The Origin and Early Use of the Ju-i

Author(s): J. LeRoy Davidson

Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 13, No. 4 (1950), pp. 239-249
Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers
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J. LEROY DAVIDSON:
THE ORIGIN AND EARLY USE OF THE JU-I

HAVE BEEN FOR SOME TIME THE SOURCE

THE ORIGIN AND USE OF THE JU-I A

of considerable speculation among scholars in the West and in the Far East. The literal

translation of the term, "as desired," is vague enough to permit a wide range of interpretation which has extended from the provocative to the burlesque.
Occidental studies have progressed but little since they were summed up by Berthold Laufer
in his study on jade.' Laufer concurred with H. A. Giles in following a thirteenth
century archeologist, Chao Hsi-ku, who believed that the ju-i was originally made of iron.

in

1912

Laufer stated that the ju-i was a kind of blunt sword with traces of basket-work still to be
found inside what must have been the sword-guard. Giles added that, when the ju-i later
became a ceremonial object, iron was replaced by other more decorative materials. He
further remarked that in modern times the object is sent to a friend as a token of good
wishes. To this Laufer agreed and remarked that "in regard to no other object of their
culture are the accounts of the Chinese more unsatisfactory than anent the J'u-i." Laufer
also stated that he knew of no ju-i earlier in date than the eighteenth century but astutely
added that there is "no guaranty" that the laterju-i are identical with earlier forms, or that
all references to the characterju-i are germane to the instrument of that name. Laufer then
summarized other theories concerning the ju-i and quoted excerpts from Chinese sources
which throw some light on the problem.
In contemporary Japanese and Chinese dictionarieswe find theju-i defined as a backscratcher
principally because of its appearance. The literal meaning, "as desired," is also claimed as
signifying the function of backscratching,perhaps because of its apparent ability to reach
otherwise inaccessible areas of the human body. Most dictionaries, of course, cite the
modern use of the ju-i as a good luck gift. Despite this inconclusive information, there
1

Laufer, Berthold, Yade, A Study in Chinese Arckaeology and Religion, Chicago, 1912, pp. 335--339239

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ilk

ITT

19"

Ass

nti

Plate I
D.C.
Freer Gallery of Art, J'Washington

Buddhist Stele dated ; 64 A.D.

(Photograph Courtesy Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art)

J. LeRoy Davidson:

The Origin and Early Use of the 7u-i

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are, in these repositories of knowledge, bits of evidence that can be correlated with other
materialto provide less whimsical and more convincing solutions, as we later shall see.
Laufertapped anothersource of informationwhen he noticed that the ju-i appearedin pictorial

Z sometimes holds aju-i instead

art. He found that the BodhisattvaMafijusrr(Wen Chu Zn,)
of the sword which is his usual attribute. Laufer then considered the possibility that the ju-i
derived from the lotus, another common attribute of Mafijufri. Had Laufer been possessed
of the mass of archeological material now available for study, his observations on the relationship of the Bodhisattva and the ju-i might have opened the way to an early solution
of this perplexing if narrow problem. For Mafijusri'sconnection with the ju-i provides the
clue to its early form and use.
In Chinese art the usual attributeof Mafijusri,as we have noted, is the sword. Until the tenth
century he is shown holding the ju-i only in one context, that is in the famous meeting
with the devout layman Vimalakirti(Wei-mo-chi J# E ).2 The story, as recounted in the
,~
Vimalakirti Nirdeia Sfitra, describes the visit made by Maiijusri to the ailing devotee at
whose sickbed a profound philosophical discussion was held. This scene of the conversation
between the Bodhisattva and Vimalakirtibecame one of the favorite subjectsof the Buddhist
artist in China3 (Plates I and II). The significance for this study, however, is not the place
this representation took in Buddhist art, but the fact that Mafijufri,in this scene, is almost
always to be identified by a wand held in his hand. At times the iconography of this scene
is exceedingly complex and complete .and thus easily identifiable. At other times, however,
the scene is reduced to the representation of the two chief protagonists, Vimalakirtidressed
as a layman and Maiijusri as a Bodhisattva. Vimalakirti always holds a fan, Maiijusri the
wand which, as we shall later show, is the ju-i.
It was Eduard Chavannes who, although he did not recognize the Vimalakirti-MaiijuriT
scene, nevertheless, with his customary wisdom, saw the fan and the wand as symbols of
Takakusu and Watanabe (ed), Taisko Daizokyo, Tokyo, 1924, VIV, p. 537 ff. Translated byHokei Id[z]umi,
"Vimalakirti's Discourse on Emancipation," Eastern Buddhist, 1923, II, pp. 358-366;
1924-5, III,pp.

55-69,

138-153,

224-242,

336-349;

1926,

IV, pp. 48-55,

177-190;

1927, IV, pp. 348-366.

For a discussion of this scene see, Davidson, J. LeRoy, "Traces of Buddhist Evangelism in Early Chinese Art", Artibus Asie, XI, 4, 1948, pp. 251 --265.

240

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debate.4 This symbolic function of the fan is well known and need not be stressed here other

than to point out its appearanceas a counterpoint to Mafijusri'swand in this scene. The wand
was considered by Chavannesto be a t'anping 4}1i, literally,a discussion stick, and not aju-i.
Chavannessuppliedtwo referencesfrom the Chinese dictionary,P'ei WenYiinFufKiZflf
.5
The first of these is a poem by Yii Hsin

[f

r
:?
?;?

monk. It is susceptible to translation in

both normal and reverse order. Such a

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poetic tour deforce was not uncommon

Whichever way the poem is read the
t'anping is closely allied with eloquence.

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(6th century) on the death of a

Chavannes' second quotation is even

more provocative. It occurs in the Chuan

igi~jiai

.i
:II

TengLu4~ ,5, a chronological account

of Buddhist monks, written by the monk,

i:::

Tao Yiian, in i004.' In this document

we are informed that the monk, Ta-lang

k
,:::-

1 $ofthe
Chi-yiinfi tTemple,
Ii

was in the habit of leduring while holding

i
Chavannes, E., Mission Arckeologiquedans la
Chine Septentrionale,Paris, 1915, I, Pt. 2, p. 556.
Also see: Chavannes, E., <<Dixinscriptions chinoises de 1'Asie centrale, d'apres les estampages

::
.
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:-:
~-ii
-:.

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de M. Chi-e Bovin,> in Mimoires prsentes par

divers savants i l'Acadimie des Inscriptions et

-iii~ii:iBelles-Lettres, premiere

sdrie, XI, 1904, p. 277

and note 5.
5
P'ei Wen YiinFu, originally compiled in
171I.
The edition of 1937 published by the Commercial Press, Shanghai, has been used. See IV, p.

a:l:
Plate II Maiijusriwithju-i. Detail PlateI (see title page)
CourtesySmithsonianInstitution,FreerGalleryof Art

3289-a.
Reprinted in Taisho Daizokyo, no. 2125.

241

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a pine branch in his hand as a tdan-ping. Other quotations not mentioned by Chavannes
show how closely the t'an-ping,was equated with eloquence. A poem by Liu Yii-hsi &1J
Nqr%
(772-842) of the T'ang Dynasty reads: "On the high seat during the huge banquet waved
the t'an-ping, and the listeners were enlightened as if from intoxication." Meng Hao-jen
M (689-740), also of the T'ang, wrote in his poem On the EighthDay of the Twelfth
"~i%
Moon: "The t'an-pingis invited to the speakers'platform...." Lo Yin R
(833-909), late

in the same period, wrote in A Letter to an Official Named Pei: "Never shall I forget your
eloquence and instructive talks, [your] ftan-pingcame back and supplied verbal help to me."
These few references together with the translation of the term itself make it obvious that
the t'an-pingwas a stick used by a speaker and in itself denoted eloquence.
It is easy to understand the reason Chavannes identified the wand of MafijusrJas a t'anping
rather than aju-i. Chavannes' singularly brilliantrecognition of a discussion scene was made
long before the Vimalakirti Szitra was known in the West. Furthermore,the modern form
of the ju-i is radically different from the type held by Mafijusri. The earlier form, as represented in the Lung-men sculptures and other contemporaneous works of art,is nevertheless the prototype of the modern ju-i. Laufer had predicated the existence of such an
implement but was unawarethat exampleswere still extant. For Chavannesto have recognized
the scene as a discussion group, without knowledge of the iconography, was no small feat.
The earlyju-i is, however, common in Buddhist sculpture and painting from the end of
the fifth century through the tenth. The size seems to have varied from about fifteen inches
to something over two feet. It was a slender stick which widened and curved slightly at one
end. Not only are these utensils found repeatedly in art, but also several examples of actual
ju-i dating from the eighth century have been preserved in the Shosoin in Japan7 (Plate III).
These are identical with those portrayed by the early Buddhist painters and sculptors.
The modern ju-i has two forms. One shows a clear derivation from the earliest examples. It
has a slender handle much as has its prototype of the Six Dynasties, but the slight curve at the
top has been exaggerated and developed into a decorative ornament, a medallion-likeform,
frequently a stylized fungus. The other type of contemporary ju-i bears, in addition to the
decorated end, two other smaller medallions, one at the middle of the handle, the second
7

Toyei-shuko, Tokyo,

1908-09,

V, nos. 272-275;

VI, nos. 294-297.

242

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at the base. Variations occur where

the center medallion,becomes a rectangle, or the second is omitted.
The former type merely shows that
slight elaborationstook place on the
basicstru&ureof the earliestChinese
ju-i. The additions of the medallions
to the latter type indicate a radical
change in the ju-i. The rationalized
opinion that the ju-i derived from a
backscratchercould have developed
only from the earliest form which
bears a close but superficialresemblance to that useful if somewhat inelegant instrument.
Examples of the modern eleborations of theju-i do not appearin art
until after the T'ang Dynasty (6i8906).8 The presumption is that they

are developments of the Sung or

later dynasties.
In sum, the ju-i, as represented in
art, is the attributeof Mafijufrionly
when he is shown in discussion with
Vimalakirtiand only until the tenth
century. After this date and concurrent with the change in form,
The earliest examples appear in what
seem to be Sung caves at Tun Huang.
Cf. Pelliot, P., Les Grottesde Touen-Houang,

Paris, 1914-

PlateIII Threeju-i in the Sh6soin,Nara

8 th centuryA. D.

192 I, II, Pls. CVII, CVIII.

243

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the ju-i became an attribute of other divinities as well as of Mafijusri. If early usages of the
term ju-i are sought in Chinese and Japanese literature,some remarkableparallelsare found
between it and the t'an-ping.
a modern dictionary published by the Commercial Press, concisely
The Tzu-yuanIt,,
sums up most of the current concepts about the ju-i. This dictionary derives the term from
the sanskrit annurudha,describes the form, and defines it as both a backscratcher and a
tablet used by Buddhist monks for taking notes during lectures, as the Chinese also used
the hu . The Pei Wen Yiin Fu provides similar information and, in addition, supplies
some valuable quotations.' One of these, taken from a biography of the monk, Chih-hsiian
' 0 describes how in a debate
f,1
'J (c. 574) as written in the Shih-shih-tzu-chien
?
with Taoists it was decided that Chih-hsiian answer for the Buddhists, then, "...they all
supported [the arguments of] the monk Chih-hsiian and handed him the ju-i. Placidly he
rose to the seat, holding the ju-i, and defeated his opponent, Chang-pin iQ
,
discussion of the Tao]."

[in the

who preached to an
Another story tells of an Indian Buddhist monk, T'ang Yu
),
audience of tigers. When one of the big cats fell asleep during the sermon, the priest struck
him with his ju-i.
" notes in the
The Fo T'zu Tung Chi ,tiA
iR
biography of Chih-I (538--597) that when
he taught Po-jo i~ Pt (Prajna)in the place of his teacher Hui-ssu
Hui-ssu
(),
was present with a ju-i in his hand. In Japan we are told that "The nyo-i [the Japanese
pronunciation of ju-i] of Goshishi in the Todai-shrine was held by Seiho, and now any
preacher of the Yuima [Vimalakirti] service at the Kofuku shrine is told to maintain the
custom of holding it whenever he preaches [the Vimalakirti Sfatra]." In Yagi Naomichi's
study of the ju-i, we are further informed that in the years 1104lakirti Sitra could not be held because no ju-i was available.'2

05

recitations of the Vima-

From these excerpts we can see that the ju-i was used by Buddhist monks when preaching.
pO. cit., III, 2325 c--2326a.
Compiled in 1336. Reprinted in Dainihon Zokuzokyo,Kyoto, I914, II, A, 5, I, p. 37 v.
11 Compiled in the thirteenth century. Reprinted in
Taisko Daizokyo, XLIX, no. 2035.
12 Zuzunyoi Bukkyo Koza, Tokyo, 1936, V.
9

10

244

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Beyond this the stories indicate that the possession

of the ju-i gave the holder of that implement the
right to talk.
It becomes plain that the function of the ju-i was
related to, if not identical with, that of the tan-ping.
Yet, though we have representations in art of the
ju-i and actual examples of the scepter from eighth
century Japan, no early object identifiablewith the
(an-ping is known.

The relationship between the two utensils is indicated by another factor common to both. The
story of the monk who used a pine branch as a
(an-ping has alreadybeen told. Among the old ju-i
extant in the Shosoin are two made of bronze
simulating bamboo.l" Not only are the typical
nodes of the plant carefully shown, but in addition
there is a realistic representation of twigs hanging
from the sides (Plate IV). In these examples it is
clear that a definite effort was made to identify the
ju-i with the branch of a plant. A sixth century
stele from China, published by Sir Percival Yetts,
shows Mafiju"rIconversing with Vimalakirti and
holding a uniqueju-i. Yetts noticed this peculiarity
and described it as a "rare form of trifid sprig."'4
Here again the ju-i seems to imitate the branch of
a plant.
In addition Albert von Le Coq has published a
13

Toyei-shuko, VI, nos. 294-295.

14 Yetts, W. P., The

George Eumorfopoulos Collection:
Buddhist Sculpture, London, 1932; P1.II, fig. c 3.

Plate IV Two ju-i in the Shosoin,Nara

8th century A.D.

245

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small picture on paper found near Murtuq in Central Asia.'5 The painting shows a kneeling
man facing a group of felines. In his hands the kneeling figure holds a twig. If this scene
could be definitely connected with the story of the monk T'ang Yu who preached to the
tigers, we should have another certain correlation between the ju-i and a twig. Lacking
any assured relationship between the picture and the anecdote, the painting offers only
a probable corroboration.
It becomes necessary to seek some evidence for a branch held as a symbol of discussion.
The only Chinese reference availableis the already quoted statement concerning the tanping. There is reason, however, to look to India for the source. The ju-i is intimately conne&ed with Buddhism and considered by many to be a translationof the sanscrit annurudha.
Did the Indians use a branch to symbolize debate? Again the evidence is slim, but one
Jataka provides the base for further investigation.16 The tale is told of a group of heretics
who wandered around with branches of the Yambutree. When they wished to debate they
sat down and planted the branch in front of them. Those who wished to accept the challenge to a discussion plucked the branch.
Another connedion with an Indian tree, which seems to have remained unnoticed, was
made by Samuel Beal in 1884. In a note discussing the name of Manorhita (variants:Manorata,Maoratha),Beal remarkedthat the name is "explained by the Chinese ju-i, an expression used for the Kalpavrikshaor 'wishing tree', denoting power to produce whatever was
wished; literally,'conformable (hita)to thought (mana,mind).'"17Unfortunately, Beal was not
concerned with the ju-i as such, and his statement provides a clue ratherthan a solution.
Perhaps the most significant indication of the Indian link between tree and ju-i is found in
the records of the Buddhist monk, I Ch'ing
iP, who traveled in India from 673 to 695.
In a discussion of rules about the Upavasathaday, as translatedby JunjiroTakakusu,I Ch'ing
says, "Then gifts are distributed. Sometimes the host provides a 'wishingtree' (Kalpa-vriksha),
and gives it to the priests;.. .""8 It is unlikely that a real tree could have been given. ApChotscow,Berlin, 1913, P1.47 a.
16 Hardy, R. S., A Manual of Buddhism, London, 1860; p. 255. A varient of this story appears in Cowell,
E.B. (ed), The jataka, Cambridge 1897, Number 301, p. I ff.
1Beal, Samuel, Buddhist Records of the Western World, London, 1884, I, p. 105, note 79.
18 A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the illalay Archipelago, Oxford, 1896, p. 49.
15

246

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parently some sort of symbolic tree was deemed appropriateas a gift to a Buddhist priest.
We find something even more significant when we turn from the English translation to
Here the words which Takakusu reconstruded as "Kalpa-vriksha"are
ju-i shu, that is, the ju-i tree. 20
The t'an-ping and ju-i are then both symbols of discussion. I Ch'ing specifically refers to
the Chinese text.

a ju-i tree. Extant ju-i of the eighth century simulate branches. A pine branch was used as
a t'an-pingby at least one Buddhist monk.
It is the Pei Wen Yiin Fu which provides definite proof of the connedtion between the t'anping and the ju-i. The di&ionary quotes a passage from the biography of Li Hsun $. 7J00
in the T'ang History)K : "Wen-Tsung
when Li (Hsun) was tutoring him on the
-',
I (Ching) -, t, on a hot summer day ordered a heat repelling, rhinoceros horn ju-i, and
gave it to Hsun, saying 'This ju-i is for you to be used as a tcan-ping."''2

This anecdote

leaves no doubt as to the relationship between the ju-i and t'an-ping. The t'an-pingwas, as
its literal translation indicates, a "discussion stick." A ju-i could be a t'an-ping. It is also
likely that other objeds, the fan (t'ang-shan )r) and the deer or yak tail (chu M) which
,
also symbolized discussion might also fall into the generic category of t'an-ping. But there
seems no doubt that the primary and original fundion of the ju-i was that of a scepter
qualifying the holder to "take the floor." Its origin was probablyin India where the branch
of a tree seems to have served a similar fundion. Any other purposes the ju-i served, such
as a note tablet, honorific insignia, good luck gift, or even backscratcher,were merely
later accruals.
The problem of the change in form of the later ju-i is not pertinent to this study. However, I wish to offer an hypothesis. The elaboration of the ju-i can be seen in some of the
later Tun Huang paintings, probably of the tenth century. Similarju-i appear in the hands
of two emperors shown in the famous scroll, attributed to Yen Li-pen 1 Yii (d. 673),
in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.22 Whether this indicates that the Tun Huang type
TaishoDaizokyo, LIV, no. 2125.
Ibid., p. 221b.
21 Op. cit., III, pp. 2325 c-- 2326 a.
22
Tomita, Kojiro, "Portraitsof the Emperors," Bulletinof the Museumof Fine Arts, XXX, Feb. 1932,
(figuresunnumbered).
19

20

247

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lagged behind that used in the metropolitan centers or that the Emperor Scroll is by a later
hand, need not be considered here. It is worthwhile to notice that none of the ju-i in the
Shosoin, dating from the middle of the eighth century are as developed. The ju-i with three
medallions appearsto have elements not derived from the earlierforms. Again the Pei Wen
248

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Yiin Fu provides a provocative quotation.

In the biography of Hu Tsung Wi
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reported that "At Mei (or Mo) Lin

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[near Nanking] some people while excavating,

found a bronze box in which was a white ju-i
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decorated with motives of a dragon and tiger."

So far as I have observed, no early ju-i ever
bears such decoration. When the ju-i was de-

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corated it was with foliage and birds perhaps

recalling the primitive Indian prototype. The

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description of the object found in the bronze

box recalls rather the belt hooks of the late

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Chou and Han periods (Plate V). These

objects vary in size from one to as much as

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sixteen inches. Some, which are long, slender,

and "S" shaped remind us in their over-all

shape of the ju-i. Dragons and tigers are

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ornaments on these buckles. Further:i:i:::::-:::::-:::::::::i:"i:i~ii:
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more, there is a button on the back of each

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preted by a later age as a simple decoration.

It is not at all impossible that the archeol-::~::::j::i:::::::_:i::::??:?::
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Plate VI

ogically minded Chinese of the Sung dynasty

believed that the old belt hooks were ju-i, and

Modern typeju-i. Jade. 18th Century

Collection Ralph Chait, New York

created the new form of the ju-i on the

"ancient" models (Plate VI). In this case the

presence of the button on the belt hook

would explain the center medallion on the
modern ju-i.

249

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