Revolution in Iraq

Foreign Literature Publishing House

REVOLUTION IN IRAQ
AR-RABITA PRESS BAGHDAD
1958
Revolution in Iraq
Translation from English
D. E. Kuninoi
Editor
B. N. Antonovich
Note
The present brochure was published in Baghdad by a group of progressive
students who had studied in American universities. It concerns itself with the s
truggle of the Iraqi people for the freedom and national independence of their h
omeland against the regime of oppression of harsh exploitation, a struggle which
concluded with the revolution of July 14th, 1958 the proclamation of the Iraqi
Republic.
The compilers of the brochure produce irrefutable facts and statistical
data which expose the anti-people policy of the actors of the members of the hat
eful to the people monarchical regime which had led Iraq to the verge of a natio
nal catastrophe.
The goals of the revolution and the reforms enacted by the government of
the Iraqi Republic are described in the conclusion of the brochure.
I. Introduction
On July 14th, 1958 the Iraqi Army, realising the dreams of its people an
d enjoying its active support, rose up against the tyrannical regime of Nuri Sai
d. Over the course of two hours the army once and for all toppled the power of t
he criminal clique and declared the Iraqi Republic.
The speed with which the revolution was carried out, the very low number
of casualties, and also its results created a deep impression abroad.
The democratic forces of the entire world joyously greeted the revolutio
n and the young republic, while the ruling circles of Western states raised a hy
sterical outcry on its account and desired to suppress the republic with force.
On July 14th, units of the American naval troops landed in Lebanon, while Englis
h troops were moved by air to Jordan - both threatened the existence of the youn
g repulic. Washington and London by their actions had once again but the world o
n the brink of war.
The speedy crash of Nuri Said's regime probably surprised the majority o
f people in the West. This is understandable, as their rulers and press had, for
years, assured them that in Iraq there was a "firm, energetic government", whil
e Nuri Said was portrayed as a "wise statesmen" who firmly held the reins of pow
er in his hands. It is worth it to reproduce the following statement of Antony N
utting: "Iraq is undisputably the most noteworthy, promising state of all those
which I've seen in the Middle East. ... I was especially surprised and pleased b
y the exemplary manner in which Iraq uses its income from oil." Nutting wrote th
us in his book "I saw for myself". (Antony Nutting, I saw for myself, Hollis and

Carter, London, 1958.) We will not stop to guess what caused him to make such a
n assertion, but anyone who was not blind and who had enough honesty to not dist
ort the truth could not fail to see the terrible omens. It was quite clear that
a revolution was ripening in Iraq, in fact it could not be otherwise. The only s
urprising thing in our revolution was the choice of moment. The reasons for its
considerable success will be easily understood by those who had been fully aware
that the old regime had finally gone bankrupt. Unfortunately, it is impossible
for them to reach the majority of people in the West, who were deliberately delu
ded by their rulers and press.
Below we will attempt to tell shortly of the causes which made the revol
ution inevitable. The facts which are produced here are borrowed from official s
ources, from the works of authoritative western authours or are the fruit of per
sonal observations.
Iraq is a small country on the Arabian Peninsula with an area of about 4
50 000 km. Iraq's population is about 6.5 million. The overwhelming majority of i
ts residents are Muslims which belong to two main nationalities - Arabs and Kurd
s. The predominantly agrarian economy of Iraq is very weakly dveloped. The count
ry is rich in deposits of oil, which are extracted by Western companies. Industr
y is in a rudimentary/embryonic state - it produces mainly cement, bricks, texti
les, cigarettes and some other consumer goods. Iraq is irrigated by two large ri
vers, the legendary Tigris and Euphrates, which made Iraq the "Cradle of Civilis
ation" in antiquity. During the time of the Abbasids Iraq's population was great
er than 30 million. In the 12th century Baghdad was conquered by the Mongols, le
d by Genghis Khan; later Iraq was part of the massive Turkish (Ottoman) Empire a
nd belonged to it until the First World War.
II. The Economy
The agents of the old regime and their lackeys enacted a mad propaganda
campaign in an attempt to assure the West that Iraq was a progressive, benign st
ate which prudently spent 70% of its income from oil for the development of the
country. The facts show the opposite. First of all it must be recognised that a
certain amount of progress was achieved in some sectors of the economy. However
its results were too insignificant in comparison with what could have been done
and in no way change the general picture of backwardness and decary. Moreover, a
significant amount of the national wealth was expended to no use on projects us
eful to nobody; not even the smallest attempts to industrialise the country were
made.
In Iraq there are about 294 local industrial enterprises with two or mor
e workers. Capitalisation in the main/basic sectors of industry in 1956 did not
exceed 14 million dinars, that is, they constituteded less than 40 million dolla
rs (1 dinar is equal to 2 dollars and 80 cents). The situation in agriculture is
n't at all better. In all, only 20% of the arable land is worked. In addition, s
ince 1956 the area of un-worked land has increased by 10%. The output of figs the main agricultural product, which plays a very important role in the economy
of the country, - decreased from 420 thousand tonns in 1955 to 250 thousand ton
s in 1956. The well-known English economist Doreen Warriner characterised the ro
le of the Iraqi government in the development of agriculture thusly:
"In Syria the governments have hardly done anything to help the developm
ent of agriculture; in Iraq they've practically retarded it". (Doreen Warriner,
Land Reform and Development in the Middle East, Royal Institute of International
Affairs, London, 1957.)
A large gap existed between imports and exports. Thus, in 1957 the volum
e of imports expressed in money consisted of 121 784 820 dinars, while exports w
ere equivalent to 12 879 622 dinars.
A significant share of the budget was spent on the army and the police w
ith its extensive system of espionage and prisons which won it infamy; on the ot
her hand, expenditures on public health and education were insignificant. This c
an be shown with just the example of the state budget for 1957.

Table 1: Iraqi Budget for 1957 (Statistical Abst

ract, 1957, Ministry of Economics.)
King's Court ...................................
................................ 0.2%
Parliament .....................................
................................ 0.4%
Ministry of Finance ............................
................................ 2.6%
Ministry of Public Health ......................
................................ 7.6%
Ministry of Foreign Affairs ....................
................................ 1.5%
Ministry of Defence ............................
................................ 30.0%
Ministry of Justice ............................
................................ 2.3%
Ministry of Education ..........................
................................ 6.4%
Ministry of Economics ..........................
................................ 2.0%
Ministry of Agriculture ........................
................................ 3.4%
Ministry of Communications .....................
................................ 4.4%
Ministry of Social Security ....................
................................ 6.2%
Ministry of Internal Affairs ...................
................................ 5.2%
Police .........................................
................................ 9.2%
Cabinet and Municipalities .....................
................................ 12.6%
Other Expenses .................................
................................ 6.0%
Total sum of the budget is 61 719 834 dinars, or
100%.
Millions of dinars were spent on graft and bribery, on such forms of "en
terprise" as the maintenance and arming of bands in Syria which plotted the viol
ent overthrow of the country's government.
According to official data for 1956, the average daily wage of an Iraqi
worker amounted to 165 fils, or 36 cents (1 dinar is equal to 1000 fils). Peasan
ts receive an even lower income. According to a statistical overview of peasant
incomes in one of the most prosperous agricultural provinces of Southern Iraq Divaniya, the average wage of a peasant did not exceed 13 fils (4 cents). The fo
llowing figures are produced in the report of the International Bank of Reconstr
uction and Development for 1952:
Average yearly income in Iraq ....... 84 dollars
Average yearly income of the Iraqi peasant .. 21 dollars
How is one to explain such a low quality of life? As Warriner points out, the re
ason for this consists in the fact that "the land yields little, while landowner
s take a large part of the harvest".
The share of the harvest which goes to the landowner depends on the mann
er of land cultivation. On land which is irrigated by the rivers, it normally co
nsists of three fifths, or two thirds, if the landowner loans to peasants by fam
ily. On land with artificial irrigation the landowner takes five sevenths of the
harvest. His share is even higher on date plantations, which demand capitalisat

ion.
Laws tie peasants to the land. Thus, a law issued in 1933 forbids peasan
ts to leave land if they're in debt to the landlord. And as such indebtedness is
quite a normal thing, the peasants are practically serfs.
What did the old regime bring to the peasants? Let Warriner answer this
question. "Beginning from 1945, - she wrote, - the governments of Iraq which rep
laced each other proclaimed as their goal the encouragement of petty landownersh
ip, promising to distribute state lands among those who work them. In the course
of this very same period the system of landownership has inexorably developed i
n the opposite direction". A law from 1932, which presented the right of the own
ership of land on the basis of the category Lazma (Lazma is a category of landow
nership which was introduced in 1932 by a law on land property. By the category
lazma the ownership of land was presented only to members of a given tribe; the
transfer of land to members of other tribes was forbidden. - ? Editor), was used
, according to Warriner, mainly by the owners of irrigational structures for obt
aining the right to ownership on the corresponding plots of land, and native law
s of rank-and-file members of the tribe on the use of lands were usually ignored
.
In 1945 and 1954 the government issued two laws regulating the distribut
ion of state land between peasants. According to Warriner, they "gave almost not
hing to the fellahs, while large landowners continued to extract a great deal of
benefit during the registration of rights of landownership, taking over state l
ands".
As Hassan Muhammad Ali points out, the 1940 law on the sale of lands of
the category "miri-sirf" (Miri-sirf are state lands, a large part of which is no
t tilled and not cultivated. - ? editor.) greatly sped up the process of the tra
nsfer of lands which belonged to tribes, especially in regions with natural irri
gation, to the large landowners.
But how is the passing of all these anti-people laws to be explained? Ye
s/indeed simply by the fact that the deposed regime was a regime, the government
of which consisted of landowners and acted in the interests of landowners. As a
correspondent of the American newspaper "Time" justly noted (June 17th, 1957),
"So long as the sheikhs are the firmest support base of Nuri Said, he will cut o
ff any attempts at limiting their right of landownership". To this very same cor
respondent Nuri Said said: "Time will itself destroy large possessions. We don't
want to bring socialism to the people by force!" And the newspaper "Newsweek" w
rote no later than July 18th 1958:
"Behind all talk of the struggle with misappropriation and talk of the c
onstruction of schools hides the sad fact that about 90% of the 6.5 million popu
lation of Iraq, overpowered by illnesses, leads a hungry existence under the pow
er of tribal sheikhs, shelters in pathetic clay huts and very little of the 200
million dollars which make up Iraq's yearly income from the extraction of oil fa
lls to their share. Starting from 1951 Nuri Said set aside 70% of this income fo
r the development of the economy, and the winners remained those very same sheik
hs, as the owners of land on which land reclamation work was undertaken".
A multitude of peasants streamed from agricultural regions to Baghdad in
hope of finding better living conditions there and escaping from the oppression
of the sheikhs. In Baghdad such settlers number around 200 thousand. They live
in indescribable conditions in a region called Assima. Professor of the Medical
College in Baghdad Michael Krichley documented the position of the settlers. Her
e is what he wrote about Assima:
"This region was an abandoned lot which lies to the east of the damb whi
ch surrounds Baghdad... The municipality, as well as private individuals used it
as a garbage dump where they threw trash and sewage. Drains, in which flow the
contaminated water of the city's slaughterhouses, lead here across the dam from
the eastern part of the city. The filthy, foul-smelling fluid flows in a wide st
ream among the throng of so-called "sarif" - clay huts... normally with one room
and roofed with reeds. In these over-crowded and poorly-ventilated sarifs peopl
e and domestic animals are often housed together... In homes and in the entire r
egion there is no sewage system, which is why all the sewage accumulates right o

n the streets, contaminating them even further. Not counting a half a dozen bodi
es of water, there is no pure drinking water in the whole region of Assima... Qu
ite often, the sole breadwinner in the family is a child of ten years, who deliv
ers purchases throughout the city, earning 100-150 fils a day (28-42 cents). To
get a little food, children steal waste in slaughterhouses and rummage in dumps,
searching for rotten vegetables and fruit".
Professor Kritchley produces a table which reflects the expenditure of v
arious levels of the population on food products in 1956. We will produce one of
them here..
Table 2: Weekly
Food Expenditure
head
(77 cents)
s (10 dollars)

Region of Baghdad
% of Income
Assima
57%
Region of the Rich
18%

The cost of living in the country continually rose.

ny produced by government expert on statistics K. G. (maybe
x of the cost of living for unqualified labourers rose from
n 1956.
Taxes, in the main hidden, do not affect the income

Sum per
77 fils
3461 fil
According to testimo
H) Fenelon, the inde
480 in 1954 to 527 i
of sheikhs.
Direct Taxes . .

. . . 18%
Hidden Taxes . .
. . . 82%
The absolute majority of the population is illiterate. The general numbe
r of illiterates in the country exceeds 90%, and in villages it's more than 99%.
There is one primary school for every 42 thousand children of school age
, and one secondary school for every 80 thousand students.
The State of Public Health
In Iraq illnesses which the populations of all backwards countries suffe
r from are widespread: emaciation, malaria, tuberculosis, intestinal worms, schi
stosomiasis, trachoma, various childhood illnesses, typhoid and other infectious
illnesses.
The average lifespan is equal to 28-30 years, while, for example, in the
UK it is about 68 years. The reason for this is largely the high childhood mort
ality: 300-350 deaths for every 1000 newborns in Iraq against 25 for the sae num
ber of newborns in the UK (in 1955).
The general emaciation which is observed everywhere weakens resistance t
o infectious diseases. Partner of the Food and Agricultural Organisation of the
United Nations Professor Hunel (Gunel?) believes that about 80% of the residents
of Iraq suffer from emaciation. In our view, this figure is quite understated.
The anti-sanitary conditions of life and swarms of flies enable the spre
ading of trachoma and other eye illnesses which often lead to a complete loss of
eyesight. Every year there are more than 500 thousand people suffering from eye
diseases in state hospitals for treatment. In the country there are more than 4
0 thousand blind men.
The yearly mortality from tuberculosis in Iraq is, according to figures
of the World Health Organisation of the United Nations, 200 per 100 000 of the p
opulation; in Denmark there are ten deaths for the same number of population. Th
ere are more than 10 thousand patients receiving treatment for tuberculosis in s
tate clinics each year.
Intestinal worms and schistosomiasis belong to the number of illnesses w
hich seriously undermine the health of Iraq's population. They usually lead to s
erious forms of anemia. In many regions of the country the population is ravaged
by these illnesses almost to a man.

The following figures show how the old regime "led" the struggle with th
ese scourges. In 1919 Boulenger (C. L. Boulenger, Report on Bilharziasis in Meso
potamia, J. Med., Research, 1919.) estimated that the rate of schistosomiasis in
fection in the population of Baghdad was about 8%, and 36% in Basra. In 1951, ac
cording to Watson's figures, (J. M. Watson, Studies on Bilharziasis in Iraq, Par
t VII, Further Observations on the Incidence in the City of Baghdad, J. Roy. Fac
ulty Med., Baghdad, 1952.), the rate of infection had reached no less than 25% i
n Baghdad and, apparently, 40% in Basra. In Watson's opinion, these figures show
not an improvement in the methods of diagnosis, but a real rise in the rate of
illness. This incredible sad picture, undoubtedly, can be explained by the pover
ty, ignorance, and anti-sanitary conditions that are so typical of Iraq.
There isn't even one enterprise for the elimination of waste in the coun
try. Disinfected drinking water is secured for only a limited part of the popula
tion, predominantly the residents of large cities.
Apartment homes (homes?) are are in very bad condition. The majority of
the population lives in slums. According to figures of the Baghdad Chamber of Co
mmerce, the country's living quarters are as follows.
Table 3: Amount
and Type of Homes in Iraq
Stone: .........................
............................. 46 127 6%
Brick: .........................
............................. 111 871 14.6%
Bamboo: ........................
............................. 204 629 26.7%
Clay: ..........................
............................. 319 296 41.6%
Tents: .........................
............................. 15 282 1.9%
Other: .........................
............................. 68 906 8.9%
Total: .........................
............................. 766 111 100%
The amount of rooms in the country was estimated at 1 644 090. With a po
pulation of 6.5 million people this means that, on average, there are 4.5 people
for every one room. Additional information from the Baghdad House of Commerce o
n the condition of housing is provided in Table 4.
Table 4: Conditio
n of Housing in Iraq
Homes with electricity .........
......................... 16.9%
Homes with running water .......
......................... 20.8%
Homes with bathrooms ...........
......................... 10.2%
Homes with a sewage system .....
......................... 33.4%
About half of all homes in Iraq obtain their water from rivers and strea
ms. In 1955 there were about one hundred hospitals with 4792 hospital beds throu
ghout the entire country. In many agricultural regions there are no hospitals at
all. In Baghdad and other arge cities of the country there are no more than 25
hospitals. There are about 1100 doctors in Iraq, while about 500 of them practic
e in Baghdad. There in all 418 qualified nurses, and of them 237 are in Baghdad.
Throughout the entire country there is only one medical institute which issues
less than 100 doctors a year.
The existing situation of things found an honest reflection in a documen
t of the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations:

"The feeling of humaneness does not allow us to come to terms with such
a position in Iraq; the conscience of people in the entire world can not remain
quiet when an entire nation dies of starvation in conditions of agricultural pro
sperity (for large landowners - editors) and under circumstances of visible calm
ness and general satisfaction".
This is a severe indictment of those Western states which helped Nuri Sa
id and his clique retain power for so long. This is a rebuke to all humanity.
Program of Economic Development
Western observers were not miserly in their praise of the Economic Devel
opment Board for the "remarkable" work done by it. In reality, it only wasted mo
ney. As Warriner notes, "The Board did noted fore in economic planning, although
it was created for just this purpose. The Board was limited to drawing up finan
cial plans, distributing its income in advance across various headings".
In the table below the way the Board expended its funds from 1951 to 195
5 can be seen.
Table 5: Budget of the Board of Economic Development of Iraq 195
1-1955 (Quarterly Bulletin of the National Bank of Iraq No. 14 April-June 1955)
State Apparatus ................
............... 893 000 dinars
Irrigation .....................
............... 14 816 000 dinars
Roads and Bridges ..............
............... 7 089 000 dinars
Construction ...................
............... 6 113 000 dinars
Land Reclamation Projects ......
............... 5 518 000 dinars
Industry .......................
............... 2 587 000 dinars
The total sum of the income of the Board for the period covered is equal
to 107 472 000 dinars, of which only 2 587 000 dinars were spent on industry, t
hat is less than 3%.
The six-year plan for 1955-1960 made provision for the following distrib
ution of expenses:
Table 6: Budget of the B
oard of Economic Development 1955-1960
Social Works (Highways, Bridges,
Railroads, Airports, Social Buildings, etc) 54.5%
Irrigation .....................
............................................ 31%
State Apparatus ................
............................................ 1.5%
Industry .......................
............................................ 13%
It is assumed that the income of the Board is 319 054 000 dinars.
It's true that the Board constructed a few dams for the struggle with fl
oods and with the aim of expanding the irrigational system but, Warriner points
out, "Under the existing system of landownership new structures will only bring
additional benefit to landowners".
Warriner justly notes that in Baghdad the expenditures of the Board of E
conomic Development have only made the contrast between the rich and the poor mo
re outrageous.
The unproductive character of the expenditures of the Board can be shown
simply by the example of the setting aside of about 40 million dollars for the
construction of the King's court, parliament, hotels, and prisons!

Short Overview o
f the Political History of Iraq
Iraq belongs to the number of Arab countries which joined the Allies in
the First World War. In 1915 a revolution erupted against the Turkish yoke. The
Allies declared it their intention to respect the independence of the Arabs. In
entering Baghdad in 1917, the British general Mood declared: "We have come here
as liberators, and not as conquerors". Immediately, however, it became obvious t
hat the British were not about to leave the country. In accordance with the secr
et Sykes-Pico Treaty (The Sykes-Pico Treaty on the division of Asian Turkey was
concluded between the UK and France on May 16th 1916. The treaty received its na
me according to the names of the diplomats which prepared the project: the Engli
shman M. Sykes and the Frenchman J. Pico. - editor), discovered by the Soviet go
vernment after the October Revolution of 1917, Iraq, Transjordan, and Palestine
were reserved for the UK, while Syria and Lebanon went to France
In June 1920 in Iraq a revolution directed against English dominion burs
t out. More than 8 000 people were killed and wounded in fierce battles. In the
end a compromise was achieved. The UK decided that direct occupation was not the
best method of governing Iraq. Therefore, in 1921 a "national" government was f
ormed, and a bit later Faisal was proclaimed King of Iraq. In 1922 followed the
signing of a treaty with the UK. But wide sections of the population came out ag
ainst the treaty. Only 36 out of 100 deputees of parliament voted for the treaty
. Tumultuous protests took place in Baghdad. Nuri Said, the then Minister of Def
ence, ordered military units to surrounded the building of the Chamber of Depute
es and open fire on the protestors. In 1926 new attempts at dragging the "treat
y" through were made. And again they were unsuccessful as a result of the opposi
tion of the masses of the people.
In 1930 Nuri Said formed his first cabinet. Through the falsification o
f votes, violence, and terror he was able to achieve the ratification of the tre
aty. Although this treaty declared the "independence" and "sovereignty" of the c
ountry, it in fact turned Iraq into an actual colony. In 1932 Iraq was accepted
into the League of Nations.
However the struggle of the Iraqi people against imperialism and its mar
ionette governments continued. The period from 1933 to 1936 was marked by contin
ual political unrest. In 1936 it ended with a coup carried out by the army. The
coup forced Nuri Said, at that moment the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to flee t
he country. The new government, which had begun to enact a policy which correspo
nded to the interests of the people, enjoyed wide support from the people. But t
he forces of the old regime were able to return their lost positions and after a
bout a year Nuri Said returned to Iraq.
A more serious situation was created in the country in 1941, after a new
coup carried out by the army, a coup, which this time forced not only Nuri Said
, but also the regent of King Faisal II - Abdul-illah to flee the country. Howev
er the Second World War interfered with the success of this revolution.
After the revolution the hatred of the people for the ruling clique inex
orably grew. This was reflected in the activity of political parties and on the
pages of newspapers, which enjoyed some freedom in that period. When another imp
erialist agent, Salih Jabr, head of the 1947 Iraqi government, attempt to tie Ir
aq to the UK with the help of a new "treaty", in January of 1948, on the day of
the publication of its terms, a revolt broke out. This was the infamous Treaty o
f Portsmouth. The revolt began with peaceful demonstrations. Thousands of people
went out onto the streets of Baghdad to express protest against the imperialist
terms of the treaty. The police opened fire, killing and wounding in this many
civilians. As a sign of protest against police atrocities 25 deputees of parliam
ent, including its head/speaker, left parliament. The rector and teaching facult
y of the Medicine College, who stated their opposition to the actions of the pol
ice, who had opened fire on the territory of the college and hospital resulting
in the death and injuries of some patients, also handed in their resignations. A

mong the dead were women and children. The protest of the masses grew, and the p
olice was unable to deal with the situation which had been created. The cabinet
resigned. The new government immediately annulled the hated Treaty of Portsmouth
, and the situation quickly normalised.
Although Nuri Said was not then part of the government, the masses under
stood well his role as the main agent of imperialism.
The victory obtained by the people did not last long. Soon, on May 15th,
1948, the British armies left Palestine, and the Arab-Israeli War began. Under
the flag of engaging war "with the goal of securing the rear of the army" the re
actionary circles of Iraq, having succeeded in regroupping their forces, establi
shed martial law in the country and carried out hundreds of arrests. All active
participants of the 1948 uprising were thrown in prison.
In 1952 a new uprising broke out. It began with demonstrations carried o
ut under the slogan of the granting of democratic freedoms, first of all the rig
ht of direct elections. Until then elections were carried out in a two-tiered sy
stem which made the falsification of voting results easy for governments. The po
lice shot demonstrators, killing tens and injuring hundreds of people. More than
two thousand people were arrested. And even so, the police turned out to be pow
erless. The ruling clique was forced to resort to a new trick. Knowing that the
army enjoys the love of the people, the ruling clique deployed the army on the s
treets and, in violation of the constitution, named the Prime Minister the Chief
of Staff of the army. The demonstrations continued for another one or two days,
but there were no clashes between the army and the population. On the contrary,
man cases of fraternisation of the army with the people were noted. However, th
e the uprising did not lead to any notable changes, excluding the introduction o
f direct voting and the granting of other insignificant concessions. The same ru
ling clique remained in power. What did this clique which we have said so much a
bout here represent? Desmond Stuart called it a deck of cards, consisting of "a
selected elite, meeting in the Senate, "rotten spots" for the selection of the r
epresentatives of this elite in the lower chamber and American commercial agents
for the paying of its bills". "This, - he added, - is a poorly selected deck, i
n which there's no king, few queens, and many jacks".
In 1954 Nuri Said once again became Prime Minister. This time a very imp
ortant role was accorded to him: he had to drag the Baghdad Pact through. But a
collection of measures had to be taken beforehand so as to clear the path for th
e pact. Some of the measures taken by Nuri Said are described in the report of "
New York Times" correspondent Welles Hangen (January 9th 1956). "According to a
new decree on the press, - wrote Hangen, - which lowered the number of daily per
iodical publications in Baghdad from 30 to 7... publishers of political newspape
rs are required to pay the government 8 thousand dinars (22 400 dollars), use ty
pography and have an Iraqi with higher education in the position of editor". Thi
s, naturally, was not enough, and therefore "all political parties were banned a
nd strict censorship of the press was put in place; the number of political pris
oners reached 10 thousand, torture was widely used" ("New Statesman", July 19th
1958). But how could Nuri Said do all this with impunity? Paul Johnson gives the
solution:
"At the disposal of Nuri Said is a British-trained, incredibly effective
police force, an army of spies and provocateurs, a controlled press and an obed
ient parliament, in which the large landowners of the south are the boss - his m
ain and natural support base. His [Nuri Said - editor] main executioner Sayyid K
azzas was Minister of Internal Affairs almost as many times as Nuri Said was Pri
me Minister... The law on martial law is almost constantly in action, and Kazzas
has at his disposal a fairly massive file of cards which eases surveillance of
well-known patriots and other restless elements, such that it's always possible
to remove them for a few hours in case of a sudden change in the political situa
tion and the appearance of the threat of street disorder". (Paul Johnson, Journe
y into Chaos, Macgibbin and Kee, London, 1958.)
But all the same someone must have supported Nuri Said and shared power
with him. Who were these people? Let us present the words of the American magazi
ne "Time" (January 9th 1956) on this question:

"He [Nuri Said. - editor] shares power over the country with about twent
y sheikh-feudals and wealthy men of Baghdad. In the elections of 1954 Nuri Said
and his sheikhs firmly held onto control. On the day of the elections a single c
andidate balloted for 122 out of 135 seats in parliament. This may not be democr
acy, but by the standards of the Middle East this is a good system of government
".
We would just like to add only one correction: the last statement should
be read as: "...by the standards of "Time" magazine...".
During the events in the Suez, in Baghdad and in other large cities of t
he country - Mosul, An-Najaf, Al-Khae - tumultuous demonstrations of protest too
k place, despite the terror carried out by Nuri Said. The police used firearms,
and in isolated cases used airplanes and field artillery! The dead and wounded w
ere counted in the tens. The exact number of victims is unknown. Many arrests we
re carried out; among the arrested there were well-known political and social ac
tivists, representatives of culture. In al-Khae they executed two patriots. John
son noted that "Nuri Said survived the Suez storm thanks to the fact that he act
ed quickly and energetically. In all he threw about 500 people in prison".
For a short time the struggle against Nuri Said's regime was led and cord
inated by the Front of National Unity, which was made up of four political parti
es (The Socialist Party of Arab Rebirth, the National-Democratic Party, the Part
y of Independence, and the Communist Party, which played an active role in the a
ctivities of the Front. - editor) and a group of independents. The Front engaged
in illegal activity: it disseminated leaflets, held meetings, gathered funds an
d exposed the dangerous schemes of Nuri Said in the imperialists.
The discontent of the mass of the people took the form of spontaneous de
monstrations. Serious disorder among students was caused by the the unpopular Ir
aqi-Jordan Federation. (On February 14th, 1958, that is soon after the creation
of the United Arab Republic, the ruling cliques of Iraq and Jordan united in the
so-called Iraqi-Jordan Federation, so as to lead the struggle against the natio
nal-liberation movement in the Near and Middle East. One of the first acts of fo
reign policy of the new republican government of Iraq was the annulment of the t
reaty on the Iraqi-Jordan Federation. - editor). In schools there were several m
eetings of protest. In February 1958, after a football/soccer match with an Alge
rian team, in one of the regions of Baghdad, al-Karkhe, a spontaneous demonstrat
ion arose against the government and Iraqi-Jordanian Federation. The police did
not open fire, but arrested some demonstrators. A second football/soccer match p
lanned for the following week was called off.
During this same period the peasants of Divaniya province demanded the i
mplementation of the law on granting them 50% of the gathered harves. All attemp
ts of the government to divide the harvest on any other basis were met with arme
d opposition. The government, as usual, took the side of the landowners and thre
w large police units against the peasants. Clashes did not occur, but agreement
was not reached either. The police arrested some people, including a landowner w
ho had agreed to the demands of the peasants: it is clear that the government an
d other landowners found that he gave a dangerous example!
In all uprisings and demonstrations Arabs and Kurds took part on an equa
l basis: both experienced the same oppression. However in some cases special rep
ressive measures were used in relation to Kurds. Thus, in 1932 in the Barzani re
gion an uprising of the local population erupted. An attempt by the government t
o resettle Kurds from their native lands served as a direct cause. The uprising
lasted for more than two years, as long as they did not succeed in reaching an a
greement with the government. The English Supreme Comissar put planes at the dis
posal of the government of Iraq. In 1945 the government once again sent police
armies into this region and attempted to disarm the patriots of Barzani. There w
ere a few battles, but neither side attained a decisive victory. Then a new agre
ement was reached. In 1946 the leaders of the Kurdish movement of Barzani region
attempted to achieve some improvement in living conditions by concerted action
s, in coperation with the Kurdish leaders of neighbouring regions. In response to
this the government demanded the immediate disarmament of all Barzanis. The gov
ernment's demand was declined, as the Barzanis did not trust the government. Lar

ge military units were sent to Barzani and the uprising was put down. The Kurds
of Barzani were expelled from their native land to other regions of the country,
where they led a pathetic existence in camps and half-destroyed shacks, receivi
ng a meagre state pension. Four Kurdish leaders were executed, the rest fled the
country. The government once again turned for help to the British, and armies w
ere relocated from India to the region of Ash-Shuaiba , as Stephen Longrig said,
"as a measure of precaution". (Longrig, Stephen, Iraq 1900 to 1950, Oxford Univ
ersity Press, 1956.)
Now, just as in the past, the policy of the imperialists is directed tow
ards the division of Arabs and Kurds and setting them against each other. Howeve
r, this attempt has not had even the slightest success among the masses of the p
eople. Arabo-Kurdish friendship and brotherhood have remained indestructible.
Nuri Said was clever, but he did not at all see the mighty forces at wor
k in society. He did not understand the true power of the people, to which he ha
d always related with scorn. Like his imperialist masters, he imagined that he h
ad nothing to worry about. Having bought out some leaders of the army and grante
d them influential posts, having pitilessly liquidated or thrown in prisons many
leaders of the people, having drowned the country in blood and gathered armies
of thousands of spies, Nuri Said decided that he had finished with the people. H
istory has shown that he was incorrect. It is impossible to exterminate the peop
le!
Life Under the O
ld Regime: Some Aspects of Press Freedom
We have already mentioned here the harsh restrictions on press freedom p
ut in place by the old regime. Only during very short periods did newspapers tha
t were at all free exist. However even they were under constant threat of being
banned, and their editors could at any minute be thrown in prison in case of the
publishing of anything inconvenient to the holders of power. A series of "laws"
and decrees helped the government complete its shameful task. The Baghdad Crimi
nal Codex, drafted in 1918 by the commander of the British occupation armies and
left in force for the last forty years, is to be added to the list of the worst
.
Article 6 section 12 of this law provides for "imprisonment for up to th
ree of any individual who publishes information which has as its goal the weaken
ing of the government"; article 13 section 12 threatens the same punishment "to
any who insults the government and the army". Even individuals who had not publi
shed anything could be subject to punishment. Paragraph 3-A of article 89 provid
es for the subjection to legal responsibility of any individual found to have "m
aterials intended for publication with malicious intent". But even this, evident
ly, was not enough. Article 89 of the same law contains a section on the impriso
nment for up to five years "of anyone who attempts to use the press for inciting
enmity and hatred among the population of Iraq and in relation to the lawful sy
stem of government".
When, for this or that reason, the existing laws did not help in dealing
with the opposition, special decrees and edicts were given. They had the force
of law and were published by the government in the intervals between parliamenta
ry sessions. In fact, the presence of extreme circumstances was required for the
giving out of such decrees. But during Nuri Said's regime parliament was dismis
sed just so that the publication of this or that decree could be justified by th
e positions of the constitution. This does not mean that in a given case constit
utionality was strictly observed. Not in the least. Decrees, for example, were t
o be presented for the approval of the first session of parliament. This rule wa
s not observed: Nuri Said was aware that even his protgs in parliament would make
a fuss over some decrees of an exceedingly insulting character. Decree on the Pr
ess #4, published in 1954, is quite instructive in this. Article 34-A of this de
cree reads: "The Ministry of Internal Affairs maintains the right to ban for a y
ear any newspaper or magazine or annul their license to print if it is demonstra
ted that they publish articles or information intended to create discord among c
itizens... or disseminate ideologies banned by law and in doing so create a thre

ad to quiet and order". Article 24 of the same decree says: "The printing of any
thing which could be deemed an insult to parliament, the Prime Minister, or any
Minister during their carrying out of their official duties is forbidden". One n
eed not add that Nuri Said considered any criticism of his actions an "insult".
Books and films were subjected to harsh censorship. Such classic works a
s L. Tolstoi's "War and Peace" and C. Dickens' "A Tale of Two Cities", as well a
s the films "Outcasts" and "Pajama Game", for example, were banned. Radio broadc
asts from Egypt, Syria, and other countries were regularly silenced. The owners
of societal buildings and cafs were forbidden to tune radios to other stations du
ring Baghdad Radio's broadcasting hours. However, this decree was difficult to r
ealise.
Parties
and Trade Unions
Such "luxuries" as parties and trade unions were allowed in Iraq for onl
y a short time - in 1946 and then in 1953. Conditions for the development of pol
itical activity were lacking. In Baghdad political parties were sometimes still
tolerated, but they were not allowed to create their organisations in other citi
es.
Trade Unions were not in a better position. After a short period of ener
getic activity and growth they were dissolved in 1946, and their leaders arreste
d or put under police watch. Strikes were suppressed with force; we will have mo
re opportunity to speak of this later.
Student organisations, having engaged in energetic activity in 1946, wer
e also banned. However, they continued to work illegaly and played a noble role
in the struggle of the Iraqi people against the old regime.
Elections
For the last forty years Iraq has not known free elections. The election
s have been a farce, and it is well-known that in Iraq deputees are named by the
government. The deputees themselves have never denied this. In 1947 a provincia
l newspaper discovered a list of deputees, chosen long before the "elections". T
he list turned out to be quite exact.
For the last thirty lears parliament has not even once succeeded in forc
ing the cabinet to resign. On the contrary, every time parliament turned out to
be an obstacle, the government dissolved it!
Laws and Edicts
It is telling that, from 1935 to 1954, martial law was imposed 11 times,
lasting in all for nine years. The government could impose martial law at any m
oment without the approval of parliament. The verdicts passed by courts during m
artial law were not subject to appeal. Let us take only one example to show what
sort of justice could be expected from these tribunals. A military court convic
ted Sharif ash-Shaykh of having worked for the newspaper of the Communist Party
under the pseudony "Basim". The accused was sentenced to seven years of forced l
abour. Subsequently it came out that this very same conviction was given by the
very same court to a one Bah ad-din Nuri, who was sentenced to life imprisonment
!
In fact, it was possible to suppress the opposition without martial law;
it just eased and sped up this process. There were enough normal laws which all
owed the government to smother any criticism. Article 79 of the Annex to the law
on legal proceedings permitted the arrest of individuals "which could, hypothet
ically, disrupt the peace".
This law did not limit the period of arrest. The arrested could be held
in prison for years without a trial or investigation. Thus, seven Armenian citiz
ens remained in prison for two years without trial.
Mass Murders
Nuri Said and his clique used force not only against patriots opposed to

their despotism, but also striking workers, who sought an easing of their hard
lot, and against peasants who attempt to receive from their landowner the little
which was theirs by law
In 1946 more than six thousand striking unarmed workers gathered in Kaur
Bagi, in Kirkuk, to work out the demands which they were about to make of the o
il company. The police surrounded them and opened fire. As a result a large numb
er of workers was killed and wounded.
In June 1952 the workers of an English base in Khabbaniya went on strike
, demanding a raise in their wages. The police shot the strikers. As a result tw
o workers were killed and nine injured; many strikers were subjected to arrest.
On October 6th, 1953 in Amar the police opened fire from machine guns on
a group of peasants from al-Izairij tribe, who had revolted against the governm
ent after the delegation sent to convey their demands to the government was arre
sted. A large number of peasants was killed; the police carried out numerous arr
ests.
They treated political prisoners the same way. In the fearful prisons of
"Nurgat as-Salman" and in the prisons of the cities of Kut al-Amar and Bakub tr
uly terrifying conditions ruled.
Inmates were often subjected to solitary confinement in close, filthy ch
ambers where sunlight did not reach.
Torture and vicious beatings of prisoners were normal. Nuri Said, notes
Johnson, "never hesitated before the use of force - from beatings by the police
to torture - with the goal of extracting the desired information from tortured".
In 1945 one political prisoner by the name of Yunan received one thousan
d strikes on the legs, after which he lay in the hospital for three months.
Political prisoners often declared hunger strikes as a sign of protest a
gainst the prison regime. Many died of starvation. On December 3rd, 1951 the stu
dent Numan Mohammed Salih died. Shaykh Hassan Shaykh Mahdi also fell victim to s
tarvation; he died on October 4th, 1953.
On June 18th 1953 an order to transfer the prisoners of Baghdad Central
Prison to the prison of Bakub, where conditions were a thousand times worse, was
received. When the prisoners refused to obeythe order, the police shot them fro
m machine guns. According to official statistics, seven died and twenty-three we
re wounded. In reality, the dead were somewhat more, and the number of wounded r
eached 153 people.
On August 2nd 1953 the political prisoners of the prison in Kut al-Amar
addressed themselves to the prison heads with the demand that they improve condi
tions of imprisonment. In response to this, the heads opened fire on unarmed pri
soners. Two were killed and many injured. On September 3rd, 1953 at three in the
morning a large number of police and about fifty guards shot prisoners from mac
hine guns, killing eight and wounding ninety-two people. Thus read the official
statistics. A military tribunal acquited the guilty of this bloody savagery.
Baghdad Pact
When the idea of a so-called "Northern Bloc", later the Baghdad Pact, ca
me to Dalles, a special role in its establishment was accorded to Iraq. Immediat
ely after this the situation in Iraq greatly deteriorated. The Council of the Ba
ghdad Pact had at its disposal its own army of spies and provocateurs for the st
ruggle with "subversive activity". The Council had a decisive vote in such areas
as radio (in particular, it would order the muffling of foreign broadcasts), an
d in various military and economic questions tied with the the carrying out of g
reat politics (large policy? large politics? This isn't clear).
The wide masses of the people, who understood its aggressive goals, show
ed strong opposition to it from the very beginning. The people understood that t
he pact seriously threatened the safety of the country, for it was directed towa
rds the creation of a springboard for an invasion of the Soviet Union and as suc
h created for Iraq the threat of a response strike. The first visit of the Turki
sh Prime Minister Menderes to Baghdad in January 1955 for preparing the ground f
or the conclusion of the pact with Nuri Said caused tumultuous demonstrations of

protest. The demonstrations were mercilessly dispersed. It must not be forgotte

n that Nuri Said was returned to power to drag the pact through. Peculiar circum
stances preceded this. In 1954 "elections" took place which resulted in the sele
ction of not only the protgs of Nuri Said but also representatives of other groups
. This, of course, did not satisfy Nuri Said. Therefore the new "chosen" parliam
ent was dissolved after its first - and last - session. New "elections" were ann
ounced. The goal of the elections was so obvious that other groups simply boycot
ted them. As a result only one candidate competed for 122 out of 135 spots.
This "parliament", chosen by Nuri Said, ratified the Baghdad Pact after
a ten-minute discussion. But the worst part was that the "parliament" was not bo
thered by the "special agreements" and "memorandums" which served as an addendum
to the pact. Their contents were so harmful to the country that Nuri Said was n
ot sure if they would be approved by even his specially-selected deputees, while
the conditions of these special agreements and memorandums would have become pu
blic. The people learned of them from the debates in the English House of Common
s. The appropriate measures were taken to secure security: around the building
of the Iraqi parliament and on the streets of Baghdad tanks and military units w
ere dispersed to impede any demonstrations of protest whatsoever. The Baghdad Pa
ct became a reality.
But the imperialists did not have long to rejoice. In Nehru's exemplary
words, the victory of our revolution turned the pact "into a dead ram".
U.S. Policy
A short, expressive definition of U.S. policy was given by Paul Johnson:
"Peace for the palaces, war for the huts".
If anyone had any doubts in relation to the true intentions of the USA i
n the Middle East, then they were finally dispelled by the landing of American n
aval troops in Lebanon. The true meaning of this move was not hidden from the pe
ople, which quickly recognised that before them was the very same imperialism in
action. And what of the Charter of the United Nations, respect for sovereignty
and the right to self-determination? One can ask together with American Senator
Wayne Morze: "What fate did this right meet in Lebanon, when the United States s
ent its naval troops there and declared that they had come to support Shamun's g
roup, against which the Lebanese had revolted?" We can also completely agree wit
h his following statement:
"It is impossible to reconcile our support for the principle of the righ
t to self-determination with the policy in relation to Lebanon carried out by th
e President of the United States, which as one of the two reasons for the dispat
ch of naval troops is called our obligation to support Shamun's government".
Yes, these are certainly irreconcilable things!
The task of the American people is to achieve a change in this policy of
the USA.
4. Goals and Ach
ievements of the Revolution
The Iraqi Revolution set as its goal the securing of feedom, independenc
e, peace, and the improvement of the living conditions of the people. It represe
nts the desire to put an end to corruption, social injustice and police despotis
m and move forward on the road to the achievement of an end goal - the national
unity of the Arabs.
The Iraqi Republic threatens nobody and and harbours no aggressive inten
tions against any nation.
It strives for peace and freedom with the peoples of all countries and f
or coperation with all states which are ready to support relations with them on t
he basis of equality and mutual benefit. But the Iraqi people will not allow its
elf to be frightened and will not retreat from threats, wherever they may come f
rom. It will defend with all its might its recently-gained freedom.
The new Iraqi government declared from the very beginning that it would

abide by the Charter of the United Nations and the decisions of the Bandung Conf
erence.
The government of the Iraqi Republic has repeatedly pointed out that it
will respect the obligations it has taken on in the question of oil.
In the area of internal policy the young Iraqi Republic intends to secur
e for its citizens democratic freedoms and freedoms and encourage true, voluntar
y coperation of the Arab and Kurdish population of Iraq.
Today, probably, it is still early to speak of the achievements of the r
evolution, but its first fruits are already visible.
For the first time in the last historical period the people of Iraq has
felt that this is *its* government and *its* republic, that the country, with al
l its riches, really belongs to the people and that these these riches will not
be uselessly wasted on the construction of royal palaces, on plots and intrigues
against their neighbouring states.
The revolution has given the people of Iraq hope and belief in the futur
e, instilled in it pride for its young republic.
The republican government has annuled the old constitution and the right
of tribes. The new government has energetically taken it upon itself to cleanse
the state apparatus of degenerated elements which used their state position for
their personal girls and were the support base of the system of corruption in t
he old regime. Commissions of investigation have been created in all departments
. They will look at all complaints coming from citizens and look into various co
nflicts.
A provisional constitution has been proclaimed. It guarantees freedom of
religion and freedom of speech and declares all citizens equal irrespective of
their nationality, social origin, language, religion, and views. The constitutio
n declares the equality of all citizens before the law. Arabs and Kurds are view
ed as equal partners - members of one nation, and their national rights within t
he bounders of the united Iraqi state are recognised by the constitution.
Political prisoners have been released, and exiles have been allowed to
come back to their families after long separation.
Judicial cases on the actors of the old regime who committed crimes have
become public, in particular they have been transmitted by radio and television
.
A reduction in prices has been achieved: the tariff on gas has been decr
eased by 20%, prices on bread decreased by 10%, while rent has been decreased by
20%
The republic government enjoys the support and love of its citizens, who
, with enthusiasm, set about the transformation of Iraq into a modern, prosperou
s state, where freedom and happy will be the property of all.
The Iraqi Republic is a young member of the family of peace-loving state
s. Its existence is an important factor in the securing of stability in the Near
and Middle East and ending of the "Cold War" in this region. It will enable the
strengthening of the general peace.
Appendix: Law on Agraria
n Reform
At the moment of the handing over of this brochure for printing the revo
lutionary government declared the long-awaited Law on Agrarian Reform (No. 30 of
1958; published on September 30th, 1958).
This law directs a heavy blow to the might of the landowners in bringing
to an end the feudal system in Iraq. It opens before the people of our country
wide possibilities for progress and social reform.
The law limits the ownership of land to 1000 dunums (600 acres) for land
s with water and natural irrigation and 2000 dunums (1200 acres) for unwatered l
ands. Just recompense shall be paid to former landowners over the course of twen
ty years at a rate of 3% of yearly (yield?).
The bought up land, just like state land, will be subjected to redivisio
n among peasants in the form of individual plots of no more than sixty and no le

ss than thirty dunums (from 18 to 36 acres) for land of the first type and two t
imes that for land of the second type.
The law provides for the creation of agricultural coperative societies. I
n their functions are included the securing of families, credit, tools, pumps, c
attle and equipment for the movement and storage of produce. Coperative organisat
ions will also be responsible for looking after the social security of its share
holders. The law recognises the right of the establishment of labour unions for
agricultural labourers.
A series of reactionary laws established during the old regime and direc
t towards the strenghthening of the feudal structure, like, for example, Law No2
8 of 1933, the Law on the Cultivation and Use of Land (No43 of 1951) and the law
concerning the distribution of land in Amar province (No53 of 1955) have been c
oncurrently repealed.