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type II. Type I access is "how many," which is the actual number of people
attending and participating in PSE; whereas, type II access is "the who,"
which is the composition of the participants in PSE and their relative
percentage of the overall population. Ross Finnie, a leading scholar in
higher education, states: "the best way to learn what has been happening
to access is to look at data that provide information on who goes and who
does not go. (2005, p. 20)" This essay will examine type II access, "the
who." The purpose of this essay is not to argue that all Canadians should
attend PSE, but rather that those who wish to pursue PSE should have an
equal chance to other citizens, regardless of factors such as income,
ethnicity or gender. Such barriers to PSE will be identified and explained
through various studies and surveys, such as the Youth in Transition
Survey (YITS) and the Postsecondary Education Participation Survey. The
access rate is a term that will be used throughout the essay; it represents
the percentage of likelihood that a given individual has in pursuing PSE.
Traditionally, the literature on access has been mainly concerned with the
financial barrier to PSE, but it will be argued in this paper that the culture of
PSE and academic achievements pose are equal threats to potential
students.
Financial Issues
Research (e.g., Bell & Anisef, 2005, Neil, 2009) has determined that
financial barriers, especially when examining tuition, are relatively slim
determinants in preventing students from accessing PSE in Canada. The
tuition rate has grown considerably since the nineties in Ontario and family
incomes have declined. For example, from 1989 to 1997, tuition rose by
85% and the average income declined by 5% (Bell & Anisef, 2005); yet
there was still an over-supply of students who chose a PSE pathway.
Arguably, due to the high demand for PSE and limited capacity of the
institutions, it could have been students from high-income families that filled
the gap; but, since 1990, participation rates have increased for individuals
from lower-income families and not as much for higher-income families
(Finnie, 2005). The Survey of Consumer Finances also finds that university
tuition fees have little effect on PSE demand (Neil, 2009). Student protests
to increases in tuition would lead us to believe that tuition is instrumental to
PSE attendance, but the reality is that students' perceived values of PSE
outweigh the associated costs. Typically, a $1000 increase in tuition fees is
likely to reduce the enrolment rate by two to three percentage points (Neil,
2009), but the rate does not actually decrease because the higher
education market is in a constant excess of demand. We would once again
be led to assume that individuals from lower-income families are being
replaced by those who are from higher-income families, yet enrolment rates
state otherwise. Finnie (2012, p. 1162) sums up the argument, as he
states: "In short, it now appears that if a child is taught to value PSE, is
prepared for PSE (academically and otherwise), and ultimately wishes to
attend PSE, there is a high probability that the child will participate in PSE
and cost will not stand in the way."
When compared to other access barriers, financial constraint does not
play a large role; however, this largely ignores the success of the existing
financial aid system for PSEvia loans and grantswhich, consequently,
paved the way for the other barriers to become forefront issues. Frenette
(2007) concludes from the YITS Cohort A that financial constraints make
up only 12% of barriers to PSE. Similarly, Finnie (2011) states that, after
other variables are included, 50% of the financial effect disappears and
low-income families are only 7% less likely than high-income families to
attend PSE. When high-school grades in particular are added to the effect
of being from a low-income family, the gap is reduced and individuals from
high-income families only have a 3.6% greater chance of attending
university. Similarly, only 23% of youth who did not attend PSE listed
financial reasons as a barrier (Finnie, 2012). However, unlike most scholars
in the field of higher education, Finnie acknowledges the equal importance
that financial barriers can have on potential students, as he states:
.it is important to recognize that this situation holds in the context
of existing PSE fee structures, a student financial aid system that
essentially provides enough money to at least most of those who
need it [And] because the 'affordability barriers' have been
successfully addressed that we canand mustnow turn to these
'cultural barriers'. (2012, p. 1162)
The median spending for students in an eight-month academic term
was reported to be $11,200 in 2001 to 2002 (Statistics Canada, 2003).
Students have an array of options to chose from to fund their PSE, such as
the Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP), university bursaries and
scholarships, external/public scholarships (e.g., from businesses), the
Registered Education Savings Plan (RESP), family contributions, and parttime or full-time work (depending on the student's status). The Ontario
Government Tuition Grant, which was recently implemented, gives a 30%
rebate for students enrolled in PSE at the undergraduate or college level.
OSAP in particular is arguably the most helpful and reliable to students. It
can loan up to 15,000 interest-free dollars in financial aid to students.
Leslie and Brinkman (1988) found that anywhere from 20% to 40% of
enrolment for low-income students was made possible because of grants.
A study conducted by York University found that 45% to 47% of PSE
students need to borrow money to finance their education and that they
depend on OSAP to pay for 55% of their tuition (Bell & Anisef, 2005).
Employment is expected to pay for 23%, family for nine , and the rest by a
combination of multiple sources (2005). Thus, around half of students
attending PSE who rely on financial aid would have otherwise not been
able to attend PSE. Financial barriers may not seem to be important factors
in access, but it is only because there is already a strong and successful
aid system that this no longer becomes an issue.
Financial burdens can have a negative effect on the environment of
students during high-school, which reduces their potential to attend PSE.
"Research has shown that students from disadvantaged backgrounds,
including low-income students and racial minorities, are disproportionately
channelled into the low ability tracks" (Anisef, Brown, & Sweet, 2011, p.
42). The reality is that parents with low incomes cannot afford tutoring
services, new technology, and other variants that would allow their children
to remain competitive. Kamanzi, Doray, and Murdoch (2009, p. 48) identify
this problem, stating: "Upper-income families have deployed extra
resources to enable their children to maintain their competitive advantage
in school." Frenette (2007) takes the data from YITS and the Programme
for International Student Assessment (PISA) and examines various
characteristics amongst four income quartiles, with Q1 representing the
bottom 25% of income distribution and Q4 representing the top 25%. He
found that 50.2%of youth from families in Q4 attended university by age 19,
whereas the participation rate for individuals in Q1 was only 31%.
Academic trends were also visible: 32.8% of students in Q4 were in the top
25% on the reading test, compared to only 18 percent of students in Q1.
Also, in Q4, 50.6% of students had at least one parent with a university
degree, compared to 16.3%for those in Q1. Lastly, 37.5% of students in Q4
stated that their friends plan to attend PSE, whereas only 29% did so in
Q1. Evidently, students coming from high-income families are going to have
an advantage in access to PSE over students in low-income families, not
because of financial barriers during/entering university, but rather because
of financial issues (i.e., not being able to afford tutoring or making less of a
commitment to studies because of employment) during high school.
Culture as a Factor
The "culture of PSE" is an increasingly important factor in determining
access to PSE. With an equal opportunity to take advantage of financial
aid, students' information sets and perceived costs and benefits of PSE are
going to greatly affect the decision to attend. Various factors are included in
the PSE culture, such as the importance of academic achievement, the
overall parental pressure to attend PSE, a student's peer influence, and the
student's own willingness to attend PSE. Finnie (2012, p. 1169) states that
PSE culture includes "'cultural communication' the child experienced with
their parents, their 'social communication', the family education support they
received in the form of help with their school work...cultural activities,
cultural possessions, the amount they read , and the diversity of those
reading activities." Similarly, Sweet, Anisef and Walters (2010, p. 61)
comment on the importance of the culture of PSE, stating: "Many parents
have accepted the role of educational manager, characterized by
aspirations to university or college, high expectations for academic
performance...homework monitoring, and help and support for social,
cultural, and sport involvement." The culture of PSE starts relatively early in
a child's life, and can often develop into an unquestionable decision to
attend PSE. It becomes ingrained into the child's mind that it is the only
option. For example, 40% of individuals who went to university declared
that they had always known they were going to pursue university. Another
40% of students said they decided by grades nine or ten, and the
remaining 20 percent decided in their senior years of high school (Finnie,
2012). PSE decisions are made relatively early on in a child's life, before
any other factors even begin to surface.
Immigrants to Canada have a considerably higher ratio of attending
PSE, especially university, because of the specific culture they embody
surrounding PSE. First generation immigrants have 19 percentage points
and second generation have 15 percentage points higher than native-born
Canadians in the access rate (Finnie, 2011). Clark et al. (2009) had higher
results, indicating that young people aged 25 to 34 were 50% more likely to
attend university. Anisef et al.(2011) examined a sample of 14,525 students
from the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) administrative file from 2000
to 2006. Of the sample, 8443 confirmed acceptance to PSE (6409 to
university and 2034 to college). The information collected was combined
with data from the Ontario Universities Applicant Centre (OUAC) and the
Ontario College Application Centre (OCAC). It is particularly important that
the sample is from Toronto because the TDSB is comprised of 80%
immigrant students. The study found that 74.6% of South Asian immigrants
chose university and 25.4% chose college. The rate is even higher for East
Asian immigrants, as 90.5% chose university and 9.5% chose college.
European immigrants had similar results, where 80.2% chose university
and 19.8 chose college. Comparatively, 74.8% of English speakers born in
Canada chose university and 25.2% chose college. Thus, the overall PSE
rate for native-born Canadians is higher, but the university attendance is
lower.
However, Caribbean and African immigrants have a considerably lower
rate of attendance. Only 42.4% of Caribbean immigrants chose university
with 57.6 percent choosing college, and 62.1% of African immigrants chose
university with 37.9% choosing college. This immigrant group's college
attendance is significantly higher, which suggests that it was an alternative
to university. It could be due to financial or distance barriers. Not enough
research has been done on this subject as to why these ethnicities have
chosen the path that they did. Finnie (2012, p. 1169) offers one
explanation, stating: "In a context where Canadian immigrants are a very
highly selected group, where they come to this country because they see it
as a land of opportunity, and where they know that PSE is the key to their
children's future economic prosperity." That explanation would certainly
align with Asian prerogatives but does not explain the trend for African and
Caribbean students. We do know that Black females have a proportionately
higher ratio in university than Black males, but there is no study explaining
this dilemma. Nonetheless, to equalize access, these trends have to be
studied.
There is also a higher likelihood for immigrant parents to save more
for their child's PSE endeavours. Students with at least one foreign-born
parent contributed more frequently to their RESP than native-born
Canadians. Sweet et al. found that if both parents were immigrants, they
saved more than native-born parents, but less than the combination of
immigrant and native-born parents. Table 1 (2010, p. 67) lists the saved
proportions. Immigrants value PSE and attempt to prepare their children for
it despite their limited capabilities. However, they are often impaired from
saving for their child's PSE because they are coping with new lifestyles,
paying off a mortgage, and often looking for secure jobs. Sweet et al.
(2010, p. 73) concludes, stating: "In families with two-foreign born parents,
children have relatively high levels of achievement but their parents' lower
incomes and less-settled housing arrangements make PSE savings
difficult." The excellent financial aid system that Ontario offers is a good
start in combating this problem, but other policy changes involving free
programs during the high-school stage are also necessary.
Table 1 PSE Savings by Immigrant Status (N = 5580)
Both parents
Immigrants
One Parent
Immigrant
Native
Born
Mean
$5,627.70
$6,605.14
$5,064.20
(Standard
eviation)
($10,137.20)
($11,390.44)
($9,577.51)
* p < .01
Found in Sweet et all, 2010, p. 67.
Academic Factors
Academic success, specifically in languages, mathematics, and
science, play a large role in securing access to PSE. In Frenette's study
(2007), reading scores accounted for 20% of the gap in access and marks
accounted for 14% . Together, they accounted for 34 percent of the total
gap and were the highest reason for the inaccessibility to PSE for students
from low-income families compared to students from high-income families.
Table 2 (Kamanzi et al., 2010, p.17) lists the likelihood of participating in
PSE based on average in languages, mathematics, science, and time
spent on homework per week. A student who has a mark of 70% to 80% in
languages has a 43% likelihood of attending PSE, whereas a student with
a mark of 60 to 70 has a 23% chance. Further, a student with 60% or lower
in languages has a 13% likelihood of attending PSE. The results in math
and science are very similar. A student who spends more time on their
homework, namely 4 to 7 hours, has a 56% chance of entering university,
whereas a student who spends one hour or less has a 23% chance. Anisef,
Brown, and Sweet (2010) concluded in their study on immigrants and nonimmigrants in high-school that Chinese-speaking students exceeded all
other groups in participation levels and achievement in core university
programs. Their conclusion helps explain the high participation rate in
university and reaffirms the close relationship between high-school grades
and university participation.
Table 2 Distribution of respondents by PSE attainment, social
background characteristics and academic background (%)(continued)
University
studies
College
studies
No PSE
atainment
Total
Average in language
90-100%
77
16
100
80-90%
66
22
11
100
70-80%
43
34
23
100
60-70%
23
36
41
100
60% or
below
13
31
56
100
Average in mathematics
90-100%
78
15
100
80-90%
60
25
15
100
70-80%
43
32
24
100
60-70%
32
36
33
100
60% or
22
33
45
100
below
Average in science
90-100%
79
14
100
80-90%
62
26
13
100
70-80%
41
33
25
100
60-70%
27
38
37
100
60% or
below
16
31
51
100
23
32
45
100
1 to 3 hours
42
31
27
100
4 to 7 hours
56
29
16
100
8 hours or
more
73
19
100
No
45
30
24
100
Yes
12
83
100
No
46
29
24
100
Yes
23
68
100
No
49
29
21
100
Yes
29
26
44
100
Dropout status
Fell behind
Problems at school
paying for students' tuition because of the strain that the universal system
has been causing. As a result, tuition fees increase and grants turn into
loans and debts, ultimately creating further access barriers to students from
low-income families. Richard Allen, the former Minister of Colleges and
Universities, stated during the Annual Meeting of Canadian University
Board of Governors in 1991:
The success of [our] agenda will depend in large part on an open
and accessible postsecondary system. A system that provides a
place for every qualified student. A system that removes financial
cost as a barrier to entry. And a system that identifies and removes
barriers to participation in postsecondary education by members of
traditionally underrepresented groups and economically and socially
disadvantaged students.
Allen's plan and initiative are an introductory step to reducing the many
existing barriers to access because they acknowledge that there are
barriers. However, his plan is overly ambitious and the Ontario postsecondary system will collapse under the strain, without otherwise
significantly reducing the quality and financial need of the institutions.
References
Andres, L. (2004). Student Affairs: Experiencing Higher Education.
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Anisef, P, Brown, R. & Sweet, R. (2011) Post-Secondary Pathway
Choices of Immigrant and Native-Born Youth In Toronto. In Canadian
Issues. p.42-49
Anisef, P., Brown, R. & Sweet, R. (2010) Educational Pathways and
Academic Performance ofYouth of Immigrant Origin in Toronto. Toronto:
Ceris.
Bell, S. & Anisef. P. (2005) Accessibility and Student Debt: The Shift
from Public to Private Support in Canada in Robert Sweets Preparing for
Post-Secondary Education: New Roles for Government and Families.
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Cheryan, S. & Plaut. V.C. (2010). Explaining Under representation: A
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Clark, I.D., Moran, G., Skolnik, M.L. & Trick, D. (2009). Academic
Transformation: The Forces Reshaping Higher Education in Ontario.
Kingston, ON: Robert Sutherland Hall
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Finnie, R. (2012) Access to post-secondary education: The
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Journal of Higher Education. Vol.40, No. 3 p. 59-80.
1 Of course, alternate means could have been reached, such as bank
loans, but nonetheless, a significant proportion would have been deterred
or unable to attend PSE.