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Indo-Aryan migration - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Indo-Aryan migration
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Indo-Aryan migration was the migration of Indo-Aryans into Anatolia and northern India, after the split
of the Indo-Iranians into Indo-Aryan and Iranic peoples. It was part of the larger Indo-European migrations.
The study of the Indo-Aryan migration began with the study of the Rig Veda in the mid 19th century by Max
Muller. Contemporary claims of Indo-Aryan migrations are drawn from linguistic,[1] genetic,[2]
archaeological, literary and cultural sources.
The debate about the origin of Indo-Aryan peoples in northern India is highly controversial relating to the
indigenous origin of peoples and culture, thus inflaming political agitation and sentiments. Throughout the
evolution of the theory, many have rejected the claim of Indo-Aryan origin outside of India entirely, claiming
that the Indo-Aryan people and languages originated in India.

1 Development of the Aryan Migration Theory
2 Scenarios
2.1 Anatolia - Hittites and Mittani
2.2 North-India - Vedic culture
2.2.1 Migration into northern India
2.2.2 Spread of Vedic-Brahmanic culture
3 Linguistic evidence
3.1 Language
3.1.1 Diversity
3.1.2 Dialectical variation
3.1.3 Substrate influence
3.2 Textual references
3.2.1 Mitanni
3.2.2 Rigveda Views on Rigvedic society (pastoral or urban?) Views on Rigvedic reference to migration Rigvedic Rivers and Reference of Samudra
3.2.3 Srauta Sutra of Baudhayana
3.2.4 Iranian Avesta
3.2.5 Later Vedic and Hindu texts Vedic Puranas
4 Archaeological evidence
4.1 Population movements
4.2 Associated cultures

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4.2.1 Andronovo
4.2.2 Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC)
4.2.3 Gandhara grave culture
4.3 Indus Valley Civilization
4.3.1 Continuity
4.3.2 Decline of Indus Valley Civilisation
5 Genetic evidence
5.1 Pre-Holocene origins
5.2 Aryan migrations
5.3 Ethno-linguistics
6 Controversy
6.1 Dravidian response
6.2 Hindu nationalism
6.3 Racism
7 Concurring views
7.1 "Indigenous Aryans"
7.1.1 Shaffer - Continuity
7.1.2 Lal - Fire altars
7.2 Out of India Theory
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
11 Sources
11.1 Published sources
11.2 Web-sources
12 External links

Development of the Aryan Migration Theory

In 19th century Indo-European studies, the language of the Rigveda was the most archaic Indo-European
language known to scholars, indeed the only records of Indo-European that could reasonably claim to date to
the Bronze Age. This "primacy" of Sanskrit inspired some scholars, such as Friedrich Schlegel, to assume that
the locus of the Proto-Indo-European Urheimat (primary homeland) had been in India, with the other dialects
spread to the west by historical migration. This was however never a mainstream position even in the 19th
century. Most scholars assumed a homeland either in Europe or in Western Asia, and Sanskrit must in this
case have reached India by a language transfer from west to east, in a movement described in terms of
invasion by 19th century scholars such as Max Mller. With the 20th century discovery of Bronze-Age
attestations of Indo-European (Anatolian, Mycenaean Greek), Vedic Sanskrit lost its special status as the
most archaic Indo-European language known.[3][4]
The Indus Valley civilization (IVC) was discovered in the 1920s. The discovery of the Harappa,
Mohenjo-daro and Lothal sites changed the theory from a migration of "advanced" Aryan people towards a
"primitive" aboriginal population to a migration of nomadic people into an advanced urban civilization,
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comparable to the Germanic migrations after the Fall of Rome, or the Kassite invasion of Babylonia. The
decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation at precisely the period in history for which the Indo-Aryan migration
had been assumed, provides independent support of the linguistic scenario. This argument is associated with
the mid-20th century archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler, who interpreted the presence of many unburied
corpses found in the top levels of Mohenjo-daro as the victims of conquest wars, and who famously stated
that the god "Indra stands accused" of the destruction of the Civilisation. Despite, no evidences were found,
and the skeletons were found to be hasty interments, not massacred victims.[5]
In the later 20th century, ideas were refined along with data accrual, and migration and acculturation were
seen as the methods whereby Indo-Aryans spread into northwest India around 1500 BC. These changes were
thought to be in line with changes in thinking about language transfer in general, such as the migration of the
Greeks into Greece (between 2100 and 1600 BC) and their adoption of a syllabic script, Linear B, from the
pre-existing Linear A, with the purpose of writing Mycenaean Greek, or the Indo-Europeanization of Western
Europe (in stages between 2200 and 1300 BC).

The Indo-Aryan migration was part of
the Indo-Iranian migrations from the
Andronovo culture into Anatolia, Iran
and South-Asia. Indo-Iranian peoples
are a grouping of ethnic groups
consisting of the Indo-Aryan, Iranian,
Dardic and Nuristani peoples; that is,
speakers of Indo-Iranian languages, a
major branch of the Indo-European
language family. The ProtoIndo-Iranians are commonly identified
with the descendants of the ProtoIndo-Europeans known as the Sintashta
culture and the subsequent Andronovo
culture within the broader Andronovo
horizon, and their homeland with an
area of the Eurasian steppe that borders
the Ural River on the west, the Tian
Shan on the east.
The Indo-Iranian migrations took place
in two waves.[7][8] The first wave
consisted of a migration into Anatolia,
founding the Hittite empire and Mittani
kingdom, and a migration southeastward, over the Hindu Kush into
northern India. The second wave

Spread of Indo-European languages

Indo-European languages ca. 3500 BC

Indo-European languages ca. 2500 BC

Anatolia - Hittites and Mittani

They left linguistic remains in a Hittite
horse-training manual written by one
"Kikkuli the Mitannian". Other
evidence is found in references to the
names of Mitanni rulers and the gods
they swore by in treaties; these remains
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are found in the archives of the

Mitanni's neighbors. The time period
for this is about 1500 BC.[9] In a treaty
between the Hittites and the Mitanni,
the deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and
Nasatya (Ashvins) are invoked.
Kikkuli's horse training text includes
technical terms such as aika (eka, one),
tera (tri, three), panza (pancha, five;
compare with Gr. pente), satta (sapta,
seven), na (nava, nine; compare with
Lat. novem), vartana (vartana, turn,
round in the horse race; compare with
Lat. vertere, vortex). The numeral aika
"one" is of particular importance
because it places the superstrate in the
vicinity of Indo-Aryan proper as
opposed to Indo-Iranian or early
Iranian (which has "aiva") in

North-India - Vedic culture

Indo-European languages ca. 1500 BC

Indo-European languages ca. 500 BC

Migration into northern India

The standard model for the entry of the
Indo-European languages into India is
that Indo-Aryan migrants went over the
Hindu Kush, forming the Gandhara
grave (or Swat) culture, either into the
headwaters of the Indus or the Ganges
(probably both). The Gandhara grave
culture is thus the most likely locus of
the earliest bearers of Rigvedic culture,
and based on this Parpola (1998)
assumes an immigration to the Punjab
ca. 1700-1400 BC, but he also
postulates a first wave of immigration
from as early as 1900 BC,
corresponding to the Cemetery H
culture. [note 1]

Indo-European languages ca. 500 AD

Indo-Aryan migration

Kochhar argues that there were three

waves of Indo-Aryan immigration that
occurred after the mature Harappan
1. the "Murghamu" (BMAC)
related people who entered
Baluchistan at Pirak, Mehrgarh
south cemetery, etc. and later

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merged with the post-urban

Harappans during the late
Harappans Jhukar phase
(2000-1800 BCE);
2. the Swat IV that co-founded the
Harappan Cemetery H phase in
Punjab (2000-1800 BCE);
3. and the Rigvedic Indo-Aryans of
Swat V that later absorbed the
Cemetery H people and gave rise
to the Painted Grey Ware culture
(to 1400 BCE).
Among proponents of Indo-Aryan
origin outside of the Indian
Subcontinent, there is varying opinion
on whether the migrants originated
Indic literature such as the Rig
Veda,[12] cultural and social constructs
such as caste,[13] and technology such
as chariots[14] and weaponry.

Scheme of Indo-European migrations from ca. 4000 to 1000 BCE

according to the Kurgan hypothesis. The magenta area corresponds to
the assumed Urheimat (Samara culture, Sredny Stog culture). The red
area corresponds to the area which may have been settled by
Indo-European-speaking peoples up to ca. 2500 BCE; the orange area
to 1000 BCE.[6]

Spread of Vedic-Brahmanic culture

Historical spread of the chariot. Dates given in image are approximate

BC years.

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Indo-European isoglosses, including the centum and satem languages

(blue and red, respectively), augment, PIE *-tt- > -ss-, *-tt- > -st-, and

Frequency distribution of R1a1a, also known as R-M17 and R-M198,

adapted from Underhill et al. (2009).

The development of the Kurgan culture according to Marija Gimbutas'

Kurgan hypothesis.

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Map of the approximate maximal extent of the Andronovo culture. The

formative Sintashta-Petrovka culture is shown in darker red. The
location of the earliest spoke-wheeled chariot finds is indicated in
purple. Adjacent and overlapping cultures (Afanasevo culture, Srubna
culture, BMAC) are shown in green.

Archaeological cultures associated with Indo-Iranian migrations (after

EIEC). The Andronovo, BMAC and Yaz cultures have often been
associated with Indo-Iranian migrations. The GGC, Cemetery H,
Copper Hoard and PGW cultures are candidates for cultures associated
with Indo-Aryan movements.

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Geography of the Rigveda, with river names; the extent of the Swat and
Cemetery H cultures are indicated.

Map of Vedic age.

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During the Early Vedic Period (ca.1500-800

BCE[web 1]) the Vedic culture was centered in the
northern Punjab, or Sapta Sindhu.[web 1] During
the Later Vedic Period (ca.800-500 BCE[web 2])
the Vedic culture started to extend into the
western Ganges Plain,[web 2] centering around
Kuru and Panchala,[15] and had some
influence[16] at the central Ganges Plain after 500
BCE.[web 3] Sixteen Mahajanapada developed at
the Ganges Plain, of which the Kuru and
Panchala became the most notable developed
centers of Vedic culture, at the western Ganges
Plain[web 2][15]

Map of northern India in the later Vedic age. River Indus is

shown by its Sanskrit name Sindhu. The location of Vedic
shakhas is labelled in green. Thar desert is in orange.

The Central Ganges Plain, were Magadha gained

prominence, forming the base of the Mauryan
Empire, was a distinct cultural area,[17] with new
states arising after 500 BCE[web 3] during the socalled "Second urbanisation".[18][note 2] It was influenced by
the Vedic culture,[16] but differed markedly from the Kuru-Panchala region.[17] It "was the area of the
earliest known cultivation of rice in South Asia and by 1800 BCE was the location of an advanced neolitgic
population associated with the sites of Chirand and Chechar".[19] In this regio the Shramanic movements
flourished, and Jainism and Buddhism originated.[15][note 3]

Linguistic evidence
Contemporary claims of Indo-Aryan migrations are drawn from linguistic,[1] literary, cultural, archaeological
and genetic[2] sources.
Accumulated linguistic evidence points to the Indo-Aryan languages as intrusive into South Asia, some time
in the 2nd millennium BC. The language of the Rigveda, the earliest stratum of Vedic Sanskrit, is assigned to
about 15001200 BC.[20]

According to the linguistic center of gravity principle, the most likely point of origin of a language family is in
the area of its greatest diversity.[21] By this criterion, India, home to only a single branch of the
Indo-European language family (i. e., Indo-Aryan), is an exceedingly unlikely candidate for the
Indo-European homeland, compared to Central-Eastern Europe, for example, which is home to the Italic,
Venetic, Illyrian, Albanian, Germanic, Baltic, Slavic, Thracian and Greek branches of Indo-European.[22]
Both mainstream Urheimat solutions locate the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the vicinity of the Black
Dialectical variation

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It has been recognized since the mid-19th century,

beginning with Schmidt and Schuchardt, that a binary
tree model cannot capture all linguistic alignments;
certain areal features cut across language groups and
are better explained through a model treating linguistic
change like waves rippling out through a pond. This is
true of the Indo-European languages as well. Various
features originated and spread while ProtoIndo-European was still a dialect continuum.[24] These
features sometimes cut across sub-families: for
instance, the instrumental, dative and ablative plurals
in Germanic and Balto-Slavic feature endings
beginning with -m-, rather than the usual -*bh-, e.g.
Old Church Slavonic instrumental plural syn-mi 'with
sons',[25] despite the fact that the Germanic languages
are centum, while Balto-Slavic languages are satem.

Indo-European isoglosses, including the centum and

satem languages (blue and red, respectively), augment,
PIE *-tt- > -ss-, *-tt- > -st-, and m-endings.

The strong correspondence between the dialectical relationships of the Indo-European languages and their
actual geographical arrangement in their earliest attested forms makes an Indian origin for the family
Substrate influence
Dravidian and other South Asian languages share with Indo-Aryan a number of syntactical and morphological
features that are alien to other Indo-European languages, including even its closest relative, Old Iranian.
Phonologically, there is the introduction of retroflexes, which alternate with dentals in Indo-Aryan;
morphologically there are the gerunds; and syntactically there is the use of a quotative marker ("iti").[note 4]
These are taken as evidence of substratum influence.
It has been argued that Dravidian influenced Indic through "shift", whereby native Dravidian speakers
learned and adopted Indic languages. The presence of Dravidian structural features in Old Indo-Aryan is thus
plausibly explained, that the majority of early Old Indo-Aryan speakers had a Dravidian mother tongue which
they gradually abandoned.[27] Even though the innovative traits in Indic could be explained by multiple
internal explanations, early Dravidian influence is the only explanation that can account for all of the
innovations at once it becomes a question of explanatory parsimony; moreover, early Dravidian influence
accounts for the several of the innovative traits in Indic better than any internal explanation that has been
A pre-Indo-European linguistic substratum in South Asia would be a good reason to exclude India as a
potential Indo-European homeland.[29] However, several linguists, all of whom accept the external origin of
the Aryan languages on other grounds, are still open to considering the evidence as internal developments
rather than the result of substrate influences,[30] or as adstratum effects.[31]

Textual references
The earliest written evidence for an Indo-Aryan language is found not in India, but in northern Syria in Hittite
records regarding one of their neighbors, the Hurrian-speaking Mitanni. In a treaty with the Hittites, the king
of Mitanni, after swearing by a series of Hurrian gods, swears by the gods Mitrail, Uruvanail, Indara, and
Naatianna, who correspond to the Vedic gods Mitra, Varua, Indra, and Nsatya (Avin). Contemporary
equestrian terminology, as recorded in a horse-training manual whose author is identified as "Kikkuli the
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Mitannian," contains Indo-Aryan loanwords. The personal names and gods of the Mitanni aristocracy also
bear significant traces of Indo-Aryan. Because of the association of Indo-Aryan with horsemanship and the
Mitanni aristocracy, it is presumed that, after superimposing themselves as rulers on a native Hurrianspeaking population about the 15th-16th centuries BC, Indo-Aryan charioteers were absorbed into the local
population and adopted the Hurrian language.[32]
Brentjes argues that there is not a single cultural element of central Asian, eastern European, or Caucasian
origin in the Mitannian area; he also associates with an Indo-Aryan presence the peacock motif found in the
Middle East from before 1600 BC and quite likely from before 2100 BC.[33]
Most scholars reject the possibility that the Indo-Aryans of Mitanni came from the Indian subcontinent as
well as the possibility that the Indo-Aryans of the Indian subcontinent came from the territory of Mitanni,
leaving migration from the north the only likely scenario.[note 5] The presence of some BMAC loan words in
Mitanni, Old Iranian and Vedic further strengthens this scenario.[35]
The Rigveda is by far the most archaic testimony of
Vedic Sanskrit. Bryant suggests that the Rigveda
represents a pastoral or nomadic, mobile culture,[12]
centered on the Indo-Iranian Soma cult and fire
worship. The purpose of hymns of the Rigveda is
ritualistic, not historiographical or ethnographical, and
any information about the way of life or the habitat of
their authors is incidental and philologically
extrapolated from the context.[note 6] Nevertheless,
Rigvedic data must be used, cautiously, as they are the
earliest available textual evidence from India.
Views on Rigvedic society (pastoral or urban?)

Geography of the Rigveda, with river names; the extent

of the Swat and Cemetery H cultures are indicated.

Fortifications (pr), mostly made of mud and wood

(palisades)[36] are mentioned in the Rigveda. prs
sometimes refer to the abode of hostile peoples, but can also suggest settlements of Aryans themselves.
Aryan tribes have more often been mentioned to live in v, a term translated as "settlement, homestead,
house, dwelling", but also "community, tribe, troops".[note 7] Indra in particular is described as destroyer of
fortifications, e.g. RV 4.30.20ab:
satm asmanmyinm / purm ndro v asiyat
"Indra overthrew a hundred fortresses of stone."
This has led some scholars to believe that the civilization of Aryans was not an urban one.
However, the Rigveda is seen by some as containing phrases referring to elements of an urban civilization,
other than the mere viewpoint of an invader aiming at sacking the fortresses. For example, in Griffith's
translation of the Rigveda, Indra is compared to the lord of a fortification (prpati) in RV 1.173.10,[web 4]
while quotations such as a ship with a hundred oars in 1.116.5[web 5] and metal forts (puras ayasis) in
10.101.8 all occur in mythological contexts only.[web 6]
There are other views such as, according to Gupta (as quoted in Bryant 2001:190), "ancient civilizations had
both the components, the village and the city, and numerically villages were many times more than the cities.
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(...) if the Vedic literature reflects primarily the village life and not the urban life, it does not at all surprise
us.". Gregory Possehl (as cited in Bryant 2001:195) argued that the "extraordinary empty spaces between the
Harappan settlement clusters" indicates that pastoralists may have "formed the bulk of the population during
Harappan times".
Views on Rigvedic reference to migration

Talageri speculates that some of the tribes that fought against king Sudas and his army on the banks of the
Parusni River during the Dasarajna battle have migrated to western countries in later times,[37] as they are
connected with what he assumes are Iranian peoples (e.g. the Pakthas, Bhalanas).[38]
Just like the Avesta does not mention an external homeland of the Zoroastrians, the Rigveda does not
explicitly refer to an external homeland[39] or to a migration.[40][note 8] Later texts than the Rigveda (such as
the Brahmanas, the Mahabharata, Ramayana and the Puranas) are more centered in the Haryana and Ganges
region. This shift from the Punjab to the Gangetic plain continues the Rigvedic tendency of eastward
Rigvedic Rivers and Reference of Samudra

The geography of the Rigveda seems to be centered around the

land of the seven rivers. While the geography of the Rigvedic
rivers is unclear in some of the early books of the Rigveda, the
Nadistuti hymn is an important source for the geography of late
Rigvedic society.
The Sarasvati River is one of the chief Rigvedic rivers. The
Nadistuti hymn in the Rigveda mentions the Sarasvati between
the Yamuna in the east and the Sutlej in the west, and later texts
like the Brahmanas and Mahabharata mention that the Sarasvati
dried up in a desert.[41]
Most scholars agree that at least some of the references to the
Cluster of Indus Valley Civilization site
Sarasvati in the Rigveda refer to the Ghaggar-Hakra River,[42]
along the course of the Indus River in
while the Afghan river Haraxvaiti/Harauvati Helmand is
Pakistan. See this ([43] for a
sometimes quoted as the locus of the early Rigvedic river.
more detailed map.
Whether such a transfer of the name has taken place from the
Helmand to the Ghaggar-Hakra is a matter of dispute.
Identification of the early Rigvedic Sarasvati with the Ghaggar-Hakra before its assumed drying up early in
the second millennium would place the Rigveda BC,[web 7] well outside the range commonly assumed by
Indo-Aryan migration theory.
A non-Indo-Aryan substratum in the river-names and place-names of the Rigvedic homeland would support
an external origin of the Indo-Aryans. However, most place-names in the Rigveda and the vast majority of
the river-names in the north-west of South Asia are Indo-Aryan.[44] Non-Indo-Aryan names are, however,
frequent in the Ghaggar and Kabul River areas,[45] the first being a post-Harappan stronghold of Indus
Srauta Sutra of Baudhayana
According to Romila Thapar, the Srauta Sutra of Baudhayana...
... refers to the Parasus and the arattas who stayed behind and others who moved eastwards to
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the middle Ganges valley and the places equivalent such as the Kasi, the Videhas and the Kuru
Pancalas, and so on. In fact, when one looks for them, there are evidence for migration.[web 8]
Kalpasutra notes that Pururavas had two sons by Urvasi, named Ayus and Amavasu, Ayus went east and
Amavasu went west.[web 8]
Iranian Avesta
The religious practices depicted in the Rgveda and those depicted in the Avesta, the central religious text of
Zoroastrianismthe ancient Iranian faith founded by the prophet Zarathustrahave in common the deity
Mitra, priests called hot in the Rgveda and zaotar in the Avesta, and the use of a hallucinogenic compound
that the Rgveda calls soma and the Avesta haoma. However, the Indo-Aryan deva 'god' is cognate with the
Iranian dava 'demon'. Similarly, the Indo-Aryan asura 'name of a particular group of gods' (later on, 'demon')
is cognate with the Iranian ahura 'lord, god,' which 19th and early 20th century authors such as Burrow
explained as a reflection of religious rivalry between Indo-Aryans and Iranians.[46]
Most linguists such as Burrow argue that the strong similarity between the Avestan language of the
Gthsthe oldest part of the Avestaand the Vedic Sanskrit of the Rgveda pushes the dating of Zarathustra
or at least the Gathas closer to the conventional Rgveda dating of 15001200 BC, i.e. 1100 BC, possibly
earlier. Boyce concurs with a lower date of 1100 BC and tentatively proposes an upper date of 1500 BC.
Gnoli dates the Gathas to around 1000 BC, as does Mallory (1989), with the caveat of a 400 year leeway on
either side, i.e. between 1400 and 600 BC. Therefore the date of the Avesta could also indicate the date of
the Rigveda.[47]
There is mention in the Avesta of Airyanm Vajah, one of the '16 the lands of the Aryans' as well as
Zarathustra himself. Gnoli's interpretation of geographic references in the Avesta situates the Airyanem
Vaejah in the Hindu Kush. For similar reasons, Boyce excludes places north of the Syr Darya and western
Iranian places. With some reservations, Skjaervo concurs that the evidence of the Avestan texts makes it
impossible to avoid the conclusion that they were composed somewhere in northeastern Iran. Witzel points to
the central Afghan highlands. Humbach derives Vajah from cognates of the Vedic root "vij," suggesting the
region of fast-flowing rivers. Gnoli considers Choresmia (Xvairizem), the lower Oxus region, south of the
Aral Sea to be an outlying area in the Avestan world. However, according to Mallory & Mair (2000), the
probable homeland of Avestan is, in fact, the area south of the Aral Sea.[48]
Later Vedic and Hindu texts
Texts like the Puranas and Mahabharata belong to a much later period than the Rigveda, making their
evidence less than sufficient to be used for or against the Indo-Aryan migration theory.

Later Vedic texts show a shift of location from the Panjab to the East: according to the Yajur Veda,
Yajnavalkya (a Vedic ritualist and philosopher) lived in the eastern region of Mithila.[49] Aitareya Brahmana
33.6.1. records that Vishvamitra's sons migrated to the north, and in Shatapatha Brahmana 1:2:4:10 the
Asuras were driven to the north.[50] In much later texts, Manu was said to be a king from Dravida.[51] In the
legend of the flood he stranded with his ship in Northwestern India or the Himalayas.[52] The Vedic lands
(e.g. Aryavarta, Brahmavarta) are located in Northern India or at the Sarasvati and Drsadvati River.[53]
However, in a post-Vedic text the Mahabharata Udyoga Parva (108), the East is described as the homeland of
the Vedic culture, where "the divine Creator of the universe first sang the Vedas."[54] The legends of
Ikshvaku, Sumati and other Hindu legends may have their origin in South-East Asia.[55]

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The Puranas record that Yayati left Prayag (confluence of the Ganges & Yamuna) and conquered the region
of Sapta Sindhu.[56] His five sons Yadu, Druhyu, Puru, Anu and Turvashu correspond to the main tribes of
the Rigveda.
The Puranas also record that the Druhyus were driven out of the land of the seven rivers by Mandhatr and
that their next king Gandhara settled in a north-western region which became known as Gandhara. The sons
of the later Druhyu king Pracetas are supposed by some to have 'migrated' to the region north of Afghanistan
though the Puranic texts only speak of an "adjacent" settlement.[57][58]

Archaeological evidence
Attempts have been made to supplement the linguistic
evidence with archaeological data.[59] Erdosy notes that
... combining the discoveries of archaeology and
linguistics has been complicated by mutual ignorance
of the aims, complexity and limitations of the
respective disciplines.[60]
The two disciplines focus on two different problems:
linguistics tries to explain the linguistic map of south Asia,
while archaeology tries to understand the transition between
the Indus Valley Civilisation and the Gangetic
The extent of the BMAC (after EIEC).
Civilisations.[61] Archaeological artifacts may not prove or
disprove migrations an sich,[note 9] and it may not be possible
to identify language within material culture,[62] but archaeological remains can reflect cultural and societal
change,[62] which may correspond to changes in the population:
Evidence in material culture for systems collapse, abandonement of old beliefs and large-scale, if
localised, population shifts in response to ecological catastrophe in the 2nd millennium B.C. must
all now be related to the spread of Indo-Aryan languages.[62]
According to Erdosy, the postulated movements within Central Asia can be placed within a processional
framework, replacing simplistic concepts of "diffusion", "migrations" and "invasions".[63]

Population movements
Erdosy, testing hypotheses derived from linguistic evidence against hypotheses derived from arcaeological
data,[60] states that there is no evidence of "invasions by a barbaric race enjoying technological and military
superiority",[64] but
...some support was found in the archaeological record for small-scale migrations from Central to
South Asia in the late 3rd/early 2nd millennia BC."[59]
Shaffer & Lichtenstein contend that in the second millennium BCE considerable "location processes" took
place. In the eastern Punjab 79,9% and in Gujarat 96% of sites changed settlement status. According to
Shaffer & Lichtenstein,
It is evident that a major geographic population shift accompanied this 2nd millennium BCE

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localisation process. This shift by Harappan and, perhaps, other Indus Valley cultural mosaic
groups, is the only archaeologically documented west-to-east movement of human populations in
South Asia before the first half of the first millennium B.C.[65]

Associated cultures
The Andronovo, BMAC and Yaz cultures have been associated with Indo-Iranian migrations, with separation
of Indo-Aryans proper from Proto-Indo-Iranians dated to roughly 20001800 BC. The Gandhara Grave,
Cemetery H, Copper Hoard and Painted Grey Ware cultures are candidates for subsequent cultures
associated with Indo-Aryan movements, their arrival in the Indian subcontinent being dated to the Late
Harappan period.
It is believed that Indo-Aryans reached Assyria in the west and the Punjab in the east before 1500 BC: the
Hurrite speaking Mitanni rulers, influenced by Indo-Aryan, appear from 1500 in northern Mesopotamia, and
the Gandhara grave culture emerges from 1600. This suggests that Indo-Aryan tribes would have had to be
present in the area of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (southern Turkmenistan/northern
Afghanistan) from 1700 BC at the latest (incidentally corresponding with the decline of that culture).
The conventional identification of the Andronovo culture as
Indo-Iranian is disputed by those who point to the absence south of
the Oxus River of the characteristic timber graves of the
Based on its use by Indo-Aryans in Mitanni and Vedic India, its
prior absence in the Near East and Harappan India, and its 19-20th
century BC attestation at the Andronovo site of Sintashta,
Kuzmina (1994) argues that the chariot corroborates the
identification of Andronovo as Indo-Iranian. Klejn (1974) and
Brentjes (1981) find the Andronovo culture much too late for an
Indo-Iranian identification since chariot-wielding Aryans appear in
Mitanni by the 15th to 16th century BC. However, Anthony &
Vinogradov (1995) dated a chariot burial at Krivoye Lake to about
2000 BC and a BMAC burial that also contains a foal has recently
been found, indicating further links with the steppes.[14]

early 2nd millennium introduction of the

chariot to India is consistent with the
overall picture of the spread of this
innovation (Mesopotamia 1700, China
1600, N Europe 1300).

Mallory (as cited in Bryant 2001:216) admits the extraordinary difficulty of making a case for expansions
from Andronovo to northern India, and that attempts to link the Indo-Aryans to such sites as the Beshkent
and Vakhsh cultures "only gets the Indo-Iranian to Central Asia, but not as far as the seats of the Medes,
Persians or Indo-Aryans". However he has also developed the "kulturkugel" model that has the Indo-Iranians
taking over BMAC cultural traits but preserving their language and religion while moving into Iran and India.
Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC)
Some scholars have suggested that the characteristically BMAC artifacts found at burials in Mehrgarh and
Baluchistan are explained by a movement of peoples from Central Asia to the south.[67]
Jarrige and Hassan (as cited in Bryant 2001:215216) argue instead that the BMAC artifacts are explained
"within the framework of fruitful intercourse" by "a wide distribution of common beliefs and ritual practices"
and "the economic dynamism of the area extending from South-Central Asia to the Indus Valley."
Either way, the exclusively Central Asian BMAC material inventory of the Mehrgarh and Baluchistan burials
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is, in the words of Bryant (2001:215), "evidence of an archaeological intrusion into the subcontinent from
Central Asia during the commonly accepted time frame for the arrival of the Indo-Aryans". However,
archaeologists like B.B. Lal have seriously questioned the BMAC and Indo-Iranian "connections", and
thoroughly disputed all the proclaimed relations.[web 9]
Gandhara grave culture
About 1800 BC, there is a major cultural change in the
Swat Valley with the emergence of the Gandhara
grave culture. With its introduction of new ceramics,
new burial rites, and the horse, the Gandhara grave
culture is a major candidate for early Indo-Aryan
presence. The two new burial ritesflexed
inhumation in a pit and cremation burial in an
urnwere, according to early Vedic literature, both
practiced in early Indo-Aryan society. Horse-trappings
indicate the importance of the horse to the economy
of the Gandharan grave culture. Two horse burials
indicate the importance of the horse in other respects.
Horse burial is a custom that Gandharan grave culture
has in common with Andronovo, though not within the
distinctive timber-frame graves of the steppe.[68]

Geography of the Rig Vedic culture, with river names;

the extent of the Swat and Cemetery H cultures are also

Indus Valley Civilization

Indo-Aryan migration into the northern Punjab is approximately contemporaneous to the final phase of the
decline of the Indus-Valley civilization (IVC).
According to Erdosy, the ancient Harappans were not markedly different from modern populations in
Northwestern India and present-day Pakistan. Craniometric data showed similarity with prehistoric peoples
of the Iranian plateau and Western Asia,[note 10] although Mohenjodaro was distinct from the other areas of
the Indus Valley.[note 11] [note 12]
Many scholars have argued that the historical Vedic culture is the result of an amalgamation of the
immigrating Indo-Aryans with the remnants of the indigenous civilization, such as the Ochre Coloured
Pottery culture. Such remnants of IVC culture are not prominent in the Rigveda, with its focus on chariot
warfare and nomadic pastoralism in stark contrast with an urban civilization.
Decline of Indus Valley Civilisation
The decline of the IVC from about 1900 BC is not universally accepted to be connected with Indo-Aryan
immigration. A regional cultural discontinuity occurred during the second millennium BC and many Indus
Valley cities were abandoned during this period, while many new settlements began to appear in Gujarat and
East Punjab and other settlements such as in the western Bahawalpur region increased in size.
Kenoyer notes that the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation is not explained by Aryan migrations,
[71][note 13]
which took place after the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation.
According to Kennedy, there is no evidence of "demographic disruptions" after the decline of the Harappa
culture.[72][note 14] Kenoyer notes that no biological evidence can be found for major new populations in
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post-Harappan communities.[73][note 15] Hemphill notes that "patterns of phonetic affinity" between Bactria
and the Indus Valley Civilisation are best explained by "a pattern of long-standing, but low-level bidirectional
mutual exchange."[note 16]

Genetic evidence
The Austro-Asiatic tribals are hypothesized to have been the earliest inhabitants of India, while incoming
Indo-European tribes may have displaced Dravidian-speaking tribals southward. However, the study's authors
posit that a major influx into India occurred from the Northeast as well. It has also been noted that there is an
underlying unity of present-day female lineages in India, and that historical gene flow has led to the
obliteration of congruence between genetic and cultural affinities.

Pre-Holocene origins
Some reports emphasize the finding that tribal and caste populations in South Asia derive largely from a
common maternal heritage of Pleistocene southern and western Asians, with only limited gene flow from
external regions since the start of the Holocene.[74][75][note 17][note 18] A 2011 genetic study "confirmed the
existence of a general principal component cline stretching from Europe to south India." They also concluded
that the Indian populations are characterized by two major ancestry components, one of which is spread at
comparable frequency and haplotype diversity in populations of South and West Asia and the Caucasus. The
second component is more restricted to South Asia and accounts for more than 50% of the ancestry in Indian
populations. Haplotype diversity associated with these South Asian ancestry components is significantly
higher than that of the components dominating the West Eurasian ancestry palette. Modeling of the observed
haplotype diversities suggests that both Indian ancestry components are older than the purported Indo-Aryan
invasion 3,500 YBP[web 11]

Aryan migrations
This finding alone does not rule out the possibility of an elitist and/or male-predominant Aryan invasion of
the Indian subcontinent as in fact the patterns of historical conquest and migration are ultimately reflected in
terms of sex-biased admixture, with the mitochondrial heritage being more stable and of more local origin and
the Y-chromosomal heritage reflecting an external influence upon the population genetic structure, as can be
seen in not only such regions as South Asia,[web 12] but also in such regions as Northeastern Africa (Semitic Y
chromosomes vs. Niger-Kordofanian mtDNA)[web 13] and Latin America (Iberian Y chromosomes vs.
Amerindian mtDNA).[web 14] Furthermore, the majority of researchers have found significant evidence in
support of Indo-European migration and even "elite dominance" of the northern half of the Indian
subcontinent, usually pointing to three separate lines of evidence:[web 15]
the previously widespread distribution of Dravidian speakers, now confined to the south of India;
the fact that upper caste Brahmins share a close genetic affinity with West Eurasians, whereas low
caste Indians tend to have more in common with aboriginals or East Asians;
and the comparatively recent introgression of West Eurasian DNA into the aboriginal population of the
post-Neolithic Indo-Gangetic plain.[web 15][web 16][web 17]
Other studies also claim that there is genetic evidence in support of the traditional hypothesis of Indo-Aryan
migration. Basu et al. argue that the Indian subcontinent was subjected to a series of massive Indo-European
migrations about 1500 BC.[web 18] In the case of paternal-line Y-chromosome DNA, the Indo-Aryan
migration is associated with the R1a haplogroup, especially the R1a1a subgroup, which clusters in Eastern
Europe and the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, and nicely dovetails with the observed similarities

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between Lithuanian and Sanskrit, and more broadly, satem languages as a whole. The strongest such claims,
though, are based upon studies of autosomal DNA, not only Y DNA. Several such studies have isolated two
major components of ancestry amongst Indians, one being more common in the south, and amongst lower
castes, and the other more common amongst upper caste Indians, Indians speaking Indo-European languages,
and also Indians living in the northwest. This second component is shared with populations from the Middle
East, Europe and Central Asia, and is thought to represent at least one ancient influx of people from the
northwest.[web 18] According to one researcher, there is "a major genetic contribution from Eurasia to North
Indian upper castes" and a "greater genetic inflow among North Indian caste populations than is observed
among South Indian caste and tribal populations." [web 19]
A more recent study has provided support for an influx of Indo-European migrants into the Indian
subcontinent, but not necessarily an "invasion of any kind", further corroborating the findings of previous
investigators, such as Bamshad et al. (2001), Wells et al. (2002) and Basu et al. (2003).

The terms North Indian and South Indian are ethno-linguistic categories, with North Indian corresponding to
Indo-European-speaking peoples and South Indian corresponding to Dravidian-speaking; however, because
of admixture, these two groups often overlap.[web 20][web 21] Certain sample populations of upper caste
North Indians show affinity to Central Asian caucasians, whereas southern Indian Brahmins' relationship is
further.[web 19][web 22]
Language change resulting from the migration of numerically small superstrate groups would be difficult to
trace genetically. Historically attested events, such as invasions by Huns, Greeks, Kushans, Mughals and
modern Europeans, may have had negligible genetic impact, and if they did it can be hard to trace it. For
example, despite centuries of Greek rule in Northwest India, no trace of either the I-M170 or the E-M35 Y
DNA paternal haplogroups associated with Greek and Macedonian males lines have been found.[74] On the
other hand, evidence of E-M35 and J-M12, another supposed Greek or Balkan marker, has been found in
three Pakistani populations the Burusho, Kalash and Pathan who claim descent from Greek soldiers.[76]

The debate about the origin of Indo-Aryan peoples is highly controversial, relating to the indigenous origin of
peoples and culture, thus inflaming political agitation and sentiments.

Dravidian response
The Dravidian Movement bases much of its identity on the idea of the indigenous origin of Dravidians as
opposed to transgressing Indo-Aryans.[77] This in turn lead to further responses from Indian nationalists:
From a nationalist point of view, it is clear that the concept of an Aryan-Dravidian divide is
pernicious to the unity of the Hindu state, and an important aim for Hindutva and neo-Hindu
scholarship is therefor to introduce a counter-narrative to the one presented by Western
academic scholarship.[78][note 19]

Hindu nationalism
Nationalistic movements in India oppose the idea that Hinduism has partly endogenous origins.[1][79]
[80][note 20]
For the founders of the contemporary Hindutva movement, the Aryan migration theory presented
a problem.
The Hindutva-notion that the Hindu-culture originated in India was threatened by the notion

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that the Aryans originated outside India.[81] Later Indian writers regarded the Aryan migration theory to be a
product of colonialism, aimed to denigrate Hindus.[82] According to them, Hindus had existed in India from
times immemorial, as expressed by Golwalkar:[82]
Undoubtedly ... we Hindus have been in undisputed and undisturbed possession of this land for
over 8 or even 10 thousand years before the land was invaded by any foreign race. (Golwakar
[1939] 1944)[82][note 21][note 23]

The debate inflames issues around racism and the idea of race, as the origin of the theory was intertwined
with the desire of many in the Western world to find the origin of a pure Aryan race, the division of castes by
racial basis, and the idea of an Indo-Aryan and Dravidian relating to language families rather than

Concurring views
According to Bryant, archaeologists in India remain quite skeptical:
The vast majority of professional archaeologists I interviewed in India insisted that there was no
convincing archaeological evidence whatsoever to support any claims of external Indo-Aryan
origins. This is part of a wider trend: archaeologists working outside of South Asia are voicing
similar views.[97]
Within India, alternative visions on the origins of the Aryan language and culture have been developed,
which emphasize indigenous origins.[1] They are rejected by mainstream scholars, since they neglect
linguistic research,[1] and are contradicted by a broad range of research on Indo-European migration.[98]

"Indigenous Aryans"
The notion of Indigenous Aryans posits that speakers of Indo-Aryan languages are "indigenous" to the Indian
subcontinent. Scholars like Jim G. Shaffer and B.B. Lal note the absence of archaeological remains of an
Aryan "conquest", and the high degree of physical continuity between Harappan and Post-Harappan
society.[web 24] They support the controversial[web 24] theory that the Aryan civilization was not introduced
by Aryan migrations, but originated in pre-Vedic India.[web 24]
Shaffer - Continuity
Jim Shaffer has noted several problems with the arguments that the ancient Harappans were Aryans.[99]
According to Shaffer, archaeological evidence consistent with a mass population movement, or an invasion of
South Asia in the pre- or proto- historic periods, has not been found. Instead, Shaffer proposes a series of
cultural changes reflecting indigenous cultural developments from prehistoric to historic periods.[100][note 24]
Shaffer contends:
There were no invasions from central or western South Asia. Rather there were several internal
cultural adjustments reflecting altered ecological, social and economic conditions affecting
northwestern and north-central South Asia.[102][note 9]
Lal - Fire altars

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Lal notes that at Kalibangan (at the Ghaggar river) the remains of what some writers claim to be fire altars
have been unearthed that are claimed to have been used for Vedic sacrifices, although the presence of animal
bones does not seem consistent with Vedic rites. In addition the remains of a bathing place (suggestive of
ceremonial bathing) have been found near the altars in Kalibangan.[110] S.R. Rao found similar "fire altars" in
Lothal which he thinks could have served no other purpose than Vedic ritual.[111] The sites in Kalibangan are
dated back to pre-Harappan times i.e. 3500 BC, well before any likely date for the Indo-Aryan migrations, so
this may suggest that Vedic rites are indigenous to India and not brought in from outside.[112]

Out of India Theory

In recent years, the concept of "Indigenous Aryans" has been increasingly conflated with an "Out of India"
origin of the Indo-European language family. This contrasts with the model of Indo-Aryan migration which
posits that Indo-Aryan tribes migrated to India from Central Asia. Some furthermore claim that all
Indo-European languages originated in India.[note 29] These claims remain problematic.[note 30]

See also
The Arctic Home in the

Copper Hoard Culture

Andronovo culture

Vedas by B G Tilak

Indo-Aryan languages



Tamil nationalism

Genetics and



archaeogenetics of South





Indo-Iranian languages

Indigenous Aryan Theory



Out of India Theory

1. ^ However, this culture may also represent

4. ^ Krishnamurti states: "Besides, the g Vedas has

forerunners of the Indo-Iranians, similar to the

used the gerund, not found in Avestan, with the

Lullubi and Kassite invasion of Mesopotamia early

same grammatical function as in Dravidian, as a

in the second millennium BC.

non-finite verb for 'incomplete' action. g Vedic

2. ^ The "First urbanisation" was the Indus Valley

3. ^



clause complementary. All these features are not a

Jainism and Buddhism did not originate from

the historical Vedic religion, but are indigenous to

India itself, just like Yoga and Samkhya.

[note 22]

Hinduism itself is "a fusion of Arian and Dravidian



language also attests the use of it as a quotation

Among its roots are the historical

consequence of simple borrowing but they indicate

substratum influence (Kuiper 1991: ch 2)".
5. ^ Mallory: "It is highly probable that the
Indo-Aryans of Western Asia migrated eastwards,
for example with the collapse of the Mitanni, and

Vedic religion of Iron Age India,[web 23] but also the

wandered into India, since there is not a shred of

religions of the Indus Valley Civilisation,[87][88]

evidence for example, names of non-Indic


deities, personal names, loan words that the


the Shramana

or renouncer

traditions[92]of north-east India,[91] and "popular or

Indo-Aryans of India ever had any contacts with

local traditions".[92] The "Hindu synthesis"

their west Asian neighbours. The reverse

emerged around the beginning of the Common

possibility, that a small group broke off and

Era. [93][94]

wandered from India into Western Asia is readily

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dismissed as an improbably long migration, again


not define the biological identity of an ancient

Aryan population, but it does indicate that the Indus

without the least bit of evidence."

6. ^ Leach (1990) as cited in Bryant (2001:222)

Valley and Gandhara peoples shared a number of

"Ancient Indian history has been fashioned out of

craniometric, odontometric and discrete traits that

compositions, which are purely religious and

point to a high degree of biological affinity."

priestly, which notoriously do not deal with history,

Kennedy in [69]

and which totally lack the historical sense.(...)."

11. ^ Kennedy: "Have Aryans been identified in the

F.E. Pargiter 1922. However "the Vedic literature

prehistoric skeletal record from South Asia?

confines itself to religious subjects and notices

Biological anthropology and concepts of ancient

political and secular occurrences only incidentally

races", in ,[59] at p. 49.

(...)". Cited in R. C. Majumdar and A. D. Pusalker

12. ^ Cephalic measures, however, may not be a good

(editors): The history and culture of the Indian

indicator as they do not necessarily indicate

people. Volume I, The Vedic age. Bombay :

ethnicity and they might vary in different

Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan 1951, p.315, with

environments. On the use of which, however, see

reference to F.E. Pargiter.


7. ^ Mallory (1989) "...the culture represented in the

13. ^ Kenoyer: "Although the overall socioeconomic

earliest Vedic hymns bears little similarity to that of

organization changed, continuities in technology,

the urban society found at Harappa or

subsistence practices, settlement organization, and

Mohenjo-daro. It is illiterate, non-urban,

some regional symbols show that the indigenous

non-maritime, basically uninterested in exchange

population was not displaced by invading hordes of

other than that involving cattle, and lacking in any

Indo-Aryan speaking people. For many years, the

forms of political complexity beyond that of a king

'invasions' or 'migrations' of these Indo-Aryan-

whose primary function seems to be concerned with

speaking Vedic/Aryan tribes explained the decline

warfare and ritual."

of the Indus civilization and the sudden rise of

8. ^ According to Cardona, "there is no textual

urbanization in the Ganges-Yamuna valley. This

evidence in the early literary traditions

was based on simplistic models of culture change

unambiguously showing a trace" of an Indo-Aryan

and an uncritical reading of Vedic texts...",[71]

9. ^


14. ^ Kennedy: "there is no evidence of demographic

Archaeological evidence of continuity need

disruptions in the north-western sector of the

not be conclusive. A similar case has been Central

Subcontinent during and immediately after the

Europe, where the archaeological evidence shows

decline of the Harappan culture. If Vedic Aryans

continuous linear development, with no marked

were a biological entity represented by the

external influences.

[note 25]


skeletons from Timargarha, then their biological

continuity can be supported for every

features of cranial and dental anatomy were not

Indo-European-speaking region of Eurasia, not just

distinct to a marked degree from what we


[note 26][note 27]

encountered in the ancient Harappans." Kennedy in

Several historically

documented migrations, such as those of the

Helvetii to Switzerland, the Huns into Europe, or
Gaelic-speakers into Scotland are not attested in
the archaeological record.

[note 28]

> As



up, "archaeology can verify the occurrence of

migration only in exceptional cases".
10. ^ Comparing the Harappan and Gandhara cultures,
Kennedy states: "Our multivariate approach does


15. ^ Kenoyer: "there was an overlap between Late

Harappan and post-Harappan communities...with no
biological evidence for major new populations."
Kenoyer as quoted in [73]
16. ^ Hemphill: "the data provide no support for any
model of massive migration and gene flow between
the oases of Bactria and the Indus Valley. Rather,

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patterns of phonetic affinity best conform to a

same subsoil of archaic metaphysical speculation

pattern of long-standing, but low-level bidirectional

as Yoga, Sankhya, and Buddhism, the other

mutual exchange. "Hemphill 1998 "Biological

non-Vedic Indian systems."[85]

Affinities and Adaptations of Bronze Age

23. ^ Hindutva-theory faces other challenges as well. It

Bactrians: III. An initial craniometric assessment",

includes Jainism and Buddhism into its notions of

American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 106,

'Hinduness', as part of the Indian heritage. A recent

329-348.; Hemphill 1999 "Biological Affinities and

strategy, exemplified by Rajiv Malhotra, is the use

Adaptations of Bronze Age Bactrians: III. A

of the term dhamma as a common denominator,

Craniometric Investigation of Bactrian Origins",

which also includes Jainism and Buddhism. [83]

American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 108,

Nevertheless, Jainism and Buddhism have distinct


origins. [84][note 3]

17. ^ "There is general agreement that Indian caste and

24. ^ Shaffer: "Current archaeological data do not

tribal populations share a common late Pleistocene

support the existence of an Indo-Aryan or European

maternal ancestry in India." Sahoo et al. (2006)

invasion into South Asia any time in the pre- or

18. ^ Reich et al. (2009) speculate on pre-Aryan

protohistoric periods. Instead, it is possible to

'Proto-Indo-European': "It is tempting to assume

document archaeologically a series of cultural

that the population ancestral to ANI [Ancestral

changes reflecting indigenous cultural

North Indian] and CEU spoke 'Proto-

developments from prehistoric to historic periods".

Indo-European', which has been reconstructed as

Shaffer[100] as cited in [101]

ancestral to both Sanskrit and European languages,

25. ^ Husler, as cited in [103]

although we cannot be certain without a date for

26. ^ Mallory, in [104]

ANIASI [Ancestral South Indian] mixture."[web 10]

27. ^ Bryant: "India is not the only Indo-European-

19. ^ See also Breaking India

speaking area that has not revealed any

20. ^ See also "Dr. S. Kalyanaraman, Harvard

archaeological traces of immigration." As [105]

Universitys international scandal unravels a global

28. ^ ,[106][107][108] as cited in [105]

Hindu conspiracy (

29. ^ Bryant: "It must be stated immediately that there

21. ^ See also "Savarkar, Essentials of Hindutva

is an unavoidable corollary of an Indigenist

position. If the Indo-Aryan languages did not come


from outside South Asia, this necessarily entails

/essentials_of_hindutva.v001.pdf), and Edwin

that India was the original homeland of all the other

Bryant, The Quest for the Origins of Vedic

Indo-European languages."[113]

Culture: The Indo-Aryan Migration Debate

22. ^ Zimmer: [Jainism] does not derive from

30. ^ Bryant: "There is at least a series of

archaeological cultures that can be traced

Brahman-Aryan sources, but reflects the cosmology

approaching the Indian subcontinent, even if

and anthropology of a much older pre-Aryan upper

discontinuous, which does not seem to be the case

class of northeastern India - being rooted in the

for any hypothetical east-to-west emigration."[114]

1. ^ a b c d e Bryant 2001.
2. ^


Wells 2002.

3. ^ "Read Indussian", by Senthil Kumar A S, - Page

4. ^ "Tense and Aspect in Indo-European Languages",

by John Hewson, Page 229

5. ^ Gregory L. Possehl (2002). The Indus
Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective.
Rowman Altamira. p. 238. ISBN 9780759101722.
6. ^ Christopher I. Beckwith (2009), Empires of the

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Silk Road, Oxford University Press, p.30

The history and culture of the Indian people.

7. ^ Burrow 1973.

Volume I, The Vedic age. Bombay : Bharatiya

8. ^ Parpola 1999.

Vidya Bhavan 1951, p.220

9. ^ Mallory, Mair & 2000 257.

10. ^
11. ^ Kochhar 2000, p. 185-186.
12. ^


Bryant (2001:91)

13. ^ Bamshad (2001)

14. ^


Anthony & Vinogradov (1995)

40. ^ a b Cardona 2002, p. 33-35.

41. ^ e.g. RV 2.12; RV 4.28; RV 8.24
42. ^ "Encyclopaedia of Ancient Indian Geography,
Volume 2", by Subodh Kapoor, p.590
43. ^ "Discovering the Vedas: Origins, Mantras,
Rituals, Insights", p. 7, by Frits Staal
44. ^ Bryant (2001)

Kuzmina (1994), Klejn (1974), and Brentjes (1981),

45. ^ Witzel (1999)

as cited in Bryant (2001:206)

46. ^ Burrow as cited in Mallory (1989).

15. ^


16. ^


Samuel 2010.

47. ^ Bryant (2001:131)

Samuel 2010, p. 61.

Mallory (1989)

17. ^ a b Samuel 2010, p. 48-51.

Mallory & Mair (2000)

18. ^ Samuel 2010, p. 42-48.

Burrow, as cited in Mallory (1989)

19. ^ Samuel 2010, p. 49.

Boyce and Gnoli, as cited in Bryant (2001:132)

20. ^ Mallory & Mair (2000)

21. ^ Sapir (1949:455)
Latham, as cited in Mallory (1989:152)

48. ^ Bryant (2001:133)

Gnoli, Boyce, Skjaervo, and Witzel, as cited in
Bryant (2001:133)

22. ^ Mallory (1989:152153)

Humbach and Gnoli, as cited in Bryant (2001:327)

23. ^ Mallory (1989:177185)

Mallory & Mair (2000)

24. ^ Hock (1991, p. 454)

49. ^ (Bryant 2001: 64)

25. ^ Fortson (2004, p. 106)

50. ^ Elst 1999, with reference to L.N. Renou

26. ^ Hock (1996), "Out of India? The linguistic

51. ^ e.g. Bhagavata Purana (VIII.24.13)

evidence", in Bronkhorst & Deshpande (1999).

27. ^ Erdosy (1995:18)

52. ^ e.g. Satapatha Brahmana, Atharva Veda

53. ^ e.g. RV 3.23.4., Manu 2.22, etc. Kane, Pandurang

28. ^ Thomason & Kaufman (1988:141144)

Vaman: History of Dharmasastra: (ancient and

29. ^ Bryant (2001:76)

mediaeval, religious and civil law) Poona :

30. ^ Hamp 1996 and Jamison 1989, as cited in Bryant

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1962-1975

31. ^ Hock 1975/1984/1996 and Tikkanen 1987, as
cited in Bryant (2001:7882)
32. ^ Mallory & Mair (2000)

54. ^ Talageri 1993, The Aryan Invasion Theory, A

55. ^ Elst 1999, chapter 5, with reference to Bernard

Mallory (1989)

56. ^ Talageri 1993, 2000; Elst 1999

StBoT 41 (1995)

57. ^ Bhagavata Purana 9.23.15-16; Visnu Purana

Thieme, as cited in Bryant (2001:136)

33. ^ Bryant 2001, p. 137.
34. ^ Mallory 1989.
35. ^ Witzel 2003

4.17.5; Vayu Purana 99.11-12; Brahmanda Purana

3.74.11-12 and Matsya Purana 48.9.
58. ^ see e.g. Pargiter [1922] 1979; Talageri 1993,
2000; Bryant 2001; Elst 1999

36. ^ Rau 1976

59. ^ a b c Erdosy 1995.

37. ^ Talageri 2000

60. ^ a b Erdosy 1995, p. 24.

38. ^ e.g. MacDonnel and Keith, Vedic Index, 1912

61. ^ Erdosy 1995, p. 2.

39. ^ R. C. Majumdar and A. D. Pusalker (editors):

62. ^ a b c Erdosy 1995, p. 5.

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63. ^ Erdosy 1995, p. 5-6.

86. ^ Lockard 2007, p. 50.

64. ^ Erdosy 1995, p. 23.

87. ^ Narayanan 2009, p. 11.

65. ^ Erdosy 1995, p. 139.

88. ^ Lockard 2007, p. 52.

66. ^ Klejn (1974), Lyonnet (1993), Francfort (1989),

89. ^ Hiltebeitel 2013, p. 3.

Bosch-Gimpera (1973), Hiebert (1998), and

90. ^ Jones 2006, p. xviii.

Sarianidi (1993), as cited in Bryant (2001:206207)

91. ^ a b Gomez 2013, p. 42.

67. ^ Allchin 1995:4748

92. ^ a b Flood 1996, p. 16.

Hiebert & Lamberg-Karlovsky (1992), Kohl (1984),

93. ^ Hiltebeitel 2002.

and Parpola (1994), as cited in Bryant (2001:215)

94. ^ Larson 2009.

68. ^ Mallory (1989)

95. ^ Thapar, Romila (January 1, 1996), "The Theory

69. ^ Erdosy 1995, p. 49.

of Aryan Race and India: History and Politics",

70. ^ Holloway 2002.

Social Scientist (Social Scientist) 24 (1/3): 329,

71. ^


Bryant 2001, p. 190.

doi:10.2307/3520116 (

72. ^


Erdosy 1995, p. 54.

/10.2307%2F3520116), ISSN 0970-0293

73. ^


Bryant 2001, p. 231.


74. ^


Kivisild et al. (2003)

JSTOR 3520116 (

75. ^ Sharma et al. (2005)

76. ^ Firasat; Khaliq, Shagufta; Mohyuddin, Aisha;

96. ^ Leopold, Joan (1974), "British Applications of

Papaioannou, Myrto; Tyler-Smith, Chris; Underhill,

the Aryan Theory of Race to India, 18501870",

Peter A; Ayub, Qasim (2006), "Y-chromosomal

The English Historical Review 89 (352): 578603,

evidence for a limited Greek contribution to the


Pathan population of Pakistan"




/full/5201726a.html), European Journal of Human

97. ^ Bryant 2001, pp. 231 ff.

Genetics 15 (1): 121126,

98. ^ Anthony 2007.

doi:10.1038/sj.ejhg.5201726 (

99. ^ Kennedy 2000, p. 371.

/10.1038%2Fsj.ejhg.5201726), PMC 2588664

100. ^ a b Shaffer 1984.


101. ^ Bryant 2001, p. 232.

/PMC2588664), PMID 17047675

102. ^ Bryant 2001, p. 192.


103. ^ Bryant 2001, p. 141.

77. ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 89 & 90.

104. ^ Blench & Spriggs 1997.

78. ^ Fosse 2013, p. 454.

105. ^ a b Bryant 2001, p. 235.

79. ^ Witzel, Michael (2006), "Rama's realm:

106. ^ Anthony 1986.

Indocentric rewritings of early South Asian

107. ^ Sinor 1990, p. 203.

History", in Fagan, Garrett, Archaeological

108. ^ Mallory 1989, p. 166.

Fantasies: How pseudoarchaeology misrepresents

109. ^ Cavalli-Sforza 2000.

the past and misleads the public, Routledge, ISBN

110. ^ B.B. Lal. Frontiers of the Indus Civilization.

80. ^ Gupta 2007, p. 108-109.
81. ^


82. ^


Gupta 2007, p. 108.

Gupta 2007, p. 109.

83. ^ Springer 2012.

111. ^ (S.R. Rao. The Aryans in Indus
112. ^ "Advent of the Aryans in India", p. 24, by Ram
Sharan Sharma, year = 1999

84. ^ Zimmer 1951.

113. ^ Bryant 2001, p. 6.

85. ^ Zimmer 1951, p. 217.

114. ^ Bryant 2001, p. 236.

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5. ^ "... What time ye carried Bhujyu to his dwelling, borne in a ship with hundred oars, O Avins."
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External links
Hindu students council, North carolina state university, Aryan Invasion/Migration Theory
Archaeology Online, The Aryan Invasion: theories, counter-theories and historical significance
Thapar, Romila: The Aryan question revisited (1999) (
Francesco Brighenti, Selected Internet Resources on the Aryan Migration Theory (AMT) Debate
( Witzel: The Home of the Aryans
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Agarwal, Vishal: Is There Vedic Evidence for the Indo-Aryan Immigration to India?
( (pdf)
Cache of Seal Impressions Discovered in Western India (
Central Asia 2000-1000BC ( (
Lal, B.B.: The Homeland of Indo-European Languages and Culture: Some Thoughts
date=2009-10-26+00:21:54) By Archaeologist B.B. Lal
Danino, Michel: The Indus-Sarasvati Civilization and its Bearing on the Aryan Question
( Article by Michel Danino
Agrawal, D.P.: The Indus Civilization = Aryans equation: Is it really a Problem?
( By D.P.
Agrawal (pdf)
Genetic Evidence on the origins of Indian Caste Population, Genome Research, 2001
A prehistory of Indian Y chromosomes: Evaluating demic diffusion scenarios, PNAS paper, 2006
Polarity and Temporality of High-Resolution Y-Chromosome Distributions in India Identify Both
Indigenous and Exogenous Expansions and Reveal Minor Genetic Influence of Central Asian
Pastoralists, AJHG paper, 2006 (
Peopling of South Asia: investigating the caste-tribe continuum in India
Elst, Koenraad: Update on the Aryan Invasion Theory - K. Elst's Online book
(, Articles (
/aid.html), Book reviews (
Kazanas, Nicholas homepage ( Articles by
Nicholas Kazanas
The Myth of the Aryan Invasion ( by
David Frawley mirror (
Retrieved from ""
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