What Future for Balochistan?

Global and Regional Challenges

UNPO REPORT

Unrepresented Nations
and Peoples Organization

What Future for Balochistan?

Global and Regional Challenges

Report elaborated by UNPO in February 2013.

Cover picture by Jamal Nasir Baloch

Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO)

Laan van Meerdervoort 70
2517 AN The Hague
The Netherlands
Tel.: +31(0)70 3646504
Fax: +31(0)70 3646608
unpo@unpo.org
www.unpo.org

Table of Contents
ABBREVIATIONS............................................................................................................... 5
FOREWORD ..................................................................................................................... 6
MAPS OF THE REGION ...................................................................................................... 7
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND .............................................................................................. 8
EARLY HISTORY .......................................................................................................................... 8
RECENT HISTORY IN IRAN ............................................................................................................ 9
RECENT HISTORY IN PAKISTAN...................................................................................................... 9
PROFILE: KHAN OF KALAT .......................................................................................................... 10
BALOCHISTAN IN THE WORLD POWER GAME ................................................................. 11
THE CONTEXT OF THE AFGHAN WAR ........................................................................................... 11
PAKISTAN AS A NUCLEAR POWER ................................................................................................ 11
U.S.A.-PAKISTAN RELATIONS..................................................................................................... 12
INDO-PAKISTANI RELATIONS ...................................................................................................... 12
SINO-PAKISTANI RELATIONS ...................................................................................................... 13
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS ......................................................................................... 14
ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES ..................................................................................................... 14
WOMENS RIGHTS ................................................................................................................... 14
NGO ACCESS TO BALOCHISTAN.................................................................................................. 15
POLITICAL DIMENSIONS ................................................................................................. 16
SECTARIAN VIOLENCE ............................................................................................................... 16
POLITICAL DISEMPOWERMENT ................................................................................................... 16
CLAIMS FOR SELF DETERMINATION ............................................................................................. 17
ELECTIONS IN 2013.................................................................................................................. 17
PROFILE: NOORDIN MENGAL ..................................................................................................... 18
SOCIO ECONOMIC ISSUES............................................................................................... 19
DEVELOPMENT INDICATORS OVERVIEW ....................................................................................... 19
GWADAR DEEP-SEA PORT ......................................................................................................... 19
DEMOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................................... 20
DRUG TRAFFICKING .................................................................................................................. 20
NATURAL RESOURCES ............................................................................................................... 21
NATURAL DISASTERS ................................................................................................................ 22
INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) ..................................................................................... 22
A WAY FORWARD AS OF 2014 ........................................................................................ 23
ABOUT THE UNREPRESENTED NATIONS AND PEOPLES ORGANIZATION (UNPO)............... 24

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Abbreviations

FATA

Federally Administered Tribal Areas

HDI

Human Development Index

IDP

Internally Displaced Person

IPC

Iran-Pakistan-China Pipeline

LeJ

Lashkar-e-Jhangvi

NGO

Non-Governmental Organization

NPT

(Nuclear) Non-Proliferation Treaty

UNDP

United Nations Development Programme

UNODC

United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime

USD

US Dollars

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Foreword
The most dominant factor that shapes daily life in South Asia is security, or rather, the lack thereof.
Within the context of the increasingly alarming security situation in South Asia, Hamid Karzai, Asif Ali
Zardari and David Cameron urge the Taliban to join the reconciliation process in Afghanistan, Malala
Yousafzai vows to continue her campaign, and the Hazaras in Quetta refuse to bury their dead.
While the North West Frontier Province, FATA, Swat Valley and Kashmir are well-known conflict
affected areas, Balochistan, which covers part of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, receives little
international attention and is often overlooked in political analyses of the region. Balochistan is
nevertheless a crucial factor when trying to understand the geostrategic complexities that shape the
lives of the people in South Asia.
The curse of colonialism led Balochistan from independence to being divided and ruled by others, up
until today. With a soil rich in minerals, oil and gas, a prime location at the heart of South Asia, and a
maritime border of more than 400 km on the Arabian Sea and Gulf of Oman, it comes as no surprise
that Balochistan is at the epicenter of an international power game, involving Pakistan, India,
Afghanistan, Iran, China, the U.S. and Russia, who are all playing a delicate balancing act in the region
while exposing vested interests in Balochistan.
The claims of the secular Baloch people for self-determination have been suppressed by Islamabad
for decades, leading to economic and political disempowerment and severe human rights abuses. The
talibanisation and militarisation of Balochistan have led to an increase in summary executions,
enforced disappearances and targeted killings, especially in the run-up to the Pakistani General
Elections.
Aiming at a better understanding of the global and regional security challenges South Asia, and
specifically Balochistan are facing, the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization convened a
conference entitled Global and Regional Challenges in South Asia: What Future for Balochistan? at
the Royal Society, London, on 24 February 2013.
In light of this conference, UNPO drafted this report to provide participants with a background to the
current challenges Balochistan is facing. The report provides an extensive introduction into questions
of security, human rights violations and socio-economic development.
At the heart of the problem in Balochistan lay reasonable political and economic grievances, which
are eminently resolvable. Under Pakistans current system, Balochistan is unlikely to receive the policy
attention it deserves. The province has too little political representation and too few domestic allies
to sustain an agenda that could resolve the various conflicts in the province. After plenty of breaches
of treaties and deals by the Pakistan government, trust no longer characterizes the negotiations for
the Baloch people. International attention and support is therefore required to solve this ongoing
conflict that so far has only been met by violent means.

Marino Busdachin
UNPO General Secretary

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Provinces of Pakistan

Greater Balochistan

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Historical Background
Current day Balochistan constitutes the
Pakistani province of Balochistan, the
Iranian province of Sistan and Baluchestan
and the Afghan region of Balochistan. The
history of Balochistan nevertheless spans
thousands of years.

Early History
Balochistan hosted some of the earliest
human civilizations, with the Baloch
people mentioned in Arabic chronicles
from the 10th century AD. Mehrgarh, the
earliest civilization known to mankind, is
located in Eastern Balochistan and the
Kech civilization in central Makuran
(southern Balochistan) dates back to 4000
BC.
The Arab invasion of Balochistan in the
seventh century AD was amongst the
most significant incursions in terms of the
extensive social, religious, economic and
political impact. The Arab army defeated
the combined forces of Makuran and
Sindh in 644 AD. During the anarchic and
chaotic last phases of Arab rule, the
Baloch tribes established their own semiindependent tribal confederacies, which
were
frequently
threatened
and
overwhelmed by the stronger forces and
dynasties of surrounding areas. This
period brought Islam to the area, which
was gradually embraced by Baloch tribes.
During most of the 12th century southern
Balochistan was under the control of the
Seljuks, before the arrival of the Mughals.
Before that, large parts had been under
the rule of the Ghaznavids (TurkicPersian).
The British occupation of the Kalat state
was a turning point, which had severe
consequences for the Baloch who
suffered from the partition of their land
and perpetual occupation by foreign
forces. By the 18th century, the Khanate
of Kalat was the dominant power in

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Balochistan, with the Khan of Kalat as its

ruler.
The British first came to Balochistan in
1839 when they sought a safe passage to
invade Afghanistan. They signed a treaty
with the Khan of Kalat, although he did
not fully approve of its terms. A second
agreement was signed in 1841, by which
the Khan agreed that the British
Government would station troops in
Kalat, control its foreign relations and rule
the State with the British Resident. The
British furthermore annexed Sindh in
1843 from the Talpur Mirs, a Baloch
dynasty, and the Punjab in 1849. Another
treaty was imposed on the Baloch in
1876, after the British occupied Quetta.
The Khans authority over Balochistan still
remained, but under the watchful eye of a
British minister.
The Baloch people became further
marginalised during the Anglo-Afghan
wars and subsequent events in Persia,
particularly in light of the Great Game
between Tsarist Russia and the British
Empire.
West Balochistan was conquered by Iran
in the 19th century and the partition of
Balochistan by British and Persian Empires
dramatically
changed
Balochistans
political status as it was divided into
spheres of influence. A British colonial
official fixed the border that splits Iranian
and Pakistani Balochistan in 1872, ceding
territory to Iran's rulers in a bid to win
Tehran's support against Tsarist Russia.
Baloch rebellions against imperial
domination occurred throughout the 19th
century, including the revolt of Jask in
1873, the revolt of Sarhad in 1888 and the
general uprising in 1889. A major uprising
under Baloch chieftain Sardar Hussein
Narui in 1896 provoked a joint AngloPersian expeditionary force to crush the

struggle of the Baloch. The resistance was

defeated after two years.
The reign of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran,
starting with Reza Shah Pahlavi in 1925,
was the beginning of a centralised state,
based on Persian national identity.
Western Balochistan was annexed by Iran
in 1928 after the defeat of Baloch forces
by Reza Shahs army. Reza Shah Pahlavi
was forced to abdicate by the AngloSoviet invasion of Iran in September 1941
when his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi,
became the emperor of Iran.

Recent History in Iran

The Baloch Nationalist Movement in Iran
was relatively low-key compared to the
movement in Eastern Balochistan (in
Pakistan) until the overthrow of the Shah
in the Iranian Revolution 1979. Iraq
attempted to destroy the revolution in its
infancy and invaded Iran, marking the
beginning of a bloody, indecisive war that
lasted from 1980 until 1988.
The death of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989
marked a shift in Iranian foreign policy.
Iran became more pragmatic and
improved relations with its nonrevolutionary
Muslim
neighbors,
particularly Saudi Arabia.
After the destruction of a Sunni mosque,
there were a series of riots in 1994 in
Zahidan, which were quelled when
Revolutionary
Guards
fired
live
ammunition into the crowd. In response
to popular dissatisfaction, political reform
was initiated following the election of
reformer Hojjat ol-Eslam Mohammad
Khatami in 1997.

Recent History in Pakistan

The Khanate of Kalat had been de facto
independent under British rule and was
forced to accede to Pakistan after
Britains exit. In defiance of the Khan, his
younger brother led a separatist

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movement in 1948 against the Pakistan

government, also known as the First
Rebellion. He invited leading members of
the Baloch political parties to join him in
their struggle for the creation of an
independent Greater Balochistan. The
Pakistan army nevertheless invaded the
region and annexed the Khanate to
Pakistan.
The Second Rebellion of 1958-1959 was
sparked because of the implementation of
the One Unit policy, a measure that
decreased the federal representation of
tribal leaders. In 1963-1969 the Pakistan
government imposed a plan to construct
military bases in these key conflict areas.
This measure led to guerrilla warfare, or
the Third Rebellion, by several Baloch
tribes. One of their key demands was a
fair share in the revenue from the local
gas fields. In 1969 a ceasefire was agreed
upon and the One Unit policy was
abolished.
In 1970, Balochistan was recognised as
the fourth province of (West) Pakistan,
containing all the former Baloch princely
states. From 1973 until 1977, the Fourth
Rebellion took place after President
Bhutto
abolished
the
provincial
governments and imposed martial law,
citing treason. This led to armed
insurgency, with a large number of
tribesmen taking part in guerrilla warfare
against the central government. Until the
nineties, the exile of many Baloch tribal
leaders led to a political vacuum in
Balochistan. The central government
started focusing more on religion, in
particular Sunni Islam, as a means to
neutralize nationalist sentiments.
In 2005, Baloch political leaders presented
a 15-point agenda to the Pakistani
government. Their demands included
greater control of the province's
resources and a moratorium on the
construction of military bases.

However, Pakistani intelligence continues

to target leaders and members of the
Baloch National Movement. Its president,
Ghulam Mohammed Baloch, was
assassinated in April 2009. The ongoing

conflict is considered as the Fifth Rebellion

of the Baloch in their struggle against the
oppressive policy of the Pakistan
government.

Profile
Suleiman Dawood, The Khan of Kalat
The Khanate of Kalat was a princely state in the center of
Balochistan, which existed from 1666 to 1955. Today, his Royal
Highness Khan Suleiman Dawood, the 35th Khan of Kalat, lives in
political exile in the U.K. He fled Balochistan in 2007 after being
targeted for speaking out against the Pakistani militarys human
rights abuses. The Khan is critical of radical Islamic groups in
Balochistan, often former secular separatists, who turn to the
Taliban in the face of continued repression of the Baloch.

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10

Balochistan in the World Power Game

The following chapter aims to provide an
overview of the power games being
played in and around Balochistan, with
India, China and the USA as main players.
The ongoing fight for power in South Asia
has left Balochistan struggling with
security,
political,
economic
and
developmental issues. Despite attempts
by the Baloch themselves to find
solutions, they continue to be reinforced
in their position as victims in the conflict.

Taliban to run their war against U.S.

forces in Afghanistan from Quetta (also
known as the Quetta Shura), the
provincial capital.

The Context of the Afghan War

Pakistan as a Nuclear Power

The situation in Afghanistan is closely

linked to the one in Pakistan, which has
been demonstrated by the American AfPak policy. From the Pakistani point of
view, the start of the U.S. war in
Afghanistan pushed radical elements into
Pakistan,
which
led
to
further
destabilization of the country.

When Pakistan launched its own nuclear

energy development program in 1956 to
counter the nuclear threat from India,
little did Balochistan know that it would
pay a heavy price in the development of
these weapons.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, despite

positive cooperation with the West in the
war against Afghanistan, Pakistan stayed
loyal to the Afghan Taliban. Most of the
Taliban are Pashtuns, as are a great
portion of the Pakistanis. This loyalty
dates back to the post-soviet years when
Pakistan offered diplomatic recognition to
the Taliban regime under Mullah Omar in
exchange of stability in Afghanistan and
more importantly, a pro-Pakistan
leadership in Kabul that denied India
influence in Afghanistan.
The war in Afghanistan first of all caused
an influx of Pashtun refugees from
Afghanistan into Balochistan, numerically
marginalising the Baloch population
within their own province.
Secondly, the war also led to an influx of
extremist militants, leading to an
increased presence of paramilitary troops
in the Balochistan province. However, the
Baloch people are deeply reluctant to
trust Pakistan for allowing the Afghan

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Thirdly, in the name of the so-called war

against terrorism, the economic and
weaponry support provided to Pakistans
army to counter the Taliban are being
used against the Baloch people in their
struggle for self-determination.

In 1998, Pakistan performed its third and

fourth nuclear tests in the hills and
deserts of Balochistan, which are close to
populated areas. These nuclear tests have
devastated the ecology of the area,
especially through the contamination of
water. As a result, an increase in skin
diseases and physical disorders were
recorded in the surrounding populations.
In December 2012, suspicion rose
concerning imminent nuclear tests being
performed in Balochistan, with the help of
Chinese experts. Several elements
indicate further testing: a road has been
built from Quetta to about 30km from the
previous testing site and soldiers from the
Pakistani army camouflaged as civilians
travel on the road daily.
China is currently helping Pakistan
develop a civil nuclear deal, although
international partners remain wary of this
plan. The US has been offering assistance
to Pakistan in matters of nuclear testing
to ensure Pakistan respects its promises
of non-proliferation although it is
important to note that Pakistan is not a

11

party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty

(NPT), meaning it is not bound to any
restrictions.

U.S.A.-Pakistan Relations
Pakistani mistrust of the U.S. has
increased markedly over recent years.
Many Pakistanis feel that they have been
betrayed by the United States and there is
a sense that the U.S. could have helped
Pakistan on several occasions but chose
not to do so, particularly with regard to
the Kashmir conflict. The Pakistanis
consider that the American and
international coalition war launched
against Afghanistan has pushed radical
elements
into
Pakistan,
further
destabilizing the country. Pakistani
officials consider U.S. interest in their
country to be short-term and linked only
to the situation in Afghanistan.
The American point of view is also
characterised by a sense of mistrust,
mostly over Pakistans continued support
to jihadist groups linked to Afghanistan
and the Taliban. However, the U.S.
remains cautious in comments over
Pakistani actions as it strives to maintain
good working relations with both China
and India, two countries deeply tied to
the situation in Pakistan.
Recent sources of tension between the
U.S. and Pakistan include American drone
strikes within and launched from Pakistan,
the covert American military mission in
Abbottabad (which led to Osama Bin
Ladens capture and death) and the
recent killing by NATO forces of 24
Pakistani military men.
In February 2012, several U.S. Senators
called for Balochistans right to
independence, following a Congressional
hearing hosted by Congressman Dana
Rohrabacher (R-CA). These calls created
further tension with the Pakistani
government and forced the latter to
address the issue of Balochistan.

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However, both Pakistan and the U.S. are

stuck in the same world game: the U.S.
and the NATO coalition have counted on
Pakistani cooperation throughout their
military involvement in Afghanistan,
especially with regard to land supply
routes. At the same time, Pakistan
depends on U.S. foreign aid, budgetary
assistance, weapons, training and
diplomatic pressure on India with regards
to Kashmir.
As a result, the two nations are engaged
in a delicate balancing game, with the U.S.
attempting to get closer to India without
alienating Pakistan. In turn, Pakistan is
increasingly looking at improving its
relations with China.

Indo-Pakistani Relations
The long history that ties Pakistan to India
remains the strongest source of conflict
between the two countries, with the
ongoing conflict in Kashmir a particularly
nasty running sore in relations.
Pakistan was originally created as a state
for the Muslims of British India who did
not wish to live in Hindu-dominated India.
Kashmir has been a disputed territory
between India, Pakistan and China since
1947, with tensions rising to the point of
war between India and Pakistan on four
different occasions, most recently in
1999.
In Pakistan, the army dictates the policy
regarding India, as opposed to the
government. The armys influence on the
matter has rendered Pakistans stance
towards India very harsh and inflexible.
The army considers Pakistans protection
from India as paramount; more important
than economic development for example.
The Pakistani military focuses almost
exclusively on security matters and
Pakistans policies will continue along
these lines as long as the military holds

12

the same amount of power within the

state.
Pakistan
furthermore
focuses
on
undermining
Delhis
influence
in
Afghanistan and curbing this influence on
the rest of South Asia. India, in turn, is
particularly interested in the project of a
pipeline running between India and Iran,
which would run through Balochistan. It is
also wary of Chinese presence in Pakistan,
especially regarding the Chinese control
of Gwadar port in Balochistan. Most
notably, Pakistan sees Delhi as a
supporter of separatist movements in
Balochistan.
Balochistans strategic position with
regard to location and resources has
attracted
much
attention
from
international powers. For these reasons,
India [] would like to see an
independent Balochistan that is either
neutral or friendly to India [] and would
like to use the Baloch factor as a balance
in her turbulent relations with Pakistan
according to Prof Juman Khan Mari.

Sino-Pakistani Relations
In recent years, Chinese influence has
become a powerful force in Pakistan,
much to the annoyance of India and the
U.S., who both pursue a policy of
containment in terms of Chinas influence
in the region. As part of its strategies in
other parts of Asia, China has expanded
its influence principally through its
economic power and its position as an
alternative to the West.
China has provided military hardware and
nuclear technology to Pakistan, most
recently through the sale of nuclear

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reactors in 2010 as part of a civil nuclear

deal. A new deep-water port in Gwadar,
situated in Balochistan, was built with the
help of China as an important alternative
to the other ports in the region, and as a
closer access to the Strait of Hormuz and
maritime petroleum routes. This port
generates considerable revenue for the
Pakistani state, of which Balochistan
receives very little.
According to Asian News International,
Chinese companies have invested up to
15 billion USD in Balochistan, with the
port in Gwadar, as well as an oil refinery
and zinc and copper mines being the
largest projects. Additionally, they report
that the Iran-Pakistan-China (IPC) pipeline
is planned to run through the Khunjerab
pass (in Gilgit Baltistan) to Xinjiang. This
would reduce travel time from six weeks
to 48 hours. For all these reasons and
more, China would benefit from a pacified
Balochistan.
Nevertheless, tensions between China
and Pakistan have arisen in the past over
Islamic Chinese militants (mostly from
Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Province)
receiving training in Pakistan, and seen as
a threat by Chinese authorities once they
return to China. The scope of Chinese
influence in Pakistan over matters like
these is demonstrated by the Pakistani
governments destruction of the Red
Mosque in Islamabad at the behest of
Beijing. This operation killed between 102
and 300 people according to different
estimates, of which many were women
and children.
However hurtful to China these matters of
extremist Islam might be, it continues to
support
Pakistan
in
order
to
counterbalance India as a rising power in
South Asia.

13

Human Rights Violations

Balochistan is at the epicenter of a human
rights violation crisis in Pakistan. Enforced
disappearances, arbitrary detentions,
torture
and
extra-judicial
killings
constitute a daily threat to the lives of the
Baloch people.
T. Kumar, International Advocacy Director
at Amnesty International U.S.A., speaking
at the U.S. congressional hearing on
Balochistan in 2012, stated that the
Pakistani government is primarily to
blame [for these human rights violations]
due to its inability or unwillingness to
protect civilians from human rights
abuses.
Primary victims of human rights violations
in Balochistan include nationalist activists
or militants as well as people with tribal
affiliations. In its 2012 report on Pakistan,
Human Rights Watch reported that at
least 200 Baloch activists were killed in
2011.

Enforced Disappearances
Increasingly common, the practice of
abducting a person without notifying the
family of his or her whereabouts, and
denying this person any access to judicial
protection, is being perpetrated all over
Pakistan by Pakistani military and
paramilitary forces.
This practice is often combined with a kill
and dump approach, whereby the bodies
of these forcibly disappeared persons are
frequently found on roadsides, bearing
marks of torture.
Confirmed practitioners of enforced
disappearances include the Pakistani
paramilitary, the Frontier Corps, who are
regularly seen arresting someone in public
and taking them away to unknown
facilities. These abducted persons are
often found a few months later, victims of
a kill and dump operation.

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Enforced disappearances affect society as

a whole, as families and friends of the
victims are caught in a very frustrating
and worrying search for their loved-one.
Without knowing if the person will ever
return, there is no possibility for
mourning, and the families live in a
constant state of fear that they might be
targeted again.
As Claire San Filippo of Amnesty
International recounts, the Pakistani
government set up a Commission of
enquiry on enforced disappearances in
March 2010. However, this Commission
failed to provide any witness protection
or assistance to victims and their families
leading to ineffective investigations into
the problem.
Amnesty International, as well as other
human rights organizations, has called for
the Government of Pakistan to ratify the
Convention on Enforced Disappearances,
as well as to introduce concrete measures
to bring perpetrators to justice.

Womens Rights
According to Human Rights Watch, girls
and women are targeted in Pakistan and
suffer from rape, domestic violence,
forced marriage and public intimidation.
In 2011, as Aurat Foundation, a local NGO,
reported, 56 honor killings were carried
out against women, some of which were
buried alive. Women in Balochistan are
deprived of their rights in the name of
religion but also in the name of honor.
Aurat Foundation also mentions that
collecting data on violence against women
in Balochistan, and indeed Pakistan in
general, is very difficult as many acts of
violence are never registered or
denounced.

14

Yet, according to Nazish Brohi, an

independent research professional in
Pakistan, women are the binding force
behind any household in Pakistani
society, and are the ones who deal with
atrocities caused to their family members,
such as enforced disappearances. They
become direct victims of the human rights
abuses in Balochistan because of the
political activism of their family members.
More recently, as Brohi states, Baloch
women, who have always been sidelined,
are now emerging and publicly
questioning the authorities. Women are
attempting to show their discontent with
the current situation and take to the
streets to demand information on
disappeared family members.

NGO Access to Balochistan

In the past few years, access to
Balochistan by NGO workers has become
a problem as they become targets for
abductions and intimidation.
In a very publicized case, John Solecki,

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then head of UNHCR in Quetta, was

abducted in February 2009, and his driver
was killed. This case is only one of the
many abductions of aid workers that have
occurred recently.
In December 2012, six WHO polio
vaccination workers were killed while
working on a campaign to eradicate polio
in Pakistan. This particular campaign had
led to the Taliban to proclaim threats
about its completion: they declared a ban
on the campaign as long as the U.S.
continued with its drone strikes in
Pakistan. Although they did not claim
responsibility for the death of the aid
workers, there is little doubt of their
involvement. The vaccination campaign in
Balochistan was suspended immediately
after the attack, forcing 280 000 thousand
children in need of the vaccination to live
without proper care.
In Balochistan, multiple NGOs have scaled
down their operations, abandoning
schools and health facilities, which
impoverished Baloch citizens were in dire
need of.

15

Political Dimensions
Sectarian Violence
On 10 January 2013, two bombs exploded
in Quetta, Balochistan, killing over 100
and wounding hundreds of others.
On 16 February 2013, a bomb was
detonated in a busy market, again in
Quetta, killing around 63 people and
wounding a further 180. Protests have
erupted following Lashkar-e-Jhangvis
(LeJ) repeated targeting of the Hazara
community in Balochistan.
These recent bombings are only the latest
in a long line of bombings which have
affected Balochistan, mostly since the
mid-2000s, when sectarian violence
increased in strength and intensity
following the rise of the Pakistani Taliban.
The most frequent response from the
state is that it will do everything to find
the perpetrators and bring them to justice
which very rarely occurs. The military
line tends to be that its forces are
overstretched in Balochistan and that
they cannot prevent attacks from
happening.
Huma Yusuf, in a paper for the Norwegian
Peacebuilding Resource Centre, explains
the origins of sectarian violence and the
clear threats it poses to Balochistan and
to Pakistan as a whole. Pakistan is divided
roughly into two religious groups, with a
majority of Sunni and around 15-20% of
Shia Muslims. Hazaras, who are the most
targeted by the violence in Balochistan
are predominantly Shia Muslims.

organizations. Even worse, the state is

reputed to use these organizations as
proxies to execute foreign policy goals vis-vis India and Afghanistan, which leads to
these groups being in competition with
each other for the favors of the
government (handouts and political
favors).
Yusuf also recommends that Pakistan
operates a comprehensive crackdown on
all sectarian groups, without which
violence will continue to escalate and
people from all ethnic and religious
backgrounds will continue to be victims of
this violence.

Political Disempowerment
Following the 2008 elections in Pakistan, a
new era of political transition was
advertised all over Pakistan though it
seems it never reached Balochistan. There
have been repeated calls by Baloch
political leaders, including Akhtar Mengal,
for the right of Baloch political parties to
function and resume their political activity
without
interference
from
state
intelligence agencies.
Indeed,
political
activity
and
representation for Baloch parties is
rendered difficult by several factors:

Extremist groups such as the notorious

LeJ, reportedly connected to the Taliban
and Al Qaeda, have increased their
presence in Balochistan and have targeted
Hazaras.
The rapid increase in violence is in part
due to the failure of the government to
prosecute
militants
of
sectarian

Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization

the government refuses to tackle

problems in Balochistan;
there is no genuine representation of
Baloch interests in the federal or
provincial governments;
the influence of the military in
Pakistani politics means political
solutions to problems are often left
aside.

Consequently, as the Baloch NGO

Vision21 reports, the views promoted by
insurgents have gained in popularity, as
they state that the governments aim is to

16

marginalize Balochistan and reduce its

people to second-class citizens.
One of the main demands of Baloch
people is for their political rights to be
respected. Vision21 also points out that
another issue is the marginalisation of the
Baloch people as the poorest, least
educated and least urban which is leading
them to be completely overlooked and
treated as a minority in their own
province. They would furthermore
become more susceptible to religious
extremist convictions, considering it to be
a way out of their miserable situation.
A paper written by Gilles Boqurat of the
Institut
Franais
des
Relations
Internationales recounts the hopes raised
after the 2008 elections and Musharrafs
ousting.
Although
a
truth
and
reconciliation commission was put in
place at the time leading to the release
of 800 political activists and the
replacement of some military and
paramilitary personnel by civil personnel
political indecision on several issues did
not allow for this political transition to
occur in Balochistan. Key questions such
as IDPs, disappeared people, provinces
shares in national revenues and royalties
for gas deposit exploitation, were never
resolved.

Claims for Self Determination

The only way to do so, as many in

Balochistan believe, would be through a
greater degree of independence and
freedom from the control of the Pakistani
state and military.
In 1973, a Constitutional promise was
made in Pakistan regarding provincial
autonomy, which was never put into
practice and for which Balochistan has
pushed ever since. The Baloch people
have demanded the right to selfadministration through a process of
complete decentralization of powers.
The increased presence of the army and
paramilitary in the region over the last
decades has only raised the level of
resentment among ordinary Baloch, as
these actions are perceived as an act of
imperialism by the state of Pakistan.

Elections in 2013
The Pakistani general election will next be
held in May 2013, as has been announced
by the government. This election will
bring forward a new Pakistani parliament,
and in particular Members of the National
Assembly, the lower house. It is hoped
these elections will bring about a peaceful
and democratic transition of power,
which was not the case in the last
elections of 2008, which were marked by
the assassination of Benazir Bhutto and
attacks against several politicians.

Balochistan has been an independent

entity as recently as 1947 before being
forcibly absorbed by Pakistan following
British withdrawal from the region.
However, colonialism has always been a
threat to Balochistan and molded the
Baloch national consciousness, yet it was
not until Pakistan took up a nationalist
discourse that this Baloch consciousness
became a determining factor in their
struggle for self-determination.

However, insurgent groups based in

Balochistan have already warned Baloch
political parties against participating in
the elections. People are worried that
violence might disrupt the electoral
process in the province, denying people
the chance of a fair, democratic
transition. These insurgent groups are
convinced that democracy is not be able
to solve the regions woes.

Balochistan, like the three other provinces

of Pakistan, has a unique cultural identity,
which its people are eager to preserve.

Analysts have warned that continued

sectarian violence, such as was witnessed
in the past month, may delay the

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17

elections if the government fails to

address the crisis. The climate of

insecurity will not allow politicians to

campaign safely and openly in the region.

Profile
Noordin Mengal, a British citizen, is a young exiled Baloch
human rights activist working for the independence of
Balochistan. He is the grandson of both Sardar Ataullah
Mengal and Nawab Khair Bux Marri, the two iconic
statesmen of the Baloch national struggle. Mr. Mengal is a
Baloch representative at the UN Human Rights Council and
at the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization
(UNPO), as well as a member of the lawful, non-violent
Baluchistan National party.
On 23 June 2008, Mr. Mengal was detained upon arrival at
Newark airport in the U.S.A. Mr. Mengal was held in custody
in appalling conditions for over 26 hours by the Department
of Homeland Security. He was questioned by officers of the
Customs and Border Protection enforcement section about
the situation in Balochistan and about his activities. He was
left sitting on a chair for nearly 10 hours until around 11am
on 24 June 2008 when he was driven to the Elizabeth
detention facility in New Jersey, with handcuffs locked to a
heavy chain looped around his waist.
At no time was Mr. Mengal informed of his rights or of the
reasons for which he was being detained. In the evening of
24 June 2008, he was eventually denied entry to the U.S.A.,
and deported back to Dubai, without having received any
explanation.
However, under the U.S. visa waiver program, law-abiding
British nationals are exempt from formal visa procedures
and can freely visit the U.S. for a maximum stay of up to
three months on each entry. Moreover, during his detention,
Mr. Mengal was denied contact with his family and although
the right to contact an official at the British Embassy was
acknowledged by a U.S. officer, it was never provided for.
The transcript of his interrogation that was later sent to him
falsely alleged that he had declined offers to contact a
lawyer and the British Embassy.

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18

Socio Economic Issues

Development Indicators Overview
Pakistan ranks at a low 145 on the Human
Development Index (HDI) scale. This
Index, created by the UNDP, takes into
account a series of statistics on livelihood
in each state, of which a few are cited
below.

A UNDP National Human Development

Report from 2003 on the situation in
Pakistan reveals large variations between
provinces in Pakistan: for example, the
literacy rate in Balochistan was a mere 36
percent, whereas neighboring Sindh had a
rate of 51 percent. It is widely recognised
in this report that the HDI index was, and
continues to be, lowest in Balochistan.

HDI Statistics

Pakistan National Human Development Report 2003

Gwadar Deep-sea Port

the region, but also control over the

energy supply routes.

The development of the port of Gwadar,

on the coast of Balochistan, is an excellent
example of the power games being played
in the region. The Chinese control over
the ports management has recently been
confirmed, after the Chinese played an
important role in the construction and
renovation of the port over the last few
years. China financed 75% of the 248
million USD renovation of the port. The
India (and its allies, including the U.S.) find
Chinese
presence
in
Balochistan
unsettling. This shows the interest of the
different players in obtaining influence in

Baloch nationalists have raised legitimate

questions as to who will benefit more
from this Chinese investment. As has
happened with most industrial ventures in
the region (mining, for example), the
Province of Balochistan has systematically
been denied its share of the income
generated for Pakistan. Baloch activists
have also alleged that the Pakistani
government has largely by-passed the
local population in its plans for
development, deliberately sidelining it.

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19

Strategic position of Gwadar Port

Demography
Pakistans population is very young, with
an average age of 18, and is projected to
continue to grow, posing problems
regarding education, health, welfare, jobs
and food and energy sources. The same
trend applies to Balochistan, where the
situation is more difficult still because of
further complications mentioned earlier.
Balochistan, although being the largest
province in Pakistan, houses only 6% of
Pakistans population. Recent trends have
shown the federal governments efforts to
re-populate the area, attracting nonBaloch people to the area through
interesting
business
investment
opportunities. From a Baloch nationalist
point of view, this move is seen as an
attempt to re-colonize Balochistan and

Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization

to ensure that Baloch become a minority

in their homeland.

Drug Trafficking
The strategic position of Balochistan,
between Afghanistan and the coast, has
led it to become an important transit
region for drugs mainly coming from
Afghanistan. According to a 2012 United
Nations Office for Drugs and Crime
(UNODC) report, one third of drugs from
Afghanistan pass through Balochistan.
The key in this transit is of course access
to maritime routes, through which the
drugs are then dispatched all over the
world, but mainly towards the nearest
Asian regions and the Middle East. Transit
from the Afghan regions of Helmand and
Kandahar to Balochistan is relatively easy
as border control is lacking on both sides.
In 2012, the Dutch government pledged

20

2.5 million USD to UNODC to help train

Baloch police forces to curb drug
trafficking.

Natural Resources
Oil and Gas
Energy security in Pakistan has been
promoted as one of the Governments top
priorities. This highlights once again the
important strategic position resource-rich
Balochistan is in.
@ RobertGWirsing

Balochistan has large reserves of uranium,

oil, coal, gas and other resources.
Although this discovery is not new, an
international race to new areas of
resource exploitation has brought
Balochistan forward in Pakistans urge to
secure its energy sources. Balochistan
accounts for 40% of Pakistans natural gas
production, but merely represents 17% of
its consumption. Balochistan nevertheless
spans a third of the countrys territory.
According to Prof Christine Fair, speaking
before the U.S. House of Representatives
Committee on Foreign Affairs in 2012,
Balochistan is clearly not adequately
compensated for its production. A telling
example: when it comes to gas,
Balochistan receives a mere 0,29 USD per
thousand cubic feet of production,
whereas nearby Sindh gets 1,65 USD and
Punjab receives 2,35 USD.
Balochistan has responded clearly,
through its nationalist activist groups, that
it
has
not
received
adequate
compensation for the exploitation of its
resources by the central government.
Threats have been made against using
Balochistan as a transit site for resources,
as can be seen on the map below:

With the opening of Gwadar port,

Balochistan has effectively become a hub
for resource circulation from as far as
Chinas Xinjiang province. This port was
built without consultation or involvement
of Baloch interests, and without any
benefits for them.
Mining
Balochistan is very rich in natural
resources, as has been shown in the
previous section, and also boasts reserves
of copper, uranium, gold, coal, silver and
platinum. Prof Fair pointed out that
Chinas investment in the regions mines
is noteworthy.
For example, the Saindak copper mine has
been shared between the Pakistani and
Chinese governments: the Chinese will
benefit from 50% of the revenues, the
Pakistani government will take 48% with
just the remaining 2% going to the
Provincial Government of Balochistan
where the mine is located.
Water
Water in Balochistan primarily comes
from groundwater sources, which have
traditionally been collected through a
system of Karezes, which tap ground
water for irrigation needs without having
to pump the water.
However, over the last few years,
population growth, climate change and
the energy crisis have placed substantial

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21

pressure on this century-old system,

quickly depleting groundwater sources.
In March 2012, a seminar was held in
Quetta (Balochistan) by several NGOs
regarding water usage in the region. It
was revealed that the water storage crisis
that Balochistan will most likely last until
2025. With about 97% of water being
used for agriculture and with a fast
growing population, food security in
Pakistan is no longer guaranteed.

Natural Disasters
Whether it is floods, earthquakes,
droughts or tsunamis, Balochistan has
been identified as a high-risk region for
natural
disasters.
In
2008,
the
Participatory Development Initiatives
partnered with Oxfam for a high-level
conference on the matter, during which it
was concluded that the Pakistani
government has not taken enough
measures to prepare its population for
the risks of natural disasters. Additionally,
the lack of good governance and
transparency was pointed out as an
obstacle to effective management in the
aftermath of disasters.
Floods
In Balochistan, flawed designs of dams
have dire consequences during floods,
since they cannot cope with the flash
floods during the monsoon season. The
latest large-scale flood occurred in 2010,
when millions were left homeless in the
provinces of Balochistan and Sindh.
Pakistani authorities were widely
criticised for their inadequate response,
leaving 1 million displaced and around
700,000 others affected.

Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization

Earthquakes
Balochistan, and Pakistan as a whole, is
prone to high-magnitude earthquakes. In
2008, an earthquake left more than a 100
dead and thousands homeless in
Balochistan. In 2005, an earthquake in
Pakistan left 74,500 dead and more than
three million homeless.

Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

Both natural disasters and sectarian
violence in Balochistan have had an
enormous impact on its population,
leading to thousands becoming internally
displaced persons. This phenomenon is
widespread throughout the whole of
Pakistan and does not limit itself to
Balochistan.
According to the Internal Displacements
Monitoring Centre, Current Baluchistan
displacement dates back to the early
2000s and is related to counterinsurgent
operations by security forces against
Baloch nationalist groups and their
communities, tribal disputes over access
to land and resources as well a
generalised violence against minority
Hindu and Sikh communities by Sunni
militants and against Punjab settlers by
Baloch activists.
Only estimates exist as to how many
people are affected by displacement in
the province of Balochistan, but most
reports speak of more than 100,000 IDPs.
The situation is very difficult to manage,
as several NGOs were denied access to
the region, with the government initially
denying
any
humanitarian
crisis.
Consequently, many IDPs suffer from
malnourishment, lack of healthcare and
lack of shelter.

22

A Way Forward as of 2014

In his annual State of the Union address to the American Congress, President Obama stated that the
war in Afghanistan will be over by late 2014, with U.S. Forces moving to a support role. It is clear that
the withdrawal of the U.S. troops implies that the Afghan war is over for the Americans. What yet
remains to be seen is what influence this withdrawal will have on Afghanistan and the wider region,
especially with regard to security and stability.
U.S. and NATO supplies primarily reached Afghanistan through the ports in the province of
Balochistan, the only gateway for Pakistan to the sea. For this purpose, and for being allies in the War
on Terror, Pakistan has been receiving 11.740 billion dollars in military aid, and 6.08 billion dollars in
economic aid from the U.S. since 2011. Less is spent on what nevertheless seem to be major U.S.
priorities: the Frontier Corps, antiterrorism and nuclear nonproliferation efforts.
With the withdrawal of the troops by the end of 2014, and the general climate of austerity, it is very
likely that U.S. funds to Pakistan will be significantly cut. The relations between Pakistan and the
United States cooled down, especially after the siege on Bin Ladens shelter in a Pakistani military
town. It is also known that there is a general lack of transparency when trying to trace what the U.S.
funds are being spent on, and a large chunk of the aid is known to be diverted to defend against India.
But where does this leave Balochistan and the Baloch people? Having been divided and ruled over the
past decades, Balochistan finds itself more than ever at the core of the world power game. Many
experts have contemplated the question of Balochistan, with solutions ranging from the total
independence of a Greater Balochistan, through parallel Pakistans, to Balochistan remaining a
province of Pakistan (with the occasional imposing of the governors rule).
The future of Balochistan lays wide open, with its people relying more than ever on the support of the
international community. After numerous breaches of agreements and deals with the Pakistan
government, trust no longer characterizes the negotiations for the Baloch people.
UNPO condemns in the strongest sense the abuse of human rights that are being perpetrated against
the Baloch people, and believes an end to sectarian violence in the region is paramount in putting an
end to the conflict. It specifically calls on the Pakistani government to take the necessary measures to
bring to justice those who continue to target and kill Baloch activists, and to abide by and ratify
international covenants aimed at protecting the rights of populations. UNPO also calls on Pakistan to
respect and commit to its own constitution, which guarantees certain freedoms for Balochistan.
UNPO calls on the Pakistani state to abandon its preferred militarized conflict resolution techniques,
which will only serve to aggravate tensions.
UNPO will remain extremely vigilant regarding the organization and outcome of Pakistans next
elections, and encourages other main actors in the region to do so as well. The outcome of these
elections, and their observation and evaluation, may provide indications as to the development of the
situation in Balochistan.

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About the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO)

The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) is an international,
nonviolent, and democratic membership organisation. Its members are indigenous peoples,
minorities, and unrecognised or occupied territories who have joined together to protect
and promote their human and cultural rights, to preserve their environments, and to find
nonviolent solutions to conflicts which affect them.
Although the aspirations of UNPO Members differ greatly, they are all united by one shared
condition: they are not adequately represented at major international fora, such as the
United Nations. As a consequence, their opportunity to participate on the international
stage is significantly limited, as is their ability to access and draw upon the support of the
global bodies mandated to defend their rights, protect their environments, and mitigate the
effects of conflict.
In a world where over 90 per cent of conflicts are intra-state, the UNPO has been
established to fill this gap by providing an international forum through which its Members
can become effective participants and contributors to the international community. In an
increasingly interdependent world, it is ever more important that those who continue to be
denied their rights or remain excluded be given an opportunity to present their cases. The
UNPO therefore works to address the consequences of marginalisation, working with its
Members to promote their democratic causes, to provide information, and to articulate
creative and nonviolent strategies for progress. Above all, the UNPO works to ensure that
the voices of its members are heard.
Founded in 1991 at the Peace Palace in The Hague, the UNPO is unique as an international
organisation in that it is built entirely by its Members. Through this strong connection to
those suffering the consequences of the exclusion that the organisation seeks to address,
the UNPO has since grown into a prominent and respected international organisation.
The UNPOs membership has also grown steadily from its original fifteen founders, and now
represents almost 50 Members worldwide. The work of the UNPO adapts continually to
meet the challenges of its Members and the nature of the international political climate.
Members remain committed to respecting the five principles enshrined in the UNPO
Covenant: nonviolence, human rights, democracy and self-determination, environmental
protection, and tolerance.
The UNPO remains committed to offering an increasing number of nations and peoples an
entry point into the international community, enabling its Members to learn from one
another, lending support where setbacks are encountered, and sharing successful
experiences.

Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization

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25