NATIONAL LAW INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY, BHOPAL

Political science ii

Hindutva

Submitted to -:

Submitted by -:

Dr Raka Aarya

Dheeresh Kumar Dwivedi

Assistant Professor,

2012B.A.LL.B.65

Political Science

A-1214

IV Trimester
0|Page

Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................... 3
ORIGIN AND DEFINITION OF THE TERM HINDUTVA .................................................................... 3
SUPREME COURT ON
HINDUISM.4
CENTRAL CONCEPTS .............................................................................................................. 6
CULTURAL NATIONALISM ............................................................................................................ 6
DECOLONIZATION ........................................................................................................................ 7
SOCIAL JUSTICE ........................................................................................................................... 7
UNIFORM CIVIL CODE.................................................................................................................. 7
PROTECTION OF HINDU INTERESTS .............................................................................................. 8
VIEWS ON OTHER FAITHS ..................................................................................................... 8
VIEWS ON INDIAN HISTORY ................................................................................................. 8
ORGANIZATIONS ...................................................................................................................... 9
Criticism and Support 10

1|Page

Acknowledgement

I am very grateful to our Political Science teacher, Dr. Raka Arya, for providing me this
opportunity to research on this topic and complete my project. I would also like to thank her for
her extremely valuable suggestions, which supported me in completing this project.
Dheeresh Kumar Dwivedi
2012 B.A.LL.B. 65

2|Page

Introduction
Origin and definition of the term Hindutva
Hindutva is a word which was coined by Vinayak Damodar Veer Savarkar in his 1923
pamphlet: Hindutva- who is a Hindu?. Originally it was a term used to describe movements
advocating Hindu nationalism.
In India, an umbrella organization called the Sangh Parivar champions the concept of Hindutva.
The sangh comprises organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP), Bajrang Dal, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.
This ideology has existed since the early 20th century, forged by Veer Savarkar, but came to
prominence in Indian politics in the late 1980s, when two events attracted a large number of
mainstream Hindus to the movement. The first of these events was the Rajiv Gandhi
government's use of its large Parliamentary Majority to overturn a Supreme Court verdict
granting alimony to an old woman that had angered many Muslims (the Shah Bano case). The
second was the dispute over the 16th century Mughal Babri Mosque in Ayodhya built by
Babur after his first major victory in India. The Supreme Court of India refused to take up the
case in the early 1990s, leading to a huge outcry.
Hindutva or Hindutva literally means Hinduness - a way of life or a state of mind that is based on
the cultural and spiritual ethos based on the spiritual systems that evolved from India.
Hindutva is a Philosophy like Communism or Socialism. The difference is that whereas
communism and socialism are materialistic philosophies intended to secure economic welfare of
individuals, Hindutva is a spiritual plus economic philosophy founded and developed from
ancient times in India for securing the all round happiness of all individuals irrespective of
religion of individuals. The stress in this philosophy both on the ruler and the ruled is the
performance of duty and to conform to a code of conduct. The vast body of proper code of
conduct in every sphere of human activity such as personal, social, political was called
"Dharma".

3|Page

Supreme Court On Hinduism-:

In Shastri Vagnapurushdasji and others Vs. Muldas Bhundardas Vaishya and another 1 a
constitution bench of the supreme court elaborately discussed the definition of Hinduism. In that
context, Gajendragadkar,C.J., speakin for the majority, held-

(29). When we think of the Hindu religion, we find it difficult, if not

impossible, to define Hindu religion or even adequately describe it. Unlike
other religions in the world, the Hindu religion does not claim any one prophet;
it does not worship any one God; it does not subscribe to any one dogma; it
does not believe in any one philosophic concept; it does not follow any one set
of religious rites or performances; in fact, it does not appear to satisfy the
narrow traditional features of any religion of creed. It may broadly be described
as a way of life and nothing more.

The term `Hindu', according to Dr. Radhakrishnan, had originally a territorial and not
credal significance. It implied residence in a well-defined geographical area.
Aboriginal tribes, savage and half-civilized people, the cultured Dravidians and the
Vedic Aryans are all Hindus as they are the sons of the same mother. The Hindu
thinker reckoned with the striking fact that the men and women dwelling in India
belonged to different communities, worshipped different gods, and practiced
different rites are all Hindus2. [The Hindu View of Life by Dr. Radhakrishnan, p.12]
(Kurma Purana).

The Hindutva ruling

The Hindutva judgements is the collective name given to seven decisions handed down by the
Supreme Court in 1996. The cases involved twelve members of Hindu nationalist parties such as
the Bharatiya Janata Party and Shiv Sena. The twelve members, which included Shiv Sena chief
Bal Thackeray and then Maharashtra chief minister Manohar Joshi, were charged with violating
section 123 of the Representation of People Act, 1951 (RPA) by appealing to Hindutva. Section
123(3) 112 prohibits election candidates from appealing for votes on the grounds of religion or
religious symbols among other things. Section 123(3A) prohibits attempts to promote enmity on
grounds of religion, race, community or language. On the specific question of whether an appeal
to Hindutva constitutes a violation of the RPA, the main opinion of the Court was delivered

1
2

AIR 1966 SC 1119

The Hindu View of Life by Dr Radhakrishnan. p.12

4|Page

in Prabhoo v. Kunte 3 where Ramesh Yeshwant Prabhoo, then mayor of Bombay, and his
election agent, Thackeray, faced charges of a corrupt practice i.e. appealing for votes on religious
grounds or promoting enmity on religious grounds.
However, the most important aspect of the ruling was the discussion on the legitimacy of
appealing to Hindutva during the election campaign. In discussing Hindutva, Justice Verma
first went over the definition of Hinduism presented in Yagnapurushdasji. Basing his opinion on
his reading of the inclusivist Hinduism of Yagnapurushdasji and on another later decision, 118
Verma proceeded to conflate Hindutva with Hinduism by arguing that Hindutva was a way of
life and could not be equated with narrow fundamentalist Hindu religious bigotry4.
Thus, it cannot be doubted, particularly in view of the Constitution Bench decisions of this Court
that the words Hinduism and Hindutva are not necessarily to be understood and construed
narrowly, confined only to the strict Hindu religious practices unrelated to the culture and ethos
of the people of India, depicting the way of life of the Indian people. Unless the context of a
speech indicates a contrary meaning or use, in the abstract these terms are indicative more of
a way of life of the Indian people and are not confined merely to describe persons practicing the
Hindu religion as a faith5.
In conflating Hindutva with Hinduism, the Court ignored the sacred soil and birth/race aspects
of Hindutva as defined by Savarkar and Golwalkar. The Court, however, did not stop at that.
Quoting from an obscure book on Indian Muslims6, Verma then went on to opine that the word
Hindutva is used and understood as a synonym for Indianisation, i.e. development of uniform
culture by obliterating the differences between all the cultures co-existing in the country7.
Though Verma assimilated Hinduism and Hindutva, he was silent on the antecedents of
Hindutva. For example, he did not consider Savarkar and Golwalkars use of sacred soil and race
to include some and exclude others as foreigners. However, the intense debate generated by the
Hindutva judgment brought out some of the important ramifications of the ruling. Commentators
were troubled by the fact that the Court by inferring the meaning of Hindutva from Hinduism
had obscured the historical background as well as the contemporary political context8 of
Hindutva. It was argued that the Court failed to recognize that Hindutva as an expression has a
special meaning and is associated with the social and political philosophy of Savarkar and
Golwalkar9. It was further pointed out that the judgment implied that Hinduism, the religion
of the majority of Indians, comes to reflect the way of life of all Indians10.

1996 (1) SCC 130

Prabhoo v Kunte
5
Ibid.
6
Maulana Wahiuddin Khan, Indian Muslims : The Need for a positive outlook (1994).
7
Prabhoo v Kunte
8
Cossman and Kapur (1999) p.34
9
Anil Nauriya The Hindutva Judgement: A Warning Signal, Economics and Political Weekly, 10
January 1996, p. 11
10
The Organiser, Editorial, December 24 (1996)
4

5|Page

The same view was taken by the Supreme Court of India in Manohar Joshi v Nitin
Bhaurao Patil & Anr11.

Central Concepts
Cultural Nationalism

According to this, the natives of India share a common culture, history and ancestry.
M S Golwalkar, one of the main proponents of Hindutva believed that India's diversity in terms
of customs, traditions and ways of worship was its uniqueness and that this diversity was not
without the strong underlying cultural basis which was essentially native. He believed that the
Hindu natives with all their diversity, shared among other things "the same philosophy of life",
"the same values" and "the same aspirations" which formed a strong cultural and a civilizational
basis for a nation.
Savarkar similarly believed that the Indian subcontinent (which includes the area south of the
Himalaya and the Hindu Kush or Akhand Bharat (undivided India) is the homeland of the
Hindus. He considered "Hindus" as those who consider India (Bharat) to be their motherland
(matrubhumi), fatherland (pitrubhumi) as well as their holy land (punyabhumi), hence describing
it purely in cultural terms.
RSS, one of the main votaries of Hindutva has stated that it believes in a cultural connotation of
the term Hindu. "The term Hindu in the conviction as well as in the constitution of the RSS is a
cultural and civilizational concept and not a political or religious dogma. The term as a cultural
concept will include and did always include all including Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Muslims,
Christians and Parsis. The cultural nationality of India, in the conviction of the RSS, is Hindu
and it was inclusive of all who are born and who have adopted Bharat as their Motherland,
including Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The answering association submit that it is not just a
matter of RSS conviction, but a fact borne out by history that the Muslims, Christians and Parsis
too are Hindus by culture although as religions they are not so."

11

AIR 1996 SC 796

6|Page

Decolonization

Emphasizing historical oppression of Hindus by colonial invaders like the Muslims (Muslim
conquest of the Indian subcontinent) and the Christians and the call to "reverse" the cultural
influence resulting from these intrusions.

Social Justice

The acceptance that Hindu social structure "is ridden with castes and communities", and that this
has led to "barriers and segregation" and condemnation of "obnoxious vice of social inequality"
and "untouchability. The supporters of Hindutva have a positive outlook towards the Dalit
community, which they aim to bring to leadership positions in their organizations.

Uniform Civil Code

Leaders subscribing to Hindutva have been known for their demands for a Uniform Civil Code
for all the citizens of India. They believe that differential laws based on religion violate Article
44 of the Indian Constitution and have sowed the seeds of divisiveness between different
religious communities.
The advocates of Hindutva often use the term pseudo-secularism to refer to policies which they
believe are unduly favorable towards the Muslims and Christians. They oppose what they see as
a 'separate-but-equal' system; some supporters of Hindutva see it as the Indian National Congress
party's effort to woo the sizable minority vote bank at the expense of true equality. The subject of
a Uniform Civil Code, which would remove special religion-based provisions for different
religions (Hindus, Muslims, Christians, etc.) from the Indian Constitution, is thus one of the
main agendas of Hindutva organizations. The Uniform Civil Code is opposed by Muslims and
political parties like the Indian National Congress and The Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Followers of Hindutva have questioned differential religious laws in India which allows
polygamy and triple talaq among Muslims and thereby compromises on the status of Muslim
women and "marginalizes" them.
The passing of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 by Rajiv Gandhi
government to dilute the secular judgment of Supreme Court under pressure from the
conservative Muslims was opposed by Hindutva organisations. The new act, in tune with the

7|Page

Shariat, denied even utterly destitute Muslim divorcees the right to alimony from their former
husband.

Protection of Hindu Interests

The followers of Hindutva are known for their criticism of the Indian government as too passive
with regard to the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus by Kashmiri Muslim separatists and
advocates of Hindutva wish a harder stance in Jammu and Kashmir.
They have called for the protection of native Hindu traditions, holy structures, rivers and the cow
(which is considered holy by us Hindus).
Hindu nationalists have the stated aim of uniting the Hindu society which is plagued by casteism,
regionalism, and passive religion

Views on Other Faiths

The votaries of Hindutva believe that the way Muslims and Hindus have treated each other in the
past is a one-way compromise and they intend on making society more balanced and fair towards
the majority Hindu population. The BJP has also invited Muslims to be a part of this new society
and work with the Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs for a better India. Even more militant
parties such as the Shiv Sena have invited Muslims to join and the party leader declared after the
Babri Mosque incident,
"We must look after the Muslims and treat them as part of us."
Hindutva groups are supportive of the Jewish State of Israel, including Savarkar himself, who
supported Israel during its formation. The RSS is politically pro-Israel and actively praised the
efforts of Ariel Sharon when he visited India. RSS spokesperson Ram Madhav expressed support
for Israel.

Views on Indian History

The Hindu organisations like the RSS believe that the history of India was written by the British
with a condescending attitude towards the native people and their culture. M S Golwalkar writes
that the history of ancient India was summed up as "Tanglewood Tales". Similar concerns were
raised by Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore in his essay, "The History of Bharatvarsha", in
8|Page

1903. He calls the history books "nightmarish account of India". He writes "while the lands of
the aliens existed, there also existed the indigenous country" meaning the latter was grossly
being neglected. He adds that the British accounts of Indian history "throw a beam of artificial
light on such a spot that in our own eyes the very profile of our country is made dark".
M S Golwalkar argues that it was a delibrate Imperialist strategy to teach Indians a wrong
version of history. In this context, writings of Lord Macaulay,"the brain behind the system of
English education", are referred to as an indication of this.
Lord Macaulay had stated "We must at present do our best to form a class who may be
interpreters between us and millions whom we govern-a class of persons Indian in blood and
colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect."
He had also written "No Hindu who has received an English education ever remains sincerely
attached to his religion. It is my firm belief that if our plans of education are followed up, there
will not be a single idolater among the respected classes 30 years hence.
Senior RSS leader H V Sheshadri refers to this attitude of "White man's burden" which he
believes shaped the English education system in India and British version of Indian history.
The RSS is opposed to the theory of Indo-Aryan migration to India, a number believing in the
alternative Out of India theory. While largely uncontroversial in academia, the "Aryan Invasion
theory" debate in India, involving e.g. Sita Ram Goel, Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib and Arun
Shourie, is also a matter of politics.

Organizations
Hindutva is commonly identified as the guiding ideology of the Sangh Parivar, a family of Hindu
Nationalist organizations, and of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in particular. In general,
Hindutvavaadis believe that they represent the well-being of Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism,
Ayyavazhi, Jainism and all other religions prominent in India.
Most nationalists are organized into political, cultural and social organizations. The first
Hindutva organisation formed was the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in 1925.
A prominent Indian political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) (BJP) is closely associated
with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as
the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the RSS, Bajrang Dal and the Vishva
Hindu Parishad. Other organisations include:
1.

Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh - Overseas branch of the RSS

2.

Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh - Worker's Union

9|Page

3.

Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad - A Student's Union

4.

Bharatiya Kisan Sangh - A Farmers' organisation

The major political wing is the BJP which was in power in India's Central Government for six
years from 1998 to 2004 and is now the main opposition party. It is also in power in the states of
Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, and Uttaranchal. It is an alliance partner in
the states of Orissa, Punjab, and Bihar.
Political parties pertaining to the Hindutva ideology are not limited to the Sangh Parivar.
Examples of political parties independent from the Sangh's influence include Praful
Goradia'sAkhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Uma Bharti's Bharatiya Janshakti Party. The influence
of these groups is relatively limited.
The controversial Maharashtrian political party, the Shiv Sena, converted its ideology to the
Hindutva one in recent times. It has been very influential in the Indian state of Maharashtra. The
party is not part of the Sangh Parivar but is associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Similar is
the Shiromani Akali Dal, which is a Sikh religious party but maintains ties with Hindutva
organizations, as they also represent Sikhism.
Criticism and Support

The opponents of Hindutva philosophy consider Hindutva ideology as a euphemistic effort to

conceal communal beliefs and practices.
Many Indian Marxist sociologues have described the Hindutva movement as fascist in classical
sense, in its ideology and class support specially targeting the concept of homogenised majority
and cultural hegemony. The Hindutva movement on the other hand terms such description as
coming from the far left. More moderate critics of Hindutva do not base their criticism on
allegations of "fascism", but raise issues with regards to their sometimes-vacillating attitudes
towards non-Hindus and secularism. The epithet of "fascism" is also used to evoke double
standards against Hindus in political and academic discourse. The academia and polity have been
accused of engaging in a form of anti-Hindu McCarthyism against Hindu political expression by
leveling the accusation of "fascism" against anyone who expresses sympathy for Hindus.
Marxist critics, have used the political epithets of "Indian fascism" and "Hindu fascism" to
describe the ideology of the Sangh Parivar. For example, Marxist social scientist Prabhat Patnaik
has written that the Hindutva movement as it has emerged is "classically fascist in class support,
methods and programme"
Patniak bases this argument on the following "ingredients" of classical fascism present in
Hindutva: the attempt to create a unified homogenous majority under the concept of 'the Hindus';
10 | P a g e

a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of

history according to this grievance and superiority; a rejection of rational arguments against this
interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on race and masculinity.
Views on Hindutva and fascism include those of the Christian convert to the RSS viewpoint,
Anthony Elenjimittan, who based his views on RSS's symbolism of the Bhagva (the banner of
lord Shiva), Dharma Chakra [the Wheel of Faith] and Satyameva Jayate [Truth alone triumphs]
The description of Hindutva as fascist has been condemned by pro-Hindutva authors such as
Koenraad Elst who claim that the ideology of Hindutva meets none of the characteristics of
fascist ideologies. Claims that Hindutva social service organisations such as the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh are "fascist" have been disputed by academics such as Vincent
Kundukulam.
Academics Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta reject the identification of Hindutva with fascism,
because of Hindutva's embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism, because of its
"distinctively Indian" character, and because of "the RSSs disavowal of the seizure of state
power in preference for long-term cultural labour in civil society". They instead describe
Hindutva as a form of "revolutionary conservatism" or "ethnic absolutism".
Nobel Laureate V.S. Naipaul also rejects these allegations and views the rise of Hindutva as a
welcome, broader civilizational resurgence of India.

Bibliography
1.
2.
3.
4.

www.hindurashtra.org/
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindutva
www.proxsa.org/politics/hindutva/hindutva.html
www.lkadvani.in/eng/content/view/378/344/

11 | P a g e