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Rifka Mutiara Syifa

Critical Reading (A)


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A Critical Review of Ingrid Piller, 2003, Annual Review of Applied Linguistics:
Advertising as a Site of Language Contact, USA: Cambridge University Press.

Advertising functions as a media to attract people to put their interest into


certain product. In order to create interesting advertising, inserting foreign
languages (multilingualism) has become a choice for companies, which is believed to
be one of the media to contact languages. In a journal entitled Advertising as a Site of
Language Contact, Ingrid Piller investigates the use of contact language and the
functions of different contact languages in advertising. Her discussion is divided
into three sections; they are From Word Lists to Dicourse Studies, The Status of
English, and Advertising in the Age of the Super-brand and Hyper-globalization.
Piller starts out her first discussion with the aspects given the most attention,
which are borrowings and loanwords. Most of all borrowings and loanwords are
motivated by purist (conventional) concerns. She gives the example by a study
proposed by Pound (1913, 1951) that Spanish loandwords including o suffix as in
Indestructo as motley and audacious terms (line 7), and also a study by Pandya
(1976) which results that the use of English advertising in India which is seen as bad
and informal. These two results have been affected by early works on language
contact phenomena in advertising. In the second paragraph, non-purist concern is
explained as to motivate borrowings and loanwords. For the example, Piller
provides a list of linguistic mishaps by Aman (1979), Hakkarainen (1977), and Ricks
(1996). In that list, a product name or a slogan is considered as fine in its original
linguistic market. However, when it is published, it acquires negative meaning in
another linguistic market. Chevrolet Nova is given as the example of linguistic
mishap. To Spanish speakers, no-va means doesnt go, it makes Chevrolet Nova fails
its advertising. However, linguistic mishap phenomenon is not taken seriously by
linguists as it just occurs to certain people and short-lasting.
In the third paragraph, Piller provides a statement by Haarmann (1989) that
multilingualism in advertising is an attempt to associate the advertised product with
an ethno-cultural stereotype about the speakers of a given language (line 9). It means
that each language has its own stereotype which is automatically identified by the
target of the advertising. She gives the example in Japanase advertising case
proposed by Haarmann (1989). The use of English in Japan is associated with
international appreciation, reliability, high quality, confidence, practical use, and
practice life style. Most products which use English to advertise are alcoholic
drinks, cars, TV sets, stereos, and sport wears, while the use of French is mostly
reserved for fashion, watches, food, and perfumes because it is associated with high

Rifka Mutiara Syifa


Critical Reading (A)
122154208
elegance, refined taste, attractiveness, sophisticated life style, fascination, and
charm. This case is not only happen in Japan, but also in other cultures. In her own
study, Piller investigates the use of foreign words in American car names. The result
shows that Spanish words are associated with freedom, adventure, and masculinity.
In yet another example, German commercials were resulted to use French for
feminine elegance and eroticism, while Italian is associated with good food and a
positive attitude toward life. These ethno-cultural stereotypes have caused a
stereotypical type of language form to rise. These language stereotypes are often
incorrect to the native speakers. For example, the stereotype form of French is the
addition of le or la before the word or phrase that one is going to utter. This
phenomenon is called mock language (Hill, 1995). Furthermore, Hill argues that
expressions such as no problemo, el cheapo, or mucho troublo provide double
purpose in the formation of race in the United States. On one hand, it indexes White
users of these forms to be the superior; while on the other hand, it indirectly indexes
Spanish as the inferior. Even though the function of mock language may not always
be part of a racializing discourse as given in the example abovePiller argues that
in many contexts, the foreign languages that are being used are not the languages
of groups that have traditionally been seen in terms of racial Other, but rather a
national Other (paragraph 7, line 5). Thus, they do not serve to consolidate racial
boundaries, but national boundaries. Along with Bell (1999) and LaDousa (2002),
Piller concludes that language contact phenomena in advertising are powerful tools
to construct social identity, whether it is national, racial, or class identity.
In the second discussion, Piller investigates the status of English in nonEnglish speaking countries. The use of English in non-English speaking countries
advertising, she supposes, is different from the use of foreign languages in American
and British advertising. She argues that only a few English advertising in nonEnglish speaking country associate their products with ethno-cultural stereotype,
many are with a social stereotype. English in most non-English speaking countries
has become a general symbol of modernity, progress, and globalization. It is because
the prestige functions of English are concentrated on such a high level that they
include all features associated with social advance and modernization. (Haarmann
in Piller, 2003) (paragraph 13, line 4). Takashi (1990) and Watson (1997) as stated in
her study adds that the use of English in non-English country advertising define a
modern, sophisticated, and cosmopolitan identity, not only for the product, but also
the customers (paragraph 13, line 10).
In the last discussion, Piller studies the role of advertising in the age of the
super-brand and hyper-globalization. She argues that the development of superbrands value is not created through their product, but through their symbolic value.

Rifka Mutiara Syifa


Critical Reading (A)
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In the process, an international brand pidgin may be emerging as discourses and
brands have become enmeshed to a previously unimaginable degree (paragraph 1,
line 14). She cites Kleins opinion (2001) that the most effective tool to communicate
products across cultures are verbal and visual references to sitcoms, movie
characters, advertising slogans, and corporate logos. Thus, many brands are found to
create their own language. For example, Starbucks is famous with its Euro-latte lingo;
the coffee-sellers of Starbucks from all over the world are called Barista, the coffee
is called Americano, and it comes up with grande size. Another example is
McDonalds English, and the red soft drink paper cups that come on the
McDonalds food trays the world over say Always Coca-Cola the world over
(paragraph 2, line 7).
The first argument from Piller regarding purist concern to motivate
borrowings and loanwords in advertising is informative and reliable, since she
provides arguments and evidences from three other people (Wustmann, Pound, and
Pandya). Another concern to encourage borrowings and loanwords, non-purist
concern, is also correct, because there are many other failed brand names that I can
recall. Nokia Lumia, for example, is a normal brand name, even to me or other people
that I live in, Indonesia. However, if Nokia Lumia is sent to Spain, Spanish people will
find it weird because Lumia in Spanish means prostitute. Another example is
Starbucks latte. Everyone loves this type of coffee, but people in German see it as a
failed term because latte refers to erection in German. There are still many
examples of unfortunate product names lost in translation. However, as concluded
by Piller and many other linguists, it is not a huge matter because the lost
translation occurs to only one or two countries. Also, as it is only a short-lasting
matter, people will gradually forget the failed brand names and use or consume the
products no matter what.
Pillers viewpoint regarding ethno-cultural stereotype carried by advertising
is not just an argument, because concrete evidences can be found anywhere. In
Indonesia, French words are often used to advertise perfumes, such as in Casablanca.
Even though this product does not use French name or put French words in its tag
line, but in the commercial, there is a couple having a conversation in French. The
use of French conversation and France in the background of the males surrounding
gives the value of elegance, beauty, and sophisticated lifestyle to the product. Along
with Hills and Pillers argument, mock language can be found in Gery Chocolatos
advertisement which borrows Spanish in its tagline, Mamamia Lezatos. Mamamia
refers to Mama, which is a common surprised expression typically used by
Spanish and Italian people. The term lezatos is made up with putting os suffix is
after lezat. However, I suppose that this borrowing does not work to the extent to

Rifka Mutiara Syifa


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associate racial or national identity as proposed by Hill and Piller, but only to make
the advertising interesting, since the product does not belong to particular class or
people.
I do agree to Pillers next argument that the use of English in non-English
speaking countries advertising does not associate ethno-cultural stereotype, but
rather a social stereotype. In Indonesias advertisement, many products use English
words to advertise their products, such as Chitatos Life is Never Flat and Telkom
Speedys Speed That You Can Trust. Because English has been acquired by almost all
people in Indonesia, companies use it to advertise a product as the symbol of
modernity and globalization.
The last discussion from Piller is probably the most difficult one to
understand. First of all, she does not explain what pidgin means so it will be difficult
for linguistic amateur to understand. It would be better if she gives a brief
explanation about it beforehand. Second, her explanation is lacking. When she
explains about brand pidgin phenomenon happened in Starbucks and McDonalds, I
think shed better explain why the use of barista, americano, grande, always
Coca-Cola is called a pidgin, so that people will understand more.
In conclusion, Ingrid Pillers study is reliable as she provides many
viewpoints from different people other than hers, and she also gives the evidences
from peoples research and her own. However, she needs to explain her arguments
clearly, because there are many confusing explanations. Also, there are some
arguments which need further information or examples, because she often stops in
the middle of explanation. This journal is perfect for people who are interested in
linguistic since Pillers study provides a simple object advertisingto describe
language contact phenomenon. Other than that, I recommend people from
companies to read this as a brief introduction to create a good and interesting
advertising. To have a deeper understanding about language contact in advertising,
moreover in super-brand brand-pidgin, further research is needed.

References:
Piller, I. (2003). Advertising as a Site of Language Contact. USA: Cambridge
University Press.
O'Brien, S. (2013, June 21). 10 Unfortunate Product Names Lost in Translation.
Retrieved December 12, 2014, from http://www.buzzfeed.com/sob/10-techfood-products-lost-in-translation-b7r1#.rx6m4klMw.

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