"Child Pornography" has no agreed definition.

Legally, it can refer to various kinds of media

featuring minors in situations depicting nudity or sexual conduct.

The Effects of Child Pornography

The criminalization of child pornography is, in part, justified by the assumption that it will cause
viewers to commit contact offences against children. No conclusive evidence substantiates this
assumption. On the contrary, child pornography appears to have a cathartic effect.
The popular "backwards logic" in child porn anecdotes is virtually redundant. After selecting a
sample population who are already convicted for or implicated in prohibited pedosexual or
ephebosexual behaviours, it should not be surprising to unearth regular use of pornography. Said
population would also have a vested interest in forfeiting responsibility, excusing their behaviours
and conforming to the prevailing clinical bias. To be accurate, research needs to survey the wider
population and its use of different kinds of pornography, and then look for contact-offending
behaviour.
File:Denmark.png
Sex crimes dropped markedly in Denmark following porn legalization.[1]
O'Carroll, Tom (2000). "Sexual Privacy for Paedophiles and Children: A Complementary
Background Paper."
"Such an effect has been proposed in relation to Denmark during the few years when
child pornography was openly and legally available: in that period sex offences against
children were significantly lower than either before or after. (5) A similar phenomenon
occurred during a period of liberalisation in West Germany, where from 1972 to 1980
the total number of sex crimes known to the police in the Federal Republic of
Germany decreased by 11%. (6) Sharpe himself, whose possession of pornography
was in contention, made the astute point in an interview that if child pornography led
to sexual assaults, then there would have been a huge increase in assaults as a result of
the allegedly much greater availability of child porn on the Internet. (7)"
Template:Research
Kirby, Stuart (2005). "No link between child porn and sexual abuse," Life Style Extra, UK,
15 December.
"There is no link between looking at child pornography and sexual abuse of
youngsters, a senior police officer told a conference today. Studies have found no
correlation between those who download graphic images of youngsters via the internet
and child molesters. Dr Stuart Kirby, Detective Chief Superintendent with Lancashire
Police, told the International Investigative Psychology Conference: "When you look at
all the research that has been done nationally, the consensus is that there has not
proven to be a link between the viewing of pornography and the committing of handson offences. In a follow-up study by Lancashire Police, that was found to be clearly
the case."
Howitt, Dennis (1995). Paedophiles and Sexual Offences Against Children, p. 161-162.
"Common-sense theories tend to be contradictory. For example, there is a lot to be said
for the notion of fantasy as substitute for action, a largely separate stream of
experience or a substitute for reality. The original psychoanalytic view of fantasy as
wish fulfillment took a similar stance. [...]
One cannot simply take evidence that offenders use and buy pornography as sufficient
to implicate pornography causally in their offending. The most reasonable assessment
based on the available research literature is that the relationship between pornography,

fantasy and offending is unclear."

Diamond, Milton, and Uchiyama, Ayako (1999). "Pornography, rape, and sex crimes in
Japan", International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 22, 1-22.
"However, there are no specific child pornography laws in Japan and SEM depicting
minors are readily available and widely consumed. [...] The most dramatic decrease in
sex crimes was seen when attention was focused on the number and age of rapists and
victims among younger groups (Table 2). We hypothesized that the increase in
pornography [in general], without age restriction and in comics, if it had any
detrimental effect, would most negatively influence younger individuals. Just the
opposite occurred. The number of juvenile offenders dramatically dropped every
period reviewed from 1,803 perpetrators in 1972 to a low of 264 in 1995; a drop of
some 85% (Table 1). The number of victims also decreased particularly among the
females younger than 13 (Table 2). In 1972, 8.3% of the victims were younger than 13.
In 1995 the percentage of victims younger than 13 years of age dropped to 4.0%."
Ferguson, J. and Hartley, R. (2009). "The pleasure is momentarythe expense damnable?:
The influence of pornography on rape and sexual assault", Aggression and Violent Behavior,
In press at time of reporting.
"Evidence for a causal relationship between exposure to pornography and sexual
aggression is slim and may, at certain times, have been exaggerated by politicians,
pressure groups and some social scientists. Some of the debate has focused on violent
pornography, but evidence of any negative effects is inconsistent, and violent
pornography is comparatively rare in the real world. Victimization rates for rape in the
United States demonstrate an inverse relationship between pornography consumption
and rape rates."
Kendall, Todd (2006). "Pornography, Rape, and the Internet." Paper presented at the
Stanford Law and Economics Seminar.
This study found that "an increase in home internet access of 10 percentage points is
associated with an 7.3% decline in [forcible] rape" of females of all ages as a group.
Slate Magazine reported on this.
Stanley, Janet (2001). "Pornography, Child Abuse and the Internet," Child Abuse Prevention
Issues, 15.
"Research to date has not determined whether child sex offenders are more, or less,
likely to offend if they view and/or collect child pornography (Queensland Crime
Commission and Queensland Police Services 2000; Smallbone and Wortley 2000).
Although a Queensland study found that non-familial offenders reported using adult
pornography (72 per cent) and child pornography (9 per cent) (Smallbone and Wortley
2000), these findings need to be treated with caution. The study sample was almost
exclusively comprised of male incarcerated offenders who had low Internet literacy
(88 per cent had not used the Internet). Thus, the characteristics of incarcerated
offenders may differ from the wider population of offenders and it would also appear
that the Smallbone and Wortley sample may potentially represent a different group to
those offenders who target children via the Internet".
Sheldon, Kerry & Howitt, Dennis (2008). "Sexual fantasy in paedophile offenders: Can any
model explain satisfactorily new findings from a study of Internet and contact sexual
offenders?", Legal and Criminological Psychology, 13, 137-158.
"Internet offenders may have less need to contact offend since they can generate
fantasy more easily. The contact [offending] group may be unable to generate fantasies
at all or may have weak and short-lived fantasies. Sex offenders are often described as
concrete and/or unimaginative (Langevin, Lang, & Curnoe, 1998), and it is possible

that contact child molesters do not have frequent or vivid fantasies and require activity
with a child in order to generate later masturbatory thoughts. [...] Contact offenders
seem to have less sexual fantasy pertinent to their offending than did Internet
offenders. Fantasy deficit may be involved in contact offending against children."
Decision in R v. Sharpe by Justice Duncan Shaw in the Supreme Court of British Columbia
"There is no evidence which demonstrates any significant increase of danger to
children related to the confirmation or augmentation of cognitive distortions caused by
pornography. There is no evidence that "mildly erotic" images are used in the
"grooming process." Only assumption supports the proposition that materials that
advocate or counsel sexual crimes with children have the effect of increasing the
occurrence of such crimes. Sexually explicit pornography is used by some pedophiles
to relieve pent-up sexual tension. A person who is prone to act on his fantasies will
likely do so irrespective of the availability of pornography. There is no evidence that
the production of child pornography will be significantly reduced if simple possession
is a made a crime."
Knudsen, D.D. (1988). "Child sexual abuse and pornography: Is there a relationship?,"
Journal of Family Violence, 3, pp. 253-267.
"Perhaps the most appropriate summary of the research pertaining to pornography
involving both adults and children is that there are no clear relationships that can be
identified between erotica and sex crimes. Individuals for whom pornography is the
primary or direct motivator of violent acts appear to be relatively rare. And most
violence toward women and children is undertaken without such aids to arouse
aggressive feelings, though some indirect modeling effects may be identified in
lowered inhibitions. If the problem is to determine whether access to pornography
directly increases the probability of sexually exploitive behaviors toward children,
there appears to be a general consensus among researchers that it does not (Nelson,
1982)."
Williams, Katherine S. (2004). "Child Pornography Law: Does it Protect Children?," Journal
of Social Welfare and Family Law, 26(3), 245-261.
"It seems reasonable to conclude that, on the evidence presently available, it is not
possible even to clearly link child pornography and sexual assaults, much less to prove
a causative link. In this context, to control the activity on this ground is not logical.
Taylor and Quayle (2003: 80-83) found that child pornography on the internet was
extensively used as a means of achieving sexual arousal and as an aid to masturbation:
it was therefore actively used in the paedophile's fulfilment of their sexual attraction to
children and in their sexual fantasies. This use as a masturbatory aid is not in itself
illegal nor is it of itself dangerous to children, though it may be abhorrent. If this were
enough to feed and satisfy their sexual desire, then pseudo-images might be seen as
having social utility even if most of us would be wholly disgusted by their existence
and the use made of them by the paedophile. Kutchinskey's work (1973, 1985)
suggests that this is more likely to be the case, so pornography (adult or pseudophotographs) might actually protect children. The crucial point remains, that there may
be no necessary link between child pornography and further abuse of children and
certainly no causative link."
Endrass, Jrme; Urbaniok, Frank; Hammermeister, Lea C.; Benz, Christian; Elbert,
Thomas; Laubacher, Arja; and Rossegger, Astrid (2009). "The consumption of Internet child
pornography and violent and sex offending," BMC Psychiatry, 9:43.
"Altogether, the empirical literature does not put forward any evidence that the
consumers of child pornography pose a considerably increased risk for perpetrating
hand-on sex offenses. Instead, the current research literature supports the assumption

that the consumers of child pornography form a distinct group of sex offenders.
Though some consumers do commit hands-on sex offenses as well the majority of
child pornography users do not. [...] The consumption of child pornographic material
alone does not seem to predict hands-on sex offenses. [...] Similar to Seto and Eke, we
found low rates of recidivism among our sample. When applying the broader
definition of recidivism by taking investigations and charges into account, the
recidivism rates were 0.8% for hands-on and 3.9% for hands-off sex offenses. These
recidivism rates after a follow-up time of six years indicate that the risk of reoffending for child pornography consumers is quite low."

The Nature of Child Pornography

Schuijer, Jan and Rossen, Benjamin (1992). "The Trade in Child Pornography," Issues in
Child Abuse Accusations, 4(4).
"We have called the claims about child pornography "myths." The existence of child
pornography is certainly not. The myths are the exaggerated estimates of the number
of children, the volume and value of the trade, the profits that are alleged to have been
made, and the horrifying damage said to have been done to the children."
O'Carroll, Tom (2000). "Sexual Privacy for Paedophiles and Children: A
Complementary Background Paper."
"A survey of images in commercial child porn magazines that were available in the 1970s and
early 80s by Schuijer and Rossen shows that only 14% depicted children engaged in sexual
conduct with adults. Most of the material, 61%, showed children either nude at play or posing
erotically. (8)"
Bauserman, Robert (2003). "Child pornography online: myth, fact, and social control",
Journal of Sex Research, 40(2).
"Most of the CP images themselves appear to involve adolescents or children posing
nude, which is not illegal in most Western countries. However, some hard-core images
of adolescent and prepubescent children having sex with each other and with adults are
available. While some appear to be recycled from 1970s magazines and films, other
images seem to be "sex tourist" images created by men visiting Asian or Latin
American countries in search of less risky sexual access to minors. Jenkins offers no
estimate of the number of minors who currently appear in CP, but fortunately they
seem to number far fewer than the tens or hundreds of thousands of children (defined
to include adolescents) often claimed."
www.almapintada.com: "Child Pornography Statistics 1984-2000"
"Less than an average of ten new series per year have been circulated on the internet
since 1984. Only 14 of these series include children engaged in sexual intercourse, 32
in non-penetrative genital contact and 39 in fellatio. Most of these series include
genital display only."
Lanning, Kenneth (1992). "Investigator's Guide to Allegations of "Ritual" Child Abuse,
Chapter 2.1: "Stranger Danger." Quantico, VA: Federal Bureau of Investigation, National
Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime.
"Child victims who, for example, simply behave like human beings and respond to the
attention and affection of offenders by voluntarily and repeatedly returning to the
offender's home are troubling. It confuses us to see the victims in child pornography
giggling or laughing."
O'Donnel, Ian, and Milner, Claire (2007). Child Pornography: Crime, Computers and
Society, p. 123. (Paraphrased by Brian Ribbon)
"A recent study in Ireland, undertaken by Garda, revealed the most serious content in a

sample of over 100 cases involving indecent images of children. In 44% of cases, the
most serious images depicted nudity or erotic posing, in 7% they depicted sexual
activity between children, in 7% they depicted non-penetrative sexual activity between
adults and children, in 37% they depicted penetrative sexual activity between adults
and children, and in 5% they depicted sadism or bestiality."
Ribbon, Brian (2008). "How can anyone believe these claims?". Boychat.org
"I could only find a small number of websites (less than 20) which contained material
which would be illegal if viewed in my home jurisdiction, despite the fact that my
home jurisdiction prohibits simple nudity. It is clear that there are not 150,000 child
pornography websites. The websites which did depict material which would be illegal
if viewed in my home jurisdiction were much tamer than government-funded
organisations claim. Over 99% of the images which would be illegal in the
USA/UK/Australia showed no sexual contact."
Levine, Judith (2002). Harmful to Minors.
"Aficionados and vice cops concede that practically all the sexually explicit images of
children circulating cybernetically are the same stack of yellowing pages found at the
back of those X-rated shops, only digitized. These pictures tend to be twenty to fifty
years old, made overseas, badly re-reproduced, and for the most part pretty chaste.
That may be why federal agents almost never show journalists the contraband. But
when I got a peek at a stash downloaded by Don Huycke, the national program
manager for child pornography at the U.S. Customs Service, in 1995, I was
underwhelmed. Losing count after fifty photos, I'd put aside three that could be called
pornographic: a couple of shots of adolescents masturbating and one half-dressed
twelve-year-old spreading her legs in a position more like a gymnast's split than split
beaver. The rest tended to be like the fifteen-year-old with a 1950s bob and an Ipana
grin, sitting up straight, naked but demure, or the two towheaded six-year olds in
underpants, astride their bikes."
Mirkin, H. (2009). "The Social, Political, and Legal Construction of the Concept of Child
Pornography ," Journal of Homosexuality, 56(2), pp. 233-267.
"Most of the actual acts depicted by the young models in child pornography are legal.
Although some of the older pictures have sullen, battered looking children who look
like they have been drugged or coerced, that is rarely true of more current photos.
Impressionistically, the largest number of pictures on pornographic sites involves
clothed photographs of pretty or good-looking children. Often they are in bathing
suits. These are tainted simply because of their presence on pornographic sites, but,
although they often have an erotic tinge, the pictures would not be considered
pornographic in other settings. The next largest number consists of nudes of diverse
quality and degrees of eroticism. Some pictures of boys show erections. Videos are a
media that demand movement and they often show sex play and horseplay among the
youths (especially boys), but no real sex (except masturbation or attempted
masturbation). Masturbation, usually alone but sometimes in groups, and oral sex are
also occasionally shown in still images. Generally both boys and girls look cheerful
and healthy, although obviously this could be an act. Still the smiles and playfulness
are often in hundreds of photographs of the same models, and giggles are ubiquitous in
the films. The attempt is to portray an innocent and joyful sexuality, whether or not
that is what is experienced by the models and actors. The pictures are far less tawdry
and hard core than adult porn and are more playful. Domination is not an important
theme and very few images (probably less than 1%) involve adults."

Child pornography subcultures

Bauserman, Robert (2003). "Child pornography online: myth, fact, and social control",
Journal of Sex Research, 40(2).
"Also of interest is Jenkins' finding that, like many other deviant groups (e.g., organized
crime), the CP subculture does not represent a total break with conventional morality. This
claim may be surprising, given the extent to which sexual interest in children or adolescents is
socially and legally condemned. However, studies of deviant groups show that members may
express mainstream or even conservative values on social and political issues, and share
widely accepted goals such as material success. While subscribing to mainstream values,
group members seek to rationalize or "neutralize" the illegal and socially condemned aspects
of their behavior. Jenkins notes the use of techniques such as denial of victimization (the
adolescent or child is said to be consenting), denial of harm, and condemnation of the
condemners (e.g., as hypocrites). Users also self-label with nonderogatory terms such as
"pedo" or "loli-lover." Reports of truly sadistic and violent crimes against children (such as
the Dutroux case in Belgium, in which an offender kidnapped, raped, and killed young girls)
are met with expressions of disgust and anger and claims that "true loli-lovers" are interested
in mutual pleasure, not violence. Jenkins considers such statements genuine expressions of
feeling, not a public front, because of the private nature of the bulletin board forums."

A Billion-Dollar Industry?
Brian Rothery: "Every image of a child being abused"
"By now, many journalists and activists concerned with how the police deal with the
child pornography laws are aware that the American police and some related agencies
are the main, and likely the sole, dealers in and publishers of images of child
pornography, using them for entrapment purposes."
Rosen, Jeffrey (2005). "The Internet Has Made Government Action Against Child
Pornography Untenable," in Opposing Viewpoints: Mass Media. Ed. William Dudley. San
Diego: Greenhaven Press.
Child pornography is often alleged to be a 20 billion dollar industry. If this is true, that
would put it at twice the size of the adult porn industry: "But today, as Frank Rich
reported in The New York Times Magazine last May [2002] the porn industrymuch
of it hard-coregenerates at least $10 billion per year in revenues for more than
70,000 websites, porn networks, pay-per-view and rental movies [700 million porn
rentals per year], cable and satellite television, and magazine publishers."
Ian O'Donnel & Claire Milner (2007). Child Pornography; Crime, computers and society, p.
54.
"Because there is no way of estimating the amount of child pornography that was in
circulation prior to the advent of the internet, it is possible that the quantity has not
increased but has simply become more available and more copied."
Udo Vetter (lawyer) in the Sddeutsche Zeitung (2009). Simple Lsungen fr ein komplexes
Problem. Translation found on GC.
"You cannot physically abuse children on the internet. But you can look at pictures or
movies of child abuse and trade them. "Of course paedophiles use the internet to trade
child porn," says lawyer Udo Vetter, who has acted as a defense lawyer in hundreds of
child porn cases. "But there is no such thing as a commercial market." ... There is no
effective system of money transfer for the distribution of illegal pictures and movies.
According to Vetter, "you simply can't receive millions of dollars online
anonymously." Money flow is monitored by the authorities of many states, including

the USA. According to Vetter, none of his clients ever paid for pictures or movies. 80
to 90 percent of the files found by the police are identical. "Some of these pictures are
30 to 40 years old." In contrast to the claims made to justify net censorship the amount
of child porn available on the internet is rising extremely slowly. None of these
pictures and movies have been produced professionally (the only exceptions being
movies with teenage victims which may have been legal when they were produced."
Jenkins, Philip (2001). Beyond Tolerance: Child Pornography on the Internet, p. 102.
"Money is rarely involved in the child porn underworld, which is the preserve of truly
motivated collectors."
O'Carroll, Tom (2000). "Sexual Privacy for Paedophiles and Children."
"The production of such pictures is vanishingly rare, however, and there is no shortage
of criminal law to deal with any perpetrators who are caught. Even in such cases,
though, we would be hard put to blame the private viewer of such material for creating
a market in it. There is no means, no even on the Internet, to buy and sell such
material. Illegal images may be posted, but this will invariably be done anonymously
or with a phoney "from" address for obvious reasons. This means that it is
impossible to make money on these activities. From time to time someone may
naively hope do so, lured by claims in the media that it is a profitable business. These
commercial attempts have always been stopped very quickly: If the potential
customers can find the producer then so can the police. The notion that there is a vast
child porn industry, organised by some ruthless mafia, is simply a myth."
Bialik, Carl (2006). "Measuring the Child-Porn Trade," The Wall Street Journal, April 18.
"Unlike, say, the soft-drink or airline industries, the child-pornography industry doesn't
report its annual sales to the Securities and Exchange Commission. Yet in a press
release ahead of a recent House of Representatives hearing aimed at curbing the
industry, Texas Republican Joe Barton said, "Child pornography is apparently a
multibillion my staff analysis says $20 billion-a-year business. Twenty billion
dollars." Some press reports said the figure applied only to the industry's online
segment. The New York Times reported, "the sexual exploitation of children on the
Internet is a $20 billion industry that continues to expand in the United States and
abroad," citing witnesses at the hearing.
What was Rep. Barton's staff analysis? A spokesman for the House Energy and
Commerce Committee told me the source of the number was the National Center for
Missing and Exploited Children, a group that advocates for the protection of children.
When I first talked with that group's president, Ernie Allen, he told me that Standard
Chartered bank, which has worked with the NCMEC to cut off funding to child-porn
traffickers, wanted a quantitative analysis of the problem, so it asked for a
measurement from consulting firm McKinsey & Co. Mr. Allen faxed me an NCMEC
paper that cites the McKinsey study in placing the child-porn industry at $6 billion in
1999, and $20 billion in 2004.
But a McKinsey spokesman painted a different picture for me: "The number was not
calculated or generated by McKinsey," he wrote in an email. Instead, for a pro bono
analysis for Standard Chartered, he said, McKinsey used a number that appeared in a
report last year by End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of
Children for Sexual Purposes, an international advocacy group.
But the trail didn't end there: That report, in turn, attributed the number to the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, as did a report last year from the Council of Europe, a
Strasbourg, France-based human-rights watchdog. Both of those reports noted that
estimates range widely, from $3 billion to $20 billion.
FBI spokesman Paul Bresson told me in an email, "The FBI has not stated the $20
billion figure... . I have asked many people who would know for sure if we have

attached the $20 billion number to this problem. I have scoured our Web site, too.
Nothing!""
Bialik, Carl (2006). "Measuring Chernobyl's Fallout," The Wall Street Journal, April
27.
"Meanwhile, I heard more about the number that was the subject of last week's
column -- the claim, which I couldn't verify, that the child-pornography
industry generates $20 billion in annual revenue. In a 2004 report, the Council
of Europe, a Strasbourg, France-based human-rights watchdog, attributed the
number to Unicef. But Allison Hickling, a spokeswoman for the United
Nations child agency, told me in an email, "The number is not attributable to
Unicef -- we do not collect data on this issue."
I told Alexander Seger, who worked on the Council of Europe reports, that the
Federal Bureau of Investigation and Unicef, both cited in Council reports, said
they weren't the source for the $20 billion figure. He said the Council won't use
the number in the future, and added in an email, "I think we have what I would
call a case of information laundering: You state a figure on something,
somebody else quotes it, and then you and others [quote] it back, and thus it
becomes clean and true. ... Perhaps this discussion will help instill more rigor
in the future.""

Impact on Child Models

Very little research has been done into the direct effect of modeling on children.
Jan Schuijer and Benjamin Rossen (1992). "Interviews with Three Boys."
"Despite the attempt to obtain a balanced description of the events, a remarkably black
and white picture emerged. The boys described their friendship and feelings for
Ferdinand in glowing terms. On the other hand the attitude towards the police is
unequivocally negative."
Ian O'Donnell and Claire Milner (2007). "Child Pornography: Crime, computers and
society". Willan Publishing, p229.
"While we might feel uneasy about an individual who took sexual pleasure from
photographs of children playing on beaches, it is clearly the case that such
photographs are not based on an underlying act of abuse".
The Australian (2008). "Naked child in photo defends image
Although the photos concerned are most probably not pornographic they have been
criticised as such (for containing nudity and posing). "I'm really, really offended by
what Kevin Rudd had to say about this picture, Olympia said outside her Melbourne
home, accompanied by her father, The Age art critic Robert Nelson. I love the photo
so much. It is one of my favourites, if not my favourite photo, my mum has ever taken
of me and she has taken so many photos of me. I think that the picture my mum took
of me had nothing to do with being abused and I think nudity can be a part of art." An
adult critic responded: "And that the child concerned defends the photographs in my
view merely compounds what has happened."
Mirkin, H. (2009). "The Social, Political, and Legal Construction of the Concept of Child
Pornography ," Journal of Homosexuality, 56(2), pp. 233-267.
"People who were familiar with the child pornography world have told me that in
Eastern Europe, where most of the current male child pornography is produced, many
of the boys modeling and acting in child pornography are street hustlers, who survive
largely by selling sex and who view it as an easy gig. There are many reasons for them

to model, including money, showing off, coercion, affection for the photographer, a
road to modeling career, and daredevil impulses to violate social norms. They do not
think that being photographed nude is a big deal. The girl models in Japan are often
treated like stars and have Web sites devoted to them. For long periods, photographs
that we would currently call child pornography have been legal, and there is no
evidence that the models were hurt. Artist models at various times have shown little
evidence of harm, and the subjects of major photographers like Sturges, Mann, and
Hamilton (who all have been accused, but exonerated, of making child pornography)
have said that their experiences were positive ones.
Based on the available evidence it is difficult to support the prevailing assumptions
about universal harm to the young models and actors. Based on the Rind et al. studies,
boys especially seem unlikely to suffer great harm. Probably some are hurt, some
benefit, and most are not strongly affected."

Impact on "non-appreciative" Adults

It is often claimed anecdotally that officers investigating high volumes of child porn suffer from
"burn out" or may have to enter counseling.
Inquisition 21 (2008). "From inside the police force."
"We have a report from a police insider about how many of his colleagues actually
reacted to both adult and child pornography [...] He received his first, much of it
shocking to him, initiation into the world of pornography from his older police
colleagues who sickened him with their canteen culture. They pushed the first ever
hard core magazines he had seen right in front of his face, as he put it, Gloating over
them. [...] Only as the number of women in the force increased, especially in senior
ranks, did the macho culture of open pornographic display decrease and become more
covert. [...] These men were now being paid to study child pornography and soon he
could hear them tell the media about fatigue and burn-out concerning images they had
formerly gloated over."

Child Producers
The criminalisation of youth is also covered in a dedicated article.
As more facts slowly float to the surface in this stringently censored medium, the more we learn
about under-age producers sharing their self-made images with other young people for recreational
use, thus making prohibitions unworkable and pronouncements concerning who is "exploiting" who
extremely hard to define. Whilst activists have been pointing towards this trend for some time, it
has taken much longer for "Child-Protection" officers to admit that minors are capable of producing
child pornography.
The Heraldsun (2008). "Making child pornography is now kids' stuff."
"Teenagers are becoming major makers of child pornography in Victoria[Australia].
Statistics reveal adolescents last year outnumbered middle-aged men two to one as the
main offenders in child porn production. Youths 10 to 14 were among the alleged
offenders."
The Independent.ie (2008). "Children producing their own web porn."
"CHILDREN as young as 10 years of age are taking sexually explicit pictures of
themselves before uploading them onto the internet -- according to Ireland's leading
Criminal Intelligence Officer at Interpol [...] Irish Detective Sergeant Michael Moran,
who is one of the world's leading experts in the fight against child exploitation, has
warned parents to be extra vigilant about their children uploading self-made

pornography. "Everything from posing naked to actual sex acts on web cams. We are
seeing a lot more self-produced child pornography to the extent that self-taking child
abusive material is one of our biggest problems at the moment."
Inquisition 21 (2008). "The new pizza scam."
"The child sex abuse and child porn legislation have boosted the business of so-called
under-age minors scamming and blackmailing adult men. The latest to arise from the
chat rooms is the pizza scam. [...] One of our other researchers went onto that chat
room and asked if anyone had been approached by individuals offering to cam for
pizza and one man from London replied. He said he had spoken to a male student who
lived in his local area, aged 19. The student gave some sob story and said he would
give a cam show for pizza. The man agreed. The boy named a local pizza place but
gave another telephone number. The man phoned the number, who took his order and
credit card details. Subsequently a PayPal account was set up using that credit card and
money stolen from him. He reported this to PayPal who refused to do anything
without a crime number. He then reported it to the police who simply took details.
PayPal responded once he had a crime number, but the police apparently performed no
investigation. A source close to the police has informed us that the police have a good
laugh at this kind of thing. They regard the scammed as the perverts, or the guilty
ones, and the scammers as having a right to sting them."