. Accessed June 30, 2014.
20. Judicial Conference of the United States, Judicial Conference Policy on Judges'
Attendance at Privately Funded Educational Programs , May 2006. Accessed June 30,
2014.
21. Brendan Fischer, "Judge Who Halted Walker Dark Money Criminal Probe Attended
Koch-Backed Junkets ," The Progressive, May 27, 2014. Accessed June 30, 2014.
22. Matea Gold and Tom Hamburger, "How Google worked behind the scenes to invite
federal regulators to conferences ," Washington Post, April 12, 2014. Accessed June 30,
2014.
23. Nicholas Confessore, "Tax Filings Hint at Extent of Koch Brothers Reach
Times, September 12, 2013. Accessed July 1, 2014.
24. Tim Carpenter, "Koch Industries Flexes Political Muscle in Kansas
World, November 16, 1997. Accessed July 7, 2014.
," Lawrence Journal-
25. Leslie Wayne, "Papers Link Donations to 2 On Senate Hearings Panel

Times, October 30, 1997. Accessed June 30, 2014.
26. Frontline, PBC "Washington's Other Scandal
1998. Accessed June 30, 2014.
," New York
," New York
," show transcript, air date October 6,
27. Greg Gordon, "Koch backed GOP ads in '96 races, report confirms; The company's
owners funded a trust that gave $ 1.8 million to boost conservative candidates." Star
Tribune (Minneapolis), June 2, 1998, Metro Edition. Pg. 5A.
28. Stephen Moore, "Private Enterprise
," Wall Street Journal, May 6, 2006.
29. Lee Fang, "MEMO: Health Insurance, Banking, Oil Industries Met With Koch, Chamber,
Glenn Beck To Plot 2010 Election ," ThinkProgress, October 20, 2010. Accessed June
30, 2010.
30. Lee Fang, "EXCLUSIVE: Koch Brothers Convene Ultra-Secret Billionaires Meeting To
Raise Funds, Plot Strategy

2014.
," Republic Report, February 3, 2012. Accessed June 30,
31. Matea Gold, "Koch-backed political network, built to shield donors, raised $400 million in
2012 elections ," Washington Post, January 5, 2013. Accessed June 30, 2014.
32. Mike Allen and Jim Vandehei, "Exclusive: The Koch brothers' secret bank
September 13, 2013. Accessed June 30, 2014.
," Politico,
33. Nicholas Confessore, "Group Linked to Kochs Admits to Campaign Finance

Violations ," New York Times, October 24, 2013. Accessed June 30, 2014.
34. Al Shaw, Theodoric Meyer and Kim Barker, "How Dark Money Flows Through the Koch
Network ," ProPublica, February 14, 2014. Accessed June 30, 2014.
35. Brendan Fischer, "WI Club for Growth, Target of Walker Recall Probe, at Center of Dark
Money Web ", Center for Media and Democracy, November 18, 2013. Accessed June
30, 2014.
36. Lisa Graves, "A CMD Special Report: Scott Walker Runs on Koch Money
Media and Democracy, February 18, 2011. Accessed July 7, 2014.
37. Andy Kroll, "Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker: Funded by the Koch Bros.
February 18, 2011. Accessed July 7, 2014.
," Center for
," Mother Jones,
38. 38.0 38.1 38.2 38.3 Stacy Singer, David Koch intends to cure cancer in his lifetime and
remake American politics , Palm Beach Post , February 18, 2012.
39. Ken Vogel, "Koch World reboots
2014.
," Politico, February 20, 2013. Accessed June 30,
40. 40.0 40.1 Daniel McCoy, "Charles Koch: business giant, bogeyman, benefactor and
elusive (until now) -- exclusive interview ," Wichita Business Journal, February 28, 2014.
Accessed June 2, 2014.
41. Stacy Singer, David Koch intends to cure cancer in his lifetime and remake American
politics , Palm Beach Post , February 18, 2012
42. John Nichols, David Koch Admits to Helping Walker Big Time
February 20, 2012
, The Cap Times
43. Sarah Owen, "David Koch Gives President Obama Zero Credit for Bin Ladens Death
New York Magazine, May 5, 2011.
,"
44. Daniel Fisher, "Inside The Koch Empire: How The Brothers Plan To Reshape
America ," Forbes, December 24, 2012.
45. "[1]
"
46. About
, National Geographic Society, accessed January 17, 2009.
47. Trustees
, African Wildlife Foundation, accessed December 16, 2011.
48. WNET TRUSTEES

49. 10:20"[2]
, organizational web page, accessed October 20, 2012.
"
External links
Bill Berkowitz, "Patron saints of right wing think tanks acquire Georgia Pacific Corp: Oil
barons Charles and David Koch, two of the nation's worst environmental criminals, now control
the country's largest privately held company", Working for Change, December 6, 2005.
The billionaire brothers who are waging a war against
Obama.
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2010/08/30/100830fa_fact_mayer#ixzz1440AGk88
Categories: Koch Connection ALEC Exposed
Right wing Tea Party Movement
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our letter have appeared elsewhere. One article

described the neuroglycopenic and adrenergic
symptoms of severe hypoglycemia in 15 of these
patients,2 and the other described findings indicative of hypoglycemia on brain magnetic resonance imaging in 7 of these patients3; there were
overlaps between these two groups of patients.
The cases of hypoglycemia reported in both articles pertained only to the sexual-enhancement
drug called Power 1 Walnut. We did not cite these
articles, and we regret these omissions.
Shih Ling Kao, M.B., B.S., M.R.C.P.
Rinkoo Dalan, M.R.C.P.

Tan Tock Seng Hospital
Singapore 308433, Singapore
Daphne Gardner, M.B., B.S., M.R.C.P.

Singapore General Hospital
Edward Pratt, M.R.C.P.

Changi General Hospital
Marilyn Lee, M.B., B.S., M.R.C.P.

Alexandra Hospital
Kok Onn Lee, M.D.
National University Hospital

National University Hospital

Cheng Leng Chan, B.Sc. (Pharm.)

Belinda Tan, B.Sc. (Pharm.)
1. Kao SL, Chan CL, Lim CC, et al. An unusual outbreak of
hypoglycemia. N Engl J Med 2009;360:734-6.

2. Dalan R, Leow MK, George J, et al. Neuroglycopenia and
adrenergic responses to hypoglycaemia: insights from a local
epidemic of serendipitous massive overdose of glibenclamide.
Diabet Med 2009;26:105-9.
3. Lim CC, Gan R, Chan CL, et al. Severe hypoglycemia associated
with an illegal sexual enhancement product adulterated with glibenclamide: MR imaging findings. Radiology 2009;250:193-201.
Health Sciences Authority

C.C. Tchoyoson Lim, F.R.C.R., M.Med.

National Neuroscience Institute
Insurance-Industry Investments in Tobacco

To the Editor: The Obama administration is
proposing a major overhaul of the U.S. health care
system, and the insurance industry is poised to
play a major role in the process. Insurance firms,
like any business, are driven by profit, and this
fact compromises any health care plan that includes them.
In case there is any doubt that insurers place
profit above health, consider their investments in
tobacco. The U.S.-based Prudential Financial provides life insurance and long-term disability coverage and is also a major owner of tobacco stocks,
with total tobacco holdings of $264.3 million
(Table 1). The U.K.-based Prudential offers life,
health, disability, and long-term care insurance.
Prudentials stake in tobacco totals $1.38 billion.
Standard Life, which is also based in the United
Kingdom and offers both life and health insur-
Table 1. Insurance-Industry Holdings in Tobacco Companies as of March 26, 2009.*

Insurance Company
Reynolds
American
Imperial
Tobacco
British American
Tobacco
Lorillard
Philip Morris
USA
69.4
8.8
186.1
264.3
155.4
412.6
585.3
Total
millions of $
Prudential
Prudential Financial
513.2
MassMutual
17.3
New York Life
13.0
Northwestern Mutual
22.8
Standard Life
871.4
13.0
10.8
307.0
641.2
820.2
1,512.6
Sun Life
Total
122.5
1,384.6
202.2
235.8
948.2
125.7
889.9
1,015.6
300.7
1,690.8
4,446.8
* Data are from the Osiris database.
n engl j med 360;23 nejm.org june 4, 2009
2483
correspondence
ance, owns nearly $950 million of tobacco stock.

Canada-based Sun Life, which offers life, health,
disability, and long-term care insurance, owns
just over $1 billion of tobacco stock. Northwestern Mutual and Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance Company (MassMutual) both offer life, disability, and long-term care insurance. MassMutual
owns more than $585 million of tobacco stock,
and Northwestern Mutuals stake exceeds $235
million. (These figures are accurate as of March
26, 2009, but given the current economic climate,
they are subject to change.)
Although investing in tobacco while selling life
or health insurance may seem self-defeating, insurance firms have figured out ways to profit
from both. Insurers exclude smokers from coverage or, more commonly, charge them higher premiums. Insurers profit and smokers lose
twice over.
These facts should discomfit Canadian and
British readers as their countries consider further
privatization of health insurance. For those of us
in the United States, these data are a reminder of
the true priority of the insurance industry, which
is making money, not ensuring health and well-
being. These data raise a red flag about the

prospect of opening vast new markets for private
insurers at public expense, as has happened in
our state of Massachusetts, whose recent health
care reform is often cited as a model for national
reform.
Milton Friedman wrote, Few trends could so
thoroughly undermine the very foundations of our
free society as the acceptance by corporate officials of a social responsibility other than to make
as much money for their stockholders as possi
ble.1 Market incentives favor pursuit of profit
over the publics well-being. The insurance industrys investments in tobacco reinforce Friedmans
message and mandate caution regarding insurance firms participation in care.
J. Wesley Boyd, M.D., Ph.D.
David Himmelstein, M.D.
Steffie Woolhandler, M.D., M.P.H.
Cambridge Health Alliance
Cambridge, MA 02139
jwboyd@cha.harvard.edu
1. Friedman M. Capitalism and freedom. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1962.
Correspondence Copyright 2009 Massachusetts Medical Society.
instructions for letters to the editor
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exceed 175 words (excluding references) and must be received within 3 weeks after publication of the article. Letters not
related to a Journal article must not exceed 400 words. All letters must be submitted over the Internet at authors.NEJM.org.
A letter can have no more than five references and one figure or table. A letter can be signed by no more than three authors.
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that do not adhere to these instructions will not be considered. Rejected letters and figures will not be returned. We are unable
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any other form or medium.
2484
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To the Editor:
The Obama administration is proposing a major overhaul of the U.S. health care system, and the
insurance industry is poised to play a major role in the process. Insurance firms, like any
business, are driven by profit, and this fact compromises any health care plan that includes them.
MORE IN
Other
June 4, 2009
In case there is any doubt that insurers place profit above health, consider their investments in
tobacco. The U.S.-based Prudential Financial provides life insurance and long-term disability
coverage and is also a major owner of tobacco stocks, with total tobacco holdings of $264.3
million (Table 1). The U.K.-based Prudential offers life, health, disability,
TABLE 1
and long-term care insurance. Prudential's stake in tobacco totals $1.38
billion. Standard Life, which is also based in the United Kingdom and offers
both life and health insurance, owns nearly $950 million of tobacco stock.
Canada-based Sun Life, which offers life, health, disability, and long-term
care insurance, owns just over $1 billion of tobacco stock. Northwestern
Insurance-Industry
Holdings in Tobacco
Mutual and Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance Company (MassMutual)
Companies as of
both offer life, disability, and long-term care insurance. MassMutual owns
March 26, 2009.
more than $585 million of tobacco stock, and Northwestern Mutual's stake
exceeds $235 million. (These figures are accurate as of March 26, 2009, but given the current
economic climate, they are subject to change.)
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Although investing in tobacco while selling life or health insurance may seem self-defeating,
insurance firms have figured out ways to profit from both. Insurers exclude smokers from
coverage or, more commonly, charge them higher premiums. Insurers profit and smokers lose
twice over.
July 24, 2014 | I.S. Moon and W. Lee

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These facts should discomfit Canadian and British readers as their countries consider further
privatization of health insurance. For those of us in the United States, these data are a reminder
of the true priority of the insurance industry, which is making money, not ensuring health and
well-being. These data raise a red flag about the prospect of opening vast new markets for
private insurers at public expense, as has happened in our state of Massachusetts, whose recent
health care reform is often cited as a model for national reform.
PHYSICIAN JOBS
August 1, 2014
Internal Medicine
INTERNAL MEDICINE, MASSACHUSETTS
Milton Friedman wrote, Few trends could so thoroughly undermine the very foundations of our
free society as the acceptance by corporate officials of a social responsibility other than to make
as much money for their stockholders as possible.1 Market incentives favor pursuit of profit over
the public's well-being. The insurance industry's investments in tobacco reinforce Friedman's
message and mandate caution regarding insurance firms' participation in care.
MASSACHUSETTS
Chiefs/Directors/Dept. Heads
CHIEF ACADEMIC OFFICER, BRIGHAM AND

WOMEN'S HOSPITAL
MASSACHUSETTS
Internal Medicine
INTERNAL MEDICINE, MASSACHUSETTS

MASSACHUSETTS
J. Wesley Boyd, M.D., Ph.D.

David Himmelstein, M.D.
Steffie Woolhandler, M.D., M.P.H.
http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMc0901817[8/1/2014 12:23:14 PM]
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Health insurers want you to keep smoking, Harvard doctors say - Scientific American
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Health
insurers want you to keep
Fact or Fiction
smoking, Harvard doctors say
Extreme Tech
Jun 3, 2009 | By Brendan Borrell
Health and life insurance companies in

the U.S. and abroad have nearly $4.5
Features
billion invested in tobacco stocks,

according to Harvard doctors.
Forum
In-Depth Reports
Its the combined taxidermist and
Interactive Features
veterinarian approach: either way you get

your dog back, says David Himmelstein,
an internist at the Harvard Medical School
Mind Matters
and co-author of a letter published in this

weeks issue of the New England Journal of Medicine.
News
Science Images
The largest
tobacco investor on the list, the 160-year old Prudential company with
Slide shows
branches in the U.S. and the U.K., has more than $1.5 billion invested in tobacco
stocks. The runner-up was Toronto-based Sun Life Financial, which apparently holds
over $1 billion in Philip Morris (Altria) and other tobacco stocks. In total, seven
companies that sell life, health, disability, or long-term care insurance, have major
holdings in tobacco stock.
Why is it a big deal? If you own a billion dollars [of tobacco stock], then you dont
want to see it go down, says Himmelstein, You are less likely to join anti-tobacco
coalitions, endorse anti-tobacco legislation, basically, anything most health
companies would want to participate in.
X
The letter is the third report that the doctorswho all support a national health care
Get Total Access
programhave published
the last 14 years.
to our in
Digital
Anthology
We decided to check1,200
in with
some of the insurance companies mentioned in the
Articles
letter to learn more about their policies with respect to tobacco stock. Prudential was
Order Now - Just $39!
unable to respond by press time. Sun Life, however, flatly denied the charges.
>
http://www.scientificamerican.com/blog/post/health-insurers-want-you-to-keep-sm-2009-06-03/?id=health-insurers-want-you-to-keep-sm-2009-06-03[8/1/2014 12:24:02 PM]
SA Mind
Health insurers want you to keep smoking, Harvard doctors say - Scientific American
Sun Life does not carry significant holdings in tobacco stocks, says representative
Steve Kee, We do not disclose specific holdings and, for good measure, we conducted
a review further to your inquiry and our exposure to tobacco stocks is less than
0.005 percent [about $5 million] of the investment portfolio. Importantly, tobaccorelated businesses can be part of a broader conglomerate involving other aspects
such as food production.
Himmelstein rechecked his numbers in the Osiris database, and said, I fear that if
Sun Life has a dispute, it is with Osiris not with us.
In any event, the doctors persistence over the years seems to be working to some
extent. They targeted MetLife and Cigna in their 1995 and 2000 letters to medical
journals, but neither is listed in the latest reckoning, indicating that the insurers no
longer hold enough to stock to be noted on filings for the U.S. Securities and
Exchange Commission. In addition, a representative for Cigna says they currently
have no direct holdings in tobacco stock unless it is part of an index fund.
But with $4.5 billion still invested in Big Tobacco, many insurers are reaping profits
from a cancer-causing industry. As Himmelstein puts it, "Is this who we want
running our health care system?"
Image of burning cigarette courtesy of SuperFantastic on Flickr
Share this Article:
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scientific earthling
June 3, 2009, 8:33 PM
Its not just about making money from the stocks. People buy health insurance and pay high prices
because disease exists. What better way to promote disease than tobacco.
If tobacco related disease ceased to exist, your health insurance premium would reduce
dramatically, not good for the insurance companies.
Report as Abuse | Link to This
psyrusa
June 3, 2009, 10:34 PM
If health insurance companies invest in tobacco companies (and the question remains - this article
certainly did not settle it), it is not because they want people to smoke - it is because they remain
profitable by investing in other profitable companies. If they can't invest in profitable companies,
health insurance premiums would rise.
Commentor "scientific earthling" says, "If tobacco related disease ceased to exist, your health
insurance premium would reduce dramatically, not good for the insurance companies." That is not
necessarily the case, it isn't logical, and I doubt that sci. ear. has any inside information to support
his claim. The fact is, when service providers' costs decrease, their profits tend to rise.
Report as Abuse | Link to This
way2ec
June 4, 2009, 12:41 AM
http://www.scientificamerican.com/blog/post/health-insurers-want-you-to-keep-sm-2009-06-03/?id=health-insurers-want-you-to-keep-sm-2009-06-03[8/1/2014 12:24:02 PM]
List of politicians affiliated with the Tea Party movement - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The
following American
politicians are affiliated with the Tea Party movement, which isView
generally
Contents
historyconsidered
Variants
[1]
[2][3][4]
content
toFeatured
be conservative,
libertarian, and populist.
The Tea Party movement is More
a political movement
Current events
that advocates reducing the U.S. national debt and federal budget deficit by reducing
U.S. government
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[5][6]
[7]
spending
and taxes.
It is not a single, formal political party, but is represented
by activist groups Go
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such
as the
Tea Party Patriots and the Tea Party Express. The Tea Party Caucus is the primary vehicle for
the
movement in Congress.[8]
Interaction
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1 Alabama
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14 Michigan
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16 Mississippi
17 Missouri
18 Montana
19 Nebraska
20 New Hampshire
21 New Mexico
22 North Carolina
23 North Dakota
24 Oklahoma
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_politicians_affiliated_with_the_Tea_Party_movement#Missouri[8/1/2014 12:24:28 PM]
25 Pennsylvania
26 Rhode Island
27 South Carolina
28 South Dakota
29 Tennessee
30 Texas
31 Utah
32 Virginia
33 Washington
34 West Virginia
35 Wyoming
36 References
Alabama
[edit]
Robert Aderholt, Republican U.S. Representative from Alabama's 4th congressional district (1997
present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[9]
Jeff Sessions, Republican for the Southern District of Alabama (1981-1993), Attorney General of
Alabama (1995-1997), and U.S. Senator (1997-present).[10]
Arizona
[edit]
Trent Franks, Republican U.S. Representative from Arizona's 2nd congressional district and a member of
the Tea Party Caucus.[11]
California
[edit]
Jeff Denham, Republican U.S. Representative from California's 10th congressional district (2011
present). In January 2011, Matthew Mosk of ABC News wrote that Denham had campaigned in 2010
"under the Tea Party banner".[12]
Tom McClintock, Republican U.S. Representative from California's 4th congressional district (2009
present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [13]
Ed Royce, Republican U.S. Representative from California's 39th (19932003 and 2013present) and
40th (2003January 2013) congressional districts and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [14]
Gary Miller, Republican U.S. Representative from California's 41st (19992003) and 42nd (2003present)
congressional districts and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [11]
Colorado
[edit]
Mike Coffman, Republican U.S. Representative from Colorado's 6th congressional district (2009present)
and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[15] Coffman's 2012 re-election campaign has received the
endorsement of FreedomWorks.[16]
Cory Gardner, Republican U.S. Representative from Colorado's 4th congressional district (2011present).
In September 2010, Dan Amira of New York listed Gardner as one of "dozens of tea-party-associated
House of Representatives candidates".[17]
Doug Lamborn, Republican U.S. Representative from Colorado's 5th congressional district (2007
Florida
[edit]
Sandy Adams, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 24th congressional district (20112013)
and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[18] Adams' 2012 re-election campaign has received the
endorsement of the Central Florida Tea Party. [19]
Gus Bilirakis, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 9th congressional district (2007present)
and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [20]
Dean Cannon, Republican state representative (2004present) and speaker of the state House of
Representatives (2010present). Cannon expressed support for the tea party movement in June
2010.[21]
Ander Crenshaw, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 4th congressional district (2001present)
Rich Nugent, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 5th congressional district (2011present)
Dennis Ross, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 12th congressional district (2011present)
Steve Southerland, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 2nd congressional district (2011
present) and the founder of Bay Patriots, a group aligned with the tea party. [25]
Cliff Stearns, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 6th congressional district (19892013) and a
member of the Tea Party Caucus. [26]
Allen West, former Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 22nd congressional district (2011
2013) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus during his time in Congress. [27] West's 2012 re-election
campaign has received the endorsement of FreedomWorks. He lost his re-election bid in 2012 to Patrick
Murphy.[16]
Curt Clawson, Republican U.S. Representative from Florida's 19th congressional district (2014present).
Clawson was endorsed by the Tea Party Express in the special congressional election in 2014.[28]
Georgia
[edit]
Paul Broun, Republican U.S. Representative from Georgia's 10th congressional district (2007present)
and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[29] Broun was re-elected in November 2012.
Herman Cain, 2012 presidential candidate. Cain gave the tea party response to President Barack
Obama's 2012 State of the Union Address.[30]
Phil Gingrey, Republican U.S. Representative from Georgia's 11th congressional district (2003present)
Karen Handel, former Republican Secretary of State of Georgia (2007-2010).[32]
Tom Price, Republican U.S. Representative from Georgia's 6th congressional district (2005present) and
a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [33]
Lynn Westmoreland, Republican U.S. Representative from Georgia's 8th (200507) and 3rd (2007
present) congressional districts and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [34]
Illinois
[edit]
Randy Hultgren, Republican U.S. Representative from Illinois's 14th congressional district (2011
present). In January 2012, Edward McClelland of NBC Chicago wrote that Hultgren "aligns with the Tea
Party".[35]
Joe Walsh, Republican U.S. Representative from Illinois's 8th congressional district (20112013) and a
member of the Tea Party Caucus.[36] Walsh's 2012 re-election campaign has received the endorsement
of FreedomWorks.[16] Walsh has since been defeated by Tammy Duckworth.
Indiana
[edit]
Dan Burton, Republican U.S. Representative from Indiana's 6th (19832003) and 5th (2003present)
congressional districts and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[37]
Mike Pence, Republican Governor of Indiana (2013-present), U.S. Representative from Indiana's 2nd
(200103) and 6th (20032013) congressional districts and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [38]
Todd Young, Republican U.S. Representative from Indiana's 9th congressional district (2011
present).[17]
Iowa
[edit]
Steve King, Republican U.S. Representative from Iowa's 5th congressional district (2003present) and a
founding member of the Tea Party Caucus.[39] King's 2012 re-election campaign has received the
endorsement of FreedomWorks.[16] King was re-elected in November 2012.
Kansas
[edit]
Tim Huelskamp, Republican U.S. Representative from Kansas's 1st congressional district (2011present)
and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[34]
Lynn Jenkins, Republican U.S. Representative from Kansas's 2nd congressional district (2009present)
Jerry Moran, Republican U.S. Senator (2011present) and a member of the Senate Tea Party
Caucus. [41]
Kentucky
[edit]
Rand Paul, Republican U.S. Senator (2011present) and an inaugural member of the Senate Tea Party
Caucus. Paul gave the tea party response to President Barack Obama's 2013 State of the Union
Address.[42]
Thomas Massie, Republican U.S. Representative from the Kentucky's 4th congressional district (2012present). In his 2012 election, Massie was endorsed by FreedomWorks.[43]
Louisiana
[edit]
Rodney Alexander, Republican U.S. Representative from Louisiana's 5th congressional district (2003
Bill Cassidy, Republican U.S. Representative from Louisiana's 6th congressional district (2009present)
John Fleming, Republican U.S. Representative from Louisiana's 4th congressional district (2009present)
Jeff Landry, Republican U.S. Representative from Louisiana's 3rd congressional district (20112013) and
Steve Scalise, Republican U.S. Representative from Louisiana's 1st congressional district (2008present)
David Vitter, Republican U.S. Senator (2005present).[48]
Maryland
[edit]
Roscoe Bartlett, Republican U.S. Representative from Maryland's 6th congressional district (19932013)
and was a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[49]
Andrew Harris, Republican U.S. Representative from Maryland's 1st congressional district (2011
present). Harris successfully challenged incumbent Democrat Frank Kratovil in 2010, receiving the
endorsement of FreedomWorks.[50]
Alex Mooney, Republican State Senator (1999-2011), former chairman of the Maryland Republican Party,
and Republican nominee for West Virginia's 2nd congressional district in 2014.[51]
Michigan
[edit]
Justin Amash, Republican U.S. Representative from Michigan's 3rd congressional district (2011present).
In May 2012, Susan Davis of USA Today described Amash as "Tea Party-aligned". [52]
Mike Bishop, Republican state senator (200311) and majority leader. In February 2010 Bishop
endorsed the beliefs and ideals of tea party groups. [53]
Pete Hoekstra, Republican U.S. Representative from Michigan's 2nd congressional district (19932011)

Tim Walberg, Republican U.S. Representative from Michigan's 7th congressional district (200709,
2011present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [54]
Kerry Bentivolio, Republican U.S. Representative from Michigan's 11th congressional district (2013
present)
Minnesota
[edit]
Michele Bachmann, Republican U.S. Representative from Minnesota's 6th congressional district (2007
present) and founder of the Tea Party Caucus.[55]
Mississippi
[edit]
Phil Bryant, Republican Governor of Mississippi (2012present). In March 2012 the Central Mississippi
Tea Party dubbed Bryant "the first tea party governor." [56]
Steven Palazzo, Republican U.S. Representative from Mississippi's 4th congressional district (2011
present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[57] In September 2011, George Altman of gulflive.com
described Palazzo as 2010's tea party darling". [58]
Chris McDaniel, Republican State Senator (2008-present).[59][60]
Missouri
[edit]
Vicky Hartzler, Republican U.S. Representative from Missouri's 4th congressional district (2011present)
Allen Icet, Republican state representative.[62]
Billy Long, Republican U.S. Representative from Missouri's 7th congressional district (2011present).[63]
Blaine Luetkemeyer, Republican U.S. Representative from Missouri's 9th congressional district (2009
Tom Schweich, Republican State Auditor (2011present).[62]
Montana
[edit]
Denny Rehberg, Republican U.S. Representative from Montana's At-large congressional district (2001
2013) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[64]
Derek Skees, Republican state representative. In October 2010, Skees said he "was in the Tea Party
before it was cool".[65]
Steve Daines, Republican U.S. Representative from Montana's At-large congressional district (2013present), nominee for Lieutenant Governor in 2008, and nominee for U.S. Senator in 2014. Daines was
endorsed by Tea Party Express in the 2014 Senate election. [66]
Nebraska
[edit]
Adrian Smith, Republican State Senator (1999-2007), U.S. Representative from Nebraska's 3rd
congressional district (2007-present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[67]
New Hampshire
[edit]
Charles Bass, Republican U.S. Representative from New Hampshire's 2nd congressional district (1995
2007, 20112013). In October 2010, Christopher Rowland of The Boston Globe wrote that Bass, in his
2010 campaign, sought "to firm up his conservative credentials with an embrace of the Tea Party
movement."[68]
New Mexico
[edit]
Gary Johnson, Republican Governor of New Mexico (19952003) and 2012 Libertarian Party presidential
nominee. In April 2011, David Weigel of Slate wrote that Johnson "was the Tea Party more than a
decade before the idea occurred to Rick Santelli." [69]
North Carolina
[edit]
Greg Brannon, Republican candidate for U.S. Senate in 2014.[70]

Howard Coble, Republican U.S. Representative from North Carolina's 6th congressional district (1985
Virginia Foxx, Republican U.S. Representative from North Carolina's 5th congressional district (2005
present). In April 2012, Katrina Trinko of National Review described Foxx as a "tea-party
congresswoman".[72]
Sue Myrick, Republican U.S. Representative from North Carolina's 9th congressional district (19952013)
North Dakota
[edit]
Gary Emineth, former chair of the North Dakota Republican Party and a founding member of the North
Dakota Tea Party Caucus. [74]
Duane Sand, Republican candidate for the U.S. Senate in 2000 and 2012 and for the U.S. House of
Representatives in 2004 and 2008. Sand was a founding member of the North Dakota Tea Party
Caucus. [74]
Oklahoma
[edit]
Tom Coburn, Republican U.S. Representative 2nd congressional district (1995-2001) and U.S. Senator
(2005present).[75]
James Lankford, Republican U.S. Representative from Oklahoma's 5th congressional district (2011
present).[76]
T.W. Shannon, Republican State Representative (2007-present), former Speaker of the Oklahoma House
of Representatives (2013-2014), and former U.S. Senate candidate. [77]
Pennsylvania
[edit]
Mike Kelly, Republican U.S. Representative from

Pennsylvania's 3rd congressional district (2011
present). Kelly was a co-founder of the tea party
movement in his area.[78]
Sam Rohrer, Republican state representative
(19932010). In February 2012, Jon Delano of CBS
Pittsburgh wrote that "Rohrer ran for Governor as
the conservative Tea Party Republican" in
2010.[79]
Pat Toomey, Republican U.S. Senator (2011
present). In October 2011, Peter Schroeder of The
Hill described Toomey as "the de facto Tea Party

voice on Congress's 'supercommittee' ". [80]
Rhode Island
Pat Toomey speaking at a Tea Party rally in

Philadelphia, 2009
[edit]
John Robitaille, Republican nominee for Governor of Rhode Island in 2010. Robitaille, in response to the
question "do you consider yourself somebody who embodies the ideals of the [tea party] movement?",
responded in October 2010 "I do, I do."[81]
South Carolina
[edit]
Jim DeMint, Republican U.S. Senator (20052012) and the founder of the Senate's Tea Party
Caucus.[82] In January 2012, Jim Davenport of The Huffington Post described DeMint as "a dean of the
influential and well-funded tea party movement".[83]
Jeff Duncan, Republican U.S. Representative from South Carolina's 3rd congressional district (2011
Trey Gowdy, Republican U.S. Representative from South Carolina's 4th congressional district (2011
present). In July 2011, Kara Brandeisky of The New Republic described Gowdy as a "Tea Party
congressman". [84]
Nikki Haley, Republican Governor of South Carolina (2011present). Haley was elected in 2010 with tea
party support, [85]
Mick Mulvaney, Republican U.S. Representative from South Carolina's 5th congressional district (2011
present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [13] Mulvaney successfully challenged Democratic
incumbent John Spratt in 2010, receiving the backing of the tea party. [86]
Mark Sanford, Republican Governor of South Carolina (200311) and U.S. Representative from South
Carolina's 1st congressional district (2013present). Sanford has described himself as "Tea Party before
the Tea Party was cool".[87]
Tim Scott, Republican U.S. Representative from South Carolina's 1st congressional district (20112012),
U.S. Senator from South Carolina (2012present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [13]
Joe Wilson, Republican U.S. Representative from South Carolina's 2nd congressional district (2011
present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [88] In November 2009 Wilson spoke at tea party
events at Ford Mansion in Morristown, New Jersey [89] and at Capitol Hill.[90]
Tom Davis, Republican member of the South Carolina Senate (2009-present).[91]
South Dakota
[edit]
Gordon Howie, Republican member of the South Dakota House of Representatives (2005-2009) and
South Dakota Senate (2009-2011).[92]
Tennessee
[edit]
Diane Black, Republican U.S. Representative from Tennessee's 6th congressional district (2011present)
Scott DesJarlais, Republican U.S. Representative from Tennessee's 4th congressional district (2011
present). In December 2011, Chris Carroll of the Chattanooga Times Free Press wrote that DesJarlais
"went full tea party" in his 2010 campaign.[94]
Stephen Fincher, Republican U.S. Representative from Tennessee's 8th congressional district (2011
Phil Roe, Republican U.S. Representative from Tennessee's 1st congressional district (2009present) and
Texas
[edit]
Joe Barton, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's

6th congressional district (1985present) and a member
of the Tea Party Caucus. Barton described himself in
October 2010 as having been "Tea Party when Tea Party
wasn't cool."[97]
Michael Burgess, Republican U.S. Representative from
Texas's 26th congressional district (2003present) and a
Quico Canseco, Republican U.S. Representative from
Texas's 23rd congressional district (20112013). In his
Ron Paul addressing the Tea Party Patriots
2010 campaign, Canseco allied himself with the tea

[99]
party.
John Carter, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 31st congressional district (2003present), the
secretary of the House Republican Conference and a member of the Tea Party Caucus.[100]
John Culberson, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 7th congressional district (2001present)
Ted Cruz, Republican U.S. Senator (2013present). Michelle Cottle of the Daily Beast says that Cruz is
"the delight of the Tea Party anti-establishment conservatives"[102]
David Dewhurst, Republican Lieutenant Governor of Texas (2003present). In April 2012 Gary Scharrer
of the Houston Chronicle wrote that Dewhurst "emphasizes that he embraced the core principles of the
Tea Party, before that movement gained momentum".[103]
Blake Farenthold, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 27th congressional district (2011
Louie Gohmert, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 1st congressional district (2005present)
Ralph Hall, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 4th congressional district (1981present) and a
Kenny Marchant, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 24th congressional district (2005present)
Debra Medina, Republican candidate for Governor of Texas in 2010. In January 2011 Richard Dunham of
the Houston Chronicle described Medina as "the original Texas Tea Party leader."[108]
Randy Neugebauer, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 19th congressional district (2003
Ron Paul, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 22nd (197677, 197985) and 14th (1997
2013) congressional districts and 1988, 2008 and 2012 presidential candidate. In November 2010,
Joshua Green of The Atlantic described Paul as the tea party's "intellectual godfather".[110]
Ted Poe, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 2nd congressional district (2005present) and a
Pete Sessions, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 5th (19972003) and 32nd (2003present)
congressional districts, chair of the National Republican Congressional Committee and a member of the
Tea Party Caucus. [112]
Lamar Smith, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas's 21st congressional district (1987present)
Steve Stockman, Republican U.S. Representative from Texas' 9th congressional district (1995-1997),
Texas' 36th congressional district (2013-present), and U.S. Senate candidate in 2014.[114]
Utah
[edit]
Rob Bishop, Republican U.S. Representative from Utah's 1st congressional district (2003present) and a
member of the Tea Party Caucus. Bishop has appeared at Tea Party rallies in Utah. [115]
Jason Chaffetz, Republican U.S. Representative from Utah's 3rd congressional district (2009present). In
August 2011, Amy Walter of ABC News described Chaffetz as "a rising star in the Tea Party
movement".[116]
Mike Lee, Republican U.S. Senator (2011present) and a member of the Tea Party Caucus. [117]
Virginia
[edit]
Eric Cantor, Republican U.S. Representative from Virginia's 7th congressional district (20012014) and
House Majority Leader (20112014). In October 2011, Daniel Stone of Newsweek described Cantor as
"the Republican leadership's tether to the Tea Party".[118]
Washington
[edit]
Kirby Wilbur, chair of the Washington State Republican Party (2011present). In January 2011, Kasie
Hunt of Politico described Wilbur as "tea party-affiliated".[119]
West Virginia
[edit]
Bill Maloney, Republican nominee for Governor of West Virginia in 2011 and 2012. [120]
David McKinley, Republican U.S. Representative from West Virginia's 1st congressional district (2011
Wyoming
[edit]
Cynthia Lummis, Republican U.S. Representative from Wyoming's At-large congressional district (2009
present) and a founding member of the Tea Party Caucus.[121]
References
[edit]
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