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Book Reviews
delinquency mark Hirschi as an articulate theorist of genuine promise. His
comparison of strain theories, control
theories, and cultural deviance theories,
while brief, provides an impressive frame
from which the author launches his own
control theory and subsequent empirical
testing. Control theories, he asserts, assume that delinquent acts result when
an individual's bond to society is weak or
broken. Four elements of this bond are
(a) attachment, (b) commitment, (c)
involvement, and (d) belief. These are
discussed separately and in relation to
one another. Hirschi concludes his theoretical underpinning with the following
statement: "In the end, then, control
theory remains what it has always been:
a theory in which deviation is not problematic. The question 'Why do they do
it?' is simply not the question the theory
is designed to answer. The question is,
'Why don't we do it?' There is much
evidence that we would if we dared."
(2) A second value lies in Hirschi's
discussion of delinquency definitions.
For this study, he decided that delinquency would be defined by acts, the
detection of which is thought to result
in punishment of the person committing
them by agents of the larger society.
Clearly, Hirschi emphasizes the act
rather than the actor; deeds rather than
doers. His contrast of official delinquency records with self-reported items
represents no small contribution in itself. Unfortunately, this particular chapter is marred by a confusing presentation
of his choice of an index of delinquency.
The difficulty is not so much the measure
but a clumsy description of its derivation from the earlier works of Ivan Nye
and James Short plus that of Robert
Dentler and Lawrence Monroe. (Readers who plan to replicate the work are
advised to compare Hirschi's presentation with the ASR articles cited on pp.
54 and 55.)
421
(3) Another value is in the excellence of the empirical study itself which
most assuredly will stimulate many
additional efforts by others. Hirschi's
data on "attachment to parents," "attachments to the school," and "attachment to peers" shed exciting new light
on these old work horses of delinquency
causation. Valuable as these are, perhaps an even more important contribution lies in Hirschi's testing of the "Techniques of Neutralization" proposed by
Gresham Sykes and David Matza and
the lower class focal concerns suggested
by Walter Miller.
(4) The fourth value is the appendix which provides, among other things,
a complete set of instruments.
These, of course, are not independent of one another. Hirschi shows himself to be a taskmaster in continuously
returning to his theoretical formulations
with which he integrates the whole.
A book of this significance should
invite the finest criticism. Surely the
"strain theorists" will counterattack, the
advocates of cultural deviance theory
will rejoin, and typologists will take
exception to points and positions. Indeed, there is much to take exception to.
But Hirschi knows this. Accordingly, he
is very often his own best critic.
Perhaps, on the trite side, this reviewer wondered if much of this book
were written prior to Delinquency Research. While a publisher's card shows
a publication date of December 15,
1969, the author's preface is dated fourteen months earlier, October, 1968, and
relatively few references are dated as
recently as 1967. This is less a commentary on quality and more a complaint
about lag between conception and delivery. The loss is ours.
JOSEPHW. ROGERS
New Mexico State University
422
THE
SOCIOLOGICAL
QUARTERLY
ing a situational social psychology. Mechanic's particular interest is the problematic nature of man's coping with the
stress of disease, but his concepts have
a more general relevance. Mechanic reminds us that it was in the first empirical
classic in American sociology, The Polish
Peasant, that W. I. Thomas and F.
Znaniecki initially suggested that if sociology is to capture the fragile, shifting
and complex nature of modem society,
it must adopt a situational perspective.
If anything, we now have even more
appealing evidence for supporting such
a claim: we may have to finally take
W. I. Thomas seriously (see Donald W.
Ball's paper of similar title in a forth-
threatening episodes such as the recognition of disease and related illness behavior. The emphasis here is on the positive construction of lines of action. A
most telling comparison can be made
between Parsons' conception of the sick
role which conceives the role-norms as
providing for a withdrawal of the person
into a potentially dysfunctional and dependent relationship and Mechanic's
stress-coping notion which sees men
creatively constructing meanings and
acting in terms of their definition of the
situation.
Situations often contain ambiguities,
stresses, risks, or uncertainty; it seems
that to focus on situational action requires attending to the problematic in
the structuring of encounters as well as
to those aspects of structure which partially account for encounters. A disease
represents in many cases a threat to a
self. A self-defined "threat" may be defined and acted upon in a variety of
ways. Some ways involve personal risktaking; some require others to take the
risks; some involve risk avoidance
through inaction. This view of man suggests a parallel conception of social life
as containing risks which are sometimes
sought, sometimes just happen to people,
and sometimes are avoided. Some of the
insights of Goffman, Klausner, Wallach,
and Hughes might be developed into an
imagery of social organization as a means
for the creation, allocation, and distribution of risks. This task will require us, in
addition, to illuminate a dimension of
man usually only dealt with in novelshis "darker side," his despair, pathos,
debauchery and evil-for illness, as one
sort of risky experience, is all this as
well. But I cannot require this of Mechanic.
The book is a selective view of
medical sociology which focuses to a
considerable degree on social illness
("mental illness," and the social-phychological aspects of the practice and the
experience of medicine). A succinct
"topical summary of medical sociology"
introduces the book. It will be useful in
both graduate courses in social sciences
424
THE
SOCIOLOGICAL
QUARTERLY
K. MANNING
REFERENCES
Freidson, E. and B. Rhea
1965 "Knowledge and judgment in professional evaluations." Administrative Science
Quarterly 10 (June):107-124.
1964 "Physicians in large medical groups" Journal of Chronic Diseases 17 (April):827836.
1963 "Processes of control in a company of equals." Social Problems 11 (Fall):119-131.
Goss, M. E. W.
1961 "Influence and authority among physicians in an outpatient clinic." American
Sociological Review 26 (February) :39-50.
Kutner, L.
1962 "The illusion of due process in commitment proceedings." Northwestern University
Law Review 57 (September-October):383-399.
Scheff, Thomas
1966 Becoming Mentally Ill. Chicago: Aldine.
Szasz, Thomas
1968 Law, Liberty and Psychiatry.New York: Collier Books.
(p. 27).
A major problem in any large organization is maintaining open lines of promotion for competence, in spite of blockages by incompetence at any given