Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Giacomo Baroffio
Nell'ufficio del sindaco di Stroncone (Terni) sono conservati ,n ove libri corali scritti e utilizzati nei seeoH passati neUe due principali
chiese del Iuogo, S. N~colo e S. Michele. 1 NeH'edizione su CD-Rom
dell' a ntifo nari 0 e del graduale di S. Michele e stata prevista una
banca date di tu tti i brani e per tale scopo ho preparato negH an~
scorsi la scheda liturgica di ciascun canto. Durante tale lavoro mi
sono accorto cbe i codici presentano significative varianti testuali
e a1cune particolarita musicalP tanto piu d.egne di attenzione in
quanta riflettono un'interessante radicazione nella tradizione italica
e, in particol modo, in queUa locale romana.
I dnque codici di S. Michele per ragioni paleografiche e iconografiche sono attribuiti a uno scrittorio umbro e si fanno risalire alIa
meta del sec. XlV. Essi presentano la seguente articolazione liturgica:
Per la descrizione dei comci rimando a Fabrizio Mastroianni - Cristina Mastroianni: uSchede codicologiche" in Giacomo Baroffio et aL.: Frammenli di slona
I
medioevale. Mostra di codici e frammenti di codici liturgici dei secoli XI....xVI dell'archivia stoneo del Comune di Stroncone, Stroncone 9-29 agosto 1998. Calalogo (Stroncone,
1998). pp. 87-108.
2 ~I corali di Stroncone" in
n canto gregoriano
1998).
Thli particolarita appaiono evidenti soprattutto dal confronto con altre fonti, a
partire dai testimoni del CAO. Sono state inoHre compiute verifiche sui libri corali
di Oristano {= Or) e di Gerace ,(Ger). Su quest/ultimo fondo cfr. Maurizio Scarfo: La
TI-adizione musicale di Gerace. Analisi dei corali delta cattedrale, Ricerche musicali
A.M.A. Calabria, 12 (Lamezia Thrme, 1997J. Aitre sigle particolari usate: Brv = Bre
viarium Romanum b'identino; Gtr = Graduale Romanum (Triptex,; ps(]; = salterio
gallicano {vulgata}; PsR = salterio romano. Singole lettere con aster-ico indicano i
codici del CAo.
3
Giacomo Baroffio
cor.
I: graduale-sequenziario (temporale)
cor. IV: graduale~kyriale-tropario-sequenziario (santorale)
cor. HI: antifonario Itemporale: avvento-sabato santo)
cor. VII: antifonario (temporale: Pasqua-fine anno liturgicol
cor. VI: antifonario (santoraleJ
Una disamina di alcune categorie di varianti testuaH e musicali non aneora rilevate in modo sistematico, ma soltanto
base ad alcuni sondaggi campi one - permette di fare alcune osservazioni. In
primo luogo appare evidente una forte presenza della recensione geronimiana delle Psalterium RomamJ.m, aUestata tra l'altro da alcuni
frammenti di salteri tardi ritrovati recentemente in Umbria.' Thttavia la tradizione testuale del salterio nei corali di Stroncone e piu
complessa perehe da un lata ci sono tracce di recensioni extravagantes e dall'altro lato e chiara che la tradizione dei canti nel sec. XIV e
ormai contaminata dal piu diffuso salterio gallicano della Vulgata.
CoSt ad esempio, a fronte della lezione Quam amabilia del salmo 83
trova anche quella volgata Quam dilecta. Interessanti alcune traruzioni letterarie eomplesse di cui
danno due esempi. n primo e
tratto dal responsorio Praecursor rCAO 7421) nel cui versetto Hie si
l
specchietto
permette di vedere quanto intricata e
contaminata sia tradizione dei testi liturgici. Dal1'insieme si ricava l'impressione di un
di adattamento - lento, disuguale,
doe diverso da luogo a luogo - con cui i1 salterio della Vulgata e
riuscito a
nei testi
In tale situazione fluttuante Stroncone evidenzia un' adesione conservatrice alia recensione del PsR. Tale
condizione puo essere spiegata probabilmente non tanto quale influsso
della tradizione liturgico-musicale romano-anti ea quanto piuttosto
quale persistere di una tradizione protogregoriana italica non ancora
elaborata sistematicamente in terra franca.
I
168r
r 69v
r 86v
187v
I l11v
I 142v
I 148r
Deus PsG C K* I
psi (In Dea) Miserere mihi Do~ lAMS 54
mine PsR
psi (Ego clamavi) ... deprecalAMS 55 -nem -rnearn PsG)
tioni mece PsR
grd Discerne V Emitte ... monte lAMS 69a" -tem -urn -um
sco ruo PsR C
K*1
psi (Liberator) Diligam". virtus lAMS 76 fortitudo PsG)
trt Eripe '"
psi (Misericordia) laudatio PsR
corn Cantate ... et benedicite
lAMS 78a}
{AMS S8a collaudatio PsG}
lAMS 91 om. et PsG B'" C* K"}
PsR R*
124v
HI 133v
III 136v
{furore PsG}
PsR
139v
III 141v
Giacomo Baroffio
1
III 177r
37v
abn
etenim
Agatha V Domine ..
rsp
me {eeisli
VI72r
Praecursor Domini V
(CAO 7421 salvator
Ger)
.. Dominus ait
VI10lr
Congratu/amini V Reced... (CAO 66323 -am .. F* lI'] L*}
recedebat ... ardebat
VI 119v
vrs (OrnatamJ
t. .. circuICAO 7340 circumdata
mamicta PsR
mss) PsG Or
VI 121 v
rsp 0 gloriosa {emina E"
Or Ger)
{CAO 7270 domina
138v
rsp In conspectu gentium nolite (CAO 6895 timere
Or Br}
metuere PsR CAO
VI 195v
psI Gaudete (psi 32) PsR
{Exultate
VII
vrs (Maria Magd.)
valde ... dixit
illis
Brv)
VIT Ur
VII 13r
VII 16r
IpSlUS
Brv]
(CAO
VII
VII
CAO 879
* S*
Or
turbetur Or
Brv)
A
musicale Stroncone present a pure una serie di lezioni
che merHano di essere ricordate.
enucleato a1cune
di
esempl:
al varianti musicali che interessano
r
[
I1
I 178r
Thbulationes
nota iniziale
intonazioni:
e G e non F
l',
54r
G}
grd Ab oecultis inizio F F ~Gtr 101 B E;
299
... }
off Sicut in HolocaustUM inlzio DG ...
DED DJ
com Vovete A CDE (Gtr
43r
Da non
e una formula d/intonazione di E in cui Stroncone con C74 differiscono dalla tradizione
standard:
I 146v
F)
Si da
il caso interessante delI'utilizzo di una diversa formula d'intonazione nel romano-antico:
Repleatur inizio FF {Gtr
I1
EEF; C74, 1
[G ah ... ])
che interessano le note finali. Alcune di queste varianti interessano la definizione modale dei brani come nel caso del graduale Domine prcevenisti ... pretioso con finale trasportata di
una seconda in basso a1 D.6 Di fatto non mancano
b) varianti
IV 86v
IV 95r
I modor"
I l8Ir
I 183r
D IGtr 340 D
all Confitemini seritlo
off Vir erat scritlo in D lOfT 349 scritto in a)
Urbanus Bomm,
Wechsel der Modalitiitsbestimmung in der Tradition
Messgesiinge im IX. his XlII. Jahrhundert und sein Ei'YI{luss aul der Tradition ihrer Melo-
Giacomo Baroffio
rn modo;
esempio 1)
Anehe
l'aspetto
emerge tutta una serie ill indizi
che pongono Stroncone in relazione con la tradizione romana in una
fase di evoluzione non ancora consolidata in quel canto romanofraneo divenuto
soltanto dopo il sec. X. La radicazione dei
coraE di Stroneone nel1a tradizione italica e
da un
riore sondaggio condotto suI repertorio degli Alleluia della messa.
1 tomi I e IV del graduale presentano, infatti, 0 pezzi esclusivi delle
fonti italiane 0 melodie proprie dei codici peninsulari. In particoIare
si notano interessanti concordanze con Modena 13 e Pistoia 120.10
'" :+:
'*'
Queste osservazioni in ordine sparso a mio avviso evidenziano alcuni voti per la ricerca liturgico-musicologica:
a) le fonti tardive meritano grande attenzione, la stessa che si dedica alle testimonianze piu antiche;
b) e urgente
un repertorio analitico di alcuni libri campione delle tradizioni
illversi secoli. A questo proposito segnalo
lavori gia conclusi 0
avanzato stato di elaborazione a Genova, 11 Ori~
in particolare ms I, c.1S6v Spiritus Sanctus docebit (ThK 302: solo
13); ms IV c. 22v Sancte Paule (ThK
ltalia); c. 68v Pretiosa (ThK 282: Italia e
MMMAE VII 394 e
, c. 68v Lcetamini (ThK 284: ltaIia e Montpellire;
est vera fraternitas (ThK 348: ItaliaJ; c. 69v lu.dicaMMMAE 278 e 643); c. 69r
bunt
!ThK 97 con
c. 70r Tradiderunt {ThK
solo Modena 13, Nonantola e Pistoia 120; MMMAE
e
c.
Memento (ThK
Italia); c. 82v
Domine quinque (ThK 302: praticamente solo Italia}. In appendice (esempi 2 e 31 sono proposte le
degli Alleluia. Surrexit Dominus de seprulcro; Alleluia.
Sancte Paule.
11 Progetto realizzato dalla Regione Liguria che l'ha fatto conoscere grazie a
codici e di suppellettili liturgiche, e l'edizione in facsimile
un
un'esposizione
processionale di Pauna conservato a Genova, S. Andrea (oggi a S. Maria della Castagna), ms 82.
!(l
or STRONCONE
stano in Sardegna,lZ Gerace in Calabria,I3 per non dimenticare l'indicizzazione di libri a stamp a del XVI secolo curata dall'Universita
di Lecce l4 e il progetto ~rchQngeluslJ promosso da Giulio Cattin e
collaboratori;
c) e necessario pubblicare singoli brani e interi formulari inediti 0
in recensioni musicali particolari. A questo proposito sarebbe auspicabile che le edizioni fossero accessibili al maggior numero ci persone grazie a un costa modico;
dl e opportun~ promuovere la pubblicazione sonar a di tutto il materiale finora considerato. 15
** *
Colgo l'occasione per dire che procedo con la raccolta ell records
della banca dati "Iter Liturgicum Italicum" 16 e che l'anno prossimo
penso di pubblicare un primo volume con i dati piu importanti di
oltre 15.000 codici e frammenti liturgici italiani conservati in Italia e
all' estero.
Esempio 1.
?+i1. ,1
!'.'
.
'.
Hi- se-rere
11\.0
lIIichi
tota di -
~-
.....
conC4~~6;vorunt
-= " ,
a,
IJ
. '.~'.'
,li ,"
'.
.'!:
vit
1
. .,
. ,, '
lA
.- M,-
conculcn-vit me he -
alii
. j :! .
'~ .
moo
!.
Pi
!ltC inil'lici me ... i to-ta di- e ' qu.o rii-alll lIIul .ti hella!n':'tes
adve.rsum. me.
12
..
musicale, cit.
14 efr. le tesi elaborate sotto la direzione del prof. Marco Gozzi.
IS CfT., ad esempio, il disco pubblicato nel 1997 dall'A.M.A.Calabria con brani
gregoriani tratti da codici calabresi.
16 Giacomo Baroffio, Inter Lirurgicum !talicum (Padova, 1999\.
Giacomo Baroffio
Esempio 2.
. '.
'.~.'
Allelu- la
a'
-,-
a',
..
~'.
.e ..
. a
-.1
'
SUr.re-xit
nus de se
pro no
ea -I -
'
Dom.i
- ero qui
...
-
big
pe
dit in
pen
I.,. n
t, la
l i - gno.
;'
Esempio 3.
I.
I.
.,.:1
.,.
-aM
V. Sane
Alle- luia.
,.'~J.::. -
i.. .
--_.--........
' ' .
at, I "
loA , . ,
., : .
--.I
e ::.!".;rr;..
~~~~~~~~~~.~.~.~~.~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.~.~~~.~-~
.
__=__.
,.,
I' I.
"
G.. "..
'
in
".' -..
um
tor gen-ti
'
Sa)
lA
Esempio 4 .
..... . ..
;.
cu-lu",
et doe
le prl!dica-tor verita-tis
a- posta
te Pau- le
Sa.'
e'.
cu
li.
f " ,
H
~
-.
.~
NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS
FOR AN OLD TRADITION:
THE SALAMANCA CHOIRBOOKS*
james j. Boyce
o.
Caml.
James J. Boyee
10
restoration of
city and founded the episcopal see on
June
1102.3
first bishop of the newly established diocese was Jerome
fighting alongside
Visqu a Cluniac monk who, after spending
El Cid, had
been bishop of Valencia before being appointed to
4
Salamanca.
One of
earliest documentary references to the cathedral's
construction dates from the year 11 when Alfonso VII exempted
in the building. s
from
some twenty-five workmen
Alfonso Rodriguez,
3; M. Villar y Macias, Historia
Salamanca II 11887, re
printed
p. 61. The catalogue citation for this docwnent of June 22, 1
reads as follows: "El conde D. Raimundo de Borgoiia y su esposa D.a Urraca, cona D. jer6nimo
et
nostro', las
y clerigos
Zamora
y Salamanca con tas villas
lleva en prestamo el obispo y que son propias del
conde. Le da
el tercio de todo el censo de Salamanca y
de todos
105 frutes 'pro restauratione
Marie', y el
junto a la puerta
riD 'in parte sinistr3 ut populetis ilium'. Thdo esto se 10 con'ut
et ipsam
secundum vestrum
mepotueritis/. - Facta cartula noto die X kalendas
era MCXL. Regnum
Adefonsi,
rex
Toleto, ipsius sedis Sanctae Marie Bernaldus archiepiscopus". Caj. 16,
1, num. 5;
Florencie
Rodriguez, Catalogo
mentos
Archivo Catedralicio
Salamanca (Siglos XlI-XV) (Salamanca, 1962), pp.
9-10. The term "cajon" lcaj.]
to
drawer in which
documents are
stored. Each caj6n
a number of"
[leg.}. i.e., bundles or
of
documents, each of which
turn is
Thus
leg. 1, nUm. 5 refers
to the fifth document in the first packet of documents contained
drawer number
16 in the cathedral
Translation:
Raymond
Burgundy and
Urraca give to Don Jer6nimo 'our bishop and teacher' the churches
ies of Zamora
with the towns which he bad loaned to
bishop
which belong to the count.
gives him as weB the third of all the census
tax on
population I of Salamanca and the tenth [tithe] of an
produce 'for
refounding of
church of
Mary' and the neighborhood which is
next to the river gate 'on
left side for you to populate'. All this is
to you
'so that you may establish
same church there according to the
of
your ability'. /01
~ Allonso Rodriguez, pp. 3-5. An archival document signed by
Cid giving
property to
of Valencia and its bishop Jerome (MRodrigo Diaz
VivaJ',
el Cid CampeadoT, da a la iglesia de Valencia y a su obispo Don Jer6n.imo la villa
.. ") is found in
archive, Caj. 43, leg.
num. 72; cf. Florencio
Marcos Rodriguez, Catdlogo de Documentos del Archivo
de Salamanca
(Siglos XII-XV) (Salamanca, 1962), p. 9.
5
Rodriguez,
5.
citation for
document of March
1152 is as foHows: "Privilegio signado de Alfonso VII por el que
de todo
:1
11
NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS...
12
J. Bayee
13
struction of a new cathedral, alongside the old one rather than replacing it.
new cathedral opened for worship in 1560. to
contents and paleographical style codices 1 through 10, establish them as preTridentine. Of these ten volumes, manuscripts
1, 2 and 10 are gradual s,
3 and 4 are psalters, mss. 5 and 6 are
for
temporal cycle while mss. 7 and 8 contain selected sanctoral feasts; ms. 9 is a Kyriale. Our discussion of the Salamancan liturgy will concentrate on mss. 7 and 8 for the office and
mss. 1, 2 and 10 for the Mass.
All
manuscripts feature the five-line staff used throughout
a chant is decorated or illuminated
. Where the first letter
the second letter is also embellished, although to a considerably
letter is also found in
lesser degree. This treatment of the
some Italian manuscripts, specifically in liturgical manuscripts from
the cathedral
Florence, now Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Edili
mss. 148, 149, 1 and 151/ 1 and from Perugia, as illustrated
New York Columbia University Library, ms. Piimpton 41.12 A third
from other
paleographic element which distinguishes Spanish
practices, including Italian
is the
of a syllable over
all of its accompanying music: in other words the last letter of a
syllable is separated from the first letter or letters and placed under
the end of a melisma where that occurs. These three characteristics
combine make a distinctive Spanish paleographical style.
The four surviving antiphonaries and three graduals remind us
that the vast majority of chants and choirbooks used in Salamanca
are no longer extant and it is somewhat difficult even to estimate
the full extent of chants or even
full number of choirbooks in
t
11
Aust. magni err. ducis mme Augustissimi imperator1s germ. hung. et boihemiae
etc.
in Laurentianam translati sunt quae in singulis codicibus continenrnr, Thmus I (Flarentiae. 1791);
cf. my
Carmelite Choirbooks of Florence
Liturgical Tradition the Carmelite Order" Camelus
(1988), pp. 67-93.
\2
manuscript is described in
De Rieci, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada (New York/ 1935-401. Vol. H,
p, 1760.
I
14
James J. Boyee
use in
one period. What
nonetheless
us some per~
ception into the
of
liturgical practices
Sala~
manca.
are in a
of
four antiphonaries, ross. 5 through
and consequent gaps on
repair, with illuminated
the obserse'
of the folio, in addition to many
it
difficult to judge their original codicological format. The excised inimean that some
of a given chant are necessarily lackIng,
the
itself incomplete. Missing folios mean that
one or more
are missing or incomplete, leaving
office
chants
for a given
necessarily incomplete. If the
of a feast are
one cannot be absolutely
of
ascertained from the reidentity, although it can normally
in the office. Where a sizeable number of folios are
maInlng
misSIng
reconstruct
an antiphonal one cannot with
all the
for
choirbook.
a lacuna sometimes means
that
chants to
used
often
for understanding
for
alluded to elseof lesser solemnity or
locating
in the antiphonaries, are also lacking.
terms of liturgical format, manuscript 6 contains music only
those sections of antiphons and responsories which were
by the cantor or schola.
in the case of antiphons only
incipits contain music, followed by the text alone
the remainder of
responsories music accompanies only the
the antiphon. With
first
of the
followed by
for the
and
by the verse with
music. Complete
and mu
sic for both antiphons and responsories would have to come from a
different set
books for use by the choir, so that at
two corn
plementary
would
necessary
render
in an ac~
ceptable fashion. The liturgical ambit of codex 6 extends from
vigil of Christmas through Epiphany and from Septuagesima Sunday through 1rinity Sunday
Corpus Christi without including
or
for ordinary time.
manuscript
have
original
than it
now, but
contained more material in
present liturgical range suggests that one would
needed
comparable books to cover the complete Htu
15
16
James J. Bayee
canons t'O use old standard chants for feasts which may originally
have featured proper lVlass chants, which were rendered obsolete
by the liturgical directives of the Council. '3 For this reason it is difficult to ascertain the original size of rns. 10 since many folios were
ren10ved froIn the codex. At the same time ms. 10 is clearly a medieval codex which was still in use by the time of the Council
of Trent, Thus it may have been wriUen in the previous cenlury,
in which case it would parallel the Carmelitechoirbooks of Mainz
which were written in the 1430's and llsed lip to and after the time
of the Council of Trent ;14 otherwise it probably was writtfm in the
early part of the sixteenth century, just prior to the Co~ncU.
The graduals, like the antiphonaries, also feature a very limited liturgical ambit. While ms. 1 extends from the f.east of SL Anthony
on January 17th through that of the Conception of the Vir.gin on
Dec. 81h , very few of the proper feasts are complete and the majority of references are only rubrics. Even here many have been reworked : for instance, what is designated as an AlIe1uia verse for
SL Lawrence is in fact for st. Francis of Assisi. Tbe feasts ill codex
10 extend from St. Barbara on De.cernber 41h through St, Ptaxedis on
July 2P\ all on folios 1 through 14v, so that many of ti1ese feasts involve only the mention of the saint's nam.e. In this manuscript folio
33 follows :f. 14v, which obviously represents :a size a ble lacuna;
since the script of the section beginning at foliO' 33 basically
matches that of the beginning. of the codex, both sectipns are probably original to the manuscript. The section beginnjllg with folio 33
Cf. Salutor Molitor. Die nachrridenlinische Choral-Reform Zli Rom: Ein Beitrag
zur Mllsikgeschichle des, XV/. und XV1J. Jahrhunderls (Leipzig. 1901-02); Robert F.
Hayburn, Papal Legisiari011 011 Sacred Music, 95 A.D. to ).977 A.D. (Collegeville, Minnesotp, 1979). A comparable situa,tion occurred in the manu~c[ipt, :Florence, Carmine, Ms. S, a provisional antiphonary containing proper Carmelite feasts; cL my
article. Ca.r mel in Transition: A Seventeehlh-Century F'lorentine CaTmelite Supplemenl , Manuscripta 39 !]'99S), pp. 56-69.
la For a discussion of the Carmelite codices of Mainz cf, my articles, "Die Main zer Rarmeliterchorbucher und die Liturgischer "fradilion des Katmeliterordens
Archiv fiir ndtt!!-Irnemische Klrchenge-.schichte 39 (1987L pp. 267- 303 an,d "Medieval
Ca.rme lite Offi'~e Manuscripts, A Liturgical Inventory ", Carmelus 33 (19861.
pp. 17-34.
J3
17
contains chants from the COll'lJll0n of the saints that wer e subse
quently applied to specHic later saints by means of the index U1en
tioned above. A third part 'Of the manuscript begins on f. r33" in a
clearly later, probably eighteenth-century, hand, and includes
chants for the feasts Qf St. Phi.lip Nerl [f. 138), Our Lady of Mount
Carmel [f. 141v], St. Bach if. 144] and St. 19natius If. 1511.
Manuscript 2, a gradual, consists of only 32 folios, all of whi.ch
contain chants in general usage. The feast of the martyr St" Baudulus on f. 6v features a .single introit Protexisti me Deus, a chanl corn
monly used for a martyr in the Roman gradual, IS and the martyr,
St. Roch, on f. 11 v has the introit Os iusti, cited in the Roman grad
ual for the common of doctors. 16 Even a ,Mass for the passion 0 Our
Lord (de passione domini nasi';i Jesu Christi) on f. 24 uses the lntr'oit
Humiliavit semitipsum from the Roman graduaJ.'?
What remains of th e gr4dUrals like the antiphonals, gives us only
a very partial view of how Mass was re.o dered in Salarnanca , The
vast number of ordinary Mass chants from Salamanca haye not survived; only the chants for the commons ate included ~n ms. 10 and
the range of chants in ross. 1 and .2 is also very l:l mit ed . A h'Qped
Marian Kyrie, Rex virginum amator, occurs on f. 131v in ms. 1 and
on f. 5v in the Kyrial'e, ms.. 9, suggesting that mss. 1 and Z may have
served as resourcesfot compiling larger service book~ wb~ ch are
now lost. At least two other gra;duals, for the temporal and ~sanctoral
cycles respectively, comparable in Sl7t~ and scope to ms. 10 wou ld
have been necessary to chant the Ma.ss correctly in Salamanca..
Given the paucity of surviving manuscripts and the limited scope
of their contents, any listing of saints is also bound to be incomplete.
Nonetheless these manuscriptsRte all. that remain to 'enable us to
know which saints were venerated in Sala1Dan ca and which chants
were used to celebrate them .
J
18
James J. Boyee
Thble 2 lists
saints
m
codices
with their
day!
number and folio. ISee p.
.)
feasts listed
in Thble 2 are by no means a complete listing of saints venerated
the paucity of manuscripts and their bad state of
repair remind us that mu
of the original liturgy is permanently
lost. These man
give us at
some glimpse
into what the medieval liturgy was like. While the vast majority of
these feasts are. predictably, standard, within this
conforml
to universal usage,
characteristics of the Salamancan
rite nonetheless stand
l
1. Marian feasts
The Cathedral was dedicated to
Maria de la Sede,18 Our
Lady of the Chair, which
the many celebrations in honor
of the Virgin, including the Annunciation, NativitYl Conception,
Visitation, Presentation and Our Lady of
Snows, in addition to
celebrations for the Virgin on Saturday. Annunciation chants
ally serve for
other
as well. A troped Marian Kyrie and
Gloria in ms. 1 and in ms. 9
that great solemnity was used
to
Mass on Marian
Within the context of a generally standard Marian office tradition, ms. 7
contains the rhymed office beginning with
Gaude;no
ecclesia as
first antiphon for first Vespers for the
of the Conception of the Virgin Mary. Despite many
and excised initials in the version of the
in ms.
a careful
.son of the
chants with their counterparts in vari~
ous French
specifically in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale
France, nouv. acq. ms. 3003, a fourteenth-century breviary
from Syon, in
Bibliotheque Nationale de
ms. latin
1266 VoL I, a fifteenth-centu
breviary from Meaux, and
Bibliotheque Mazarine, ms. 355, a thirteenth-century breviary from
St. John Hospital in Jerusalem, indicates that
office was copied
with
care into ms. 7 from a
exemplar or one comparable to it. The presence of this rhymed office in ms. 7 clearly indithat the earliest
of chants
manuscripts
in fact
Histaria
Salamanca Il,
66.
19
2. The Petrine
Pauline Tradition
While the
of Sts. Peter and Paul a universal medieval liturgical practice the unusual grouping of these feasts together
nonetheless surprising. The bad state of repair of the
in ms. 8
manuscript means that many folios are missing so that one cannot
clearly associate individual chants with a specific feast within the
manuscript. Such a fund of Pauline and
material is highly
unusual, however and may well be particular to
rite of Sala~
manca, at least in its liturgical organization.
l
3. St. Jerome
The feasts of St. Jerome and his translation, the latter indicated
by a rubric in ms. 8, while in honor of the famous doctor of the
Church, may also be -inspired by the name of the founding bishop
Jerome Visque. An archival document listing the feasts and annivercelebrated in
cathedral with the stipends attached to each
says of Jerome Visque that he was a Benedictine monk from Thledo,
was bishop
Valencia, confessor to El Cid and bishop of Salamanca. He died en 1125 and the stories give him the title of saint; God
worked through him in life and in death worked miracles through
him. 21
I
19 Klostemeuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift, ms. 1017, f. 5v; Vorau, Stiftsbibliothek, ms. 287 (291, f.
20 The two Aquitanian antiphonaries, mss. Thledo 44.1 and 44.2, do not contain
this
21 Cited
M. Villar y Macias, pp. 98-100. The codex containing
anniversaand feasts in the cathedral is in Caj6n
text on folio 14
as follows:
"Geronimo
monge
Canonigo de Toledo. Obispo
Valencia, confesSalamanca. En 5U tiempo fundaron la iglesia vieja
sor del Cid Ruy Diaz/ ohispo
la senora
Dona Urraca, vel
Don Ramon su marido. El
de !as
hatallas le traxo
prelado de Valencia. Durmio en el Senor en el Mio 1125/ y
las hlstorias le dan titulo de Sancta, y
mas que OhIO Dios
el en Vida,
James J. Boyee
20
4. St. Michael
The
St. Michael the Archangel in codex 8 falls between
that of St. John
the Latin
on May 6th and St. John the
Baptist on June 24th , so that it probably was meant for May 8th ,
common than the
day normally
o n . 29 th , but
consistent with the practice
Mont~Saint-Michel, among
The
of anniversaries
feasts indicates that . Miv.u."' ...... was celebrated on both days in Salamanca. 22
5. The Cross
The
of Salamanca is particularly
in feasts relating to
the Lord's cross
thus contains feasts for
Invention and
tation as well as
St. Helena. In particular, the office of the
vention of the
Cross
ms. 8 contains several chants which
are not found
any of the standard source material such as Corpus
ntiphonalium Officii of Rene-Jean
or the Bryden and
Hughes inventory23 of liturgical chants. Moreover, although
twelfth
century
honal of Santa
la Ser6s contains
feast of
the Exaltation but not the Invention of the Cross, these Salamanca
Visque, Benedictine
canon
'Tbledo,
of
to El Cid Ruy
bishop of Salamanca. In
time Queen Urraca and her husband count Ramon founded the old church [cathedral]. The Lord
the Battles brought
from
He
the
in the
1125 and
stories
title of
and say further
that God worked through
in life and in death Iworked] miracles Ithrough
2.2
itself is
it undoubtedly were
as a fifteenth-century
although parts of
in the seventeenth century. Its title is "Memoria de 105
y
hace el Cabildo con
de sus fundadores".
advantage of this document, found in Caj6n 67
the archive, is that it
from the
of
cathedral's
whether
donation for the
was made by pitan~a or manua1es, two
of stipends or ofpresumably for Imemorial] Masses offered on that
day. The
of St.
Michael on May
is cited on f. 10bis verso
on Sept
on f. 12v_
23 Renato-Joanne Hesbert, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii
. lIl,
tiphonae, Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta, Series maior 9 (Rome, 1968)
versus, hymni, et varia.
documenta, Series
10 {Rome, 1970~. John R. Bryden
David G. Hughes, An
of Gre80rian
Chant, 2 vols.
Mass.,
21
Antiphonar von
1996).
2S This
been
in
Cantus series at Catholic University.
with an introduction by Ruth Steiner: cf. Ronald T. Olexy et al,
Aquitanian Antiphoner: Thledo, Biblioteca capitular, 44.2 (Ottawa, 1992). In
introduction to this
work, Ruth
points out the significant work of Pedro Romano Rocha con
cerning the influence of Moissac on the liturgy of Braga,
other sites: cL his
dissertation, Pedra Romano Rocha, L'O{fice divin au Moyen Age
1'egli.se de
Braga. DrigiMlite et dependences d'une liturgie particulier au Moyen Age
1980)
as well as his article,
Sources languedociennes du Breviaire
Braga", Liturgie
et musique IIX'-XIV' sieele) ICahiers de Fanjeaux, 17; Toulouse, 19821. pp. 185-207.
James J. Boyee
6. St. Barbara
most interesting features of the surviving ..tu.''''''''"'' DU:=Ct:S
..-h',Trr"I,nrl Mass chants for the feast of St. Barbara
CO(leX 10.
Mass features the Alleluia
0 virgo
Ante thronum trinitatis verse from Paris, Bibli........ ,."'''', Ms. latin 905 fol. 311 v cited by David
Hiley27 and distinct
o beata Barbara Deo verse in Vorau/
Stiftsbibliothek, ms.
Cantus series and also
of Alleluia's.28 A
cited in Karlheinz
1<~""h~'''<::I and the Salachapel in the Cathedral was dedicated to
mancan practice of venerating her is co:nSl.SH~m:
otrler Spanish
1
French ......u
elude St.
Abdon and
..... ""
V ....... UH......... ,
~r""'n"".,..!!I~"'rI
St. Roch,
23
NEWLY-DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS...
translation. While
celebration of these French saints is not
extraordinary in itself, it nonetheless suggests a possible French or
Cluniac influence upon the Salamancan liturgy comparable to but
distinct from that exercised upon
liturgy at Toledo.
8. Spanish Saints
Spanish saints
in the Salamancan liturgy include
(or Merida). Isidore of Seville and his translaEulalia of
tion, Ildefonsus, Marina, Justa and Rufina, Leander, Vincent and
Sabina and lames, Almost all
are indicated simply bya
rubric rather than having proper chants.
Conclusion
24
James J. Boyce
f. 1
f. 4, 6
f. 18v
f. 31
f. 34v
f. 39, 42-47
All Saints
Missing
Dedication of a Church
Missing
St. Martin
Missing
f. 54
St. Cecilia
f. 62-66,69-70 Missing
f.72v
St. Clement
f. 79
St. Andrew
f. 86, 95-96 Missing
f. 98
Conception of B.VM. [rhymed office]
f. 117
St. Lucy
f. 124v
Additamenta or Added chants
f. 124v
End of manuscript
SALAMANCA, ARCHIVIO DE LA CATBDRAL , MS.
f. 1
f.2
f. 14v
f. 18
f. 34
f. 34v
f. 73
f. 95
f. 96-104
f. 105
f. 119
f. 138
f. 139v
f. 141
Missing
Pro defunctis
St5. Philip & James
Finding of Holy Cross
St. John Before the Latin Gate
Apparition of St. Michael
Birth of St. John the Baptist
Sts. John and Paul
Missing
St8. Peter and Paul
[Commemoration of) St. Paul
St. Peter in Chains
Sts. Peter and Paul
Conversion of S1. Paul
f. 142v
f. 142v
Nov. 1
Nov. 11
Nov. 22
Nov. 23
Nov. 30
Dec. 8
Dec. 13
May
May
May
May
June
June
1
3
6
8
24
26
June 29
June 30
August 1
June 29
Jan. 25
Feb. 22
25
Table 2.
The saints venerated in the Salamanca liturgy
FEAST
MS.:FoLlo
DATE
St. Felix
St. Hilary
St. Anthony abbot
SL Prisca
Sts. Fabian & Sebastian
St. Agnes
St. lldefonsus
Conversion of St. Paul
St. Agnes second
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
14
14
17
18
20
21
23
28
1:8; 10:11
10:12
1:12; 8:141
10:12
Purification of B.V.M.
St. Blaise
St. Agatha
St. Scholastica
Chair of SL Peter
St. Leander, b & d
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
2
3
5
10
22
27
1:14v
1:17
10:12
10:14v
1:19; 8:142v
10:14v
Mar.
Mar.
Mar.
Mar.
Mar.
12
18
19
21
25
lO:14v
1:23v
1:25v
10: 14v
1:27
Isidore, b & d
George, martyr
Mark
Eutropius
Apr.
Apr.
ApT.
Apr.
4
23
25
30
10:14v
1:29v
8:13
1:31v
St.
St.
St.
St.
25
May 1
May 2
May 3
10:9
10:10v
1:3
10:10v
1:5v
8:14v
10: 14v
1:20v
James J. Boyce
26
FEAST
Ms.:FoLIO
DATE
?
May 12
May 19
May 20
St. Barnabas
St. Marina virgin
St. John the Baptist
Sts. John & Paul
Sts. Peter and Paul
St. Paul
St. Martial
June 11
June 18
June 24
June 26
June 29
June 30
June 30
1:33
1:47
1:38; 8:73
8:95
1:40, 92v; 8: 105
8:119
10:l4v
Visitation
Translation of St. Martin
Thanslation of St. Benedict
St. Margaret, v & ID
St5. Justa and Rufina
St. Praxedis
St. Mary Magdalene
St. James
St. Anne
St. Martha, virgin
Sts. Abdon & Sennen
July 2
July 4
July 11
July 13
July 19
July 21
June 22
July 25
July 26
July 29
July 30
lA2v
10:14v
lO:14v
1:45v
10; 14v
10: 14v
1:48
1:49v
1:50v
1:51v
1:51v
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
8:138
1:53
1:87v
1:55
2:11v
May 3
May 6
May 8
1
5
10
15
16
8:18
1:31v; 8:34
8:34v
8:50v
1:22
10:14v
1:31v; 2:6v
'
..
27
FEAST
DATE
MS.:FoLlo
St. Bartholomew
St. Augustine
Beheading of St. John
Aug. 24
Aug. 28
Aug. 29
1:55v
1:56
1:57v
Nativity of B.V.M.
Exaltation of Holy Cross
Sts. Cornelius & Cyprian
St. Eufemia, v.
St. Michael archangel
St. Jerome t priest
Sts. Vincent & Sabina, m.
Sept. 8
Sept. 14
Sept. 16
Sept. 16
Sept. 29
Sept. 30
Sept. 30
1:58
1:59
1:62
10:14v
1:63v
1:64
1:64
Oct. 4
1:88
All Saints
St. Martin, bishop
Presentation B.V.M.
St. Cecilia
St. Clement
st. Catherine, virgin
St. Andrew
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.
1
11
21
22
23
25
30
7:1
1:66; 7:34v
1:66v
7:54
7:72v
1:67
1:68; 7:79
St. Barbara
St. Nicholas
Conception B. V.M.
St. Leocadia
St. Eulalia
St. Damasus
St. Luey
Translation of St. Isidore
St. Sylvester
Dec. 4
Dec. 6
Dec. 8
Dec. 9
Dec. 10
Dec. 11
Dec. 13
1:69; 10:1v
10:8
1:73v; 7:98
10:8
10:8
10:8
10:8; 7:117
10:9
10:9
Dec. 31
28
James J. Boyce
Table 3.
The great responsories for the feast of the
Invention of the Holy Cross in ms. 8
INclPIT
l. R.
V.
2. R.
V.
3. R.
V.
4. R.
V.
5. R.
V.
6. R.
V.
7 . R.
V.
8. R.
V.
CAO
6351
6351
7238
6845
6845
6530
6530a
29
Hana Breko
Gegenstand der folgenden Beobachtungen sind die wichtigsten Ergebnisse einer repertoiregeschichtlichen Untersuchung des Enstehungs- und Verwendungskontextes einer bislang nicht genauer untersuchten Handschrift, des Codex MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitanbibliothek. I
Dieses mittelalterliche Gesangbuch aus dem Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts, ein Missale mit Notation, wurde in der vierzig.en Jahren
zum ersten mal Thema der liturgischen und musikhistorischen Forschung, als Dragutin Kniewald eine kurze Beschreibung seines Inhalts gab. z Eine spatere Studie der Handschdft, unternommen von
Janka Szendrei im Rahmen ihrer Forschungen zu den deutschen
Neumenschriften in Ungarn,3 beruhrt nur ihre Notation. Zu dieser
- eine Probe ist in der Abbildung vorgelegt - schreibt J. Szendrei:
"Das Missale N otatum 'Von Zagreb wurde in einem deutschen ScripI Bine umfassende Untersuchung dieser liturgischen Musikhandschrift war der
Gegenstand meiner Magisterarbeit. Der Tite} dieser Arbeit, die im Februar 1998 an
der Musikakademie der Universitat Zagreb vorgelegt wurde, ist: Misal MR 70 za
grebacke Metropolitane, Kontekst nastanka i primjene srednjovjekovnoga glazbenoga ru-
Hana Breko
30
toriurn gefertigt; es ist kennzeichend, dass seine Zagreber Erganzungsnoten (13. Jahrhundert!) bereits von ungarischer Notation
sind u. 4 Gerade dieser Befund weist auf einen signifikanten Aspekt
der Handschrift MR 70 hin; namlich auf die Verschiedenheit 00schen ihrem Enstehungs- und ihrem Verwendungbereich. Das Missale MR 70 enthalt sowohl den normativen und weithin einheitlichen Primarbestand liturgischer Musik seines deutschsprachigen
Enstehungsbereiches, als auch Repertoirebesonderheiten seines Verwendungsortes und vielleicht Bestimmungsortes, die aus einer Zagreber Perspektive interessant sind. Die schon erwahnten marginalen Zusatze der Handschrift MR 70 sind zusammen mit dem heute
in Gussing befindlichen altesten Zagreber Missale 5 mit Liniennotation des IIGraner 1YPus'I,6 ein zentrales Dokument der Formierungsphase eines lokalen Zagreber Ritus eigenen Profils im Rahmen des
ungarischen Ritus 7 der Erzdiozese Kalocsa, deren Suffragan das Bistum Zagreb ab dem Jahr 1180 war.8
Hier werde ich nur die charakteristischen lokalen Nachtrlige erwahnen, die eine Adaption des imporierten Gesangbuches an die
Zagreber Praxis beweisen. 9 Zu den wichtigsten regionalen Besonderheiten im Temporalteil geh6rt der 1ractus Rex regum (Folio 52)
den man nur /lin den ungarischen (diozesanischen) Quellen ab dem
l
Ibid., S. 192.
Zum altesten Zagreber Missale siehe zuletzt Uszl6 Dobszay, "ArpAd-kori kottiis
misek5nyvlink provenienciaja", Znetudomanyi DoIgozatok (Budapest, 1984), S. 7-12.
6 Vg!. ]anka Szendrei, HDie Geschichte der Gl'aner Choralnotation", Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 30 (Budapest, 1988)1 S. 5-234.
7 Zu den Quellen des mittelalterlichen ungarischen Ritus siehe Lasz16 Dobszay,
nP1ainchant in Medieval Hungary", Journal of the Plainsong and Medieval Music Society, Bd. 13 (1990), S. 49-78, Usz16 Dobszay, "The System of the Hungarian Plainsong Sources", Studia musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 27 (Budapest,
1985), S. 37-65.
8 Zur Geschichte des Zagreber Bistums siehe: Baltazar Adam Kroolic, Historia
rum cathedralis ecclesiae zagrabiensi3 partis primae tomus prim us (Zagrabiae, 1770),
Gyorgy Gyorffy, .,Zur Frage deI Griindung des Bistums von Zagreb", Zagreoocka
biskupija i ~eb 1094.-1994. Hrsg. Antun ~kvor~vit 'Zagreb, 1995), S. 103-7, Nada Klai~, Zagreb u srednjem vijeku (Zagreb, 1982).
9 Ein umfassender Kommentar aller margina.len Zusatze des ThmpQral und des
Sanktoralteils des Codex MR 70 siehe in meiner Magisterarbiet, S. 70~80.
4
31
AbbilduD.g 1.
Mis.sale MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitanbibliothek, Fol. ~ 1v
1-
\
!
32
Hana Breko
Vgl. Janka Szendrei, "Graduale Strigoniense Is. XV/XVW, Musicalia Danubiana, Bd, .12 (Budapest, 1993), S. 126.
U
It Vg1. Benjamin Rajeczky, 11 Th.e Memory of Thomas B@cket , Kommentartext
zum Compact Disk rnit der AufnahIlle des Offiziums ,zum Fest des HI. Thomas
Becket, Hungaroton, HeD 12458-2.
lZ Das Fest des Heiligen Ladislaus (Elevatio), gefeiert am 27. Juni. gehort zu den
typi.schen ungarischen Festen. Vgl. dazu Polycarpus Rad6, Libri liturgici manuscripti
bibliothecanlm Hungariae et limitropharum regionum (Budape'st, 1973j. S. 17.
13 VgI. 1
'b'd
1
14 Vgl. Lasz16 Dobszay... A.rpad-kori kottas ... u, S. 10.
10
33
,
11
34
Hana Breko
15
Ibid.
16
ZUIn Fest des Heligen Leonardus siehe zuletzt Andelko Badurina, Leksikon iho-
35
ment geschriebene Missale und zwei Breviere besessen hat".21 Konnte nicht das Missale MR 70 eines dieser drei im Inventar erwahnten
MeLt,bucher aus dem Hospitz der Heligen Elisabeth gewesen sein,
und sind seine charakteristischen Zagreber Nachtrage, besonders eine mehrmals in Majuskel nachgetragene "Anrufung des Leonardus", nicht ein Indiz dafiir, daB die Bestimmungs- bzw. Verwendungslokalitat der Handschrift MR 70 im mittelalterlichen Zagreb
gerade die Kapelle oder die Kirche der HI. Elisabeth war? Soviel
zum Verwendungskontext dieser Handschrift.
Meine Untersuchung des Entstehungkontextes beginnt mit einer
repertoiregeschichtlichen Analyse eines besonders signifikanten,
weil stark individuell gepragten, Repertoireausschnittes, namlich
mit der des Sequenzen-Bestandes. Dieser la~t, wie ich an anderer
Stelle gezeigt habe,22 einige wichtige Zusammenhange mit dem Sequenzenrepertoire des zentralen Slowenien erkennen. Ich erwahne
nur die wichtigsten Beobachtungen zum Sequenzenrepertoire, die
sich aus der Analyse einer Gruppe von 12 "besonderen Sequenzen u ,
vorgelegt in der Thbelle 1 (siehe S. 41), ergeben: "Der Sequentiarteil
von MR 70 bietet ein typisches siiddeutsches Repertoire des 12. und
des 13. Jahrhunderts. Dies bestiitigt -auch das Vorkommen der folgenden Sequenzen: (1) der Kunigunde-Sequenz Jubilemus deo, die in
Aquileia und in Italien unbekannt ist, (2) der Georgius-Sequenz Hoc
in natalitio, die seit dem 12. Jh. in suddeutschen RaUffi, im Erzbistum Salzburg und im mittelalterlichen slowenischen Raum sehr
verbreitet ist, (3) der Afra-Sequenz Grates deo et hon0r, die im Erzbistum Salzburg entstanden und nach Cividale iiberliefert ist, (4) der
Nicolaus-Sequenz Laude Christo debita, die osterreichischer bzw. Augustinischer Herkunft ist, (5) der Blasius-Sequenz Sanetorum vita,
die nur im siiddeutschen Raum und iD Slowenien Aufnahme gefunden hat, und 16) der Sequenz Rex deu$ dei agne, die im deutschspraZur der Geschichte des Zagreber Elisabeth-Hospitz siehe Janko Barle, nNekadanja ubofuica sv. Blizabete u Zagrebu", Vjesnik ZemaJjskog Arhiva (Zagreb, 1913),
21
S.73-4.
Vgl. Hana Breko, nDas Missale MR 70 der Zagreber Metropolitanbibliothek Untersuchungen zum Entstehungskontext ll , Medieval Music in Slovenia and its European Connections, Proceedings from the International Symposium, Ljubljana, June 19t1t
and 2(jh 1997, Hrsg. Jurij Snoj (Ljubljana, 1998), S. 133-44.
22
36
Hana Breko
chigen Raum iibeliefert ist und in Aquileia unbekannt bleibt. 1123 Die
'Th.tsache, daB in diesem Teil des Sequenzenrepertoires erne Uberlagerung van zwei Thaditionen, einer Salzburgischen und einer Aquileischen zu erkennen ist, entspricht dem Befund, der rur das Sequenzrepertoire aus dem zentralen Slowenien charakteristisch ist.
Das Sequenzenrepertoire dieses Gebietes hat Janez Hof1er so beschrieben: "Though the surviving sources are for the greater part
fragmentary it is possible to establish that the influences from Salzburg and Aquileia contributed to the formation of the sequencer of
central Slovenia. However, the influences from the north played a
stronger part in this development. 1124
"Das Vorkommen der beiden Sequenzen Quem invisibiliter und Attolamus in hac die, die auBer in MR 70 nur noch in Ungarn und in
B6hmen iiberliefert worden sind, schlieBt nun freilich die MogHchkeit einer Ubereinstimmung von Entstehung.s- und Verwendungskontext, die Moglichkeit also, daB MR 70 in Zagreb selbst entstanden ist.
Die Analyse des Sequenzenrepertoires erlaubt 'drei Annahmen:
n(l) Das Missale ist irgendwo Un Siiden des deutschsprachigen
Raums, bzw. in der Di6zese Salzburg entstanden; (2) es konnte aus
dem mittelalterlichen slowenischen Raum kommen, nam1ich aus einer Enklave der Erzdiozese Salzburg in diesem Berekh; j3) das Missale konnte in der mittelalterl!.ichen Diozese Zagreb, vor dem 14.
Jahrhundert, entstanden sein. n2S
Hinsichtlich der Ordinariums-Melodilen bietet das Repertoire von
MR 70 ein typisch suddeutsches Bild, da aUe Melodien uberall im
Uberlieferungskreis der Salzburger Diozese bekannt waren.26
Angesichts dieses uneindeutigen Befundes wenden wir uns nun,
mit der Erwartung eine Entscheidung zwischen den drei erwogenen
Moglichekeiten treffen zu konnen, den charakteristischen AlleluiaIbid., S. 140.
24 Siehe daw Janez H6fler,
HRekonstrukcija srednjeve~kega sekvencijara v
osrednji Slovenijj", Muzikoloski zbornik, MUsicological Annual, Bd. III (Ljubljana,
1967\, S. 5-16.
as Vg!. Hana Breko, "Das Missale MR 70 ... S. 140-1.
26 Die vergleichenden 18beUen der Ordinariumsmelodien def Handschrift MR
70 und die Kreise ihrcr Uberlieferung siehe in meiner Magisterarbeit, S. 32-46.
2:J
N,
37
Versen zu. Dabei zeigen sich schon beim Vergleich der Reihe der AIleluia-Verse der Sonntage nach Pfingsten einige Schwierigkeiten. Eine Liste dieser Alleluiareihen ist in Thbelle 2 vorgelegt Isiehe S. 42).
Versucht man, diese Reihe mit den Reihen anderer suddeutschen
Quellen zu vergleichen,27 ergibt sich auf den ersten Blick folgende
Beobachtung: Die Serie ist singular. David Hiley hat mir aufgrund
von ihm zusammengestellter A11eluia-Listen, sowie von Alleluialisten Jeremy Nobles freundlicherweise folgende umfassende Auskunft gegeben: Die Reihe beginnt wie viele anderen Quellen aus
dem suddeutschsprachigen und zentraleuropaischen Raum. Die
groite Ubereinstimmung - 20 van 22 Versen - zeigt die Reihe von
MR 70 mit den Handschriften Salzburg, st. Peter a. IX. 11 und Udine 93. Dabei fehlen die Verse Letatus sum + Stantes erant pedes in
diesen Bereichen ganzlich. Man findet sie, z.B. in der Handschriften
der Regensburger Kathedrale. Eine, nicht weniger interessante, lonkordanz (19 von 22 Versen) mit der Reihe von MR 70 ergibt ein Vergleich roit den Alleluia-Reihen der Handschriften, die den Augustiner Chorherren in Osterreich (Im it Substitution von Qui timent do~
minum und Letatus sum + Stantes erant pedes) gehoren. Aus dies em
Vergleich konnen wir vorlaufig schliei\en, daf> die Allel~ia~Reihe
von MR 70 osterreichischen Reihen der Erzdiozese Salzburg nahesteht.
Einen letzten, und wohl entscheidenden Hinweis erbringt der
Vergleich der Alleluia-Verse der Sonntage nach Ostern. Er ist besonders aussagekraftig, weil er nicht nur neue Erkentnisse liber den
moglichen Enstehungskontext erbringt, sondem auch auf eine bislang unerkannte Spuren einer friihern norditalienischen S-chicht in
den ungarischen Quellen hinweist. An anderer Stelle habe ich diese
Nord-italienisch-ungarische Beziehung auf der Basis- der AlleluiaVerse Modicum, Vado und Usquemodo Uberlieferung dargelegt 28
Deshalb darf ich mich hier auf die Bedeutung dieses Befunds fUr
I
28
38
Hana Breko
den Entstehungskontext von MR 70 konzentrieren. DaB die AlleluiaVerse fur den IlL, IV., und V. Sonntag nach Ostern - Modicum et
non videbitis, Vado ad eum, Usquemodo non petistis erne besondere
Gruppe rur sich bilden, hat schon Kad Reinerth bemerkt. 29 Er betont ihre stabile Uberlieferung in Osteuropa, Schlesien, Polen, Ungarn und im Ritus des Zisterzienser- und des Deut.schen Ritterordens. Heinrich Husmann stdlte ihre Uberlieferung in Frankreich
und Norditalien fest.3D Janka Szendrei hat eine stabile Uberlieferung
der Gruppe in den ungarischen (darunter auch Zagreber) Quellen
gezeigt.31 Jurij Snoj diskutiert ihre Prasenz in den mittelalterlichen
QueIlen aus Slowenien.32 Raffaella Camilot~Oswalds Untersuchung
der Quellen van Aquileia und Cividale beweist erne stabile und feste Uberlieferung dieser Allduia-Gruppe innerhalb der Quellen des
Patriarchats. 33
Signifikatersweise sind die Versen Modicum et non videbitis, Vado
ad eum, Usquemodo non petistis, in den Quel1en des deutschspra.chigen Raums ganzlich unbekannt.
Was die Quellen lhres Uberlieferungskreises unterscheidet, ist
der 'text des Verses Vado ad eum und die Melorue die sie benutzen.
Thbelle 3 (siehe S. 43) zeigt die QueUen und die 'Iraditionen, denen
sie entstammen. Sie hrssen sich in zwei Gruppen aufteilen: eine
Gruppe reprasentieren die Quellen aus Sudfrankreich(Aquitanien),
Siiditalien (Benevento) und die Quellen der Dominikaner. Diese
Quellen haben verschiedene Me10dien zu Modicum, Vado und Usquemodo. Demgegeniiber gehoren die Quellen aus Norditalien,
29 Vg!. hierzu Karl Reinerth, Das Heltauer Missale, Eine Brocke zum Lande der Sie
benbiirber Sachsen IKoln, 1963), S. 36-7 und Karl Reinerth. Missale Cib.iniense, Gestalt, Ursprung und Entwicklung des. Me{3ritus der siebenburgisch-stichischen Kirche
im Mittelalter (Ki:>ln, 1972), S. 192.
30 Vgl. Heinrich Husmann, "Zur Gescruchte der Me/Uiturgie von Sitten und iibeF
wen Zusammenhang mit Liturgien von Einsiedeln. Lausanne und Genf Archiv
{Ur Musikwissenschaft. XXII 11965), S. 23'6.
31 VgL j anka Szendrei, nGraduale Strigoniense ... n, S. 126-40.
3l VgI. Jurij Snoj, "Aleluje Velikono~nega ~asa v Ijuhljanskih srednjeve~kih roko
pisihM. Muzikoloshi zbo'nzih., Musicological Annual XXIII (Ljubljana, 1987). S. 37.
3J Vgl. Raffaella Camilot-Oswald, HDie liturgischen Musikhandschriften aus dem
mittelalterlichen Patriarchat Aquileia", Thilband 1, M071umenta monodiea medii aevi.
Subsidia, Band n IKassei, 1997), S. LXXVI.
N
39
Aquileia, Cividale, Ungarn, Osteuropa und die Fragmente der Codices aus dem mittelalterlichen slowenischen Raum, zur Gruppe, die
fUr alle drei Verse die selbe Melodie (Schlager ThK 38) benutzen,
namlich die des Alleluia Verses Justus ut palma. Zu dieser Gruppe
gehort auch MR 70. Die Thtsache, da~ Modicum, Vado und Usquemodo auch in den GradualFragmenten aus Kamnik und Nazarje in
Slowenien/ 34 sowie in einem Fragment aus Ljuhljana zu finden
sind,35 und zwar auf die Justus ut palmaMelodie, und da~ die se
Gruppe, wie Jurij Snoj gezeigt hat, auch im Gradualfragment des
Historischen Archivs Ljubljana, Sadnikar, Mappe 2, enthalten ist,36
erbringt einen wohl entscheidenden Befund': Codex MR 70 zeigt in
diesem signifikanten Alleluia-Repertoire-Ausschnit/ genauso wie in
seine m Sequenzenbestand, eine weitgehende Ubereinstimmung mit
der slowenischen Tradition. 31
Ein kurzer Exkurs iiber diese slowenische 1radition: Die kirchlichen Gebiete in Slowenien gehorten im Mittelalter zum Erzbistum
Salzburg und zum Patriarchat Aquileia. Die Grenze war ab dem
Jahr Bl1 der Flu~ Drau. 38 Slowenien grenzte in Osten an Ungarh
34 Vgl. die Fragmente des selben Graduals in: Kamnik, BibliCi>thek des Franzis
kanerklosters und Nazarje, Bibliothek des Franziskanerklosters jins Gesamt 20 Fo
lios). Zu diesen Fragmenten siehe zuletzt Jurij Snoj, Medieval Music Codices, A Selection of Representative Samples from Slovene .Libraries (Ljubljana, 1997), S. 26-9.
35 Fragment eines Graduals in Ljubljana, Archlv Sloweniens, SaID. A I. fast. 6,
Reg. 1618-1622- Vgl. Jurij Snoj, nAleluje ... ", S. 23-4.
36 Vgl. Jurij Snoj . .,Aleluje ... ", S. 36.
37 Zu den mittelalterlichen Quellen zur Musik Jl'-1~ Slowenien siehe Milko Kos,
Srednjeveski rokopisi v Sloveniji (Ljubljana, 1931); Janez Hofler, nStareja gregori
janika v Ijuhljanskih knjifnicah in arhivih" (NThe Oldest Plainchant Sources in the
Ljubljana Libraries and Archives"), Kronika 13 (Ljuhljana, 1965); Jurij Snoj, .,Fragmenti srednjeve~kih koralnih rokopisov s poznogotsko notacijo v Ljuhljani", Dissertation (UniversWit Ljuhljana, 1987); Jurij Snoj, "Historical Mq.sieo10'gY on Medieval
Music Manuscripts in Slovene Libraries~, Medieval Mwic -in Slo'Venia and its Eure
pean Connections, Proceedings from the International Symposium, Ljub~anal June 1911
and 2(Jh 1997, Hrsg. Jurij Snoj 'Ljubljana. 1998'1, S. 15- 27; Jurij Snej, "Italian Influences in the Medieval Plainchant Manuscripts from Slevenia ll , MMilBval Music Cultures of the Adriatic Region ... , S. 275-84.
H
38 Siehe hierzu Jofe Mlinari~, HCerkev na Slovenskem v srednjem veku
("Die
Kirche in Slowenien im Mittelalter"l, Zgodo))ina cerkve na Slovenskem (Celje, 1991),
S. 61-93. Zur Geschichte der einzelnen Orden im m ittelalterlichen sloweniSGhen
40
Hana Breko
(bzw. an Erzbisrumer Kalocsa und Esztergom l und an Bistum Zagreb). Konnte gerade dieses Gebiet eine mogliche 'Iransitzone g'ewesen seinl das iiberlieferungsgeschichtliche Bindeglied zwischen dem
norditalienischen und dem osteuropaischen (ungarischen) Repertoire?
Auf der Basis der vorgelegten Beobachtungen diirfen WIT eine
Uberlagerung der zwei Traditionen der Aquielischen und! der Salzburgischen im Sequenzenrepertoire des mitttealterlichen Slowenien
und eine konkrete Ubereinstimmung im Alleluia-Reperlorre feststellen. Da~ lIthe influences from the north played a stronger part" wie
Janez Hofler schreibt,39 kann damit erkHirt werden, daB geraqe in
der Zeitspanne von 11. bis 13. Jahrhundert das aquileiscbe Repertoire selbst unter "der EinfluB aus dem Norden" standi dank der
Thtsache da~ "zweihundert Jame lang, zwischen dem 11. und 13.
Jahrhundert alle Patriarchen von Aquileia deutscher Herkunft waren". Dies hat unlangst Raffaella CarnilotOswald bestatigt.40
Als Schlu~bilanzl wohl wissend dai dies nur eine der moglichen
Interpretationen ist l darf festgehalten werden: Das Missale MR 70
kommt wahrscheinlich aus dem mittelalterHchen slowenischen
Raum namlich aus einer Enklave der Erzdiozese Salzburg in diesem
Bereich. In der Kapelle oder Kirche der HI. Elisabeth in Zagreb
wurde es an den dortigen "ritus et consuetudo almae ecclesiae zagrabiensisl'41 adaptiert und fUr die Feier der Messe benutzt.
I
Raum siehe mletzt France Martin Dol.inar, nSvetne in redovne k1er~ke skupnosti v
srednjem veku na Slovenskem" (wSecular and monastic Clerical Communities in the
Middle Ages on Slovenian 'ThnitoryUI'I Medieval Music in Slovenia a1zd its European
Connections, Proceedings from the Internation.al Symposium, Lfublja.na, Jun.e 19lt and
2(fb 1997, fusg. Jurij Snoj (Ljubljana, 1998), S. 29-39.
39 Vgl. Janez Hofier, "Rekon"Strukcija ..... , S. 15.
40 Vg}. RaffaeUa Camilot-Oswald
"Die liturgischen Musikhandschriften .. ... ,
S. XXVIII.
4\ Vgl. Dragutin Kniewald, .. numinacija .. !, S. 6.
j
Tabelle 1.
"Besondere Sequenzen"
MR70
RUBRIK
Hoc in natalitio
Sanctorum vita
Psallite r:egi nomo
Georgius
BIasius
Iohannes baptista
AQua.ElA
Crv rDA LE
SLOWENIEN
+
+
+
SUDDEUTSCHER RAUM
OST~ BOHMEN,
(DIOZESE SALZBURG J
UN GA RN
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+B6hmen
+ Bohmen
+ Ungarn
+ Deutsche
Herren
+
Tabelle 2. Missale MR 70, Reihe der Alleluiaversen fur die Sonntage nach Pfingsten
DOMlNICA
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
It.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
MR 70
DOMl-
(ST.
NICA
20.
21.
22.
23.
MR70
Dextera dei
Qui sanat contritos
De profundis
Lauda anima mea
GRUPPE 1:
ME LOO IB
LNClPIT
SODf'RANXRBICH
SOoITALIBN
/AQ.ul- (BENEVENTO)
DOMINI-
Now-
KANER
ITALIN
AQUILEIA
SLOWENIEN
UND ZAGRBS)
POLEN,
RAUM
+
+
+
+
+
+
DEUTSCH-
TANIZN)
Modicum
Modicum
Vado
UNGARN
45
Martin Czernin
1. Historische Bemerkungen
Die traditionsreiche Geschicht~l der heutigen Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek reicht bis in das 14. Jahrhundert zuruck, als Herzog
Albrecht In. (1365-1395) in seiner Schreibschule u.a, das 1368 voU
endete Evangeliar des Johannes von 'Iroppau anfertigen lie~. Unter
Kaiser Friedrich Ill. (1440-1493) wurde die Sammlung der damaIigen kaiserlichen Hofbibliothek, die bis 1558 im ehemaligen Minori
tenkloster untergebracht war, stark vergro~erl. Im 16. Jahrhundert
wurde Hugo Blotius [1575-16081 als erste Hofbibliothekar angestellt. 1621 wurde die Sammlung in die Hofburg iibersiedelt. Im
Jahre 1716 veranlai1te Kaiser Karl VI. (1711-1740) die Planung eines
eigenen Bihliotheksgebaudes, das 1722-1726 errichtet und 1726 als
kaiserliche offentliche Bibliothek eroffnet wurde, Da der heutige
"Prunksaal 'J der Bibliothek die reichb.altigen Bestande der Sammlung bald nicht melu fassen konnte, wurde die Bibliothek in die
Raumlichkeiten des benachbarten aufgehobenen Augustin-e rklosters
und in die sogenannte "Neue Burg" erweitert. Nach dem Eude des
1. Weltkrieges wurde die Hofbibliothek in NationaZhibliothek umbenannt seit 1945 hei~t sie Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek.
J
46
Martin
Grundung
In der heute
Bibliothek
viele Handschriften, Inkunabeln, Druckschriften u
dadurch
da~ (1) die
Disziplinen vor
ihre Bestande standig erweiterten, (2)
Mitarbeiter
bliothek versuchten, besonders
Exemplare anderer BiblioWiener Sammlung zu bekommen, und (3) dUTch die
theken fur
Klosteraufhebungen unter Josef n.
des 18.
viele
Handschriften {sofern sie
kleineren
Bibliotheken
} nach Wien
sind. Auch
zusammengesammelt
wenn die BesUinde
Thilsammlungen
Bibliotheksbenu
inzwischen
sehr gut
gemacht
in der Handschriften- , Autographensind, werden
Nachla~Sammlung so viele mittelalterliche Handschriften aufbewahrt, daB zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt
nicht einmal
Exempla
re auch
einer ausfuhrlichen Beschreibung katalogmaig erfaBt
konnten. Mit
allgemein zuganglichen Codices
und befafSten
viele Wissenschaftler aller Disziplinen
zahlreichen
Abhandlungen sodal1 in den
weiligen Fachdisziplinen bereits so
Informationen liber
Handschriften vorhanden sind, daB an
Stelle auf diese
muB.
ces nicht
elngegangen
OsterreiWie in .
anderen Bibliothek
findet man in
HandNationalbibliothek
zur grofSen
noch viele
von zum
wissenschaftliurspriinglichen
cher Bedeutung.
iiberlebten, nachdem
Handschriften
worden waren, vor
als Einbande
und Vor- bzw.
chsatzblatter von
Handschriften
Geschehnisse
letzten Jahrhunderte. Wie viele andere seIcher
Fragmente
auch Vollhandschriften} seit damals Brandkatastrephen u
. zum Oper gefallen sind; wird man
nie
wirklich beantworten konnen. Um so bedeutendere ZeitzeuFragmente.
die noch
l
47
48
Martin Czernin
den Handschriften, die nicht in deutscher, lateinischer oder griechischer Sprache abgefa~t wurden, gewidmet. s Zu den genau datierbaren Handschriften veroffentlichte Franz Unterkircher nach 1969
mehrere Kataloge. 9
Ein besonderes Interesse gilt den illuminierten Handschriften, die
bereits Anfang dieses Jahrhunderts van Julius Hermann in seinem
Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in Osterreich aushihrlich
beschrieben worden sind, Die ersten sieben Bande dieser Publikation behandeln Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. 10 Ende der 50er-Jahre verfagte Franz Unterkircher ein Invenfentlichungen der Handschriftensammlung; Band I, Teil 1: Codices historici, Codices philosophici et philologici (Wien, 1961); Ders., Katalog der griechischen Handschri(tell der Osten-eichischen NatiollaZbibliolheh, Museion. Veroffentlichungen der
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Neue Folge. Vierte Reihe: Veroffentlichungen
der Handschriftensammtung, Band 1, Teil 2: Codices juridici, Codices medici (Wien,
1969) (verzeichnet 18 jurislische und 53 medizinische griechische Handschriften).
B Verzeichnis der spanischen, porlllgiesischen und hatalanischen Ha "dschriften der
Nationalbibliothek (Wien, 1931), (Maschinschriftlich.); Helene Loebenstein, Katalog
der arabischen Handschnften der OSlerreichischen Nationalbibliotheh. Neuerwerbungen
1868-1968, Teil 1.' Codices mixti ab NI'. 744, MuseioD. Veroffentlichungen der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Neue Folge. Vierte Reihe. Veroffentlichung der
Handschriftensammlung 3 (Wieo, 19701; Karl Schwarzenberg, Katalog der hroatischen, polnischen und Ischechischen l1andschriften der Osterreichischen NationalbiblioIhek. Museion. Veroffentlichungen der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Neue
PoIge. Vicrte Reihe. Veroffentlichungen der Handschriftensammlung 4 {Wien,
1972).
9 Franz Unterkircher, Die datierten Handschrifteu der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliotheh 1-4, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in Osterreich (Wien, 1969-l976). ~Bd. 1: bis 1400, Bd. 2: 1401-1450, Bd. 3: 1451-1500,
Bd. 4: 1501-1600).
10 Julius Hermann, Be.schreibende.s Verzeichnis der illuminierlen Handschriften in
Oslerreich, Nelle Folge, Herausgegeben von Julius Schlosser und Hermann Julius
Hermann; Die ilIuminierten Handschriften und Inkunabeln der Nationalbibliothek in
Wlen, Bd. 1-7. (Leipzig. 1923-1938), (Bd. 1. ]ulius Hermann, Die friihmittelalterlichen Handschri{ten [1923]1 Bd. 2. Julius Hermann. Die deutschen romanischen Handschri(ten [19261 / Bd. 3. Julius Hermann, Die romanischen Handschriften des Abendlalldes rnit Ausnahme der deutschen Handschn/ten [1927J / Bd. 4. Paul Buberl, Die byzantinischen Ha ndschnlten, Zwei Teilbande 11937, 1938] I Bd. 5. Julius Hermann,
Die i/alienischen Handschriftell des Ducento und Trecento, Drei Teilbande 11928-1930]
I Bd. 6, Julius Hermann. Die Handschri(ten Ilnd Inkunabeln der italienischen Renaissance, Vier Teilbande [1930-19331 / Bd. 7. Ju)ius Hermann, Die westeuropaischen
49
tarverzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften, Inkunabeln und FrUhdrucke,11 das seither als wesentliche Grundlage zu den unter der
Leitung von Otto Pacht begonnenen detaillierten kunsthistorischen
Studien und Spezial-Publikationen l2 dient.
Eine ausfuhrliche Beschreibende Bibliographie der gedruckten Kataloge zu den Handschriftenbestiinden der Handschriftensammlung der
Osterreichischen NationaZbibliothek bis zum Erscheinungsjahr 1974
wurde van Istvan Nemeth zusammengestellt. Diese Liste enthaIt Publikationen, in denen mindestens sieben Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek beschrieben worden sind und ist in
die Gro~bereiche 1. AbendHindische Handschriften, n. Griechische
Handschriften, Ill . Slawische Handschriften, IV. AuBereuropaischer
Kulturkreis und V. llluminierte Handschriften gegliedert. Au~erdem
steht diese Bibliographie jedem interessierten Forscher iiber das Internet zur VerfUgung. 13
Urriv.B1b1loHlek
R qGnsbur~
Martin Czernin
51
Vnter
Leitung von Hofrat Univ.-Prof.
Otto Mazal beschaf~
tigen sich
Mitarbeiter mit
ErschlieSung
mittelalterli
chen Bucheinbande
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek und
einen Katalog
rnittelalterlichen Bucheinbande bis etwa
urn 1500 vor. Neben einer detaillierten Beschreibung
Einbande
IS
Mitteleuropaischen Schulen 1
52
Martin Czernin
sowohl
Stempelschmuck
a]s auch
Einbaniokalisiert und datiert. Der
lrberblick
uber das Einbandschaffen der einzelnen europaischen Regionen
wa des 9.
15. Jahrhunderts beinhalten.
4. Bemerkungen zu einem
musikwissenscha
Projekt in
Handschriften-,
Autographen- und N achlaBsammIung
Der nachste teressante
elner
begann
mit, da~ vor
Jahren
Mitarbeiterin
Musiksammlung
der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Frau Oberrat Dr. Rosemary Moravec-Hilmar, in
Handschriften-, Autographen- und
laB-Sammlung wechselte. Als zur Zeit
Musikwissenschaftlenn
Abteilung
Sle In
neuern Wirkungskreis vor
der Aufarbeitung
autographer
ellen zur
Musikgeschichte und widrnet
in erster
der Durchsicht des reichhaltigen Briefbestandes nach Mu
. Der von
ihr erstell Regestkatalog zu
Musikerbriefen ist - abhangig
vom
aktuellen
des noch
Jahre
den
- auch
uber das
benutzbar. 16 Da
selbst allerdings
Spezialistin auf
Gebiet
rnusikaliMediavistik
trat sie 1997 an den Ordinarius
mittelalche Musikgeschichte der
Wien, O.Univ.-Prof. Dr.
Walter Pass,
Bitte urn
tzung rur ein weiteres musikUnter seiner wissenschaftlichen
wissenschaftliches Projekt
Leitung
einige Mitarbeiter im Rahmen
gr6~eren uniForschungsprojektes den Versuch unternehmen!
nur
allgemein bekannten, sondern alle (mittelalterlichen)
Handschriften der Sammlung erneut
rnusikalische
hin
zu untersuchen.
angestrebtes
Projektes
moglichst alle, in
Katalogen und
einschHigigen
bisher
noch unbekannten musikalischen Zeitzeugen
werden
oder
ausgedruckt,' bisherigen Kataloge
Hinblick auf
l
16
53
54
Martin Czernin
, 3600,
10 3616, 3619-3620 3645, 3863, 4214,
4228,4235,4253,4260,4442,4642,4733-4734,4738,4750
1
Und selbst diese Quellen sind bis heute noch nicht einmal alle
noch
von der Ferschung ausreichend beachtet bzw. in Hinblick
offene wissenschaftliche
bearbeitet worden.
ausgedriickt konnte man auch
/ daB nur in
sehr geringen
Prozentanteil der Handschriften der Sammlung auch musikalische
Eintrage irgendeiner Art zu finden sind. Die Chance, dUTch ein groi],
lund darnit auch finanziell sehr aufwendigesJ Forschungspro]
mittels Durchsicht aller Handschriften diese Prozentzahl
entscheidend zu erhohen,
jedoch so gering daB man ven der geFragestellung ausgehend, sicher nicht sehr leicht einen
Geldgeber Hnden wiirde.
konnte das von
Handschriften,
Autographen- und NachlalS-Sammlung der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek selbst gewlinschte und von der UniversitiH durchzufiihrende Vorhaben letztendlich his heute nicht realisiert werden
und
wahrscheinlich auch noch lange Zeit nicht realisiert wer
den
l
55
9. Jahrhundert
um 10. Jahrhundert
10. Jahrhundert
11. Jahrhundert
12. Jahrhundert
12.113. Jahrhundert
13. Jahrhundert
13.114. Jahrhundert
14. Jahrhundert
14.115. Jahrhundert
15. Jahrhundert
16. JahrhWldert
1 Fragment
1 Fragment
2 Fragmente
2 Fragmente
13 Fragmente
7 Fragmente
21 Fragmente
5 Fragmente
25 Fragmente
1 Fragment
27 Fragmente
3 Fragmente
56
Martin Czernin
Die
lautet: http://www.onhac.atfsammlgnlsahafr.htm.
57
58
Martin Czernin
sollen die Quellen dem Alter nach bearbeitet werden. Uber die Ergebnisse soIl in verschiedenen Publikationen bzw. durch Referate
im Rahmen der nachsten Tagungen der Cantus Planus Study Group
der Internationalen Musikwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft informiert werden.
Im Anschluf1 daran konnte mit einer Durchsicht aller Vollhandschriften auf noch unbekannte musikalische Eintrage begonnen
werden. Da hier, wie vorher bereits erwahnt, der wissenschaftliche
Erfolg zum gegenwartigen Zeitpunkt nicht einschatzbar ist, bleibt
der Beginn einer derartigen Forschungsarbeit aber sicher noch lange ungewif1. Daher bleibt jetzt nur die Hoffnung, daf1 die verantwortlichen Personen in der Osterreichischen N ationalbibliothek
und der Universitat Wien auch weiterhin ein konkretes Interesse an
einer wissenschaftlichen Bearbeitung der Fragmentensammlung
oder zumindest der 130 neuen musikalischen Fragmente haben, sodaf1 in den nachsten Monaten tatsachlich mit einer derartigen Arbeit begonnen werden kann.
a Visegrad
59
Stefan EngeZs
60
Stefan Engels
Varia
Lamentationen, Passionen, Gesange zur Fu~waschung am Griindonnerstag und zur Litu
am Karfreitag, Exsultet/ Allerheiligenlitanei, Nunc dimittis, Pater noster mit Tropus Ex quo omnia;
o Maria, mater Christi, virgo pia.
n. Tell:
S.39-82.
61
Sa lczeburgense;
Lied zur hi. Barbara, deutsche
1 und 17. Jh. teilweise roit polyphoner
passim: Nachtrage
Musik, darunter:
Maria zart (vierstimmig, 16. Jh.), Horae de p~sione domini
(zweistimmig; 1 Jh., vierstimmig, 17. Jh.), Hodie deus homo
factus (vierstimmig, 16. Jh.L Ave vivens hostia (vierstimmig,
16. Jh.L Surrexit Christus hodie (zweistimmig, 16. Jh.) deutsch
und lateinisch; au~erdem noch Prew dich, du werte Christenheit
(16. Jh. in semimensuraler Notation).
Wie man sieht , kann man den Inhalt der Handschrift in zwei Teile gliedern. Den ersten
bilden
aus dem monastischen
zahlreichen litur~
Stundengebet und der Karliturgie , wie man
gischen Buchem aus Klostern findet die sicb der Melker Reformbewegung angeschlossen hatten. Der zweite Teil besteht aus
Sammlung van verschiedenen geistlichen Gesangen und Liedern in
la teinischer und deu tscher Sprache. Soweit
fUr
Liturgie gedacht waren wie etwa die Prozessionsgesange/ standen sie fur ge
wohnlich In
Buchern, etwa in Ritualien. Jedenfalls handelt
lokalen Salzburger Thadition entstames sich urn Stiicke, die
men. Einige der Marienlieder gibt es auch in mittel- und osteuropaischen Quellen, so das Regina caeli mit seinem Ttopus Alle- Domine, 5
t
5
entstand Anfang
15. Jb.s
polnischen oder tschechischen Raum.
dazu: Charles E. Brewer, "Regina celi letare I Alle- Domine: From Medieval Trope
62
EngeLs
SOWle
pulchra es
Virga Yesse floruit. () Einige
Stiicke stehen
in anderen Salzburger
, die
in der
Stiftsbibliothek
1n
befinden, so Chum heiliger
Enmitten unsers lebens zeit
9; Regula
Fraw von
trom minorum, 1 Jh.), Enmitten unsers lebens
Ib IX 28, 1
bzw. 1456?), Media vita . ach homo perpende (a V 5; Totenliturgie,
). sowie das nachgetragene Ave vlvens hostia rb I
15./ 16.
Nachtrag, 1
6. Jh.),
auch
M6nch von
am
Ende
14. Jh.s
In elne
Fassung
hatte.
genaue
der
aBer
fehlt leider
Der Inhalt zeigt, daf1
Handschrift bewui3.t als
Sammlung geistlicher Lieder
und
wurde.
Wann u
welchem
der Codex
Michae1beuern
kommen'
bleibt unbekannt.
mu~ aber bis ins 1 Jh.
In
Gebrauch
sein, was sich aus den verschiedenen Nachtragen
16. und 1
.5 ergibt.
I
verda-
A) Gotische Choralnotation:
Wie fast uherall
clamber hinaus
dem Gebiet
1n u ...... "' .........
heu tigen
und
Verlauf des 14. Jh.s die adia-
to Renaissance Thne u , in: Canhls Planus. Papers read at the Third Meeting
Hungary,
September 1988
, 1990), S. 43
447.
6 Zu
und Datierung
den Aufsatz von Ch. E. Brewer
diesem
Band.
7
Choralnotationen
Osterreich
Stefan Engels, "Neumenfamilien
, m:
Planus. Papers
at the 7 h MeeChoralnotationen
Sopran, Hungary,
IBudapest, 1998), S. 229-39 und
Notation
mittelalterlichen Choralhandschriften
iD: Medieval Music in Slovenia
and its European Connections. Proceedings from the intenatronal symposium, Ljubljana,
June if;>'
2(jh 1997 (Ljubljana. 1998}.
109-21.
I
63
Stefan Engels
C) SemimensuraJe Notation:
Auf
dritte Notationsweise
Michaelbeuerner Liederhandschrift
schon Bruno Stablein aufmerksam gemacht,8 namlich eine mensurierte Notation, die
die Aufzeichnung von Hymnen
und
Liedern verwendet wird.
besteht aus
folge von Rhomben fur
und Quadraten fUr langere Tone
sowie Ligaturen, die aus der Mensuralnotation abgeleitet sind.
l
UII4 I
65
Gegensa tz zu dieser geben sie keine exakte, sondem eine zur Umgebung relative langere bzw. kurzere 'lbndauer an. Diese einfache Art
der Rhythmisierung kommt in Salzburg sowohl in Handschriften
mit Quadratnotation vor, zum Beispiel lm Chorpsalterium St. Peter
a XII 24 aus dem Jahre 1498, als auch in solchen mit Gotischer
Choralnotation, etwa in der Mondsee-Wiener Liederhandschrift
und ebenso noch in der Pharetra des Johannes Pruckmoser, St. Peter b II 5 aus dem Jahre 1545. In einem polnischen theoretischen
Thaktat (Wrodaw, Biblioteka Ossolineum, 22971I) wird in diesem
Zusammenhang von einer "Musica media" gesprochen: "Media sive
mixta est cantus pro parte planus et pro parte figuratus sive mensuralis."9
Fol. 70v zeigt zwei Lieder in semimensuraler Notation. Das deutsche Lied Fraw von herczen besteht aus einer Abfolge von kurzen
und langen Noten. Die Ligatur cum opposita proprietate uher Zw
zeigt zwei Semibreves an, oder sagen wir besser zwei kurze Noten.
Die Interpretation des Rhythmus ist unproblematisch. Komplizierter ist die Situation im anderen Stuck, dem rhythmusbetonten Salve
Regina im E-Modus. t.hJer die zweiteilige Mensur durfte Klarheit bestehen. Das Quadrat, das die Form einer Brevis oder Maxima der
Mensuralnotation annimmt, kann je nach Zusammenhang langer
oder kurzer sein. Ahn.liches kann man auch bei den kurzen Noten
in Semibrevisform erkennen. FUr Ligaturen roit Ausnahme der Ligatur cum opposita propn'etate gilt wohl, daf! der letzte Ton etwas Hinger ist, was dem Gebrauch in der Mensuralnot.ation entspricht. Das
Aussehen der Ligatur hat jedoch keinen Einflui! auf wen Wert, wle
man in den zwei letzten Zeilen sieht, wo die gleiche Melodie durch
verschiedenformige Ligaturen ausgedriickt wird (siehe etwa uber 0
[clemensJ und 0 [pia]).
66
Engets
e Stucke Regina celi, Salve regina, sowie die Passionen aus der
Karliturgie sind zweimal in jeweils beiden Notationen mit Vanan
uberli
Bl Quadratnotation:
Singweisen und Fassungen/ die im Verlauf der Melker Reform
ubernommen wurden.
67
Cl
Seminmensurale Notation:
Sie
eine doppelte Anwendung:
liturgische
vorzugsweise Hymnen, die in Klostern,
die Melker Reform ubernahmen, rhythmisiert gesungen
wurden.
- fur au&erliturgische rhythmisch gebundene
dies ein
mu-
68
Stefan Engels
Abbildungen:
Stiftsbibliothek Michaelbeuern, Man. cart. I, fol. 70r
9 lJ 11
' la ,., IS :6
r 18 1'3. lO I I
69
-I '. Esztergom
& Visegnld
71
MITTELALTERLICHE CHORALHANDSCHRIFTEN
IN ISTANBUL
Janka Szendrei
Durch den besonders hohen Ma~ an Verlust schriftlicher Denkmaler der mittelalterlichen Musikgeschichte Ungarns ist jenes Streben
zu erklaren, wonach die Erfassung von Entwicklungsprozessen. regionalen Charakterziigen nur durch Heranziehung samtlicher moglichen. sogar indirekter Erganzungsquellen moglich seL Es wurden
uns knapp mehr als 100 vollstandige Handschriften musikalischen
Inhalts - d. h. solche, die als vollwertige Gesangbiicher zu betrachten sind - aus der Zeit zwischen dem 11. und 16. Jahrhundert lib erliefert. Die dazwischen liegende weiAe Flecken konnen - wohl
kaum vollstandig - durch nicht notierte, bzw. notierte, doch fragmentarisch uberlieferte Quellen ausgerullt werden.
Der bescheidene Quellenbestand erkUirt sich dUTch die stiirmische Zeiten def au~eren nnd inner en ungarischen Geschichte. Innere Konflikte verursachten des ofteren die volle Vemichtung oder absichtliche Fragmentarisierung des Kodexbestandes einzelner Institutionen. Beim Geldmangel hahen mapche keineswegs gezogert, ihre
wertvolle Handschriften zum Verkauf anzubieten. Die von au~en
drohende Kriegsgefahr brachte die urspriingliche Biichersammlungen ebenfalls in Bewegung. Die Bestande wurden zersplittert, Einzelshicke gelangten wahrend der Rettung bereits beschiidigt in die
Grenzgebiete des Landes, odeT gar ins Ausland. ein anderer Thil fiel
sofort den au~wertigen Angreifern zum Opfer.
Aus dies em Grund verlief die Rekonstruktion cler mittelalterlichen ungarischen Musikgeschichte von Anfang an parallel zur
Quellensuche im Ausland. Eins der groi!ten und erfolgreichsten Un
temehmen ist jenes gewesen, iiber dessen Ergebnisse nun im fol
genden kurz berichtet werden soll. Da zwei Musikologen der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften die Erlaubnis erhalten ha-
72
Janka Szendrel
ben) im Thpkapi
zu Istanbul
lange Zeit als Kriegsbeute betrachtetes Buch-Materia1 einzusehen, konnte zwischen 1997 und
1999 die ungarische Quellenbasis durch vier voUstandige Musikhandschriften erweitert werden.
Die zwischen 1997 und 1999 realisierte Forschungsreisen konnten auf auf.Sergewohnlicher Art und Weise als Folge einer anderthalb Jahrzehnte langen Versuchsreihe zustandekommen. lm Zug
Stromes der grof>en Politik gelangten einst lateinische liturgische Bucher in die Turkei. Aus ungarischer Seite war
Zugang zu
diesen sogar no ch zu unserer Zeit, im ausgehenden 20. Jahrhundert
lediglich als Teil offizieller zwischenstaatlicher Beziehungen vor~
stellbar. Der durch Anwendung konventioneller Methoden unerfiillt
gebliebenen Forschungsabsicht folgte die Intervention des damaligen ungarischen Staatsprasidenten Arpad Goncz,
wahrend seineT offiziellen Verhandlungen mit dem turkischen Prasidenten Suleiman Demirel die Erlaubnis bewirkte, die Bibliothek betreten zu
Stelle wiederholt Dank ausgesprochen.
durfen. Beiden sei an
Die Vorgeschichte der aktuellen Untersuchungen in der Turkei
reicht bis ins 19. Jahrhundert zurUck. Ungarische Historiker, Kodikologen haben
Istanbul seit langem jene Kodizes, Urkunden
gesucht, die wahrend der turkischen Okkupation (1526-1686) ala
Kriegsbeute aus Ungarn in
Palast des Sultans verschleppt worden waren. Zum erstenmal (im
1862) sind Arnold lpolyi, Imre
Henszlmann und
Kubinyi in Istanbul gewesen, wo sie zahl
Stticke
beriihmten Bibliothek des Konigs Matthias Corvinus fanden. Van
wertvollen Korvinen schenkte Sultan Abdul
im Jahre 1
Stucke an Kaiser Franz Joseph, def
roil
. an die Landesbibliothek Szechenyi weiterreichte. 1
gab
Sultan Abdul
II. nunmehr unmittelbar Ungarn weitere 35
geschah nicht
Handschriften, darunter 12 Korvinen zuruck.
ohne Grund: auf dies er Weise wollte er sich bei den ungarischen
UniversiUitsstudenten fur ihre Sympathie-Demonstration neben der
Turkei bedanken. Diese Bande wurden von der Universitatsbiblio~
73
1890.
3
4
Deissmann 1933.
Deissmann 1933,97., No. 68, fruhere Signatur N24-29 neu",
74
Janka Szendrei
S
f>
Vg!. MZt.
1982,
uber
NL 64.
Reise:
1.
1989, vgl. Kodizes
75
'* '" . .
1} In der BibHothek des 'Ibpkapi Sarayi Miizesi zu Istanbul befin-
76
Janka Szendrei
kunft
fischer Umgebung gepflegten Buchmalerei (Ungarische Bilderchronik, unagrisches Legendarium der Anjou-Zeit, Nekcsei-Bibe1)12 in
Verbindung zu bringen sein.
Das Melodiematerial des Antiphonars ist eine wahre Fundgrube
fur Forscher und Interpreten. 13 Es bietet in eindentiger, fehlerfreier
Version das gesamte ungarische OffiziumrepertQire, sogar jene Stiikke, rue - obwohl sie ungarische Sch6pfungen darsteUen - hisher in
keiner, mit lesbarer Notation verrichteten Fassung vallstandig varhanden waren. 14
Die Handschrift zeigt einen, aus den Kodizes des Graner Erzbistums wohlbekannten, in seinen Einzelheiten jedoch unersch~osse
nen Ritus. Liturgischer Inhalt und Struktur wurden von Usz16 Dobszay klargelegt und mit weiteren Quellen der ungarischen Offiziumsuberlieferung verglichen. 1S Dersdbe setzte sich roit den Fragen
des ungarischen Schicksals des Buches auseinander. 16 Die Handschrift mag einen sonderbaren Weg durchgemacht haben. Laut
Dobszays Ergebnissen gelangte das Antiphonar knapp nach seiner
Entstehung, bereits zu Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts nach Siidungam ,
wo es weiter gebraucht wurde. Wie es die Eintragungen der Benut~
zer bestatigen, durfte es in Szavaszentderneter, oder in der nachsten
Umgebung als Gesangvorlage dienen: als Nachtrag enthiilt die Handschrift namlich die Commemorationsantiphone des nur in diesem
Umkreis verehrten Hl. Irenaus, des in der Save ertrankten ortlichen
Martyrerbischofs,17 sowie weitere Commemorationen, wekhe den
Verwendungsart ebenfalls bestatig,e n. Das Antiphonar wurde also
nicht aus Buda und Umgebung, sondem aus dem damaligen sudlichen Landesgebiet auf seinen heutigen Aufbewahrungsort - wie es
aus dem Zeitalter der letzten Eintragungen hervorgeht, erst im ersten Drittel des 16. Jahrhundert - nach Istanbul gebracht.
Wehli 1989, vgl. IstAnt 21-37/ roit selbsfandiger Reproduktion der Bilder.
IstAnt, S. 55-6114 Szendrei 1999.
IS IstAnt, S. 39-54.
16 IsLAnt, S. 62-5.
17 Vgl. LThK 5 (Freiburg im Br., 1933), Sp. 590.
12.
13
78
Janka Szendrei
79
19
80
Janka Szendrei
Die
sind auf vier blaJ1en
Linien geschrieben/
ein Notenliniensystem ist 1,4 cm
.Z4 Nebst dem Hauptnotator
mehrerer
zu erkennen
jedoch die Graner (ungarische) Choralnotation verwendet. z5 AuJ1er
Liniensystem eingetragenen N otenschrift sind
Kodex
allch Iinienlose
auch die ublichen
bei den Passionen (c,
8) zu finden: die Funktion dieser, mit roter
oder
zwischen den
geschriebenen Notenzeichen war
Unterstiitzung der
Ornamentale
len
filcht vorhanden, es
lediglich einfache
und
Anfangsbuchstaben.
Teile der
wurdurch einige, mit
verfasste, doch
Corpus zusamnlengebundene
ersetzt,26 diese
bereits
.27 Das Me:Bdem spaten 1
15. Jahrhundert
buch ist fast vollstandig, umfasst
und Sanctorale mit
28
und Sequentiar.
60 1st eindeutig
Herkunft von
unsen.
samtlicher
dorale finden
9
und Ladislaus
Heiligen/ die Htt
dige AHeluja-Gesange J
Heiligenkonige
Emericus,
Ladislaus) wurden
die Allerheiligenlitanei am Karsamstag
l
2.4
Aufgrund
schlielich mit
81
Rybari~
ren.
vere beata et mirabilis apis, cuius nee sexum masculi violan!, fetus non quassant,
nee filii destrount castitatem. Sicut sancta concepil virgo Maria, virgo peperit er virgo
permansit. Vgl. Kelly 1996, 300-1,
1994. Im Vergleich zu
gibt
mann 60
an: ... masculini violant ... Sicut sancta Manu virgo conce::Q
82
Janka Szendrei
83
84
Janka Szendrei
nei nimmt namlich Anna eine vorzugliche Stellung ein:~o Ihr Name
erscheint unter
weiblichen Heiligen an zweiter Stelle,
Maria Magdalena, noch vor
romischen Martyrer-Jungfrauungarischen liturgischen Handschriften ohne Paralen, was In
steht.
3} Nr. 49
Deissmannschen Verzeichnisses soUte laut
schreibung ein "lateinisches Perikopenbuch mit N oten" aus
15. Jahrhundert sein. 41 In Wirklichkeit handelt es
erneut
urn
aus Ungarn stanunendes Plenarium
h. Missale Notatum.
Pergamenthandschrift' eher
die Mitte
14. Jahrhunderts zu datieren.
Fest Visitatio BMV (1387)
sowohl aus
dem Kalender , als auch dem Corpus(
lediglich im
trag.
Missale zahlt 1 + 1 + 1
42 Urspriinglich <.:o.:r
mann hat es noch gesehen - befand sich ein Folio auf
Innenseides vorderen
eingeklebt.
Blatt lost vom Corpus - wird heu te als selbstandige Einheit
dem
j
L.J ....
.a{l
41
F. 83.
cit. 84. Alte
Deissmann 1
besteht die Handschrift aus 1 +
161 Folien Aus welchem Grund wohl
auf
hinteren
eingeklebte
Aufmerksamkeit
sorgfaltigen Kodikologen entgangen
bleibt unklar. Vielleicht hat er es deswegen
im befestigten
lediglich
unbeschriebene,
Blattseite zu
war. Wenn es so war, muBte die
noch nieh t vom Einband losgelost gewesen
zu
Deissmannsche
der Folienzahl ging
nieM ohne
Die Biatter
Handschrift, die
einst vom Binband losldsten, waren vollig vermischt. Wie es aus
Beschreibung ersichtlich
ist,
auch Deissmann
Kodex in diesem Zustand gesehen. Er hat
Missale mit einer neuen Foliierung lam
Blattrand)
ohne die tatsachliche Reihenfolge der
zu rekonstruieren. Inzwischen erreichte
fall sogaT
Stadium, dat!. zur Zeit unseres
Handschrift
Banden, als zwei
Einheiten deponiert wurde. Die
der
hat
der Genehmigung der
der Bibliothek
Gagman
Usz16 Dobszay rekonstruiert,
bei kontinuierlicher Befolgung des Inhalts
in
ursprungliche Ordnung zunlckstellte.
Seiten eine
def anderen
wurden, k5nnten wir
richtige Folienzahl bestimmen. Rine
neue Foliierung haben wir jedoch
demnach
die Handschrift
zur Zeit uber
giiltige Foliierung. Die neu aufgestellte richtige Blattreihenfolge
ist also
4Z
85
Kodex aufbewahrt, die Abtrennung enthullte seine jurspriinglich beklebte) Ruckseite. 43 Dem Kodex wird noch ein zweites ebenfalls abgetrenntes, nunmehr eigenstandiges Blatt zugefugt, welches einst
als hinterer Vorsatz den Buchdeckel sHirkte ..w
Die Abmessungen der BUitter des Corpus konnen nur vennutet
werden, der Zustand der Handschrift ist schlimmer als bei den
bisher erwahnten: die BUitter werden vom Schimmel bald v61lig
zerfressen. Die GroBe eines Blattes betragt 27,7 x c. 40 cm, die der
Schriftspiegel20A x 30,5 cm. 45 Es gibt keine giiltige moderne Foliierung, die r6mischen Zahlen der urspriinglichen Foliierung sind aber
mancherorts in der rechten oberen Ecke noch zu sehen. (Der Kalender wurde demnach urspriinglich nicht foliiert.) Die Schrift ist in
zwei Spalten geordnet, die Breite einer Kolumne betragt 9,8 cm.
Der Einband (28 x 41,8 cm) besteht aus lederbezogenen Holzdekkeln, roit drei MetallbeschHigen auf der vorderen, und zwei auf der
hinteren Seite. 46
Die Handschrift wurde mit metzer-deutschen gothisierten Mischnotation L,metzer-gothische" Schrift) geschrieben,47 die Zeichen existieren aber noch in mannigfaltigen Fonnvarianten, das Neumensystem befindet sich im Fruhstadium der Reife. Die nachtraglich
eingefiigten notierten Eintragungen der Benutzer wurden nieht roit
der Hauptschrift, sondern ausnahmslos mit graner (ungarischer)
Choralnotation verfasst. Die Notenlinien des Corpus sind mattbraun gefarbt, ahnlich wie bei der Textschrift. Ein Notenliniensy~
43 Die erste Seite enthalt die Gebete rur Gabenbereitung, den Credo-Text, da!';
Confiteor und fromme Mariengebete (vgl. Deissmann 1933, S. 85.), die andere wiederum die oratio contra paganos, sowie notierte Gloria- und Ite-Intonationen. Die
Intonationen der Messe sind mit kursiver ungarischer Notenschrift eingetragen .
.i4 Dieses Blatt enthalt folgendes: die Rectoseite, welche im Einhand auch fn:.iher
zu sehen war und auch zu lesen gewesen ware, blieb leergelassen. Auf der Versoseite, welche sich lange Zeit im Einband eingeklebt verbergte, heute aber, abgetrennt vom Corpus, wieder frei liegt. findet sieh die Sequenz Dies irae mit ungarischer Notation. sowie die einleitenden Gebete def Messe.
45 Die nicht notierte Seiten enthalten 36 Textzeilen, die rein notierte Seiten wiederum 13 Notenliniensysteme.
46 Der Einband durfte junger sein als der Kodex selbst, seine Untersuchung ist
noch nicht abgeschlossen.
47 Uber diese Notation vgl. MZt S. 201-4.
86
Janka Szendrei
stem, dessen H6he 1,4 cm betragt, besteht aus 4 oder 5 Linien, ohne Custos. Die Limen sind mit einer oder zwei Schli.isselbuchstaben
versehen.
Die Verzierung der Anfangsbuchstaben ist bescheiden: rote und
schwarze, mit wenig Federzeichnung geschmiickte Buchstaben laufen dUTch die Handschrift.
Seinem Inhalt nach ist das Missale nahezu voUstandig. Es beginnt
mit dem Kalender, aus welchem sich aUerdings nur vereinzelte Thile
in lesbarem Zustand befinden. In diesem Kalender wurde Adalbert
nachtr~ilich eingefiigt, das Fest Translatio Adalberti fehlt ebenfalls,
was aus Sicht der Beurteilung der Zugehorigkeit zu Gran woh]
kaum ohne Bedeutu.ng ist. Nach dem Kalender beginnt des Temporalteil mit dem ersten Adventsonntag,48 und endet am tatsachlichen
fol. 122 mit dem 23. Sonntag nach Pfingsten. Das Temporale hein
haltet auch die Texte der Karwoche sowie das Ordo missae. Die
Messe zum Kirchweihfest folgt unmittelbar nach dem Temporale.
Das Sanctorale setzt mit dem Apostel Andreas an,49 bietet eigene Alleluja-Gesange zu Ehren der hlt. Konige Ladislaus und Stephan. Die
nachsten, dem Sanctorale folgenden 16 Folios enthalten CommuneGesange, wonach die Reihe der Votiv~Formeln und schlieBlich die
Totenmesse folgen. Die einstige Prasenz der letzterwahnten Teile
wird jedoch lediglich dutch Pergamentfetzen, aui1erst fragmenta~
risch angedeutet. In diesem Fall hat also der Hinterteil des MeBbuches den gro~eren Schad-en davongetragen, kein Kyriale und keine
Sequenzen sind erhaIten.
Deissmann 49 hangt roil dem eben vorgesteUten Missale Deissmann 60 inhaltlich eng zusammen, nebst strukturell wichtigen Stellen stimmen die beiden sogar in zahlreichen winzigen Details - z. B.
im Namensverzeichnis der AHerheiligenlitanei - iiberein. Zweifellos
handelt es sich urn eine nicht viel spater erfolgte Niederschrift der-
87
Szendrei
selben Me~tradition.so
diesem
offensichtlich des zeitliFortschreitens zufolge, einige Veranderungen Un Vergleich zum
60 zu
lm
(nicht aber
Kalender} erz. B. das
des HI.
SOWle
Messe der
EliUnter
sonderbaren inhaltlichen
von
mann 60 ist
tene MeiUormular zu Inventio crucis nicht mehr
vorhanden.
archaischen textlichen Elemente des Exultet I vere
beata et
apis und Sicut sancta concepit virgo Maria) sind dagegen noch auffindbar, obwohl ihr Schicksal bereits
zu
Text wurden
gelassen.
sein scheint: die Notenzeilen liber
4) Deissmann 43 stellt den Winterteil
franziskaner
phonars aus
zweiten Haifte
14. Jahrhunderts dar. 51
gamenthandschrift zahlt heute, ahnlich
zur Deissmanns Zeit,
insgesamt
Folios. Die
der FoUen betragt 49,8 x
cm,
die
Schriftspiegels
9 x 24,6 cm.52
gibt 8 Notensysteme auf
einer
ein System'
55 cm hoch. Die
ist quadratisch/ auf vier roten Linien mlt
chem Custos. 53
Wortgrenzen nd mit Trennungsstrichen
Sondermerkdes Zeichensystems sind
. der Oberton der Clivis, sodie Postpuncta
deI Mittelton im Torculus ist ganz
keine Rauten, sondern auerst diinne,
Rhomboiden (auch
im ClimacusL die Liqueszenz ist sorgfaltig markiert.
Auf
Innenseite
vorderen Buchdeckels wurde
beschriebenes Pergamentblatt eingeklebt, von Deissmann als f. 1.
die
Von
Folio,
nicht mit
U,':;'1H;;'U
89
90
Janka Szendrei
Es steHt sieh nun die Frage, woher wohl diese franziskaner Handschrift stammt? Dem internationalen Charakter der Franzsikanerliturgie zufolge bietet der Inhalt selbst wenig Anhaltspunkte zur Bestimmung des Herkunftsortes. Der Inhalt
franziskaner Kodexes ist in Italien wie in Ungarn derselbe.
ist allerdings von den
Naehtragen zu
In
Linie verdient
auf die
nenseite des vorderen Buchdeckels eingeklebte Pergamentblatt Aufmerksamkeit, welches eine mit graner (ungarischer) Choralnotation
_ .... _.44_' aui\erst
doch aus Zagreb belegbare Marienses9
quenz enthalt. Da diese Notenschrift, die auch bei derl dem Corpus zugefUgten Randeintragung auftaucht, bekanntlich nur auf ungarischem Boden bzw. auf dern der ungarischen Kirchenorganisation
wurde, ist die Handschrift wohl mi t Recht den ungarischen Franziskanern zuzuschreiben. Aufgrund
Untersuchung
Suffragien konnen wir sogar die Meinung formulieren/ da! der
Kodex dem Kloster in Lippa60 gehorte. Der Patron dieses Klosters ist
namlich jener HI. Ludovicus gewesen,61 dessen standiges Suffragiurn an vorzuglicher Stelle nebst dem des Ht Franziskus in der Einleitung der Handschrift erscheint (f. 2v).
Aus dem gesagten ist ersichtlich, daJ! die beiden neu aufgedeckten Missalien Reprasentanten derselben liturgischen Lokaltradition
sind, d. h. dai, sie vermutlich vom selben Gebrauchsort zum heutigen Aufbewahrtungsort gelangten. Ob es moglich ware, da. der Gesamtbestand der lateinischen liturgischen Choralbiicher ungarischer
Provenienz in Istanbul aus einem einzigen Ort verschleppt wurde?
......... ,_v ..... Frage bedarf noch weiteren vergleichenden-analytischen
59
Sequenz siehe AH 8/
wo unter
4. BUd.
91
92
Janka Szendrei
forsehungen.
inhaltlichen Untersuehungen sollten allerdings
buchgesehichtliche, ja sogar bibliotheksgeschiehtliche Forschungsergebnisse beigelegt werden.
Forsehung durfte sieherlich an neuen Gesichtspunkten gewinnen, wlirde sieh rur eine Arbeitsgruppe die Moglichkeit stellen,
den Verhandlungen mit Istanbul entspreehend das vollstandige Material
Deissmannsehen Verzeiehnisses zu revidieren I neu zu beund herauszugeben! Eintragungen uber den Schicksal
einzelnen Sehiehten del Buehsammlung diirften namlieh niebt allein in notierten Handschirften verbirgt sem. Mit der Arbeit saUte
man beginnen, solange die Tinte auf den unterschriebenen Vereinbarungen noeh feueht ist.
93
Literatur
AH
Cantus Index
CAO HI
Corpus Antiph012alium Officii vol. Ill, editum a RenatoJoanne Hesbe~ (Roma, 1968)
Cavallo 1994
Exultet - Rotoli liturgici del medioevo meridiona/e, direzione scientifica: Guglielmo .cavalIer coordinamento:
Giulia Orofino, Oronzo -Pecere ,Romal
Deissmann 1933
EngeJ - Makk
1994
Fraknoi 1890
Frakn6i Vilmos: IIA konstantinapoJyi kt1ld6ttseg jelentese" [Bericht der Delegation in Konstantinopel},
Akademiai Ertesfto [Akademischer Anzeiger] jBudapest}, S. 36~42.
Gyorffy 1966
Az Arpad-kori MagyarorszQg tOrteneti foldrajza [Historische Geographie ,van Ungarn der Arpadenzeit],
AbaujvB.r, Arad, Arva, Sacs, Baranya, Bars, Bekes, Bereg, Beszterce, Bib.ar, 80drog, Borsod, Brass6, Csaruid
es Csongrad megye (Die Komitaten Abaujv8r, Arad,
etc.] [Budapest!
1st Ant
The Istanbul Antiphonal- abo.ut 1360, Facsimile Edition with Studies, ed. by Janka Szendrei; studies by
Maria Czigler, LaszI6 Dobszay, Janka Szendrei andTIinde Wehli. Institute for Musicology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the National Szechenyi
Library (Budapest, 19991
Janka ",..,<:>n",.-,,,,,
94
KeUy 1996
Thomas
{Oxford}
K6dexek 1985
nU(leXi<:'f(
~~~,A~~
I1.
LThK
Magyar
Konyvszemle
1877
1938)
bitott nyugaU
nyelveken {rt codexek [Die im
zu Istanbul von
Europaern gesehene, in westlichen
geschriebene Kodizes] Magyar Konyvszemle [Ungarische Bucherschau] Il.
u
MZt
i:)"'u..................
PalMus XIII
1982
Paris (xr
musicale
Rozsondai 1989
1999
Magyarorszagi g6tikus
re(Vazlat, a feladatok kijelolese)1J
[Gothlsche und Renaissance-Einbande aus
Abriil., Auigabenstellungl, Ars
63-7.
lA
Szendrei 1981
1983
Szendrei
1990-1993
Szendrei 1999
95
Szendrei Janka, A magyar notdci6 tortenete, in: K6zepkon hangjegyirasok Magyarorszagon [Geschichte der
ungarischen Notation, in: Mittelalterliche Notationen
in Ungam],
14-90, 123-51, 163-308. MUhelytanulmanyok a magyar zenetorlenethez 4, [Studien zur un~
garischen Musikgeschichte 4] (Budapest)
Szendrei-Rybari~
1982
Ungarische
vue 1889
732-5.
V(Zkelety 1989
Wehli 1989
97
Charles E. Brewer
During the course of the Middle Ages, biblical texts formed the primary basis for the majority of liturgical chants. 1 While this is to be
expected in the case of the texts from the Psalms, Gospels, and
Epistles, that had direct connections with the Christian history that
was being presented in the texts for the Proprium missCE, the use of
texts from the Canticum Canticorum (Song of Songs or Song of Solomon) is perhaps somewhat unexpected, since this biblical text does
not even mention God. 2 Though a number of manuscripts, liturgical
and para-liturgical, present musical versions of texts from the Canticum Canticorum, this study will place one previously unrecognized
manuscript, Vyssi Brad 42, into the context of the earHer Bavarian
and Austrian manuscripts with concordances to an extensive antiphon cycle from the Canticum Canticorum.
The Canticum Canticorum was since antiquity open to a number
of different interpretations that stressed ilt s symbolic and allegorical
meanings. Medieval Christian exegetes had a strong foundation for
their interpretations of the Canticum Canticorum from the basis esSee Carolus Marbach, Carmina scriprurlIJ1.lm scilicet ant.iphonas et rB$ponsoria ex
saCTO scriprurre {onte in libros litrugicos Sanctre EccIesice romanre d'eri\lata (Stral!.burg,
1907; reprinted Hildesheim, 1994) for a comprehensive index of chants that use
biblical texts.
2 Concerning the Proprium missce as a dramatic Christian history, see O.B. Hardison, Jr., Christian Rite an.d Christian Drama in the Middle Ages: Essays in the Origin
and Early History of Modern Drama (Baltimore, 1965). pp. 35-79, for a general overview, and pp. 80-177 for a specific discussioll of Lent and Easter. For an overview
of the interpretive history of the Canticum canticorum, see Marvill H. Pope, Song of
Songs: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, The Anchor Bible 7C
(Garden City, NY, 1977), who discusses the early controversies concerning the caDonicity of the text on pp. 18-9.
I
98
Charles E. Brewer
See E. Ann Matter, The Voice of My Beloved: The Song of Songs in Western Mediethe Thrgum
and Midrashim on the Song of Songs, and p. 137 for a
discussion of the commentary by Rashi. These are also summarized in Pope, Song of Songs, pp.
1
.. The varieties
by the medieval commentaries is
subject of Matter's study. The Voice of My Beloved, who
provides in an appendix a short list
the Latin
on
Canticum Canticorum to the beginning of the thirteenth century on pp. 203Pope, Song of Songs, pp. 236-51, also provides a short
bibliography
1800
overview of the medieval interpreta'
tions can also
found in
Ohly, Hohelied-Studien:
einer Geschichte
Hoheliedauslegung des Abendlandes bis urn 1200 (Wiesbaden, 1958),
which should be used
conjunction with more recent
W.
The Song of Songs in the Middle
jlthaca, 1990), with an emphasis on Middle
literature.
S See Matter, The Voice of My Beloved,
49-1
and Astell, The Song of Songs,
pp.
a study of
6 See Jean Leclercq, Monks and Love in TWelfth-Century Prance (Oxford, 1979),
38,
3
99
Concerning
Voice of My Beloved, pp. 151-2, and Leciercq, Monks and Love in 1Welfth-Century
France, pp. 38-40. The Marian interpretation is also discussed in Astell, The Song of
Songs, especially pp. 60- t04.
8 Marbach. Carmina scripturarum. pp. 265-78.
11
Matter, The Voice of My Beloved, pp.
for an overview of the liturgical
100
Charles E. Brewer
taining collections of melodies on texts from the Canticum Canncorum that differ from settings of the same texts found in traditional
liturgical books (see Thble 1).12
Table 1.
Dating and Provenance of Manuscripts with Antiphon Cycles
from the Canticum Canticorum
SlGLA
D-Mbs 5539
D-Stutt 95
A-Gu 756
CR-VB 42
D-Mbs 716
DATE
PROVENANCE
late 13 cent.
1345
1410
la te 15 1h cent.
Germany
Sekau
Vyssf Bred
1ergensee
Regensburg
AFFILIATION
Cathedral
Benedictine?
Cathedral school
Cistercian
Benedictine/Cistercian?
St . Ernmeram
The most extensive, and probably the earliest, of the musical collections is Munchen, Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek, elm 5539 (DMbs 5539), recently redated to the mid or late thirteenth century
by Marie Louise Gollner, and probably associated with the reforms
of Bishop Heinrich II of Regensburg. 13 Though the settings from the
Canticum Canticorum (contained on ff. 40r-60v) are briefly examined in Gallner's study, her main focus is on the theoretical treaNot included in this table are sources, such as CH -StG 149, which contain only
one or two isolated pieces.
II Marie Louise Gbllner, The Manuscript Cod. ot. 5539 of the Bavarian State Library: With an Edition of the Original 7reatises and of the 1Wo-voice OrganaI &ttings,
MusicologicaJ Studies 7 Documents 43 (NeuhausenStuttgart, 1993); see esp. pp. 3-14.
A dating in the thirteenth century was also posited in D. Mettenleiter, Musihgeschichte der Sradt Regensburg IRegensburg, 18661, pp. 70f( and in the index of the
manuscript by Hans Spanke, "Eine mittelalterhche MusikhandschriftH, Zet isch rift
{iir deutsches Altertum 69 (1932). pp. 49-70. For an earlier summary and bibliography of this source. with the dating of "C. 1400 at the earliest/ see RISM BIV 3 ,
pp . 74-5; this assessment seems to be based on Friedrich Ludwig, Repertonum organon/m recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili IIII (Halle, 1910; reprinted Brooklyn, 1964), p. 726.
12
101
ll
ll
102
Charles E. Brewer
11
ll
17 There is no
son, "Uber
(1964).
study of elm
Cgm 716, see John
und lnhalt von MuD", Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 48
been superceded
the more recent detailed
by
"Die Antiphonen,
Leichs der
Staatsbibliothek
716", 4 vols. IMaster's
of his work
1991). I thank
for providing me with a
personal comments on
source during the
r,,,,,u." conference.
A number of earlier sources proposed the possibility of a DO[lernmlIl provenance for
this manuscript including
Mafia Dreves, Cantlones
. Leiche, Lieder
und Rufe des
14.
15. jahrhunderts, Analecta
1 (Leipzig, 1886;
reprint
1961 J, 23; and
Geering, Die Organa und
mehrsttmmigen
in den Handschriften
deutschen Spracngebiete.s \lom 13.
Bis 16. Jahrhundert , Publikationen def
Musikiorschenden -'TI''''':::llschaft
H, Vol. 1 IBern, 1952), p.
Though there is a strong
in Dorlemla
ence as will
discussed
probably did not
j
103
IS Gollner, The Manuscript Cod Lat. 5539, p.191. For aD examination of the later
polyphonic settings of these
see Geliner, "Settings of the Song of Songs",
65-70; Adelyn
Leverett, uA Paleographical and Repertorial Study of the
Manuscript nento, Castello del Buonconsiglio, 91 113781" (Ph.D. dissertation,
Princeton University, 1990), pp. 73f.; and Shai Burstyn, IIEarly 19bCentury Polyphonic Settings of Song of Songs Antiphons", Acta Musicologica 49 {19771.
pp. 200-27.
19 GaUner, The ManUSCript Cod. Lat. 5539, pp.
W This manuscript
been
in a
edition:
Rothe,
Die Hohenfurther Liederhandschrift rH 42} von 1410, Bausteine rur Geschichte der
Literatur bei den Slaven 21 (KalnlWieD, 1984). A short history of
and a biography of Pfibfk. by Lumfr V~cha appear on pp. 1-12 of this edition.
104
Charles E. Brewer
eLM
553 22
Theatises
2,voice Organa
monophonic songs from the CanticQ canticorum
Marian antiphons and tropes
other tropes
motet voices
monophonic lessons
monophonic tropes
monophonic conductus
Guido of Arezzo, Micrologus
diagrams
monophonic conductus
treatises
VvS~i BROD, 1 VB 4 23
ff . a-g
ff. lr-40v
ff.40v-52v
ff. 53r-84v
H. 85r-lO 1r
ff. 101r-108v
ff. lOBv-121r
ff.121r-143v
ff . 144r-176v
105
106
Charles E. Brewer
This is
by the extensive contemporary index mentioned
by Pfibfk (ff. a recto - d verso},
only covers folios
1
omitting most of the monophonic
included at the
preface, ,Jdiversus
phrase included in
morem secularem
songs according to the
custom),
does not refer to
vernacular
Old Czech contained in the
many of which
to have been
added after
preface and the index were prepared. As is clearly
indicated
further use in
to individual...,.....,. . . . .
Ilseculariter" is
mostly to the liturgical
as the setting of the JJ
on ff.
which
ll
labled in the index J
generacionis seculariter
a verso}.
more telling case
to the two Kyries,
which is
rubricated in the body of
manuscript as
quando placet"
(f. 67vl and is titled in the index as IIKyrie
placet seculariter"
(f. b recto), which contrasts with the
setting (ff. 67v-68r),
which
similar labels in both
and index: "Festivis .
bus
ordinem (f. 67v)
IIKyrie festivale
Ofdinem nostrum" {f. b recto).25
usage appears to indicate a sensitivity by Pnbfk to the
differences
chant he typically
and the chant used outside of
monastery, perhaps by
Rosenberg family,
of the Vyssl
Brod monastery, though no other source
known so clearly
and
mixes repertoires.
compositions based on
from
Canticum Canticorum
42 are copied together on ff. 101r-108v, and they are titled on f. 101r: "Secuntur
seu cantica de
(Here follows the antiphons or
of the Virgin Mary).
11
11
107
CANTICUM CANTICORUM
Table 3.
Vyssl Brad} 1 VB 42, "Secuntur antyphone seu cantica
de beata virgine"
72
Tota pulchra es
ff. 101r-102r
ff.l02r/v
l02v-103r
D~Mbs
75
79
ff. I03r-104r
ff. lO4r/v
ff. 104v-105r
H. lO5r/v
ff. l05v-106r
108
Charles E. Brewer
80
florens rosa
Canticum
106r/v
D-Mbs 5539 #60, ff. 63r/v [not
DMbs 716, H. 90r/v
CHStG 149, p.
1, f.
only)
Su rge
mea
Canticum de beata virgine ff. 1
f. 52r I"alia") [different melody
81
82
<AH1H",Q,
H. l07v-108v
11
ANTIPHON
109
/1
If
11
26
FrogeTI ed., Antiphonaire de Hartker: Manuscripts Saint-Gall 390-391,
Paleographie
Deuxieme
I (Bern, 1970}, p. 310. Both antiphons aIe
also found in the HungaIian tradition; see the edition of HungaIian antiphons
edited by
Dobszay
Janka
the series, Monumenta Monodica
Medii Aevi V, 2 vols. (Kassel, 1999}. In the prepublication copy
was available to
110
Charles
Brewer
'f
me, the
is number 4270 (vol. I,
652-3)
the
antiphon is number 4173 (vol. If
600-1). The notes in this copy incorrectly
stated that
two
antiphons are found in
so-called
on
f. 111 v. Actually, the
and neumes of the two chants that begin "Tota pulchra es"
'VV',,-'-A Albensis Ion f. 111 v and f. l1Sv) seem to indicate a different chant
4270 or 4173. See
Falvy and Las216 Mezey, Codex Albensis: Ein Antiphonar aus dem 12. Jahrhunderi (Gruz Universitiitsbibliotheh, Ms. nr. 211}
(Graz and Budapest, 1963}.
27
longer "monastic" version
the deuterus mode Irelated to Example
is
found in Cgm 716 on f. 27r/v, however, here it is copied without
psalm tone indication found in
42. The
version in
protus mode
Irelated to Example 4} is copied on f. 86v-87r. There are short studies of
two
melodies
Hankeln, "Die Antiphonen, Cantiones
" vol. I,
57-8
("monastic" version)
pp.
("secular" version).
1
111
Table 4.
Other Bohemian Concordances to the Song of Songs
Praha, Narodni knibovna CR, rkp. III D 10
(1iuhlat C 462/Plocek 271, 15th cent., Bohemia
[no rubric]
ff. 203v-204v
f. 204a
f. 204v
ff. 204v-205r
f.20Sr
ff. 205r/v
f.205v
112
Charles
ff. 72r/v
Virga
73r/v
ff.73v-74r
De
virgo nasciturum mundi salvatorem
Ave spes nostra
genitrix intacta
(lIantiphona"I
H. 74r/v
ff. 74v-75r
("antiphona" )
Bethleem non es minima in principibus iuda
l"antiphona"J
Nigra sum sed formosa filie iherusalem
I'lantiphona"1
ff. l05v-106r
est speciosa
filias ierusalem
{Jlantiphona 'l I
VB
#77, H. l04v-l05r
o
rosa mater domini speciosa
I'lantiphonal'l
VB 42 #80
106r/vI
f.
fE. 75r/v
H.
!"antiphona
fL 76r/v
76v-77r
H. 77r1v
/l
}
113
.U:U..J.J."'-'l..1
ll
A.ltaU.']lllJn.
114
Charles
Brewer
ll
.. .
VC
dj
mJnI
gre
di
m/nJ
fi
..,
fl
..
mJ ni
grc:
et
vi de
re
1_
t(
"'.d<:
141
re
gem
et
VI
d<:
le
re
Rem
dl
II
"
li
I'i
li
..
'"
...
$'f
011
5Y
on
IV
o.
"
mo
I>!eI11
10
mo
!!lent
10
mo ocm
10
de
ITIl
It
qoo
le
quo
8
in
dy
tic
iD
ay
de
1nl
quo
A
GO
ro
n.
vie
~o
fO
n.
00
10
IIm
II\.t.
vi!
urn
.....
vie
um
nu
".
!er
115
de
<pOD
PI
lib
III
de
IpDII
PI
ilia
III
de
IplIi
IIif
11
Ii
III
..
III
!a
c!I
Ii
CC/(
Ii
cor
CO<
di
C
di
la
A
till.
dUo
C
0
hi&.
I....
116
Brewer
Example 2.
of the Text Setting in
::=
cl
le
lUll:!
lo
lill
nb
Iy
DI !iI
eo . lump
nu
ilLS
11,
lib
Iy
b nl
co . lump
IIU
1111
liS
,,1<
I1
b_ III
CO
rum
11'"
ilLS
117
Example 3. '
Vyssf Brod 42, ff. lOlr-102r, !I'llita pulchra est
IlSecundum nostrum ordinem"
ca
a -
..
nOIl
le;
in
est
fll.
di
'NUS
tu
- wa
rum
&u
re
ces - sit;
ne
pec
Il!l
reil
11.
III
ge
I'll
tea
pro
-,
'" bi
a,
no res
vox
no -
om
CIl
..
la
181lS
m.a.
me - a
stiI -
ll
Jen -
ro
mll
ru
..
runt
ra
rem
tII.
pe
me
'DO,
rn.
et
118
Charles E. Brewer
I~
-=--
40';::,.
~_
To
;; ,
I i . s;;
i.e-; -
... ij. ; ;
la
:i)" ~;;ii
f"ii;.
m.i
111&
cu
...
lie
..
la
.. 2 .
. ..
::';
in
est
III
de
tU
(tu]
;~
li
- ; .0::.
co ro
la;
ul
te
no,
.
be
lis.
119
David Eben
Vgl. Quellenverzeichnis.
120
David Eben
Text enthalt
Worte
die
Dialog
der
abschlieBen: ,,0 mulier, magna
fides
fiat tibi sicut
{Mt 15,
liturgische Ort dieser Antiphon
entweder der DonnersFastenwoche t
der zweite Sonntag in der Fastenbeide Thge
Perikope verwendet wird. (Siehe
I
An demselben Thg finden wir oft auch eine and ere Antiphon,
def
sehr nahezustehen scheint: Vade mulier, semel tibi dixi, si
credideris,
mirabilia INr. 2). Das ist
sehr verwunderlich,
diese Textpassage stammt uberhaupt nicht aus dem
urn von der kanaanaischen
sondern aus
Perikope van der
Auferweckung des Lazarus (loh 11. Kap ). Dort narnlich, unmittel
vor
Ruf
Jesus zu Martha: uNonne
dixi tibi quonlam
videbis gloriam Dei" (loh 11, 40).
Der
der Antiphon ist
im Vergleich zur Vulgata leicht abgeandert. 2
schon gesagt,
Vade mulier (NL 2) in
Gfof'1zahl
bei den Thgen( an denen
Evangelium von
Kanaanaerin
so
die Antiphon Nr. 1. Bei einigen
Handschriften Hnden wir sie aber doch
der Perikope von Lazarus, am Freitag
4. Woche
Fastenzeit(
an der Ste1]e, wo
diese Antiphon eigentlich
. Das ist der Fall van Hartker 3
und auch von
dart allerdings
der Anfangsvariante 0 mulier,
semel tibi dixi
Vade mulier (Nr. 3).4 Konnten wir
vielleicht
auf
Kontamination durch 0 mulier, magna est
1) schlieBen,
. beiden Antiphonen oft
stehen?
Nun kehren wir unsere Aufmerksamkeit einer anderen
zu( die am Freitag
1. Woche cler Fastenzeit
wurde: die
Textabweichung konnten wir
als Kontamination durch
Stelle im Lukasevangelium erklaren: die Heilung des Lahmen
steht namHch
.. mirabilia" zusam.m.en
, und themat.isch
handelt es sich
urn
Wunderheilung: "Et repleti sunt timore,
vidimus mirabilia hoctie" (Le 5, 26).
J CAO III gibt irrhimlich an, daB H diese Antiphon zweimal enthiilt:
1.
4. Woche
In .
hat
Vade mulier nur einmal - in der
4 Woche bei der Aufererweckung
4 Aus
Grund
Cantus
diese Antiphon als ~'l">''-''" VOn T2.
fiNES ,.ANTIPHONENKNOTEN"
121
122
David
>I<
...
...
"ANTIPHONENKNOTEN
If
123
11
Ren~-Jean
S.62-3.
11 Aimee Georges Maritmort, L'eglise en priere IV - La litwgie et le temps IParis,
1983), S. 80-1; Antipnonale Missarum Sextuple.x,
Rene-Jean Hesbert (BruxeUes,
1935). S. XLVII.
r. 1
III _ III
I.
III
1
o
InLl-li- cr,
III
III
. cr, se-
u a e
11111
III
III
Eu 0
-sit
at
ti-
SI
III
III
s ml
VI
Euouac
ill ..
3
o
1
2
T2076v;
III
se-
G 148r-nn;
S4
vi-dc-bis
101 r; F
1261'B*'
P6531
Euouae
;S
Mz461 192vA; KI
*;
TI 056r:
ne
et
us ti- bi
jIi
lii
III
III
Pr 127vA,
Va- de
ne de-Ie- ri - us
cl
.I
a- li-
U 0 U 11 C
III
ne de- te-ri- us
Ius cs iam
.I
TI
11
11
sa-nus
n~gal
a*
bi
a li- quid
TIOo2v:
1-
er.
Cl
pcC-ClI-rc
ne
us
bi
Concordances:
G 147v-nn; 029vB
193rA; Kl 069v
1
Il-
li-
con-II
5 31
Tabelle N r. 2
1.0
mulier,
3.0
mulier,
2. Vade
mulier,
6. Vade
mulier,
4. Vade iam,
D
E
E64
F
FZ
G
H
Kt
L
Le
M
Mz83
Mz461
P6'S
Pr
R
S
Tt
T2
V
Vi
127
1b Ruth Steiner
At the beginning of the most solemn Office hour, the Night Office
(also known as Vigils or Matins), Psalm 94, starting Venite exultemus
Domino was sung to special tones after the first presentation of the
antiphon selected for the occasion. The unusual features of these invitatory tones attracted the attention of Peter Wagner and Paolo Ferretti in the earlier part of the century, 1 and have been one of Ruth
Steiner's pet subjects for the past twenty years. 2 It is no secret that
our horizon has been expanded, and our understanding of the subject refined, by her painstaking comparisons and observations.
Steiner's personal research and its ramifications in the CANTUS database inevitably set the tone for my own work on Braga' s Venite
melodies.
Braga, whose history goes back to Roman times, when it was a
provincial capital, is a small town in the northwest of the Iberian
Peninsula. The archiepiscopal see of Braga is one of the oldest in
the Peninsula, and throughout the Middle Ages it remained the
I
128
129
5 This
based on
comparative analysis of the MSS:
R. ..t-..." ... ." ..
"lnvitatory', cit.,
286.
also WaIter H.
"Introduction to the
An
tiphonal
Antiphonale Sarisburiense. A reproduction in Facsimile jLondon, n.d.\;
62; P. Wagner, EinfUhrung ... , cit., p. 184 (echoed by Willi Apel, Gregorian Chant
[Bloomington, 1958J, p. 2441; P. Ferretti, Esthetique ... , cit., p. 224; Willibrord Hec'kenbach, Das Antiphonar von Ahrweiler (Koln, 1971),
70-104; R. Steiner, "ReconRepertory", cit., pp. 178-9;
uTbe 1Wenty1Wo Invrtatory
.. ", cit.,
pp. 64-5.
contributions collide with the speculative approach found in Jean
Claire, "L'Office feria! Romano-Franc" Etudes gregoriennes,
(1975). pp. 84-6, fol~
lowed by Alberta Threo, Canto Gregoriano. 1bni 8 Modi {Rama, 19911, pp. 247-58.
H
xv
130
bonal tones. It must be said here that the last folios of chairbook 13,
containing the latter sections of the feria!
as well as the folios
corresponding to the
for the Dead in chairbook 27, were written in the seventeenth
and can be suspected to hide some
simplication of sixteenth-century practice; it is not to be excluded,
that the implied additional tones were rea] alternatives and
not just variant versions of the tones that reached us in full.
The
list of invitatory
does not include/ as most tradi
tions do, a special one for the second-mode antiphons, which
two
with the fourth-mode antiphons. The latter are associated
with no less than eight different tones. The connection between
choice of tone and liturgical occasion
very clear; ferial days receive particular attention, with Monday having three characteristic
tones used
Christmas, after the octave of Epiphany and after
The ambitus of the tones and their melodic elaboration is
kept within modest limits. There is no attempt to modify the tones
in order to bring out the verbal accents (with the possible exception
of the Yen 2 intonation, used as an alternative to Ven 4 in MS 8).
The tones corresponding to the fourth mode often keep a recitation
tone on
which most manuscripts raise to F, and the tone corresponding to
third mode similarly tends to keep the B naturaL
AB
characteristics are quite conservative,
tones for secondmode antiphons, the semitonal rise of the mi and changes in the relationship between
and music appear already before the year
6
one thousand. The number of tones called for, seventeen, is however unusually large, which points to a post-Carolingian development.
Braga's invitatory tones can therefore be said to correspond, in
their general outline, to tenth-century practice. This becomes
cially interesting when parallels with other sources are investigated.
Unfortunately only a handful of manuscript versions have been
Several early instances of semitonal rise and
editing are documented in Manuel PedIo Ferreira, uMusic at Cluny: The Tradition of Gregorian
the Proper of
Mass. Melodic
and Microtonal Nuances
Chant
(ph. D. diss .. Princeton University, 1997, UMI Microform 9809172), Chapter 4
6
Appendix L
131
.. u. ...
P.
,-,J<>''-l:U'
132
Manuel Pedro
relationship between
and
of
two antiphoners however not straightforward. The three particular
they
drew their repertory from a common
of antiphons,
than
central European core and
of rear monastic proximity, 11 but the overall choice of texts also
reveals
Not surprisingly, this independence
the choice of invitatory tones and their liturgical assignextends
ment. Although Toledo 44.1 only has seven tones written in full
the melody of
incipits is missing. the CANTUS
was
known from
able
identify twelve
all of
12
has twenty-one
written
other
sources. Toledo
full, another incompletely written out (probably followed by
now
and
more melodic incipits;
these
recently studied
Ruth
are rare or unique. 13
Only nine of these tones are common to
two manuscripts; Braga
with 44.1 and thirteen with 44.2.
shares nine
The liturgical assignment of these
however much
disagreement (to illustrate' I will use the
sigla attributed
to them).
differs from both Thledo antiphoners for instance,
aligns
with 44.1
its use
with regard
3 and WR,
of tone 5. The three
disagree in the
of the tone for
Sunday, actually, in
larger European context,
seems to
14
this occasion.
alone in
choice tone NE
l
pp. 457-76.
in common some
Cluniac
the two Toledo MSS
ence, shown by the
that they
a number of invitatory antiphons found
in CAO only through the antiphoner
St.
RN.
12044}.
Collamore - Keith 1<1<;;'>1'<::;. Tb/edo, Biblioteca Capitular, 44.1. A
Inthrough a
1997 printout
made available to me
dex
by Ruth
CL R.
the music of
14 Cf.
JJ
"The 1\venty-1\vo
Tones .. N, ciL
on p. 70,
mistakenly under
No. 4, and vice-versa).
the Palm Sunday
, cit.
133
ll
11
15
Hi
Steiner. "Introduction",
p. xx.
'T"".n",r gTones
the Palm Sunday Invitatory" , cH.,
150.
11
134
have served as an alternative to it depending on personal preference. Tone 10, known from many sources/ is a tone designed for use
with second~mode antiphons, which corresponds to a relatively
different re~
development; this development must have occurred
gions
the same time for the tradition represented by 44.2 uses
which is also
other second-mode toneS amongst them tone no.
11
found in Saint#Martial de Limoges. Tone 10 seems therefore to
have been included as a witness of a more widespread treatment of
second~mode antiphons, probably known to the compiler from personal
FinallY1 tone 6 could be seen as a variant version of
7, and
be thought to serve as an alternative to it, but their musical differences point
another interpretation:
6, with its insistence
in the formula E G E (G)a, ambiguously used in relation to the
text, has a Gallican ring to it, even
its positioning as a second intonation,lS while
7 sounds much more regular and Gregorian
which suggests that 01d-style
6 was supplanted by its new-style
of tone 6 in the collection
reinterpretation as tone 7. The
may thus be attributed to a sentiment akin to our unwillingness to
throwaway good old shoes which we do not use anymore, but still
pnze our memory.
All the tones in Toledo 44.2 have thus claims to same kind of prac~
tical validity, even it was fulfilled in the past or intended to
fulbeen not a creator,
filled in the future. The compiler seems to
nor just a collector, but rather a transmitter of a living tradition
amalgamated with personal experience, not confined to a single moment nor to a single point in space. From this point of view1 Braga/s
invitatory tones, in same ways so close, appear more archaic,
cause, in spite of the relatively large number of tones selected, the
collection lacks this individual touch, this enthusiasm for tonal richl
17
R. Steiner, "The TWentyTWo lovitatory Thnes ... If, ciL pp. 64-5.
l
Michel Huglo, wGallican rite, music of the", in Stanley Sadie (ed.), The New
Grove Dictionary
Music
Musicians (London. 19801, vaL 7. pp. 113-25; Manuel
Pedro Ferreira, "Music at Cluny", ciL, p. 391.
III
135
136
No.
(MS)
AXIS
1
113/
El'
(;
f.I SO)
NOTB OF ANT.
SlON: SUNDAYS,
&
F&ASTS OF THE
CAN
TUS SI-
TBMPORALE
GLUM
Dnica ii
through Dnica
v post Pascha
GGD D
.~ I -1
Ve.~~..
f.I47)
(13/
(13/
LITURGICAL OCCA-
V&
f.l44v)
LITURGICAL OCCA-
ddd
7-
I.JC ~tt.~vs
. ~" 1 ...
V~
4-
ddd
iL txJrc~U!
77
(13/
f.l 53)
5
(13/
US5v)
E-~:1ltt f ~
Vwk
F E
ece
Dnica in I.
through
Dniea iii in xl
Die seta Pasche
Dnica in albis
Feria ii post
oct . Epiph.
G/D
uu!tt~\K
~ APA t ,
~.k.
FID
Dnica i post
act. Epiph.
through Dnica
in Ix
Dniea de Passi
one
4MO
~..tul
55
Ascensio Dni
Feria v in oct.
Oruca post Ase. Aseensionis
Die Penthecostes
Dnica i through
xxiii post Penth .
137
LITURGICAL OCCASION:
COMMON OF SAINTS
OBSERVATIONS
MUSICAL
PARALLELS
OCCASIONS
Feasts of Saints
during Paschal
time
Comm. Apost. et
Toledo 44 .2: no. 9
Evaog. T. P., Cornm.
un . Mart. T. P., Comrn.
pI. Mar\. T. P., Comm.
Conf. Pont. T. P.,
Comm. Coni. non
Pont. T. P.
LR: 7; Ferretti:
XV; LH: VII; Wagner: VII ; Heckenbach: 4; Toledo
44.2: 22; Piacenza:
14; Worcester: 9
(p. 196, lowerl;
Utrecht: 4
Heckenbach: 6;
Toledo 44.2 : 17;
Piacenza: 9;
Worcester: 8 (p.
196, upper):
Utrecht: 13
138
No.
INClm
(MS)
LrruRGICAL OCCA-
LITURGICAL OCCA-
Non! Of ANT.
SION: SUNDAYS,
8t CAN-
FBASTSOPTHB
TUS 51-
TBMPORALB
GUJM
6
4
(131
f.lSSvl
.'!., 1'.
(13/
fJ61v)
(131
f.164v)
VI.
MAo'
f ,
J.. ...Jhl84lf
.
.,
.
t
f
UL.Jk ~r...ws:
hJa
hid/a
b
aJG
alG
G G
(13/
f.l7Ov)
NataJe Dni
Die circuncis.
In die Epiph.
4CH
oct. Epiph.
Dnica ii Ady.
(13/
f.167v)
10
33
5,6PA
.,....
f ..
V,..1t
aaE
uJiltfWt
Dnica i Adv.
Dnica. iy Ady.
Vigilia Nat. Dui
2,4 NE Dnica iv in xl
Dnica in ramis
pa1marum
11
(13/
U73v)
F l..lf
~
=:t. ' ,
GIB
G
.;,J.. ~Mn
l,4WR
(see Ven 5)
139
LrrURGICAL OCCASION:
CoMMON OP SAINTS
RALB
MUSICAL
OBSKRVATlONS
PARALLBLS
OCCASIONS
S. Johannis Bapt.
Worcester: 3
(p. 193, upper)
140
No.
INC1PIT
TONAL FINAL
(MS)
12
1131
f.l76v)
13
AXIS
-...,.,.f---:---____ GGE
PAt'! f
MODE
LITURGICAL OCCA-
LITURGICAL CCC/.-
NOTB OP ANT.
SION: SUNDAVS,
& CAN-
FBASn> OF THB
TVSSI-
TEMPORALE
GLUM
..
4.
(I31
f.179)
ccG
.. t -
(this tone is
FE
Vt ,*'Ia UId.,",~
(equivalent to Ven3)
Ven 1
{31.
501
Ven 2
(8,
23 ,
31 .
VeM.i-ft.
j
6
#,,)tw1.ti""'1
(equivalent to Ven4)
..
F
Epiph.
Vc..~f
SO)
Ven 4
949)
feria ii prima
hebdom. Adv.
tI
~ .. , E "
32,
29, AD
tatorium
(eriale.
See Ven l-S}
Ve ~'.J~ uw1h-
Ven 3
(8. 17,
27. 28,
identified in
the MS as invi-
32)
(31,
t~
BL
.. ~ .. )
1I~tr,~
141
LITURGICAL OCCASION:
CoMMON OF SAtN'TS
MUSICAL
OBSBRVATIONS
PARALLELS
OCCASIONS
oct. S. Jacobi
Wagner: VI. 2;
Piacenza: 11
days.
See also Ven 4.
In agenda mortuorum;
Officium BMV
142
No_
INCIPIT'
(MS)
Ven 5
(31,
32)
Ven 6
(16.28.
29. AD
949)
Veo 7
(16.
17
19 1"
hand,
29,
AXIS
-t
VeM.ile
ij'
et}
LITURGICAL OCCA-
NOTE OPANT.
SION: SUNDAYS,
& CAN-
FEAS1"S OF THB
TUSSI-
TBMPORALE
GLUM
..
[feria ii p. Pascha
sabbatto in albis
feria! days from
Dniea in albis to
Ascensio Dui
feria vi post Asc.
oct. Ase.
ferial days post
Penth.: only MSS
31/321
LX~-
III
Vt.
F
LITURGICAL OCCA-
-M~
2
Ve.~
AD
949)
14
(271
p.168)
e,
t ." ~
Vt.M.i~ e u~~
cia
c/G
F
F/a
6-
143
LITURGICAL OCCASION:
CoMMON OF
SAINTS
RALE
MUSICAL
OBSBRVATIONS
PARALLELS
OCCASIONS
144
Key to Table
- [left column) music missing (not found in Braga's choirbooks)
- (right columns) text missing
v text also found in Thledo 44.1 or 44.2
. complete text (given if short or not recorded in CAO)
/ alternative word
( ) may not appear
+ with text-variant relative to CAO or 1bledo MSS
0000 r X recorded in CAO, but only through MS X
\0000\ based on, or closely related to text recorded in CAO
it. not in Soeiro's Breviary, of c. 1400
[aJ anterior: replaced in the 16 1t. century
[P] posterior: replacement from the 16th century
Notes
*' The MS has only the incipit, whose text (T 108) coincides with
Braga, but the melody is different.
* * The MS has only the incipit, whose text coincides with CAO 1112,
E 117 and Braga; the melody is the one found in Toledo 44.1 and
Braga.
Sources
Arquivo Distrital de Braga, MS. 657 !cf. Pedro R. Rocha, L'O{fice divin
au Moyen Age dans l'Eglise de Braga, Paris: Gulbenkian, 1980)
Arquivo Distrital de Braga, MS 949 .
Catedral de Braga, 1. C. 8, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 26, 27, 28,29, 31, 50
145
Table
MODE
To44.I 1'044.2
CAD
1006
TIOl
1006+
Tl02+
lO 10
1011
1013
1015
1017
10211S
1022
1023
v
v
v
v
v
v
lO321F v
~ O29
146
MODE
BRAGA'S INVITATORY ANTIPHONS
._
5
Alleluia Spiritus Domini replevit orbem
terrarum
Angelorum regi Domino iubilemus
pariter raj
Ascendens Christus in altwn, aUeluia.
6
2
Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus tecum.
Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus tecum
2
benedicta
Beatus CaJlistus Christi martyr triumphat
Beatus Iacobus Christ; martyr triumphat
4
4
Beatus Laurentius Christi martyr triumphat
4
Beatus Thomas Christi martyr triumphat
4
Beatus Victor Christi martyr triumphat
coronatus
4
Christum natum qui beatum hodie coronavit
7
Christum natum regem pro quo martyres
innocentes occisi sunt venite adoremus.
Christum regem adoremus dominantem
gentibus qui se manducantibus dat spiritus pingued.inem.
4
Christum regem Dorninum pro 'lObis in
CAO
T044.1 To 44.2
v
10391F 1041
v
1042
1034
1037
1045
1045
1045
1045
1045
1048
E104
1051
1051
1054
1055
1061
147
MODE
CAO
Christum. [P]
venit plenitudo temp oris
matris
Festum ... palmam ... dedit aternam. [a]
6
4
4
quo 1073
To 44.1 To 44.2
Gaudete et exsultate
nomina vestra
scripta
Geraldus eece migrat hie pauper crelo
dives quem sanctorum eoncentus Christo
psallens deducit nos crelestibus hymnis
laudemus in hunc Deum.
Hoilie scietls quia veruet Dominus.
Hoctie scietis quia
Dominus et
mane videbitis
Hoctie vocem Domini (eius) auctierltis
nolite
Imperatorem caelorum adoremus legum
Christum qui gratia hospitalitatis coronavit hospUam suam Martham. [a]
1080
\ 11 03\
TU!
\1084\
1084
1085
148
MODE
--
4
In honore(m) beatissimre Marire virginis
5, 6 In manu tua Domine omnes fines terrre.
In sanctre Crucis exaltatione venite collaudemus Dominum quia per Crucis mys1erium martyres suos coronavit Cornelium et Cyprianum
4
lpsi vero non cognoverunt vias meas
quibus
Jubilemus Deo salutari nostro.
6
4
Justus florebit in domo Domini plantatus
CAO
1086
1087
1092
1095
v
v
1096
1098
1098
2
2
2
4
4
7
7
7
4
To44.1 To 44.2
1098+
T113
1103
1105
v
v
EllS
T114
1110
Ell7
1113
1115
E 118+ v
v
11201 F v
149
Mom~
7
7
---------------------------------
CAO
Quadraginta
offensus fui genera1121
tioni illi et
Quooiarn Deus magnus Dominus rex 1124
magnus
Regem adoremus Dominum qui pedendit -
To44.1 To44.2
v
Tl15
In
11
\1126\
1129
1140
6
3
4
adorev
1131
1132
1137
v
17
150
MODE
6
4
6
2
4
4
Reginam ceeN mariam concorditer adoremus, quce visitans helisabeth spem contulit
ut /audemus.
Repleti sunt omnes Spiritu Sancto, alleluia.
Rex noster adveniet Christus quem loannes
Sancta Dei genitrix virgo intercede pro
nobis.
SanctiHcavit Dominus tabemaculum
suum et fa]
Se dedit Dominus in cibum, alleluia.
Seraphim stabant super illud sex alre uni
et sex alre al teri .
Surgite vigilemus venite adoremus quia
nescunus
Surrexit Dominus vere alleluia.
1\1 es pastor ovium princeps apostolorum
tibi
Venite adoremus regem re gum cuius hodie ad
Venite adoremus regem regum, qui per demonstrationem nivis matris suee condidit
habitaculum .
Venite adoremus salvatorem omniu.m, qui
nobis ad custodiam depufavit angelum.
Venite exsultemus Domino.
Venite exsultemus Domino iubilemus
Deo salutari
Venite omnes Christicoice ad adorandum
Christum Regem eeternum, qui apostolum
suum mirabililer decoravit [acobum.
CAO
To 44 . 1 To 44.2
1154IS v
1155
\1157/8\ -
11611 E v
1165
1166
v
v
1167
1177
1179
v
v
E123+
T123
1180
151
Roman Hankeln
Roman Hankeln
storiae. 2
Beitrag beschrankt sich auf
knapper darstellbare
Antiphonenrepertoire (die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchungen sind
aHerdings auch auf dem Gebiet des Responsorien-Repertoires bestatigt word en).
stilistischen Analyse werden im Vordergrund
Zwei Aspekte
stehen: Tonalitat und Melodiebildung.
Zur Tonalitat
Begriff "Modus " erfa~t nicht alle jener melodischen Spannungsvorgange, die
in einem Gesang ereignen konnen und
man allgemein Jldie ThnaliUit"
Gesangs nennt. Das in seiner
strengen Systematik vielleicht am weitesten fortgeschrittene
schreibungsmodell von Thnalitiit hat Finn Egeland Hansen vorgelegt
rnit
Analyse
Tonars von Dijon, Montpellier H 1 ,3 Diese
Untersuchung beruht allerdings u.a. auf Computerkalkulationen,
die
einheitlich uberliefertes Repertoire analysieren,
den
MeBtonar selbst. Unser Material ist
sowohl stilistisch wie
auch uberlieferungsgeschichtlich
heterogen. Deshalb schlage
eine andere, moglichst einfache Analysemethode vor. Ich
rUcksichtige
n u r ' charakteristische Knotenpunkte
Melodik. Das sind: Kadenzen, wiederholte Tone und umspieite
ne. Betrachtet man Kadenzen, Tonwiederholungen und
spielungen j
rur sich,
verschiedene
Je
Tone haufiger
Kadenzen, Wienach Modus werden
Beispiel
derholungen und Umspielungen verwendet als andere.
17. Modus) benutzen die Kadenzen nur
Finalis und ihre Oberquint. Fur
wiederholten
sieht man auch nur Finalis und
Oberquint. Auch
Umspie1ungen beschranken'
ausschlieBlich auf d und G.
153
Beispiel A4
A. Corde manu mundu9 7. (Vlrieb M-A9)
Carde
manu
CUius
a-
mundus
mar
do-
sat i-at
minum
nee
que- rit
fas- tidit
siti-bun-
sa-
dus.
ti-atus.
Kadenzen
A. Corde manu mundus 7. (Vlrlch M-A9)
Corde
manu
Cuius
a-
mundus
mOT
do-
minum
nee
sat i-at
que- Tit
fas- tid!t
siti-bun-
sa-
dus.
ti-atu5.
Wiederholte Tone
A. Corde manu mundus 7. (Ulrich M-A9)
Corde
manu
Cuius
a-
mundus
maT
do-
satt-at
minum
nec
que- rit
fas- tidit
siti-bl.ln-
sa-
dus.
ti-atus.
Corde
manu
Cuius
a-
mundus
mor
sat i-at
do-
minum
nee
que- rit
- tidit
siti-bun-
sa-
dus.
ti-atus.
Roman Hanketn
Blenden
die Muster dies er drei Kategorien - Kadenzen, Wiederholungen, Umspielungen - zusammen: Alle
verwenden
die Finalis und
Oberquint.
nenne dieses tonale Muster
dehalb Quinttonalitiit. Die Quinttonalitat scheint symptomatisch filr
einen neueren StH zu
Es
naturlich
andere Muz.B. Finalistonalitat, Quarttonalitat. Auch Kombinationen van
Quarten unci Quinten und verschiedene pentatonische Muster sind
moglich.
Narurlich sind nur wenige
so einheitlich strukturiert wie
Beispiel A.
Abwechslung sorgen besonders
Beispiel B ist
Antiphon aus der Historia
Kaiserin Kunigunde
H. 13. Jh.).
(entst.
Beispiel
A. In .ttlnctitat
In
sanctitate
serui-a-
et
-mU5 tibi
iusti-ci-a
do-
-mine
contempnen- tes
cum
be-a- ta
mundi
uici-a
Kune-gun
-de
uir-gine
Kadenzen
A. In sallrlitate et 1. Modus
In
sanctitate
serui-a-
et
-mus tibi
lJir-gille
iusti-ci-a
do-
-mine
018 L-Ab)
contempnen- tes
cum
be-a- ta
mundi
uici-a
Kune-gun-
-de
155
Wiederholte Tone
A. In
In
~anctil4fe
sanctitate
serui-a-
et
-mU5 tlb!
iustl-ci-a
do-
~lne
contempnen- tes
cum
be-a- ta
aundi
uiei-a
Kune-gun-
-de
Umspielte Tone
A. In SQActitate et 1. Moiul (KuDeluude III lrAh)
In
sanctitate
serul-a-
-de
et
-mus tibl
iustl-ci-a
do-
-mine
cum
be-a- ta
Kune-gun-
1.1 ir-g! ne
Zur Melodieanalyse
Innerhalb der Melodieanalyse unterscheide ich zwei Hauptkategorien: Umgebungsmarken und Melodi2marken.
156
Roman Hankeln
........
...
....
lsta
~-.c -s..
quos
gene-
est
in
iW
ra-ci-o
..
eternales
:-;;:
.........
portas
queren-
~.
tl-um
't"
qua
~
tunc
.....
civi-ta-
sed
dominum
::::a:
in-tro-dux;t
celeste
,,- ..
I
~
te
cum
turpi!
.. ,,4'
Ji
pos t roodum
su-is
;u--:r-~s
..
veneris
.. ...
---.'
sanctissi-11I8
-.r~
ha-bi-ta-
bat
deslde-Ti-um
......
.,.
Afrs .
157
Adolt!s~~flS
=, i .wt
quidam fu,.ie
_. -. ~
&.- -
Ado-Ies-cens
turi-e
hunc
desperatis
be- a-
ti
in-
Chunradi
ho-
ri.
de
.3
Ad
te
G2-
6; . .
conspectu
aux-i-li-is
con- mendatuT.
qu;bus
in-colo.is
torTen-tl
.~.
do-ml-ne
mergltur .
concurren- t;-um
iactatus
=,~
.~-
fluminibus raptus
patrocini-Is
!wQ
pluribu,
f-
quidam
sed
rabat
0-
un-da
1;-
~-A4)
- ... -- p- ~
sanctus
culul
iste
lIi- am
in
qane
ti-bi
tu-o
110-
lu-
i s-t i
diri- ge-re
coronandus
cuo
ut
possit
11
uae
zweiten Antiphon.
A. Christi
.....
fide-lis
postquam
ce-
10
fa-mulus
pru-dens
Gre-
quoque
tempore
in
reddidit
"0"
.... m .........
su-o
a-
nl-mam
v i xi t
ter-re
e- ius
go-ri-us
fa- mi-li-e
carnis
~
ma-
theri-am
158
,...................
Roman Hankeln
mi- -randam
ex-eels;
.,,~
et
laudan- -
'*9 . . . .
.. --
- -dam
. -
i'J . . . . .
dextere
"~w9
lie-ne -randam
M. . .,
5.
reenl
me- mo-ri-am
i~us
do-mi ne
'tx}.
os-ten- -dilti
pro
qua
re-fe-rentes
nos
'
de
IUP-
viti-is
. . . . . 49
fl-ll-o-rum
de-I
tibl
debita!
-pllcamus
ut
Chrlste
Ihesu
..... .. .......
M
..
grate.
..
...
.... ..
...... ....
ad
Du-tare
v I rtu-tes
misericorditer
Ipsarum me-ritis
M
et
In
suffragan-t I bus
adoptl-o-nem
..,,=- ......,.,.....~J;
..
~
dig-ne-rls
trans-
...
-for-lOa-re
,.
aeterne
aeterne
M
aeterne
..
in
saecula
In
saecula
in saecu
I a etc.
E-vangelicis
ad-he-rens
cl i 1ec- ci -on i I
be-&-tu5
hQ-
d;-e
tenges
pontifex
splrltl.l
Em-
preceptis,
cornu
i-mita-cl-o-ne
e-rectum
me rammu s
mlgT&vlt
et
ad
per
ce-llcas
in
domo
martirl-I
sedel.
159
domi-nice
Da-vid
fidei is,
tTibu-la-cl-o- nes
EUDl.lae
Kennzeichnend fUr die Melodiemarken ist, da sie im alten IIgregorianischen Gesang nur
vorkommen. Man kann sie ala Symptome fur lIungregorianische" Melodiebildung ansehen, Damit 5011 nicht
gesagt werden. daB z.B. Quintspriinge von vornherein //ungregoriaware falsch. Entscheidend ist vielmehr, wie oft
nisch sind.
Quintspriinge in einem Gesang vorkommen, ob er
ganz damit
durchsetzt'
oder ob sie nur an wenigen, besonders markanten.
Punkten der Melodik, etwa beim Incipit auftreten.
Die leicht identifizierbaren Me10diemarken bieten die Moglichkeit, ein einfaches quantitatives Verfahren zu wahlen: Man kann
den Anteit die Dichte dieser Meloruemarken feststellen. indem man
sie einfach zahlt und im Verhaltnis zur Lange des Gesangs beurteilt.
Keiner dieser Melodieziige allein ermoglicht irgendwelche positiven Aussagen iiber die Stilistik eines Gesangs. Der Anteil der emzelnen Melodiemarken soUte im Zusammenhang gesehen werden. Erst
wenn die Dichte aller Melodiemarken eines Gesangs in einem Gesamtbild
wird, entsteht ein Befund, der fUr weitere Intergeringe Dichte van
pretationen als Basis taugt. Hat ein Gesang
Melodiemarken, konnte er noch dem klassisch IIgregorianischenJ./
StH angehoren. 1st diese Dichte aber hoch, konnte das ein Hinweis
lIungregorianische" Stilbaltung
auf
ll
il
160
Roman Hankeln
Hier 5011 nicht ausfuhrlich erlautert werden, Wle die Dichte der
Melodiemarken gemessen werden kann,ll Ich benutze dazu eine
Punkteskala. Jede Melodiemarke erhiilt je nach Dichte Punkte von
0-10. Die Dichte aller Melodiemarken in einem Gesang kann - ad~
diert - also theoretisch 0-40 Punkte erreichen. (Die groBte Melodie~
marken-Dichte betragt bei den Antiphonen 20 Punkte, bei den Responsorien 26 Punkte . 20 Punkte erreichen 6 von insgesamt 273
Antiphonen des Untersuchungsbereichs. 26 Punkte erreichen 2 von
insgesamt 129 Responsorien des Untersuchungsbereichs.)
Das folgende Beispiet zeigt drei Antiphonen mit dem Spitzenwert
von 20 Punkten. Die erste Antiphon ist ein Paradigma fUr Melodiemarken-Stil. Die zweite Melodie ist kurz, von der Lange her gesehen nichts auffalliges. Doch auch ihre Melodie scheint "ungregorianisch", ebenso wie die der dritten Antiphon aus dem Afraoffizium.
Zum Vergleich zeige ich hier auch eine Antiphon aus dem Konradoffizium mit nur 18 Punkten. Dart sind die melodiemarkenfreien
Abschnitte bereits etwas langer.
deni9u~
pud
sane!1
.. ...
t ...
denique
cor po-re
eellam
ti
lunctus
, ....
,
~ E2<q~.. I
mart iris
Me-gi-nardi
sol i ta-ri-is
1><.1 .. ..
*
de si de- r i -UIII
cordis
su- i
./
e~-.--g"1
ad-eptu5
Genauere Auskunfte - auch zum hierbei notwendigen Datenbankverfahren erteile ich gem uber meine email -Adresse: roman .hankeln@hfm.uni-weimar.de.
!ch mochte hier darauf hinweisen, daB es sich bei dem dargestellten Verfahren keineswegs urn ein "System", sondern urn IIwork in progress" handelt. Weitere .Melodiemarken" sind hinzufugbar. Ich warne vor einer einfachen Ubertragung des
Verfahrens auf andere Repertoires rnittelalterlicher Einstirnmigkeit, denn hierbei
handelt es sich urn ein Vergleichsverfahren innerhalb eines klar definierten Repertoirecorpus. Andere Repertoires bieten andere stilistische Milieus.
11
161
Narurlich .
solchen quantitativen Verfahren langst
nicht alles
Bs beschrankt sich ja nur auf bestimmte Melodiewendungen und nieht auf
Gesang als Ganzes. In einem weiteren Schritt mussen neben die Melodiemarken auch die Werte der
Umgebungsmarken
!Ambitus,
MelismatikJ. Erst dann
kann genaueres clamber gesagt werden, wie sieh
Melodiebildung dnes Gesangs zu
anderer Gesange
Offiziums, oder
zu der Melodiebildung van Gesangen anderer Offizien verhalt.
Man kann sich zurD.indest ein partielles BUd vom stilistischen
Profil
eines ganzen Offiziums machen t indem man in
einem Diagramm verzeichnet, wieviele seiner Antiphonen eine bestimmte Dichte innerhalb
Melodiemarken haben: Die y-Achse
folgenden
gibt
wieviel
der Antiphonen
eines Offiziums der jeweilige Melodiemarken-Dichte
Die x-Achse gibt den Melodiemarkenwert (die Dichte) an (niedrigste
= 0, h6chste Dichte == 20).
Diagramm 1 (S. 169) zeigt die Melodiemarhenprofile der Antiphonen zweier stilistisch recht gegensatzlicher Offizien, dem Gallusund dem UlrichoffLZium. Die hochste Dichte, die im Untersuchungsbereich innerhalb der Antiphonen erreicht wird, ist, wie gesagt.
Punkte. Die meisten Antiphonen des Ulrichoffiziums haben
grolle Dichte innerhalb der Melodiemarken (Spriinge, Sprungkombinationen, Skalen und Gallikanischen Kadenzen}. Damit .,. .... ,. .,...""
spondiert def Befund im Bereich der Umgebungsmarken: Die
sten Antiphonen des Ulrichoffiziums sind Hinger, melismatischer,
haben
gro~eren Amhitus.
Uberblicken wir abschlie~end die Melodiemarkenprofile aller Historiae des Untersuchungsbereichs: Diagramm 2, A-C IS. 170
-172.' Ich beschdinke mich hier - wie gesagt - auf die Antiphonen.
Die Profile sind hler nach ihrer Form von links nach rechts angeordnet und, der Ubersicht halbert in
Gruppen aufgeteilt.
Gruppe A (Diagramm 2, A):
Gruppe wird gebildet von
Gallus, def A~Fassung des Dionysiusoftraditionelleren Offizien
Dionysiusoffizifiziums, dem Emmeramoffizium, der B-Fassung
urns. Diese Offizien gehoren dem 10. und 11. Jahrhundert an.
162
Roman Hankeln
dieser Gruppe gehort aber auch die Historia der Septem Fratres (neben dern GallusoffiziumJ, die erst urn 1150 entstand.
Gruppe B (Diagramm 2, B): Das Kilianoffizium erwartet man
aufgrund seiner vermutlichen Entstehungszeit im 12. Jahrhundert
in der letzten Gruppe, bei den Spitzenwerten. Doch im Rahmen der
Melodiemarken erscheint es hier in der zweiten Gruppe. Es ist vergleichbar mit Brunos Gregorhistoria, die ca. 80 Jahre vorher entstand. Auch die jungsten Offizien des Untersuchungsbereichs, jene
fur Heinrich und Kunigunde aus dem 13. Jahrhundert, liegen in
diesem eher zuriickhaltenden Mittelfe1d.
Gruppe C (Diagra mm 2, C): Die Antiphonen von Hennannus
Contractus aus dem 11. Jahrhundert, Mra und Wolfgang, sind was die Melodiemarken angeht - fast so avanciert, wie die rur Konrad und Ulrich, die Uodalscalc im 12. Jahrhundert schrieb.
Dies ist als erstes Ergebnis also festzuhalten: Im Bereich der Melodiemarken der hier versammelten suddeutschen Historiae kann
von einer linearen stilistischen Evolution nicht gesprochen werden.
REIHENFOLGE:
Tabelle 1
Tabelle 2
Diagramm 1
Diagramm 2, A
Diagramm 2, B
Diagramm 2, C
HOCHMlmLALTERS
163
Tabelle 1.
Die friihen suddeutschen Historiae, Grunddaten
OFFIZlu M/HAU ('TV ER-
AUTOR(ZUSCHREIBUNG)
EH RU:'>!GSORT
DATlE-
ENTSTEHUNGSORTI
RUNG
AUFFOHRUNGSORT
ca. 900
Gallus/St. Gallen
EmmeramJ
St. Emmeram ii
Dionysiusl
Regensburg iii
ca. 1050
ca. 1050
Gregor/ ...
Bruno v. Thul
11002-1054 = Papst
Leo IX. 1048-54}vi
ca. 1040
KonradlKonstanz
Uodalskalk It ca.
ii
I1 S0
Uodalskalk
1123
UlrichJ Augsburfiii
112S ix
U BERTRAG EN AUS:
OFFIZIUMlHAUPTVER-
AUTOR{ZUSCHREIBUNG 1
EHRUNGSORT
DATlE-
ENTSTEHUNGSORTI
RUNG
AUFFUHRUNGSORT
Septem Fratres/Ottobeurenx
KilianJW Urzburg
anon.
HeinrichlBamberg
anon.
anon.
Bamberg?/Bamberg
1200D
128S
ca. 1288 xili Bamberg?/Bamberg
DBERTRAG EN AUS:
MUnchen, Bayer. Staatsbih, clm
9921, Ottobeuren, ca. 1150
Aschaffenburg, Hofbibliothek, Ms.
Perg. 1 bzw. Ms. Perg. 12 (Aschaffenburg, 1536, bzw. spates 15. ]h.)
elm 18329 (Tegernsee, 14. ]h.)
elm 18329 (Tegemsee, 14. Jh.I, Bamberg, Staatsbib. lit. 25 (Bamberg, 13.
}h., Off. unvollst.)
v. E.
, 1
~Vu4J."""'Vt
-1.
Verelns fUr
aus
Lafeinische
.Les
!1002-
19
164,
S.9ot.
s.
vii
LJlOzesan-./i
AnIaA
!l
Offizium
751,
ill
lY1CU.ll,.U.l/S,
Offizium s.
..
Studien zu
19891. S. 45-56.
{rankischen
, in:
Klauser,
an
168
Roman Hankeln
Tabelle 2. Die fnlhen suddeutschen Historiae - Aufbau
OFPIZIUM
ENTSTEHUNGS-
CURSUS
VORHERRSCHENDE
TEXTPORM
ANT[PHO-
RESPONSO-
NEN
RIEN
nem
Ja
nem
nem
nem
nem
monast. Reimprosa
Ja
nem
monast. Prosa
roonast. ProsaJReimprosa
sakuJar AkzentuieIier
Vers
monast. ReimprosaJProsa
sakular Leoninischer Hexameter
sakular ProsaJReimprosa
Ja
ja
Ja
Ja
Ja
ja
nem
Ja
Ja
ja labsteigend}
Ja
Ja
Ja
ja
Ja
Ja
nem
ZEIT
GaJlus
ca. 900
Emmeram 1030
Dionysius ca. 1050
MODALE REIHENPOLGE?
monast. Prosa
monast. Prow Reimprosa
monast. Prosa
Wolfgang
Afra
Gregor
ca. 1050
ca. 1050
ca. 1040
Konrad
Ulrich
1123
Septem
Fratres
1125
ca. 1150
Kilian
Ja
~
N
b()
...cd
Q
.~
(1)
tIl
S
:
...
Q)
..-..c
..w~
;gI
~.
Diagramm 2, B
....0
o~
M~lodienlar:kenprofile,
.S
mittleres Drittel
(;It
B6(}
~:
Cl)
.~
.~
30
r=20
10
0
-:-::;=1
";-K
.g
'Q.,
'::1
~.
~~.
~~f.
~VJ .
?~;'!;
~a
~~.
~r;
Gregor
Heinrich
Kunigt.UJde
u
N
~
boO
....<U
a,)
---c
tj
"t::
4)
tr.I
~
.80
"
'
I:
~,
,.
G)
ta
e
~
t;j
Si
G)
..,.
..9
(\)
~
Theodore Karp
174
Theodore Karp
Table 1.
[SS.
JAN. 20]
Introit
Gradual]
Offertory
Communion
S. AGNETJS
22r Me expecto\)erunt
S. VINCENTIl
[ET
Introit
Gradual
Offertory
Communion
JAN.21
S. ANASTAsn]
JAN. 22
Introit
Gradual
175
ALB Gaillac
NAR Narbonne
f. 19
f.21v YRX Saint-Yrieix
Aurillac
f. 167
Limoges
f. 105v
Moissac (?)
f.40
f. 148 TOU Thulouse
f.24v
f. 14v
11 th c.
11 Ul_12th c.
11 th c.
11 Ill_12th c.
11 th -12th C.
late 11th c.
11 th c.
176
Theodore
Toledo,
Capitular
.10 and especially
Karp fragment are
more distant. No
encapreading can
su
transmission
this chant.
shown in
the Alleluia
ens with a
various guises
chants. In
gesture that
branch, the
climbs gradually
repeated circling motions
by means of a chain of thirds.
arriving at a
a
the initial, it
a
and
on The initial
gesture
not have
one to predict this close, but the cadential
is in fact
inasrnuch as this g appears three
t
as the lowest point of a circling motion. This basic ground
plan is followed
the readings
Albi and
Graduals, althou
amplification is individual, as shown
example. The
Thledo, Biblioteca Capitular MS 35.10 berecognizable
of the opening
but
gins with an
sharply from
continuation. It
a peak on Cl
d', Z and returns
the opening e
cadencing on
t tone. The later
preferred a closed tonal arch rather
than an open one. The version of the Karp
on the
hand, follows the
ground plan of
original for a
longer distance
it too makes a
descent to close on
again ach
a closed tonal
. In
reading of Paris
1084,
a closed tonal arch is achieved
opposite fashion, by
the
first
tones so that the
opens and closes on
The verse clearly draws on materials from
opening Alleluia,
does so in
among the
readings. Furthermore, the
among
were observed
the opening Allelu do not remaIn
for the verse. Obviously, the ini
for the verse is modelled after
opening
of the
in all sources except
lat. 1084. At
there
is no
point at which
come to a
The reading
of
4951, for
includes one neume more than the
ngs of Paris MSS 903, 11
and n.a. lat. 11
MS lat. 1084
(staff e) goes
on
own and
a markedly different
I omit from
[he
junction with
third syllable.
2
con-
177
ing from its fellows. While they return to the material of the opening Alieluia lat. 1084 eschews the descent to e and continues instead in a high tessitura. Toledo MS 35.10 (staff hI, on
other
hand, does return to the opening but
its presentation after
the fourth neume and
on g. The Karp fragment Istaff i) features a modified return, and it tOOl ends on g.
Thking into consideration the variable ending points of
central
nucleus, when constructing a performing edition r I would append
the end of the jubilus to the readings of this main group of four.
musical cues available to us seem adequately clear in this regard.
The last neumes given in the reading of Paris lat. 776 also relate
clearly to the jubilus
the Alleluia, and it is very probable that
the continuation was expected here too, albeit with a version that
was clearly differentiated from that of the main body.
of Paris 1at. 780 seems also to require completion even though
the evidence leading to this conclusion is
forceful than is the
case with lat. 776 inasmuch as the reading of lat. 780 comes
an end
notes
The remaining
readings, those of
MS lat. 1084, Thledo
MS 35.10 and the Karp fragment pose more of a problem. In the six
of a fifth
sources mentioned previously, there is a downward
that leads into the final text clause. As indicated earlier, this leap is
lacking in Paris lat. 1084, which ends on b. It is conceivable that the
singers were intended then to take
downward leap of a fifth
and launch into a textless repeat of the entire Alleluia plus jubilus.
Following this
would have returned once more to
texted
presentation of the Alleluia and jubilus. The merits of such a twofold return seem extremely dubious to
especially in view of the
idiosyncratic opening employed in this source. I conclude therefore
that the reading of lat. 1084 is complete as it stands. The ending on
b was apparently regarded as a satisfactory half-cadence, with the
return to the Alleluia and jubilus furnishing
logical conclusion.
The
in both the Toledo MS 35.10 and
Karp fragment
both feature the downward leap that we have been discussing and
both return, as do the other sources, to the material of the opening
of
Alleluia and of the verse. However,
source refers to
l
178
Theodore Karp
the jubilus itself, and neither encourages us to supply any continuation.'l In both instances the return
the Alleluia itself would
suppl'
the expected sense of tonal completion.
If these conclusions are accepted we find that we have
diffor the Alleluia verse. For
most
the form
ferent stru
of the verse is fully rou
with respect
its relationship to the
opening Alleluia and jubilus. In the readings of Toledo 35.10 and
the Karp fragment,
is a partial rounding, while in
reading
Paris lat. 1084,
appears to have
no
for rounding
at
verse end. One can find comparable
in form when
studying the history of the Allelula Laetatus sum, although
seem to begin
much later date,
to the turn
the
sixteenth century. If we do not now know
still other
this is likely owing to the fact that we have not pursued the study of
with sufficient energy.
comparative
study of the Alleluya Pulchra facie
instructive
more than
one reason. The
ordinary range of changes that affect melodic
detail, degree
odic elaboration,
modal construction,
and form demonstrate clearly that no one reading can
a
sense of the'
norama
the ITIusical processes at work in
the transmission of this chant during the Middle
shown
in an
study of
on
communion Mirabantur omnes/
processes cannot
captured by means of one or two tranFor one reason or another, this is the case with countless
other chan of wider circulation and greater importance. And yet
the limitations of our time and the capacities of our minds are such
we are constantly
to seek economical expedients. I have
not
put completely out of mind the aggrieved comment of an
anonymous reader of
who lamented that even
wading
through ten pages of descriptive detail he (or she] was still unable to
tell how the introit t Eduxit Dominu.s sounded during the Middle
I had failed this
entirely, for my objective had been opI
179
posite. The reason for the lengthy account was to document the fact
that
was no one way in which
introit had sounded during
the Middle Ages. Rather we are faced by an almost bewildering
multiplicity of conspicuously different versions, each valid different times and places. An
on single solutions can result
only in distortions of
historical truth. We
not have the capacity to deal with massive critical editions of countless chants/ but
we must at least be fully aware of
dangers we run when limiting our vision to a single account of a given melody.
At present, variability in melodic transmission seems genera!ly to
impelled
result from one or more of three main factors. It may
by the necessity to notate fractious chants with multiple variable
within the confines
the Guidonian gamut. may be
pelled by the desire to assure conformity with an evolving sense
may arise from a relaxed attitude tocentralized modality. Or
wards fidelity in the transmission of a late chant lacking the impri~
matur of a supposed Gregorian origin. Both the second and third
to the Alleluya Pulchra facie.
factors are operative with
When we study highly variable chants in detail, we acquire
valuable tools for the understanding of MS interrelationships, and
these in turn allow us
insight into the
authority of
different sources. All those who have had occasion to consider questions of filiation among chant MSS are of course familiar with the
massive work accomplished by
Solesmes monks and made
available in Volume 4 of Le Graduel Romain. As you are well aware,
their work based on comparisons of salient neumes in a variety of
individual chants. The bases for their choices are scrupulously justified. Some 1 sets of comparisons are included in the first sounding and
are
forth graphically by means of four diagrams showing various degrees of interrelationships. The second
sounding includes 310 comparisons, but these are pursued
Intensively.
the
scholars are occupied with the
tion of Missals, Graduals, and Cantatoria, three of the previously
known sources for the Alleluya Pulchra facie are not utilized in their
endeavor. These are Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS lat. 1084, 1135, and n. a.
lat. 1177.
180
Theodore Karp
In the
subgroup of 50 variants, the Aquitanian MSS are part
of a much larger group of westerly sources
six or fewer
variants
them.' The readings
Paris lat.
and London,
Harley 4951,
with those of Madrid, Academia de la
MS 18, are identical for
passages in
. Paris 1at. 776
forms a similar group with Langres Seminaire MS 312, while Thledo
35.10 and Paris lat. 780 appear individually
somewhat
distance within
oval of six variants. In the second subgroup of
50 variants, 1at. 903, Harley 4951, and lat.
still have no more
than 6 variants each, but
35.10 is more distantly related,
having between 6 and 12 variants with its fellows.
1at. 780
apart from four groups having no more than 12 variants and is contained within a circle of 18 variants. s In
final subgroup, Toledo
35.10 and Paris 776 are among a group of
MSS having no more
than 6 variants each, while lat. 903 and Harley 4951 occupy independent places in a broader group having no more than 12 variants.
one finds that 1at 780
more distant from
feUows, but
6
still withIn
broader circle
18 variants. Lastly, the results of
and third subgroups are combined. 7 We find
Harley
1
lat. 776 are among a small circle having no more than 6
le with one other MS,
variants, Lat. 903 occupies another small
and Toledo
.10
an independent place within a still
broader'
whose members contain no more than 12 variants
. Lat. 780 moves to a still more distant realm, having
12
variants.
A study of our example shows that the transmission of our Alle
luia
cou
to the results of the
study. I hasten
point out that
virtue of
very limitations, the
is not intended as a challenge to
truly monumental work of the Solesmes
It
however, point out that
study of MS filiation ough t not to
restricted to one method alone. Moreover, the
example brings into play
sources that remained outside
" See the Chart following
152.
S See
Chart following p. 158.
6 See the Chart following p. 204.
7
the Chart foJlowing p. 220.
181
1998). pp.
182
Theodore Karp
183
10
I am
obliged to Manuel P.
this information.
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.
lu
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fi
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cs
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muD
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.; or
or
fi
de,
be
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le - la
be-ris
cum
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lit.
be-ris
cum
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ge-
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le: - III
be-ris
cum
an
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cum
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r-
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.=;!to
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cum
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lis
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bis
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.,
lis
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189
Gdbor Kiss
190
Gabor Kiss
In the following I shall firstly summarize my observations concerning the conflicts in the history of the term contrafactum than I shall
try to outline the different types of adaptations found in the repertory of the ordinary confronting the empiric experiences with the
condradictions in the different theoretical approaches.
l
191
11,2
L. Finscher, HParodie
Kontrafaktur", MGG 10. coL 815.
F. Gennrich.
Musik als Hilfswissenscbaft
Philologie" ,
Zitschrift fUr romanische Philologie 39 (1919), pp. 330-61.
4
bei dieser Art der Nachbildung nicht del Strophenbau, ... nicht der Inhalt,
. .. sondern cJ..aj1 einzig und
Melodie die Hervoruluberin neuer Liedtexte
gewesen
11 F. Gennrich, Die KOl1trafaktur im Liedschaffel1 des Mittelalters (Erlangen, 1965), 4.
2
::I
Gabor Kiss
"Der Aufbau
Strophe '" giht
Textmetriker
und
ungleichen Anzahl der
keine Handhabe fUr
Verteilung der
den Nachweis der Kontrafaktm" [irreguHi.re Kontrafaktur]. F. Genrukh, Die
(akillr. " p. 70.
6..
neue Werk wird dann mit der
Vorlage
mehr
alien Srucken
iibereinstimmen, aber
wird die
Linienfuhrung in def neuen durch
" F. Gennrich, Die Kontrafaktur ... , p. 137.
S
193
W. LipphlUdt, ~Ober
Begriffe: Kontrafakt, Parodie, Travestie", Jahrbl.lch tar
Liwrgik undHimnologie 12 (19671. pp. 104-11.
8 ~Offenbar geht es dabei um
kftnstlerische T!tigkeit, die in erster Lime auf
den 'Yext richtet, nAmlich auf das Parodieren. In def
sind alle Beispiele, welche
in der Pfullinger Handschrift unter
Begriff stehen, vollendete Beispiele mittelalte:rlicher Parodie". W. Lipphardt, !lUber die Begriffe ...... , 104.
7
194
Gabor Kiss
However, we encounter in the literature a different type of approach to the question. In this approach exactly the ambiguous instances of analogies are taken into account and faced to the different tenninological interpretations. According to this attitude, which
is represented by an article by Christopf Petzsch, we have to distinguish more clearly the real contrafacta and such musical similarities
in the case of which the genetic relation between them is not provable. 9 The latter must be regarded as an outcome of a musical thinking that is based on types and formulas (Neurealisierung eines Melodierypus}.1O The most important aspect of this interpretation is not
the negative, that in certain cases the concrete relation between different products (the bewu~te Anlehnung) is not provable, but the
positive, that, in spite of the mentioned uncertainty, we can elucidate their relationship. According to this, the similarity can not be
interpreted as a relationship between a concrete source melody, a
kind of opus perfectum and a new adaptation based on it. The related chants are alternatives existing alongside the reality of abstract
musical ideas and imaginary melodic models behind them, even if
these do not exist as an opus perfectum.
The distinction is plausible, but seems to have a weakness that
can be attributed partly to methodological partly, historical causes.
The methodological cause is the following: since the degree of similarity will inevitably become the criteria for the differentiation of
the products, transitory instances can be uninterpretable and unclassifiable. Furthermore, in consequence of the sharp confining of
real contrafacta (in Gennrich's terminology: die reguliire Kontrafaktur), variant melodies representing a general melodic idea (Melodie9
pp. 271-90.
10 "Wenn eigene Leistung, wenn 'sch6pferische Umbildung' [WioraJ den Grad
der Ubereinstimmung in Text und Form merklich relativiert, so ~ - bei gleicher
Melodiesubstanz - zunachst ein anderes oder neues Lied vorzuliegen scheint, ist
nachweisliche Absicht zur Wendung unumgangliche Vorau5setzung zur Ansetzung
einer Kontrafaktur, was wir aucb in alien anderen Fallen rur unabdingbar halten.
Im bereich cler Umformungen ... es wird eine Reihe von Ansetzungen indirekter
und sogenannter Grundlagen-Kontrafaktur kritisch treffen ... ". Ch. Petzsch, ~Kontra
faktur. .. ", p. 287.
195
196
Gabor Kiss
B.
schriften
!1
H
,
197
198
Gitbor Kiss
J4 While the whole numbers of the examples are taken over from the widelyused ordinary catalogues (Melnicki, Bosse, Thannabaur and Schildbach), the digital
numbers represent melodies not included in them and come from my own ordinary catalogue (see Footnote 11).
199
200
Gabor Kiss
related melodies
regarded to a consequence
thinking in types
ethnomusicological sense /Neurealisierung eines Melodietypus).
(I
to the type tables
WaIter Wiora. 15 J Finally, nor can
the analogies of ordinary melodies be compared to such kind of
technique of Neurealisierung, i.e. to realisation of melodies among
old layer of antiphons whose typical melodies are
up
typilines according to quasi-grammatical rules being carefully
adapted to the requirement of a new text (as is demonstrated in the
new antiphon edition in the
of Monumenta Monodica).16
Returning to ordinary repertory, it
to fonnulate some confirst appears to be an enormous variety of meloclusions. What
dies proves to be apparent to a certain extent. Secondly, behind the
virtual universality
the frequent analogies we see a great variety
due to the very elastic
free adaptation
same
time, this technique is not simply a practice for creating new items
based on earlier ones, bu t a general characterisitc of melodic thinking. The analogies are frequently
inside one and the same
melody as well, and in preparing an adaptation
same
is used as in the formation of different sections of a melody using
same material. IExample 4/ p. 207; though numerous melodies
may be cited here, I reproduce an example
an article by P.
Thannabaur, J7
its arrangement is very instructive in showing
how the different sections are made up of the same melodic core.)
With this, from a consideration
contrafactum technique in a narwe have
at observations concerning the general
rower
and even the style
characteristics of a melodic
Returning to the terminologyJ we have found that musical analogies of a special area of medieval monody can not be placed into abstract categories, and that none
approaches found in
tory of terminology could serve as a satisfying basis for an orientaW. Wiora, EuropCiischer Volhsgesang - Gemeinsarne Formen in Charakterisnschen
Abwandlungen (Cologne, 1952).
16 L.
- J. Szendrei, Antiphonen, Monumenta Monodies. Medii Aevi
V/I-II -HI (Kassel, Basel etc., 1999).
17 P.
"Anmerkung zur Verbreitung und Struktur def Hosanna-Tropen irn deutschsprachigen Raum und den Ostlandern". Festschrift
Stablein
zum
Geburtstag (Kassel, 1961), p.
1S
201
tion
**"
The sources referred to in the article
MN
Fu
Ba
Br
Graduale ecclesiae Brassoviensis saec. XVI/in, Sibiu Muzeul Brukenthal, Ms. 759.
Ni
Ca
Graduale
Cassoviensis (2 tomi) saec. XVUin,
Budapest Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar, Clmae 172a-b.
Cim-4
Pr~ 1714
202
Gilbor Kiss
Wi
Kr-45
Kr-46
Wl-l
203
Example 1.
Differing Agnus Dei adaptations of the same
Sanctus melody
Sanctus 150
ctus. San
San
Agnus 179 a, hi
Clus. San
Br, (. 6v
gnus De I.
Qui
rnl
se re re no
bis.
Ni, p. 266
~~~~~ a'tt'/. :~ ~ .
gnus Dc . i
Kr4S,
-- ~-
di. rni
~"'::-f@
1"
se re re no . bis.
r. 45v
if :r:;:~. ~.
A
.
l ' ",'r' r
gnus De
. i.
"1'
qui
mI
se re re
no
. bis.
204
Gabor Kiss
Example 2.
Partial analogies in different melodies
Kyrie 16
W1,
5v
l' I!"
ley - 5011_
CM - sle
"r I
ley . son.
Gloria 10
Cim4, f 59
+1''''~
n . a
Glo
~ r"
~ r'
Of
in
ex
sis
eel
rr rI';
De
o.
El
In
ler
,.
ra
r- b
pax 110 . ml
/\i "'1" !" r" I.. ..,.. !" ,.. "'" ;if ,.. ,.. I
ni . bus bo rile
VD
le,
Be ne .
di
cl mus le .
Ad
la
mus
le.
Glo ri fi . ca mus
le.
Gloria 10.1
MN,
'~1'
325
!"
G10 . ri . a
in
9~'
eel
~ t;;
bo . nlf!
mi
De o.
1"'!"" 'f"I;
Ado- ra
ho
sis
I
Et
in
ler
ra
mus le. Be ne . di
mus te . Glo
pax
fi - fi . ca - mus
le.
- ci mus le,
205
Example 3.
E-mode melodies in repertory of the ordinary
a)
Sanctus 147
Kr-46, f. 25
f f-; ... ,.
I
dui
Do ITI .
IIU$
De III
I
* ~
l' -" " M ' pr 1'''
III
lel .
Kyrie 149
eo.. f
le;! .
101\.
It'f .
I<V ' ri .
SOlI.
Sanctus 146.1
b)
Sanctus 136
W1, f 284",
'P
Sat) I"!'
. ctus.
San
ct\l$,San
us
Sanctus 144
Pr-J714,
f.
28v
San
dus, San
eNs, San
dUa Do
mI . nua De us
206
Gabor Kiss
Sanctus 144.1
Pu, (. 215
clus. San
ctus , Sd1I
De . us Sa ba
ctus Do mi nus
0(/1.
Agnus 177
Ba,
145v
l'
gnus De
i.
1\P-T ~
tol . lis
qui
PS;,-. .
mun
pec ca . la
di .
c)
Kyrie 148 - Gloria 45 - Sanctus 150
Kr46, s. f.
n e
Gn c/6,
p.
lev son.
Ba,
ri
ley
In
ex eel SIS De
l'
~ ~F
0
De . us
r 144v
~1\'1',"'~~~I\"'-
San
son.
21
~~-=;:=*~gg
Gin
Ky' ri .
CIU5
San
clus
San
R r' I"l'
0]
207
Example 4.
Adaptation technique used in one and the same melody
[reproduction from an article by P. Thannabaur,
see Footnote 16.)
Engelberg, Srilt$bibliothelc; 314, fo1. 145 (.us Ense1bus, 1372)
8$p. 2'
a.
-I
r.
41:
.....
-)
II1II,
SMc-
11--)
.CIIII,
{.wI-)
(JaIl-'
*,-
5.an.-
~4.c-
0rtIna~~ Will
PC..: . . CMIla
_;.-ri. .a_
in eraI.-
--- ......
1Il0l. -
l/at.-)
bI.-.
SIIDIA
aw
~...n.._
Ut 1!If<If.-
Iu.-u.. .... _
.... ~ I""""
~lIIl-\
WIIIir Ul
I \
"'--I(at-J
...
A-
....
_iKO"-c.-
- .....
.-_ 1It-
..
Ho-
.. -!la-
"
t.
WD-
UII( )
, ,..;. - ..;
1OIl-, \
ftl
lit..
209
Michael Klaper
210
Michael Klaper
romischen Ritus ins Frankenreich wie auch fur die allgemeine Entwicklung des Stationswesens. 6
Emeut Gegenstand einer eingehenden Untersuchung wurde die
Handschrift in der durch den Kunsthistoriker Wilhelm Koehler begriindeten Corpusedition Die karolingischen Miniaturen. 7 Koehler
nahm das Evangeliar provisorisch in den Band mit den Metzer Handschriften au, S augerte aber dezidieti Zweifel an dessen Provenienz
aus Metz: 9 Das mit seinen schmucklosen Kanontafeln und nur wenjgen Zierinitialen recht schlicht wirkende Evangeliar sei deutlich
unterschieden von der Metzer Angilram-Gruppe einerseits und von
der beriihmten, unter Bischof Drogo entstandenen Gruppe pri:ichtig
illuminierter Handschriften andererseits und lasse sich am ehesten
nordfranzosischen Beispielen aus dem ersten Viertel des 9. ]h. an
die Seite stellen. lo
Nun war spatestens seit dem Erscheinen def Katalogbeschreibung durch Philippe Lauer im Jahre 1939 bekannt, daB die in Frage
stehende Handschrift eine Seite mit dem '!ext einer Sequenz und
6 Vg1. M. Andrieu, "Reglement d 'Angilramne de Metz (768-7911 flXant les honoraires de quelques fonctions liturgiques", in; Revue des Sciences Re/igieuses 10 (1930),
S. 349-69 ; H. Leciercq, Ar\. "Metz~, in: DACL, Bd. 11 (1933). Sp. 790-885; C. Vogel,
"Les echanges liturgiques entre Rome et les pays francs jusqu'a l'E~poque de Charlemagne", in: Le chiese ne; regni del1'Europa occidentale e i loro rapporli con Roma si110 a11'800 , Settimane di studio del Centra ltaliano di studi sull'alto medioveo 7 (Spoleto, 1960). Bd. 1, S. 1BS-295, hier S. 243; B. de Gaiffier, "Notes sur le culte des SS,
Clement de Metz et Caddroe" , in: Analecla Bollandiana 85 (1967), S. 21-43, hier
S. 26 Arun. 4; G. Philippart, "Le manuscrit 377 de Berne et le supplement au legendier de Jean de Mailly", in: Analecta BoIlandiana 92 (1974), S. 63-78, iller S. 76
Anm.4 .
1 Berlin 1930ff. ; ab Band 4 (1971) hrsg . v. FI. Mutherich.
8 W . Koehler (Hrsg.l, Die karolingischen Miniaturen, 3. Bd. Erster reil: Die Gruppe
des Wiener Kronungsevangeliars. Zweiter reil: Metzer Handschriften (Berlin, 1960),
hier S. 114-8 .
9 Koehler, Miniaturen /wie Anm. 8), S. 100: "Fur Metzer Entstehung spricht das
Stationsverzeichnis ... Da aber weder mit Hilfe textlicher Kriterien, noch dUTch pa1aographische und ornamentgeschichtliche Untersuchungen ein Zusammenhang
roil andereo Metzer Handschriften zu belegen ist, wird man zweifeln musseD, ob
die Kopie des Stationsverzeichnisses als bind ender Hinweis anzusehen und nicht
vielleicht auf andere Weise zu erklaren ist ... "
10 Vgl. Koehler, Miniaturen (wie Anm. 8). S. 114.
211
Ph. Lauer, Bibliotheque nationale: Catalogue general des manuscrits la tins. Thme
212
Michael Klaper
213
gerade in den fnlhen Quellen unterschiedlich oder uberhaupt offen. ls Die in den Handschriften bisweilen als I/De nominibus Christi IJ16 o. ii. rubrizierte Sequenz geh6rt zu den seltenen in Hexametern abgefaBten Vertretern def Gattung. 17 In funf - von je einem responsionslosen Versikel zu Beginn und am SchluB gerahmten - Doppelversikeln wird eine Vielzahl von lateinischen und griechischen
Gottesbezeichnungen durchgespielt. DaB der SchluBversikel eine
Doxologieformel in Hexameterform darstellt ("Salvificet nos, sit cui
saecla per omnia doxa"), diirfte den Schreiber veranlaBt haben, im
AnschluB hieran auch noch die gelaufige Form der Kleinen Doxologie (IIGloria patri et filio") festzuhalten.
Bei dem auf die Sequenz folgenden Text mit dem Incipit Concepit
Maria uentre uerbi handelt es sich urn eine Responsoriums-Prosula,
und zwar urn die Textierung eines vor allem in Verbindung mit dem
Responsorium der Weihnachtsmatutin Descendit de caelis (CAD 6410/
6411) gesungenen Melismas. Dieses gehort zur Gruppe def von
Thomas Forrest Kelly in seiner Studie iiber das /IN euma triplex" behandelten Melismen, und auch der Thxt Concepit Mm'ia ist in KeUys
Am Pfingstfest erscheint die Sequenz z. B. in den norrnanno-sizilischen Troparen; vgl. die Edition von D. Hiley in den Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, Bd. 13,
Nr. 33 (Kassel usw., 2001). Fur Trinitas vorgesehen ist Alma chorus domini etwa in
der sudfraozOsischen Handschrift Fa 1084 If. 319v-320). In den beiden bekannten
Regensburger Thopar-Sequentiaren des 11. Jh ., Mu 14083 If. 36v-37) und Mu 14322
(f. 42v-43), erscheint Alma chorus aIs ,Alia'-Sequenz zum 'frinitatsfest; als zweite
1hnitas-Sequenz fmdet sich Alma chorus zudem. in einem wohl in Sankt Gallen rur
Minden geschriebenen Codex von 102411027, Be 11 If. 222v-23) . In einer auf
9901995 zu datierenden Handschrift aus Prum, Pa 9448, steht Alma chorus unter
den Sequenzen fur die gewohnlichen Sonntage If. 8B-B8v). Die Handschrift aus
Echternach, Pa 10510, reiht das Stuck zwischen den Weihnachts-Sequenzen Natus
ante saecula und Bia recolamus ein (f. 25).
16 So in Pa 9448: "Dominica De Nominibus Christi" (f. 88); vgl. auch Pa 10510
(f. 25).
17 Einige Hinweise zu Hexameter-Sequenzen bei W. v. d. Steinen, "Die Anfange
der Sequenzendichtung n , in: Zeitschrift fUr Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte 40
(1946), S. 190-212 und 241-68 sowie 41 (1947), S. 19-48 und 122-62, hier 40,
S. 251; vgl. auch AH 53, S. 153. Zu dem in den AH 37 als Nr. 24 abgedruckten Lux
de luce vgl. K. Levy, .Lux de Iuce: The Origin of an Italian Sequence", in: MQ 57
11971), S. 40-61. - !ch danke Frau Dr. Lori Kruckenberg IOregon} fur die Bereitstellung von Konkordanzen und weiteren Materialien.
15
214
MichaeL Klaper
).
215
Die drei Prosulae Psalle ludens Thalia, Post patemi uerbi partum
und Dei genitrix quia sic meruisti stellen Textierungen von Alleluia-Ruf und -Vokalise sowie von zwei Vers-Melismen des Marien-Alleluias Post partum uirgo dar.2S Die haufigste und geographisch am breitesten gestreute trberlieferungskonstellation von
Prosulae zu diesem Alleluia setzt sich aus vier Textierungen zu sammen; zu den drei in Pa 268 vorliegenden Elementen tritt
dabei als viertes rur den SchluB des Alleluia-Verses Intercede
pro nosh-is pia hinzu. 26 Nun schliei\t die letzte der in Pa 268 vorhandenen Textierungseinheiten mit einer singuHiren Lesart, die
keinen Sinn ergibt, unterdessen aber auffallige Ubereinstimmungen mit dem Schlu~ von Intercede aufweist ("et totius meritis adiuuaru [?r in Pa 268 gegenuber J,et totius sceleris oratrix u
[3a1 bzw. "tuis adiuuari suffragiis (4}).27 Es ist daher anzunehmen, d~ der Schreiber von Pa 268 versehentlicb von einer Tex
U
und alt-spanische Repertoire labgek.: ThKS), Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft, 2 IMiinchen, 1965), Nr. 164 (S. 143f.).
22 CAG Ill, Nr. 3093.
Z3 ThKS , Nr. 38 (S. B6f.).
lA Corpus Doporum 1I: Prosules de la messe. 1: Dopes de l'alleluia, hrsg . v. O. MatCUSSOD. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Studia Latiba Stockholmiensia 22 (Stockholm, 1976).
2.5 CT 11, Nr. 59/1-3.
U Ebd., Nr. 59/4; vgl. die Konkordanzenubersicht aut S. 12H.
'1,7 lch folge nicht durchweg dem bei Marcusson edierten Text, sondem gebe Lesarten wieder, die Ps. 268 besonders nahestehen.
216
Michael Klaper
2.
Das Alleluia V. Post partum uirgo ist in den von Hesbert herausgegebenen sechs altesten Handschriften mit den Texten der
MejSgesange 28 noch nicht vertreten, und roit dem Einsetzen der
melodischen Uberlieferung urn 900 geben sich zahlreiche Versionen insbesondere fur das Alleluia-Melisma zu erkennen.
Was dieses Melisma anlangt, lassen sich eine langere und eine
kiirzere Fassung voneinander abheben. Doch auch wenn man
die kurzere zugrundelegt (wie sie etwa im Graduale Laon 239
uberkommen ist),29 deckt die in Pa 268 festgehaltene Textfassung von Psalle ludens Thalia nicht das gesamte Melisma ab
Is. Abb. 2). (Die Fassung dieses Textes in Pa 268 ist kiirzer als in
samtlichen anderen Quellen. ) Die N eumen in dieser QueUe
stimmen indes ziemlich genau roit dem SchluB des Melismas in
Laon 239 iiberein. Hieraus geht hervor, daf1 der Schreiber in Pa
268 musikalische Notation lediglich dazu herangezogen hat, die
Abb. 2. Pa 268, f. 23v (Ausschnitt] und
Laon 239, f. 87 /AusschnittJ
217
Zum Abschlu~ meiner Ausftihrungen gebe ich noch elnlge einordnende Hinweise zu Charakter und Stellenwert der Aufzeichnung
in Pa 268.
1.
Michael Klaper
iiltester
Ausgewahlte Bei-
. in: K. Langosch
Mittellateinische
Erforschung.
149 (Darmstadt, 1
[Wiederabdruck
der in Anm. 17 genannten
50Katalogbeitrag van W. Arlt in: Chr. Stiegemann - M. Wemhoff
jHrsg. L 799 .. Kunst und Ku/tur der
Gro~e und Papst
In
Paderborn,
Paderbarn 1
IMainz, 1999), S. 853-5. Zu Vro
liegt die kodikologisch-paHiographische Arbeit von G. G. Meerssemann vor: ,,11
dice XC della
, in: Archivio Veneto 106 11975), S. 11-44. Mit
Handschriften setzt
von R.
L. Theitler ausein,,!'ropes and the Concept
, in: Pax et Sapientia: Studies in Text and
Music
7ropes and
In Memory of
hrsg. v.
R.
Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Sludia Latina
29
{Stockholm, 1
59-89, insbes. S.
:H W. V.
Initialsequenz (wie
hat erwogen, d~
Mu 14843 .einem Geistlichen als patristisches Erbauungsbuch"
konnte IS. 160) und
hinaus die
vertrelen, da die UCLLUllllU..u
von Tropen und
"ziemlich zufaUig aus verschiedenen QueUen
etwa
- zusammengeschrieben"
durfle IS. 162}. Wahrend v. d. Steinen
an das Kompilationswerk ein und desselben
dachte, hat B.
driUen Autlage
Sildostdeutschen Schreibschulen
Bibiiotheken
in der
(Wiesbaden
von "einer gro~en
seher
saec. IX 2 " gesprocheo,
belrifft, keinen
ausvermag ich, was die
lID Verhaltnis zu den ubrigen
zumachen.
innerhalb dieses v'-<".;.u ........
Texten des Grundstocks.
Center in the Middle
JS Vg!. J. Borders,
Cathedral of Verona as a
1983). S. 262-4.
Its History, Manuscripts,
Liturgical Practice,
84.
219
3.
Im erueInen noch zu untersuchen bleiben Besonderheiten der
Aufzeichnungssituation in Fa 268. Wenn die an Kanontafeln er~
innemden Arkaden, nicht zur Aufnahme von Gesangstexten
eingezeichnet warden sind - was eher unwahrscheinlich ist -,
dann bleibt unklar, welche Funktion
moglicherweise ur~
220
Michael Klaper
rur
die ejnsetzende Verschriftlichung der neuen Formen des 9. Jh., 1\-0pus und Sequenz, evident .
kolumnien an . Das sog. tStammheimer Missale' (12. Jh.)t zu dem Elizabeth C. Teviotdale eine Studie vorgelegt hat, entb.alt mehrere Seiten, auf denen ganze Gesangsbestande in Arkadenstellungen notiert sind (vgl. Elizabeth C. Thviotdale, The
Stammheim Missal, Getty Museum Studies on Art ILo5 Angeles, 2001}, hier Abb. 13};
freilich handelt es sich dabei nicht urn - Zusatzcharakter tragende - 'ITopen oder
Sequenzen. Ich danke Frau Tevioldale fur ihre freundliche Auskunft, hl fur zu der
angesprochenen Aufzeichnungsweise innerhalb des Stammheimer Missale keine
Vergleichsbeispiele bekannt sind.
38 Zumindest ist es sehr wahrscheinlich, dai sich Textaufzeichnung und Kolorierung auf f. 23v der gleichen Person verdanken: Auf der gegeniiberliegenden Seite
(f. 24) ist die ursprunglich farblose Ioitiale nachtdiglich koloriert, der ,zweite Anfang' des Matthaus-Evangeliums IIIChristi autem generatio sic erat", in der rechten
oberen Ecke erganzt und sind mehrere Majuskeln im laufenden Text mit farbigen
Flecken verziert worden (s. die Abbildung der Seite in Koehler, Miniaturen [wie
Anm . 8), Thf. 52c); es kann angenommen werden, daB hier die gleiche Hand tatig
geworden ist wie auf f. 23v (so auch Koehler, S. 117).
39 Urn nur einige wenige Beispiele allzufUhren: ~non" fUr "nunc" (erstes InterkolumniumL "dicensum" fur ndecem sunt" und "suuincula" rur "sub uincula" (drittes).
- Auf der anderen Seite sprechen Phiinomene wie das ohne Abkurzungsstrich stehengebliehene HOS" statt aorbis" (iro zweiten Interkolumnium) und moglicherweise
aucb das als Majuskel ausgefuhrte .. S" am Beginn von <P>salle ludens ffu die Abhangigkeit von schriftlichen Vorlagen (in letzterem Fall batte dementsprechend in
der Vorlage eine lnitiale "pu gefehlt).
221
Anhang
la.
1b.
2.
3.
er
4.
5.
222
Mkhael Klaper
AH:
Le 603: Cuius praecepta decem sunt dignando factus est homo esse subditus {Pa 268: su < b > uincula] legis mundi
AH:
Cuius decem praecepta sunt, / Dignando factus est homo / Sub legis esse vinculo.
Esztergom ft Visegnld
223
MODES:
ARCHMO
III
E
S. PIBTRO
THE TONARV OF
B79
RBGINO OF PROM
23%
0%
2%
27%
8%
0%
601
24%
5%
0%
mode. It knew on the contrary the archaic mode E,l which can be
observed neither in the Regino of Priim Thnary nor in Lucca 601.
224
Eva Rungwald
This means that when the repertoire of the office came from
Rome to the Carolingian area in the middle of the 81h century! a theory that many scholars can agree on, there was no 3rd mode. It was
probably the Gallican singers that took the initiative to sing some of
the antiphons that the Romans sang on the scale a G FED using
the scale b-naturaZ a G FED in stead. But a thorough examination
of these office antiphons with finalis E shows that this is not a matter of an automatic transcription of what was already written with
finalis D.
Varice Preces ex liturgia turn hodierna turn antiqua aut usu receptae, 5'11 edition
(Soiesmes. 1901). pp. 18-20.
J ]oseph Gajard, "La melodie primitive du Thntum ergoN, Revue Gregorienne IV
2
225
Example 1.
4
rd
1----'
1
2
11
1
10
11
\2
11
16
15
18
17
18
111
2t
2.ll
28
III
P~-stet
I811
n-
.I()
LU: Liber Usualis missae et officii pro dominicis et festis I. \)el Il. cla.ssis (Rome,
1921).
226
Eva Rungwald
the deuterus version (here transposed) has not kept the pentatonic
scale and goes: a b-{lat Q G c de.
PAGE
FINAL
D
D
D
0
D
D
D
0
-Willingen 14th c.
Reichenau 12-13th c.
Germany 14th c.
Worcester 13 th c. (anno 1247)
Prague 13-14th cc.
Trier 14th c.
Benevento 12th c.
Benevento 12-13lh cc.
Einsideln 11 th c.
Lyon 14th c.
Lyon, printed in 1739
Augsburg?
Silos
Vercelli 170
Arras 13th c.
fo1. 11
D
?
These informations have been been taken froro the Comparative Thbles of Monastic Antiphons cL the following section. The dating and the provenance have
been controlled in Le Pichier de La PaJeographie Musicale (Solesmes, not published).
6 AM : Antiphonale Moan.sticum pro diumis hon"s no. 818 F (Tournai. 1934).
5
SoURCE
PAGE
FINAL
D7
(AM 255)
Benevento 12-13th cc.
Arras 13th c.
St. Denis 12th c.
fol. 379
fol. 192, 189
Caecilia famula
fol. 418
fol. 2691 407
fol. 262
tua
D
D
D
lAM
1140)
Eva Rungwald
228
5 Ant. C
ma
.1
D
-
c
ip~
ve-ni- et,
et salva-bit nos.
I'
.
~A
11
11
E u
0 u
a e.
The Lord our legislator, the Lord our King, he comes to save us.
The last days of Advent, laudes et per horas.
The problem of notation occurs in the 3rd and the 41h melodic
phrase of the antiphon. The 3rd phrase can be written on the scale
of D (the scale of the 151 mode) and in the scale of the E (the scale of
the 3rd mode] without problems but the 4th phrase can be notated
only in the scale of E.
Cf. note 5.
129
It is .
to compare this antiphon with Hie est discipulis
ille which exhibit a similar type of problenls. In most part of
manuscripts that
the antiphon on the scale of E one will find
rd
P E in the 3 and the 4th phrase of the melody, thus the deuterus
version. With the manuscripts on
of D one will find
in both phrases thus the protus scale.
l
Example
AM 255
Ant. ---~-----,,,.....-.----,,--4--------~
ma
~S.~~.-~~~~--~--~~~~~~--~~-
III
III
(intanatio psalmi).
4&
Eu
0 u a e.
It is this same disciple who vouches for that and we know that
testimony is true.
St. John the Evangelist. laudes et per horas,
With a transposition of Dominus legifer noster to final A a comparison can easily be made, and we notice that the two antiphons
belong to the same melody type/timbre9 of the
mode:
230
Eva Rungwald
Example 4.
-. ..
D Omi-nus
H re
noster,
..
il'-~
ve-m-
legi~ fer
-- -
--.
-. -
et ~cilnu$ qui-
- -- --- -- - - -
.- - . - . -
J.
- ..
et,
Rex noster.
D6minus
-'ilia -b - I1
et salva-bit nos.
- - - .. t -~ ve-rum est
um
...
r-.
[~$[im(ini-
e~ ju~.
231
Example 5.
Hie est discipulus ille, the 3rd and the 4th phrase. Examples of
different versions. lo
IJD-D
- ___t-::::--=---==-_a.._----------
Karlsruhe
scimu!;
1)
fo1. 173
Piacenza 65
foL 370
Bari 2
fo1. 309
IjA-A
q&q
Vercelli 170
fol. 14B
2) A-A
q&~
3)
London - Ellis
fo1. 89
!'\dmus qui-
il
Firenze Arc,ll
fol. 32
D-E
scimu~
Lucca 601 12
fol. 55
4}
et scitnus qui- a ve-rl.lm est t~tin\li.
ni- um e- jll!,;,
5) D13_D
Paris BN 17296
fol.36
et !{cimu!I\ qui-
(l
10
11
!3
With triad.
232
Eva Rungwald
1)
WITHD
WITHB
WITH A
Benevento 21 foL 31
Paris BN n.a. 1236 fo1. 51 Bari 2 fol. 309
Karlsruhe Aug. LX
Piacenza 65 fol. 370
London-Eills fol. 89
fol. 24
Karlsruhe St. George Monte Cassino 542
VI 01. 173 14
foL 20
Vatican 4.756 fol. 99
Klosterneuburg 1013
fol. 41
Benevento 19 fol. 151 15
St Gall 545 fol. 63
Silos Sanctoral fo1. 30 Ivrea 64 fol. 32
PiaceIl2a 54
Worcester fo.l 21
Everingham fol. 35' .. 16
The fact itself, that some of the scribes chose to write on the scale
of A shows that they recognized a difficulty, but they did not know
how to overcome it, and maybe they did not know both the accidentals b and ~.
Some manuscripts on A have q in the 3rd formula and b in the
4th formula:
Cambridge F IV. IQ Magdalene College fol. 28 and Vercelli 170
fol. 14B which does not even give an indication of a psalmtone.
2)
14
15
16
L7
233
3)
4'" PHRASE
G-F-E
F-E-D
G-F-E
4)
The following manuscripts have avoided the problem by transposing the 3rd phrase to a higher step.
3RD PHRASE
c-b-natural-G
Lucea 601 fo1. 55
Lucea 602 fo1. ?
Lucca 603 fo1. 29
Mount Mellery fol. 168
Munich 7918 fo1. 100
Munich Franciscan fol. 38
Monza 1579 fo1. 185
Paris BN n.a. 1412
Perugia 28 fol. 32
Rome Vat . Borghese S.A.I. fol. 405
St. MaUT des Fosses, BN 12044 fo1. 18
5)
4'71< PHRASB
G-F-E
Another way of getting around the problem is to avoid the passing note in one of the phrases using a triad. Some of the manuscripts also avoid the second (E) in the 4th phrase.
G (F) E (deuterusJ
F (E) D (protus\
234
Eva Rungwald
Special cases
6)
-- - - - - - - - .-. . ~
eThledo 4814
19
.. _.",..
.-.
--
t~tinHi.lli-
t\II.
um e- .ill!' .
With Thledo 44-1 is transmitted what seems to be a tritone, but the F has
probably been sung as an F-sharp. The pes in the last formula is an exception. Other manuscripts seem to prefer a virga.
The version of Thledo 4814 seems to be a unique case. The 4th formula is
typical for the 4th mode.
235
237
Volker Schier
stic Societies, Instruments for Analysis" aus dem Jam 1995, mit
dem er einen rur die kulturhistorische Analyse praktikablen Ansatz
der Ritualtheorie formulierte, betrachtet Jan Platvoet Ritual unter
verschiedenen soziologischen Gesichtspunkten, die er im Hinblick
auf eine Definition als 13 "dimensions" zusammenfa1!.t.! Im Hinblick auf die zeitimanente Rezeption und AuffUhrung von Ritualen
des Mittelalters sind besonders seine Uberlegungen von Interesse,
durch die er den Versuch unternimmt, die vielfaltigen, primar kollektiven Interaktionen, aber auch die individuellen Aspekte aller an
einem Ritual beteiligter Personen und die verschiedenen Ebenen ihrer Kommunikation zu erfassen.
Die Anwendung von Platfoets theoretischen Ansatzen auf liturgische Feiern des Mittelalters zeigt deutlich, dai in einem Ritual verschiedenen Formen des liturgischen und kiinstlerischen Ausdrucks
vereint sind, die erst durch ihre untrennbare und zwingend zusammeng.ehorige Verbindung die rituelIe Feier formen, ja definieren.
Waren liturgische Feiern in der mediavistischen Forschung bisher
auch ohne eine explizite theoretische Fundierung als Zusammenstellung einzelner liturgischer und kunstlerischer Bereiche gesehen
worden, die mehr oder weniger genau einem Fachbereich der wissenschaftlichen MedUivistik zugeordnet werden konnten, so scheint
eine wichtiger Ansatz fUr zukunftige Vorschungsvorhaben in der Oarstellung des Gesamtbildes eines Rituals zu liegen.
Jan Platvoet, .Ritual in Plural and Pluralistic Societies. Instruments for Analysis" , in: J. Platfoet - K. van der Toom (Hrsg.), Pluralism and Identity ILeiden, 19951,
I
S. 25-51.
238
Volker Schier
239
240
Volker Schier
dem Blatt einer Fhigellanze, wohl aus karolingischer Zeit (8.-9. Jh.L
wurde eine ovales Stuck Metall ausgestanzt und ein Nagel eingelasseD, der zumindest ab dem 10. Jahrhundert als vom Kreuz Christi
stammend gedeutet wurde. Vermutlich bei der Einfiigung dieses Nagels war die Lanze wohl zerbrochen und die Bruchstelle wurde mit ei(tem Eisenband repariert, das Kaiser Heinrich IV. durch eine silberne Manschette verdecken lieB . Karl IV. fugte im 14. Jh. noch eine
goldene Hulse hinzu.
Die Geschichte der Heiligen Lanze ist durchaus gut dokumentiert
und in clef Geschichtsforschung durch die Dissertation von Julia
Schnelbogl uher "die Reichskleinodien in Niirnberg und durch Beitrage von Albert Buhler, Gunther SchumalUl, Gerhard Rechter und
besonders Franz Machilek erforscht .zEin Exkurs scheint an dieser
Stelle dennoch notig, urn ihre vielschichtige Bedeutung einordnen
zu k6nnen .
Konig Heinrich I. hatte nach dem Bericht des Geschichtsschreibers
Liutprand die Lanze vennutlich 926 oder 935 von Konig Rudolf lI.
von Burgund erworhen als Gegenleistung fur die Dberlassung der
sudwestlichen Teils des Reiches mit der Stadt Base!. Rudolf n. wiederum war sie - so die Uberlieferung - vom lombardischen Grafen
U
241
Samson im Jahr 921/922 als Zeichen rur die Herrschaft iiber das
"regnum Italicum" iibergeben worden. Als Insignie verkorperte die
Lanze in der .k aiserlichen Auffassung die Anwartschaft auf Italien,
die fur die Erlangung der kaiserlichen Wiirde wichtige Voraussetzung war. Als schutzende Reliquie und Herrschaftszeichen wurde
die heilige Lanze von den ottonischen Kaisern auch mit in den
Kampf gefUhrt, so wurde ihrer Kraft der Sieg uber rue Ungam auf
dem Lechfeld im Jab! 955 zugeschrieben. Auf seinem Zug nach
Rom im Jahr 955 lieS Otto rn. die heilige Lanze seinem Heer voraustragen.
. Ab dem 11. Jahrhundert verlor die Lanze wohl zunehmend ihre Bedeutung als fiihrende Reichsreliquie, einerseits da 'Kaiser Konrad n.
eine als authentisch vermutete Kreuzreliquie aus Byzanz iibergeben
word en war, andererseits wohl auch dadureh, daS die Deutung
der heiligen Lanze als Reliquie nieht unproblematisch sehien: Die
Zuweisung erwies sich zunehmend rus schwierig, moglicherweise
dadurch gefordert, dd aus Konstantinopel und PaUistina weitere
Heilige Lanzen bekannt wtirden. Die Verbindung der Heiligen Lanze zu der Offnung der Seite Christi, wie sie Un Evangelium des Johannes (19,31-34) geschildert wird, war wohl bereits im 10. Jahrhundert gegeben. Zunehmend scheint sie jedoch auch als Lanze des
Mauritius bekannt geworden zu sein.
Karl IV. hatte die heilige Lanze und die Reichskleinodien im Jahr
1350 von Ludwig dem Brandenburger, Sohn Ludwig des Bayem,
ii bemommen und zunachst zur Aufbewahrung in den Prager Veitsdom hringen lassen, bevor die Burg Karlstein (bis zum Jahr 1365)
zum eigentlichen Aufbewahrungsort ausgebaut wurde. Die Person
Karls IV. ist im Hinblick auf die Forderung des Reliquiencharakters
der Heiligen Lanze nicht zu unterschitzen, wurde sie durch ihn
quasi als vomehmste Christusrelique propagiert, da die Frage nach
dem Ursprung der Lanze nicht zuletzt dureh kaiserliche Autoritat
ein und fUr a1le mal geklart sehien: Es handelte sich urn die Lanze
des Longinus, des legendaren romischen Soldaten, der Christus die
Seite mit seiner Lanze durchbohrte urn den Tod festzustellen. Betont wurde, d~ sowohl Lame als auch Nagel mittelbares Werkzeug
der Erlosung waren, dd die Mensehen aus den Wunde, die durch
242
Volker Schier
geschlagen
"die Gnadenstrome
gottlichen
erftihren. Ein
Kultus
vom Kaiser angestrebt und
zur offentlichen Heiltumsweisung, die von
Karl IV. institutiowurde, erbat der
einen Abla&brief von Papst Clemens VI
im Jahr 1350
Ablal1 ven 7
und 7 Quadragenen {l
entspricht 40 'ragen) rur
erlaubte,
die bei der
sung anwesend waren.
Nur vier Jahre
im Jahr 1
erreichte Karl IV,
kirchliches Fest zur Verehrung der
von Papst
VI. erlau bt wurde,
cler Heiligen
und der
mil
besonderen Offizium am Freitag
Quasimogeniti (erster
nach Ostern),
zwei Wochen
Karfreitag,
begangen werden sollte.
wurde in der papstlichen Bulle
fUr Deutschland und B6hmen vorgeschrieben, die Verbreitung auBerhalb Prags wurde jedoch dadurch
erschwert, daB der
nur 1n
erworben werden
Das Fehlen
Fonnulare
origlnaren
Zeit
wohl
hin, daB eine Verbreitung uber
hinaus nicht
3
funden hatte.
Wie
Hei1tLimer
Niirnberg
ist unter
emem
Gesichtspu
von Interesse. K6nig Sigismund lieB
die
und
aus Furcht vor Hussitischer
Bedrohung vom
im Jahr 1421
Visegrad
wo
{nach zei
Vervvahrung in
am 22. Marz
den
Vertretern der
Nurnberg als
Stiftung zur "unwilichen und ewigen" Verwahrung ubergeben wurden. 4
j
Hermann Grotefend,
, der als
von 1423",
243
Messe verwendeten Elevation der Hostie, jeweils in einem vorgegebenen rituellen Rahmen. Hierbei handelt es sich urn erne klare
"expressive dimension" im Sinne Platfoets, wird durch dieses Ritual
ein Aussage - in den Worten Platfoets erne "message" - auf die Teilnehmer ubertragen, die durch explizite, eher offensichtliche "messages" und durch implizite, durch Deutung des "Sichtbaren" und
"Offensichtlichen" erlangte /lmessages" realisiert wird. Genau dies
ist im Fall der heiligen Lanze und der Nagel l( teilweise aber auch
im Fall def restlichen Heiltiimer) durch ihre Poryfunktionalitai und
mehrfache Deutbarkeit gegeben: Der explizite christologische Bezug
def Lanze erhalt erst durch die implizite Urndeutung auf we Heilwirkung den Sinn, der in der Heiltumsweisung auf die Thilnehmer,
in diesem Fall quasi als Rezipienten des ReUs, ubertr'agen werden
solI.
Wie hebt sieh die Heiltumsweisung in Nurnberg von den
Heiltumsweisungen an anderen Orten ab? Zunachst sicher durch
die bereits mehrfach hervorgehobene Prominenz des zentralen Heilturns, das in seiner "immanenten" Deutung MS Kontaktreliquie und
demzufolge als Erlosungsinstrument kaum zu uberbieten war. Daneben war es die konkrete Realisierung, die in ihrem Aufwand und
in ihrer - deutlicher als in anderen Fallen - festspezifisc'hen Liturgie den Rahmen des Ublichen sprengt.
Wie ging die Weisung in Numbe.rg konkret vor sich? Eine explizite Schilderung aller Details wiirde zu weit ffihren, fUr den Musikhistoriker sind dennoch einige SachverhaIte von Interesse. Gewiesen
wurden die Heilrumer nicht in einer Kirche. sondern auf dem
Numberger Hauptmarkt (vergleichbar mit der Weisung in Prag auf
dem Karlsplatz). Dies war einerseits aufgrund der zu erwartenden
Menschenmassen notig, andererseits urn die rechtliche Kontrolle
iiber das Heiltum zu verdeutlichen: Kaiser Sigismund hatte den
Ausschlu! jeglicher geistlicher Kontrolle ausdriicklich festgelegt, so
daB eine Weisung in oder von einer lGrehe faktisch ausgeschlossen
war. Zudem kamen auf diese Weise alle Opfergaben nicllt den
Stadtpfarreien, sondern direkt der Reichsstadt Niirnberg zu, ein
Motiv, dd nicht unterschatzt werden darf.
244
Volker Schier
Die Weisung erfolgte von einem sieben Meter hohen HeiltumsstuW aus Holz, der am Westen des Platzes vor das sogenannte
Schoppersche Haus gebaut wurde. Das Heiltum wurde in der Nacht
vor der Weisung aus der Kirche des reichsstadtischen Heilig-GeistSpitals in eine speziell fur diesen Fall vorbehaltene Kammer des
Schopperschen Hauses unter strengsten Sicherheitsvorkehrungen
uberfuhrt und bis zur eigentlichen Weisung in Heiltumskarnmern
aufbewahrt. Zur Weisung wurden die Heiltumskammern durch Stege mit dem Heilturnsstuhl verbunden. Gewiesen wurden die HeiltUrner durch Abte, denen jeweils ein Mitglied der "Alteren Herren"
des Rates beigestellt war. Zusatzlich befand sich ein Ausrufer, Vocalissimus genannt, auf dem Stuhl, der aus den Reihen der Nurnberger Geistlichen berufen wurde.
Eine detaillierte Abbildung des Heiltumstuhls findet sich in einem Wolf Traut zugeschriebenen Holzschnitt, der erstmals 1487 in
dem von Peter Vischer verlegten Heiltumsbiichlein - hierbei handelt es sich urn eine Art Auslegungs- und Andenkenschrift fUr reichere Besucher - abgedruckt wurde. Der Vocalissimus ru.ft jedes einzelne Heiltum aus und tragt eine knappe Erklarung aus einem
verbindJich vorliegenden Schreizettel vor. Auf einer unteren Ebene
des Heiltumsstuhls befinden sich bewaffnete Wachen. Vor dem Heiltumsstuhl drangt sich das Volk/ das durch den Sichtkontakt auf die
Reliquien ihre heilspendende Wirkung zu erlangen sucht. Beachtenswert sind zwei Frauen mit einem Spiegel, der das Bild regelrecht "einfangt" und hierdurch lokal beweglich machen solI.
Die Musik war ein wesentlicher Bestandteil der rituellen Weisung. Das Fest begann mit der Feier einer Messe auf demHeiltumsstuhj etwa eine Stunde vor Thgesanbruch, die vom Abt des Niirnberger Schottenklosters St. Egidien an einem kieinen tragbaren Altar gesungen wurde, sofem nicht einem Bischof oder Kardinal diese
Ehre vom Rat angetragen wurde. Vorgetragen wurde das aus Prag
iibemommene festspezifische Offizium "De lancea domini et armorurn Christi das aus einem Mei\- und einem Offiziumsformular besteht. Das Offiziumsformular wurde in einem Aufsatz von Franz
IJ /
245
246
Volker Schler
247
Niirnberg vor der Reformation in der musik- und liturgiewissenschaftlichen Forschung keinerlei Beachtung, abwohl es sich urn. eines der zentralen Werke der Niimberger Handschrlftenproduktion
handelt, das in der Kunstgeschichte seit langem erforscht wurde. 6
Bs handelt si ch urn ein zweibandiges Graduale, das zu Beginn des
16 . Jahrhunderts von Friedrich Rosendorn, einem Vikarier der
pfarrkirche St. Lorenz, geschrieben wurde. Beide Handschriftenteile sind datiert mit 1507 und 1510. In der Literatur wird das Werk
haufig als "Gansebuch" betitelt, da eine der hochqualitativen fllustrationen, die dem Niimberger Illuministen Jacob Elsner zugeschrieben werden, einen Gansechor zeigt der van einem Wolf im
Kantorengewand geleitet wird. In einem Aufsatz iiber das umfangreiche Tropenrepertoire dieser QueUe konnte ich aufzeigen, ~ das
"Gansebuch u zum iibelWiegenden Teil aus der Handschrift Numberg, Landeskirchliches Archiv, Niirnberg St. Larenz 3 kopiert wurde, von der nur noch der Winterteil erhalten ist. 7 Diese Quelle war
von Johannes Gredinger im Jahr 1421 abgeschlossen worden. Der
Sommerteil des Gansebuches durfte demnach dem verlorenen Winterteil der Handschrift Numberg, Landeskirchliches Archiv, Niimberg St. Lorenz 3 sehr nahekommen, allerdings nicht im Hinblick
auf die Lanzenmesse, denn die Ubertragung der Reichskleinodien
hatte ja erst 3 Jahre nach Fertigstellung dieser Handschrift stattgefund en . Friedrich Rosendorn mui.\ demnach die Lanzenmesse aus
248
Volker
einer anderen
kopiert und in den Jahresverlauf der Hochfeintegriert haben.
eingehende
zu den
muB dem einerwahnten Projekt vorbehalten bleiben,
dieses
war es allerdings
die Einbindung cler Messe in die
ritualisierte Handlung der
zu beleuchten.
nur noch
Anmerkungen.
Die
besteht aus dem
der
dem
der
Insgesamt hinterlaBt
Messe, ehenso
das Offizium, weder
noch musikalisch
Eindruck, daB
Werk einer
Hand vorliegt.
vier Kirchentone
D-authentisch
und CommunioL F-authenthisch (OffertoriumL p.
plagal ,Introitus) und G-plagal,Alleluia).
Der Text
Foderunt manus meas basiert auf
hannes-Evangelium (1 31-34), das im
def Kreuzigungszene davon berichtet,
Soldaten die
Jesu nicht zer, sondern seine
roit einer Lanze
/ wobei Wasser
nlcht Blut
Lanze als Heil
wozu
Deutung als
Symbol in der
Handlung
sie du
transformiert wird - ich
die Aussagen zur llffiultimedia-dimension" und zur "performance-dimension " - I wird demnach
zu Beginn
deutlich
Introitus exponiert
du
den Gesang verkilndet.
Gliederung
Melodie nach dem
"per colon et
wohl das folgende
vermuten
obwohl sich die
. . . . "'"."".. . ., grammaWiederholung
AHeluia am Ende
la~t:
tisch
u ........... "", ... ,
249
~ ;;;;~/-
~ - - - . . ? . :---Fo
di- nu - me
sum
ef- u-sua
a-e. u
de - runt ma
a-e - u
nus me
ae. ...
i;;ii
- --
as et
os - sa
I~~
lPe)des
me - a et si - cut
ia
a -
me - os
a - qua
ia
' ia
Schier
abweicht
hierdurch
festlichen Ausklang der
die, das dreifache melismatische Schlu~alleluia, umso
herausstellt.
Au
innerhalb der Melodie ist jedoch der zweifache Quintfall
und "ossa durch
jeweils auf den Endsilben der Worte
das Substantiv "ossa'l deutlich innerhalb der Melodie isoliert
und die Aussage (Iomnia ossa mea klar aus dem melodischen FluB
herausgestellt
Melodie verhalt sich
Spriingen anstonsten
zuruckhaltend. AutSer
weniger QuinHHle dominieren Sekundanbindung
Terzspriinge. Zudem wird auf der
ren Silbe van "omnia"
e der Spitzenton des Ambitus
erreicht.
Die Melodie kennzeichnet durch
deutlichen Abweichungen
von der melodiebildenden IINorm" das
Ausverweist uberdeutlich
die Gebeine Christi,
mit der
dem Heilsinstrument - in Kontakt
und
der
im Rahmen der HeUtumsweisung gezeigten
den Rang
Kontaktrelique verleihen. Durch
Melodie wird
Bedeutung
rur die im
des Introitus nicht explizit angesprochene Lanze impliziert.
explizite Bedeutung geht jedoch aus dem Umfeld,
dem der Gesang aufgefuhrt wird und
aus
ritueHen li
Handlung, deutlich hervor. Auch die Handschrift macht
dies
unmittelbar vor dem Introitus wird durch die
des
"de
Rubrik herausgestellt dal! def Gesang zum
lancea et annorum xpii' gehort.
Wie verhalt sich
Komposition nun im Hinblick auf das
al der Heiltumsweisung? Der auch im Vergleich zu anderen Introiund Weihnachtszyklus
feierlich zu bezeichnende
im
Melodiecharakter, der
u.a. am ungewohnlich gro~en Ambitus
laBt, kann durchaus als implizite Botschaft gewertet
werden, durch
explizite Aussage
zusatzlich erhoht
und
in einen - durch den kulturellen Kontext der feierlichen
Melodiebildung
- festlichen Rahmen gestellt wird.
Hier liegt der Fall vor, dal! die Wirkung der impliziten Botschaft
expliziten Botschaft iibertreffen kann: DeT musikalische Vortrag
determiniert
Funktion
Textes
macht ihn zu etwas andeJJ
11
251
.-l ESltergom
& Visegrad
253
mSTORIA CANTIORUM
IN THE ANTIPHONARY FROM KRANJ
Jurij Snoj
In the Archiepiscopal Archives Ljubljana there is a two-part antiphonary, the first volume of which was completed, according to its
explicit, in octaVQ victoriosissimi martyris Laurentii, i.e. on August l?h
1491. 1 The codex, whose two volumes comprise nearly 500 folios, is
in folio fonnat and was copied by a certain Ioannes VQn Werd de
Augusta, named in the same explicit at the end of the fir~t book.z
The manuscript, which is written in gothic notation and is lavishly
illuminated, is one of the most important late medieval codices
from the duchy of Carniola. Before coming into its present location,
the manuscript' formed part of the rich medieval library of the parish church of Kranj IGerman Krainhurg] in Upper Camiola.
N~AL (Archiepiscopal
Archives Ljubljana), Rkp 17, Rkp 18. Codicologica:l description: 248 (part one) and 236 (part two) numbered folios; format of the folios of
the first part: 572 x 399 mm, format of the written space 452 x 280 mm; one column, 12 (part one) and 11 (part twollines per page; staff of four re d lines 16.5 mm;
one hand. Cf. M. Kos - F. Stele, Srednjeve!ki rokopisi v Sloveniji [Medieval Codices in
Slovenia] (Ljubljana, 1931), n. 105; J. Hofier, HGorenjski prispevk.i k naj$tar1ejti
glasbeni zgodovini na Slovenskem" [Some Upper Carniolan contributions to the
oldest music history on Slovene territory], Kronika 14 ILjuhljana, 1966), pp. 96 ff.;
.J. Snoj, "Antifonal iz Kranja: Uvod v oblikoslovno razelenitev [The Antiphonary
from Kranj: Introduction to Formal Analysis). Bogoslovni vesmik 52 I(Ljubljana, 19921.
pp. 192-202; N. Golob, MKIijimo slikarstvo v osrednji Sloveniji- [Manuscript illumination in central Slovenia], Gotika v Sloveniji [The Gothic in Slovenia] (Lj ublj ana,
19951. pp. 351-69. especially 367 f.; J. Snoj, Medieval Music Codices. A Selection of
Representative Samples from Slo\)ene Libraries (Ljubljana, 1997), n. 10 (facsimile pp.
39,40).
2 Volume 1, folio 248v: Finitum est opus presens gratia divina coadiuvante per iean
nem von werd de Au.gusta sub anno a partu virginis Salutifero Millesimo quadringentesi.
I
254
Jurij Snoj
several offices
verse form is that
feast of the
patron
of the church of Kranj, the
of the Cantii
educator Prothus,
family, Cantius,
Cantianilla and
who were executed near Aquileia
Diocletian, i.e. at
ning of the 41h
This poetic
so far known
from
the antiphonary from Kranj.
medieval
of an unknown poetic office in a
questions: who composed the
plainchant manuscript
who was the author or compiler of its
under which
did the
come into being; which literary sources
were used in
. what conclusions can be drawn as
the process of
composition; and, finally, which
aesthetic principles can be perceived as
its creation
possible to
termining its final shape. It is
answers to
these questions;
following contribution
therefore
an attempt to ou
the possible answers that can be
from the relevant sou
as far as
are known, and,
above all, from
itself.
The feast of the
whose martyrdom is closely
with the centre of the ancient
of Aquileia in
Italy, belongs
the local Aquileian sanctorale. 3 Yet
the
manuscripts from the two patriarchal
Aquileia and Cividale,
these inare only four that
feast of the Cantii4
5
clude
two proper
their honour.
two chants are
antiphons for the first and second
that occur for
first time in the breviarium plenarium from the 12th
R. Camilot
liturgischen
Patriarchat Aquileia, Monumenta Monoclica Medii
J
Teilband
1 (Kassel,
2.55
256
Jurij
257
century,16 that the manuscript came into being or whether it was 10annes who came from Augsburg but was not necessarily there during the production of the manuscript. Unfortunately, the explicits in
the Salzburger missal and the antiphonary from Kranj appear to
contain the only known quotations of loannes von Werd's name so
far. 17
The content of the poetic office in the antiphonary from Kranj,
the legend of the Cantii, originated in Rome at the beginning of the
6th century. Its origin must have been connected with the legend of
St. Chrysogonus and St. Anastasia, since parts of that legend are
also found in the legend of the Cantii. 18 The legend as related in the
Acta sanctorum is briefly this: Mter the emperor Diocletian began
persecuting Roman Christians, Cantius, his brother Cantianus, their
F. Brusniak - J. Mancal, -Augsburgft, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart 1
(Kassel, 1994), columns 1005 ff.
17 The narile Ioannes von Werd does not occur in other Austrian manuscripts
(F. Unterkircher, Die dlltierten Handschriften in Wren ausserhalb der Osterreichischen
Nationalbibliothek bis zum Jahre 1600, Katalog der datierten Handscbriften in
lateinischer Schrift in Osterreich, Band V [Wien, 19811; M. Mairold, Die datierten
Handschriften du Universitiitsbibliothek Graz bis zum Jahre 1600, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in 6sterreich, Band VI [Wien, 1979]; M.
Mairold, Die datierten Handschriften in der Steiennark aussBrhalb der UnivB7'sifatsbibliothek Gra2 bis zum JaMe 1600, Katalog der datierten Handschriften in l.ateiniscber Sc.hrift in 6sterreich, Band VII [Wien, 1988]; O. Mazal - R. Hilmar, Katalog
16
der abendliindischen Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliotheh., "Series nova" [Wien, 1997]); it is not to be found among German codices and among music
Junj Snoj
258
Bratoz,op.
ro R. Bratoi,
R. Bratof,
'/ p, 207;
421 f.
cit., p, 209.
Maxirnus episcopus Taurinensis, De natale sanctorum Cantii Cantiani et Cantianil/et Corpus Christianorum,
Latina 23,
23 Patrologia Latina 88,
21
22
259
J.
16. sto1. [Drei Verzeichnisse der Kirchen und Kapellen in KJain und slowenischer Steiennark
aus dem Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts] (Ljub\jana. 1982), pp. 19-61.
l6 A. Lavril, Ljubljanska Skofija v vizitacijah Rina1da Scarlichija 1631-1632 (The
Ljubljana diocese in the visitation records of Rinaldo Scarlichi, 1631-1632], Acta
.
Ecclesiastica Sloveniae 12 (Ljubljana, 1990), indices of patrocinia, pp. 417 H.
27 Cividale, Biblioteca del Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 91, ibid., 92, S. Daniele del Friuli, Biblioteca Civica Guarneriana, 4. Cl. G. Peressotti, "I martiri
Aquileiesi nel breviario del XII secolo, Memorie storiche POnJgiuliesi LXXV (1995),
pp. 41-87; the text is edited on pp. 50-4.
Jurij Snoj
260
preached in
itself. The sermon does not report
facts that would have been known
Maxim's audience;28
departure
it focuses on the meaning of
Aquileia and
a comparison with the prophet
and
his chariot.
departure from
was, according
Maxim,
not a flight
a journey towards a triumphal and
death.
this sense the saints chanot
that of Elijah: both were
to
into
addition to
portion of Maxim s
there is still one
deviation
the objective
of the 12th century Aquileian breviscription of the facts in
by the saints in
course of their abduc: a long prayer
tion to the
execution.
The text of
Aquileian
was presumably
main
source on which similar texts of
liturgica] books were modelled.
It was
source of
in the printed Aquileian breviary
1
29 which could
as a
version of
1
text. Further, it became the
although not the
only literary source for the
in the Kranj antiphonary.
This can
seen from many
agreement
two texts. First of all, the disposition of the contents is
the
same in both cases. After the
Aquae gradatae/
poem
also contains a long argumentation on the real nature
saints'
departure from Aquileia
parallel with EHjah' s chariot. In
both
this part ends
a fictitious provocative speech of the
who stubbornly
death to
to the gods;
and before
itself, there is a long prayer in the poem as
well.
are many concepts and expressions in the
Furthermore t
betray their
the text of the oldest Aquilepoem that
.lan
(see Thble 1).30
most conspicuous occur in the fiwhich may
considered a direct
re-creation
nal
l
28R .
f.
261
Table 1
ANTIPHONARY FROM
KRANJ
STANZA
BREVIARlA AQUJLllIENSlA
LINE
262
Jurij Snoj
263
Jurij Snoj
264
Table 2.
LtT. FUNCT!ON
In I. Vesp. 1
2
3
4
Responsorium
v.
Hymnus
Super Magn.
Invitatorium
In 1. n. 1
In L n. 2
In I. n. 3
Responsorium
CONTENTS
STANZA
2
3
4
5
6
7
8-14
15
16
17
18
19-20
Responsoriurn 2
v.
Real meaning of the saints' behaviour
Responsorium 3
v.
The saints' provocative speech
21
22
23
24
25
26
InlI.n.1
27
v.
In H. n. 2
In 11. n. 3
Responsoriurn 4 The condition of their liberation
v.
The saints' answer
Responsorium 5
~
29
30
31
32
33
34
3S
v.
In Ill. n. 1
In HI. n. 2
In HI. n. 3
28
36
37
38
LIT. FUNCfION
CONTENTS
-------------------------------------
Responsorium 7 Abduction
v.
265
STANZA
39
40
41
42
43
44
v.
45
Uiudes
2
46
47
48
5
Ad Benedictus
Ad Magnificat
Execution
Zoylus entombs the corpses
49
50-51
52-53
A similar kind of indifference can be seen from the fact that the
contents of the poem do not correspond to the contents of the Mat
ins lessons as they appear in the printed Breviarium Aquileiense from
1496,31 which could have been used as the source for the actuallessons. The second to fifth lessons relate the parallel of Elijah and
meditate upon the meaning of the saints' departure; the correspond~
ing responsories, however, proceed with the narration of the story.
Furthermore, in the lessons the narration necessarily terminates in
the last noctum; but the Matins antiphons and responsories relate
. the abduction of the saints to the place of execution and their
prayer. It is only in the antiphons of the Lauds that the decollation
itself is described. Obviously, the person who assigned the stanzas
to the office items did not observe the fact that the responsories
were to be sung after the lessons describing the same events, and
carried on with the narration irrespective of what had been related
in the lessons. Thus, within the Matins, the legend is told twice
with a slight postponement on the part of the poem.
The poem, which comprises, as mentioned before, 53 four-line
stanzas, is cast in one poetic pattern. The verses consist of four tro31
266
Jurij
w'U,",u.JI. .....
267
Table 3
LIT. FUNCTION
TBXT INCIPIT
In I. Vesp. an. 1
1
2
3
4
5
6
3
7
4
1
2
3
1
2
dafd
dadd
c'g e e
eece
e'c'a f
f c'f f
f e'f f
A
B
C
ebee
d'g d'g
eeee
adad
dacd
e'g e ebb b e
aadd
daad
dadd
daAd
3
egce
ebee
aece
e'e'a f
ca f f
eeee
5
6
4
268
Jurij Snoj
LIT.
FUNCTION
TEXT INCIPIT
MODB
NOTBS OF
PHRASES
Versus
Quibus dicunt devotius
In n. noeL re. 2
Adoramus qui creavit
Versus
Eternis bonis spoliantur
In IL
. re. 3 His audrds sisinnius
Plectantur mox capitibus
Versus
Glona patri
Doxologia
In Ill. noeL an. 1 Postquam hec intellexerunt
In HI. noeL an. 2 Hinc a carcere soluti
In UL noet. an. 3 Leti fortes et constantes
In II I. noeL re. 1 Cum beaU ducerentur
Cordis iubilo gaudentes
Versus
In IU. noet. re. 2 Oraban! clans vocibus
o ihesu xpiste domine
Versus
Ill. noet. re. 3
ihesu vis omnibus
Pennanentem quoque
Versus
Glona patri
Doxologia
laudes an. 1
Obsecramus te amator
Ad laudes an. 2
De celorum summitate
Ad laudes an. 3
Inter sanctos collocari
Ad
an. 4
Precipe ut cognoscaris
Ad laudes an. 5
dominum colentibus
Ad Ben. an.
completa prestolantur
In seeundis vespens antiphone in laudibus
an
laudabilis
ebbe
e'f:J
ADAPT
<
---
a e'e'a
6
ff
C'CIC'f
8
1
7
d/d'a g
ggag
dadd
g g d'g
d'd'f g
gggg
d'd'd'g
ddad
dd'f d
2
3
4
5
6
7
daad
beae
deae
feff
d'g did' d'b b g
269
35
Jurij Snoj
270
However, this
not happen
often
many
move
between pivotal notes without
manifest intention as to the form
of the whole.
Among
antiphons
a given mode there are instances of
they are
the
aptation of the same melody to another stanza,
36 In some cases it would be risky
decide whether a melody
is a conscious adaptation or just an unconscious
upon the
same
plan, defined by
choice
the same final notes at
the
of the verses. In this sense it would
methodically very
the melodic interrelations among
chants
difficult to elucidate
of the
The author of the poetic office for the feast of
patron saints in
antiphonary from Kranj cannot be identified by name. It
not clear whether it was ooe or whether there were more persons
new office, which appears to have
engaged in
creation of
been
together
the new
But the
analysis of the work as a whole proves that it came into being by
several independent
unrelated
that may be described as
on
basis
follows: 1. composition the poem relating the
of
relevant texts; 2.
assignment of the composed stanzas to
delineation of the modal plan of
actual
items; 3.
of the
whole office; 4. musical composition; observing the
res,
of the modes and,
alII the
strucPOSS!ture of
stanzas; 5. creation and insertion of the hymn
bly, the invitatory antiphon.
The
that came into being bears
to this stepwise
procedure which. in
left its vestiges on it and, moreover, dethe new poetic
also as a work of
. One could ask
what kind of work of art it that was brought into being through a
and princicombination of
independent creative
ples. but answering such a question would be the subject of another/ aesthetic issue.
l
3, where the
adaptations are
271
Barbara Haggh
How did Aurelian write his treatise MusicQ disciplina? In the preface, first chapters and end of the treatise especially, he borrows
from numerous authors. Medieval singers relied on memory rather
than exemplars, so might not music teachers, such as Aurelian, have
done the same? Aurelian's texts offer the entire spectrum from allusion to quotation, however. The purpose of this brief contribution is
to examine the MusiCQ disciplina text in order to determine whether
Aurelian needed a library, which books he used, and how he worked
with their texts. As we shall discover, the treatise is a coherent opus
by one wellschooled and musical author working from memory for
the most part, but with a few books at hand,
The contents of four important ninth-century libraries separate
Aurelian's better~known from his lesser-known sources" which 'w ill
be considered in toto once we have discussed the individual chapters of the treatise. I In the table at the end of this essay (p. 29311, Aurelian's sources are listed along with evidence of their presence in
the monastic libraries of Auxerre, eorbie, Fleury, and St Amand.
This is not an attempt to isolate manuscripts Aurelian would have
seen - that is work fOT the future and perhaps impossible,2 Instead,
The list of sources in the Table is taken from Aureliani Reomensis, Musica disciplina. ed. Lawrence Gushee. Corpus Scriptorum de Musica, 21 {Rome. 19751, And
Micbael Bemhard, MThxtkritisches zu Aurelianus Reomensis-, Musica di~iplina 40
(1986). pp. 49-61. I have not deleted frOQl the table the sources I think played no
role in the treatise - they are discussed in my text. A useful overview of the history
of medieval libraries, even though many details ,a re now outdated, is James Westfall Tbornpson, The Medieval Library (New York, 1957). See especially ch. 3 MLibrar- .
ies of the Carolingian Renaissance- and ch. 7 "Libraries of Medieval France".
1 A search througb the manuscript sources of the De institutione arithmetica of
Boethius for variants in the diagrams as found in the Aurelian manuscripts would
be useful, for example, especially since Fried1eifi only used German manuscripts
for his edition, whereas the earliest history of Aurelian's t~xt rs French.
I
Barbara Haggh
AUREUAN'S LIBRARY
273
274
Barbara Haggh
On Aurelian's borrowings from Boethius in general, see Ubaldo Pizzani, NAureliano di Reome e la riscoperta del De institutiane musica di Boezio n , Esercizi arte musica spettacolo 2 11979), pp . 7-29; idem, "The Fortune of the De institutione musica
from Boetruus to Gerbert d'Aurillac: A Tentative Contribution n , in: Michael Masi,
ed . Boethius and the Liberal Arts: A Collection of &says !Bern, 19B1}, pp. 97-156,
and, in the same volume, Calvin Bower, ~The Role of Boetruus's De insntlI.tione musica in the Speculative Tradition of Western Musical Thought", pp. 157-74. For fur
ther bibliography OD all of the writers named here, see Michel Huglo, ~Bib1io
graphie des editions et etudes relatives El la theorie musicale du Moyen Age
(1972-1987r , Acta musicologica 60/3 (19881. pp. 229-72.
8
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
275
singing could tame. 9 1Wo texts served as sources for the animals: a
passage in the Etymologiae where David's singing frees SauI from
the unclean spirit by the discipline of wholesome melody which
even affects various animals, and the similar story in Cassiodorus,
where the beasts are listed las in a passage by Varrol, but just be
fore the Orpheus story. Cassiodorus (and Varro) note that the power
displayed by certain modes is so strong, that they can compose distraught minds and also attract beasts, serpents even, birds, and dolphins, to listen to their melody, Aurelian adds tigers to his borroyved
menagerie, perhaps from the passage in Varro but not from Cassiodorus's citation of it. 10 To biblicize the end of this chapter, Aurelian
next describes the singing and playing of the book of the 'Apocalypse, a subject which recurs in the paragraphs appearing between
the two explicits at the end of the treatise. It is remarkable that in
this first chapter Aurelian never cites any text verbatim; except the
two brief passages from the Apocalypse concerning instruments and
a well Jknown chant incipit from the psalms.
In chapter two, Aurelian takes up the subject he introduced in
the distichs preceding the preface: praise of Pythagoras, the first
musicus, Chapter two begins with the story of Pythagoras and the
hammers, but Aurelian introduces references to Jubal, David and
Solomon and only cites Boethius word for word where an unusual
gloss appears in some Boethius manuscripts, Aurelian and the
On the various Orpbeus tales in medieval theory, see Nancy Phillips, MMusicaand "Scolica Enchiriadis": The Literary, Theoretical, and Musical Sources, Ph.D. diss-,
New York University (19841, pp. 11-3; and Susan Boynton, -The Sources and Significance of the Orpheus Myth in 'Musica Enchiriadis' and Regino of Prom's 'Bpis
tola de harmonica institutione'-, Early Music History 18 (1999). pp. 47-74. The Orpheus story by Fulgentius the Mythographer is unrelated to Aurelian's. Roethius
mentions Orpheus in passing but only in relation to the four strings of the lyre (De
Musica, ed. Godofredus Friedlein [Leipzig, 1867, re pr. Frankfurt. 1966], 1.20, p.
206). Pseudo-Bede, -Quid sit tonus'r JPL 90, 914C). has Orea Graece pukhra,
phone vox, inde Orphaeus pulchra vox dicitur".
)01 was not able to check Vano's works, but he is cited in Lewis and Short, A
Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1879) after the word Qtiger". Cassiodorus's Institutione3
IJ.v.8 is translated by James McKinnon in Source Readings in Mu&ic H~tory, ed. 01iver Strunk. revised edition ed. Leo 1teitler (New York, 1998), p. 148,.
9
276
Barbara Haggh
AUREUAN'S Ll8RARY
the library of the Carolingian court,13 but Bernhard and Bower place
the origin of the glosses in northern France; Bower dates them
c. 830-860. 14
Calvin Bower has emphasized the entirely different character of
these glosses from that of the other uphilosophical/1 glosses, and
thinks these were the work of a cantor. IS Yet neither Bower nor
Bernhard are willing to admit the possibility that Aurelian invented
glosses which would have found their way into the Boethius manu-,
scriptS. 16 Since the Valenciennes manuscript may be their earliest
source, and they appear only there without notation, it seems possible that a teacher such as Aurelian, who cites chants as examples
throughout his treatise and not only in the annotated. tonary, ~ght
have been the author of these glosses. Other musicians may then
have added the neumes. Nevertheless, Aurelian only cites Boethius
literally where his text is glossed,17 the chant incipits are eXactly the
same length in the gloss and in Aurelian, and the Paris BN Lat. 7297
gloss is slightly shorter than Aurelian, suggesting that Aurelian may
have added to it.
Aurelian's first twenty sentences in chapter three are taken almost but not entirely verbatim from Boethlus chapter two, but introduce two paraphrases of biblical passages. 18 A curious passage in
19971, Paris BNF Lat. 7200 was originally written at Soissons-Laon-Reims, but was
soon transferred to Fleury or to the triangle Fle\1IY-Feni~re8Auxerre, where the
1997.
16
17
and 27 lI.x.2 51
18 See Pizzani's useful observations on this chapter in MThe Fortune , p . 133.
278
Barbara Haggh
/J
The
in G/ossa maior, Editionsband 1,
89, where there is a.
reference to a
by Remigius
on
which I have
not seen. Also see Pizzaru. "The Fortune of the De institutione musiea ", p. 131 and
his
of Pseudo-Bede,
141.
sit tonus" and
Musica disciplina both
...... ,,<. ..., Bibliotheque
10078-95.
chapter
see
-The Fortune", p.
21 Lawrence Gushee, The "Musica disciplina" of Aurelian of Reome: A Critical
and Commentary. Ph.D.
, Yale University (19621,
176 note 1.
22 Boethius, with passages taken over by Aurelian in italics: MQuod scilicet quontotum in ratione ac speculatione positum
musicae deputabitur,
isque est musicus,
ad est facultas secundum speculationem rationemve propositam
ac musicae convenientem de modis QC rythmis deque generibus cantilenarum ac
permixtionibus ac de omnibus, de quibus posterius explicandum
ac de poetarom
carminibus iudica1Idi,"
)9
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
279
Chapter five is a very close but not literal paraphrase of the Ety~
mologiae. 23 After following Isidore through "cuius genera in quindecim partibus musici dividerunt, ex quibus hyperlydius novissimus
et acutissimus, hypodorius omnium gravissUnus n IEtymologiae Ill.
xx.7-8L Aurelian is reminded of Cassiodorus's fifteen tones and
conflates that mentally, then in his text, with Isidore's continuing
but unnumbered defmitions of cantus, arsis, thesis and descriptions
of various vocal inflections. 24
A similar compensation for a misreading is made in chapter Six,25
where Aurelian makes deliberate changes to the diagrams of Boethius's De arithmetica as transmitted in Valenciennes, Bibliotheque
Municipale 148, the 'earliest Aurelian manuscript. Working from the
diagrams, Aurelian has difficulty reconciling them with Boethius's
text, which he misreads and then corrects. The problem is in Boethius's chapter xlviii, UWhy the mean just described. is called. harmonic". Boethius explains that the interval of the fourth is derived
from the harmonic mean, with a diagram as an illustration. In the
diagram, we see two "harmonic" series: 3 4 6 above and 2 3 6 below. Interpreting the diagram, Boethius writes that the number six
is twice three, or, in the other series, it is thrice two. Thus, between
three and six comes the Hdifference" of three, and between two and
six comes the "difference" of four, numbers which, used in a ratio,
represent the interval of the fourth.
Aurelian (and another j were Ic onfused by the table and its explanation. They saw the two harmonic series given by Boethius, but
did not understand why he was insisting in the text on the difference instead of the hannonic mean between the two end numbers.
As a result, they reversed the numbers 3 and 4 not only in the text
but also in the diagram.
Now had Aurelian read chapter xlvii on the properties of the barmonic mean, he would have understood, for there Boethius ex
On this chapter. see Gushee, The Musica disciplina, pp. 191-4, and, Pizzani,
Fortune", p. 134.
24 In fact, Isidorus IBtym 0 logiae , Ul.xx.7) borrows some phrases from Cassiodorns's Jmtitutiones II.viii.
25 On chapter six, see Pi zzani , 'The Fortune". pp. 133-4.
23
~The
Haggh
280
Godofredus Friedlein,
de Institutions Arithmetica libri duo,
De instirutiol1e musica libri quinque ILeipzig, 1867, repr. Frankfurt, 1
and also
JeanYves GuiHaumin,
-Institution Arithmetique (Paris, 1995).
two num
bers are reversed in the
institutione arithmetica in
eleventh-c. Munich,
ische Staatsbibliothek, elm 64-05.
manuscripts are
27
Gushee, Aureliani Reomensis "'MusicQ di.sciplina", p. 73.
18480,
the
the ninth and tentb-c. Munich
elm 3517,
eleventh-c.
twelfth-c_ elm 1
UI Gushee, The ftMusica disc;plina", pp. 1
29 See
uThe
, p. 113, on
fifteen
also listed by AlypiU8
The "Musica disciplina", pp. 160-1,
and Albinus as well as Cassiodorus, and
Ui
I found
ll
192-4..
30
281
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
shares enough
with Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek
2269 (thirteenth C.), fo1. 7v, and 5271 (sixteenth c.), fo1. 38v where
the text
attributed to Alcuin, that a common source can be assumedY These texts are certainly related to a treatise preceding the
'tonary of Metz' in Metz, Bib. Mun. 351 (archetype from the second
third of the ninth century),32 which, like Aurelian's text, illustrates Uprotus with Abel and Ildeuterus 'l with the book of Deuteronomy, FinallYI two Aquitanian tonaries, Paris BNF Lat. 776 and
1084, share texts with Aurelian, but they vary and must
later
than Aurelian and the Vienna manuscript.
Michael Bernhard has pointed to the common passages between
Aurelian viii,10-19 and an anonymous De modis but this text is
surely derived from Aurelian and not the reverse. 53 It is ce,rtainly in
the style of Aurelian in that the anonymous author cites chants as
examples throughout, and it found in two manuscripts containing
Aurelian, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canoruci Mise. 212 and Cesena
Biblioteca Malatestiana, pIut. XXVL1. J4 The illustration of the
parapteres with chants must be later than Aurelian, who never
chants for them and seems not to know such examples.
Having introduced the ecclesiastical modes, Aurelian then proceeds to a discussion of the eight celestial motions, identified in
j
fl
31
in Michel Huglo, Les tonaires (Paris, 1971). p.
and his
sion of the problem on
41-56,
most recently. his IIReview
Hartmut Mollef, IIZur
der musikgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der 'Academia' am Hofe Karls
des Grossen: Die 'Musica Albini',
Festschrift Werner Bral.m !Saarbnlcken, 1993)1
pp. 269-88, in Scriptorium: Bulletin codicologique 48 (1994/2}. no. 646. IMight the
singer with the pseudonym ldithun
Anstrannus,
Charlemagne's court
who
bishop of Verdun 800?; see David Hiley. Western Plainchant [Oxford,
1993), pp. 522-31 The "de octo torus" manuscripts are
discussed in Gushee,
Aureliani Reornensis "Musica disciplina-, pp. 39-41, and Gushee, The ~Musica disciplina", pp.
and 204-8.
32 Huglo, Les tonaires, p. 31.
13 Bernhard, p. 58, signals the edition by Thrence Bailey, "De modis ..
A new edition and explanation"/ Kirchenmusikalische.s Jahrbuch 61/62 (1977178),
pp. 47-60.
)4
especially Bailey's comparison of
with.
De modis. p. 48. On
these manuscripts, see Gushee, Ameliani Reomensis NMusica disciplina
43-4,
45-7.
A ...' ..........
lf
Barbara
viii.22 and 28 as "seven of the
and one of that which
called the zodiac",
with the aplanes, because
of the zodiac move
direction opposite from the
This
inspired more by
s De natura rerum,
passage IS
than by Macrobius's Commentary on Cicero's Dream of
Aurehan refers to stars and
planets, the latter
in
but never to spheres, as
Macrobius. (In chapter three,
Aurelian takes his description
from Amalarius
of Metz, perhaps also
Isidore's Etymologiae HI
but not from Macrobius as
suggests.) Nevertheless, sources
not been
for this
chapter viii of the Musica disciplina
securely
.35 Aurelian's word aplanes is
especially in
Macrobius,
the former includes no other
from that
The references to biblical texts
to Isidore are only approximations and are often taken out
. In sum, this chap" in the treatise.
ter may well be
Aurehan's annotated tonary, which is not modelled after known
tonaries and stands
of this investigation, alludes to very
authors
none are cited literaHy.36 In
a problematic chant, paraphrasing
from the book
of
subject is the responsory
derived from the
with the same text incipit. 31 The usual verse for the responsory is not from Esther but from Psalm 8(9):20, Exsurge Domine
non confortetur homo, and
disjunction of meaning is unacceptable to Aurelian, who points to writers who have
psalm with
Antichrist and the Devil. Again/ his
"L'harmonie des spheres seton
4 11929),
Michel Foussard, "Aulae
Introduction, texte, traduction et
notes, Cahlers archeologiques 21 11971). pp.
which the number
is associated with the octoechos and
miracle story of the
has a long history beginning
Am-eiian, but there is no
that Aurelian borrowed it from a Dre,eX1~~ting source. The best
of the Musica disciplina "tonary"
Perry Ponte HI, Aureliani
"Musica Disciplina": A Revi~d Text, Translation,
and Commentary, Ph O.
Brandeis University, 1961.
Ott, Offertoriale Th37
is AMS no. 197 and is transcribed by
is CAO 7511; its verse
plex
repr. 1985). no. 72 .
is only in the Ivrea MS.
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
283
ence was easily made from memory, and the problem of the mismatched verse is contemporary to the treatise. 38
There are a few allusions to other sources in chapter nineteen. In
an explanation of how notes and accents should be distributed at
the end of nocturnal responsories (xix.57), Aurelian uses waves as a
metaphor: "Et hoc secundum musicos qui non amplius quam quinque assevere maris undas, et ex eisdem omnes eximeri procellas n,
There are several passages in chapter 22 of the anonymous Alia musiCQ about waves, perhaps taken from Vitruvius, who is cited at the
beginning of the chapter, but in the Alia musicQ they are used to explain the relationships between the pitches of the modes and the
modes themselves, and the number of waves is eight not five as in
Aurelian. This is not enough evidence for a common so.urce between Aurelian and the Alia musica.39
Significant for the geographic and temporal placement of the treatise are the citations in chapter twenty and between the explicits. 40
Here Aurelian cites Amalarius of Metz, several explanations of the
mass, a biography, and hagiographical writings, all of these recent
or even contemporary to him.
At the very beginning of chapter twenty, it is difficult to determine a source for Aurelian's discussion of the nature and origin of
responsorial psalmody, because this topic was treated by several
authors- At n.5-g, Aurelian conflates sources, as he has earlier in
his treatise. He foUows Isidore in placing the origin of antiphonal
psalmody with the Greeks, but abandons him when he claims that
St Ambrose introduced antiphonaJ psalmody following the Greek example. Aurelian now takes information but not text from St Augusti38
See Kenneth Levy, "Abbot Helisachar's Antiphoner", Gregorian Chant and the
284
Barbara Haggh
252):
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
285
respondeat. Ante autem id solus quisque age bat," nunc interdum unus
interdum duo vel tres communiter canent, choro in plurimis respondente.
Liber glossarum, from Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. Lat. 1773,
ninth C., from Lorsch, fol. 42r, col. Ill:
Antiphona: ex Graeco interpretatur vox reciproca antiphonas Graeci
primi composuerunt duo bus choris alternatim concinentibus quasi
duo seraphim duoque testamenta invicem sibi conclamantium. Apud
Latinos autem primus beatissimus Ambrosius antephonas instituit,
Graecorum exemplum imitatus ex hine eucum[ducJtis occiduis regionibus earum usus increvit duobus scilicet c[hJoris alternatim psallentibus ordine commutato sive de uno ad unum. Quod genus psallendi Graeci invenisse traduntur.
fol. 276v, col. Ill:
Responsorios Itali tradiderunt quor[um) inde responsorios cantus
vocant quod alio desinente id alter respondeat. Inter responsorios
autem et antiphonam hoc differt quod in responsoriis unlus] versum
dicit. In antiphorus autem versibus alternant c[h}ori.
286
Barbara Haggh
common to the two texts from from the book of Ezra. The passage
cited by Gushee from the anonymous Ordo romanus V/ no. 24 [xx.12)
is also no more than Aurelian/s paraphrase. What is interesting here
is that the genre of the expos ih'o missae was cultivated especially in
Burgundy, to judge from surviving manuscriptsY
Aurelian draws upon other texts as well. Most are changed
slightly, even the Biblical texts, but xx:27 and 29 stand out as the
only borrowings from Isidore's Etym%giae (III.xvi.2 and xvii .2-3),
borrowings so literal that a manuscript exemplar would have been
necessary. This is revealing, because the same manner of citation is
used for one of the texts between the two explicits, from the Miracula 5ancti Germani Au tissiodorens is, a text which Bemhard has
used to suggest a later date for the treatise."" Although Aurelian
never associates his story with St Germain d'Auxerre, the passage
closely resembles book Il, chapter 1 of the Miracula sanch' Germani
Autissiodorensium by Heiric of Auxerre (d. 875-880), which have been
dated most recently to 872-873. 4S Bernhard concluded that _Heiric
could not have borrowed from Aurelian, but admits the possible existence of an intermediate source. 46 Gushee already considered this
in his 1960 dissertation, but felt that the evidence was inconclusive. 47
In my opinion, Aurelian took this material almost literally from
Heiric and secondarily from Gregory, keeping beginnings and ends
They include, in chronological order, Anon. uPrimum in ordine", Anon. HDominus vobiscurn", Anon . "Quotiens contra", chapter "De ordine misse N in Hrabanus
Maurus "De institutione clericorum", works by Amalarius of Metz and Florus of
Lyons, and Remigius of Auxerre's uExpositio de celebratione missae". On these, see
Andr~ Wilmart, uExpositio missae", Dictionnaire d'arcbeologie et de liturgie chretienne", vol. V/l, especially cols. 1019-1027, and Micbel Huglo, "Review of E.C. Ratcliff, Expositio antiquae lirurgiae gallicanae, London, 1971", Scriptorium : Bulletin codicologique 26 11972/2), p. 411, no . 903 .
44 Bernhard, uTextkritisches, p. 60.
45 A summary of the argument on the date is on p. 101 in Saint-Germain d~ux
erre: Intellectuels et artistes dans l'Europe carolingienne ix-xi" siecles IAuxerre , 1990);
also see Pierre Janin, "Heiric d'Auxerre et les Gesta pontificum autissiodorensium",
Prancia 6 (1976). pp. 89-105.
46 Bernhard, MThxtkritisches", p. 60.
47 Gushee, The "MusicQ disciplina", pp. 168-9, A13-A1S.
43
AUREUAN'$ LIBRARY
287
of sentences and characteristic words of the Miracula, but paraphrasing or rephrasing internal material to his own purpose. For example, instead of insisting on the dialogue between the deacon' Petrus, and Gregory, he reworks Heiric's passage to include a quote
from Paul's second epistle to the Corinthians.48
Moreover, there is historical evidence pertaining to the Miracula
that has been overlooked before: Heiric's life of St Germain d/Auxerre in hexameters and the Miracula in prose were commissioned
in 864-865 by Lotharius, abbot of St Gennain d'Auxerre and son of
Emperor Charles the Bald. Lotharius is also listed directly after
"Bemardus bishop of Autun", thought to be Aurelian's dedicatee, as
abbot of Re6me in the list that served as the basis for Roverius's
cited by Gushee, a list found in Semur-en-Auxois,. Bibliotheque Municipale 1, fol. 76r, an early tenth-century manuscript compilation
of lives and liturgical 'texts for St Jean de Reome which. was surely
copied at the abbey, given the extent of the liturgical material included. 49 It seems very likely that the miracle was added to the Musica disciplina either at St Jean de Reome itself or even in Auxerre.
The passage in question is cited, with the material taken over most
literally by Aurelian underlined:
Heiric of Auxerre, Miracula Sancti Germani, book I, chapter 2 (AASS
Jul. VII, p. 258)
Reversus ex Britanniis, reliquias antiquissimi pretiosique Albani ,m artyris
secum detulit, atque infra mUTOS Autissiodori basilicam eis condendis
exaedificans, praefati Martyris nomine dedicavit; in qua ferunt quem-
dam
anxi~
288
Barbara Haggh
um, cum a propria egrederetur domo, quae supradicta basilicae adhaerebat, angelicum audivil chorom, harmonica concinentem consonantia, AIleluia, cum ps. CXLVIII, qui inscribitur Laudate Dominum de caelis,
ad finem usque psalterii. Qui attonitis auribus ad ostium oratorii auscultans diligentius, eamdem memoriter didicit modulationem.
Era! au/em AIIeluia quod nostra ecclesia Septuagesimae tantum die Dominica, cum supra memorato Psalmo modulari consuevit, quod in prima
versu semel, in secundo his, in lertio tribus reciprocatum vicibus, in quarto
demum reiteratur a capite: quantum autem rear, in honorem sanetae et
individuae 1hnitatis competenler canilur. Id cum teneret memoria, convQcatis post solemne matutinum Fratribus [Aurelian corrects to "dericis"], traditaque, quam perceperat, revelatione, ut res faret testatior,
modulationem quoque compertam eos edocuit: cuius omnis suavitas
protinus a mente illius ita elapsa est, ut non nisi vocabuli solummado
deinceps reminisci potuerit. Quod ei jure contigisse putatur, ut is, qui
in timata sibi secreta caelestia inconsulte prodidiC aliis id ad laudem
Dei retinentibus, sua solius ignorantia puniretur. Quod Petrus ApastoIus se metuere significans, fatetuT, se audisse arcana verba, quae non lice! homini loqui. El Johanni praecipitur, ne signet ea, quae locuta sunt
septem tonitrua. Animae quoque divina speculanti jubetur: Audi Israel,
et tace. Multa apud idem oratorium recensentur collata beneficia,
cum in expulsione demonum, turn in illuminatione caecorum; in his
vero quam maxirne, qui diversa febrium accessione vexati, ad locum
se, Sanctorum imploratis patrociniis, contulerunt.
Another miracle story was placed with the Auxerre tale between
the two explicits. Aurelian introduces the two stories as examples of
angelic singing on earth, after proclaiming that angelic song is ruled
by the discipline of music (as he has described it!. These stories are
entirely in keeping with the style of the treatise, which uses chants
throughout as illustrations, but they are unusual, too, because no
other music treatise includes miracles, a genre usually disseminated
with other hagiographical or liturgical writings.
289
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
The story preceding Heiric's, about the responsory Cives apostolorum (CAO 6289) tells of a monk from the monastery of St Victor in
Le Mans who makes a pilgrimage to a basilica dedicated to St Michael the Archangel on Mount Gargano, where he heard a choir of
angels singing Cives apostoiorum. As Gushee explains, St Michael
was known as a place of pilgrimage and site of miracles, but no collection of them was found by the Bollandists. 50
A closer analysis of the content of this story suggests that it might
have been created from and inspired by several sources. Besides
serving as an example of angelic singing, this story describes again
another problematic responsory verse that was changed, and, like
the Gaude Maria virgo miracle in chapter fifteen, invokes Rome to
iend sanctity to a curious responsory.
Three similar stories circulated in the ninth and 'tenth centuries
about Cives apostoiorum, two from St Gall. Ekkehard in chapter
eleven of his Casus Sancti Galli tells the story of the introduction of
the palatine chant of Metz at St Gall by two singers. 51 They are received by Emperor Otto I at St Gall, and all [of the monks at St Gall}
sing the responsory Gives apostolorum.
More closely related to Aurelian, but nevertheless different, is the
story from the De Gestis Beati Karoli Magni, book 11, probably by
Notker Balbulus, dated c. 884 and certainly between 883 and 887.$2
As an introduction to a story about Pippin the Short killing a lion,
the author writes that the chant Gives apostolorum was created. by
the Romans when Pippin, having vanquished the Lombards, went
to Rome out of devotion and was greeted by the singing of it:
Longobardis vel caeteris hostibus Romanos infestantibus, miserunt
legatos SUDS ad eumdem Pippinum, ut propter amorem sancti Petri
sibi quantocius in auxilium venire dignaretur. Qui absque mora subjugatis hostibus, orationis tantum gratia Romam victor ingreditur;et a
civibus hac laude suscipitur: Gives apostolorum et domestici Dei adve-
nerunt hodie portantes pacem, et illuminantes patriam; dD.re pacem gentiGushee, The "Musica disciplina", pp. 161-2. I found no
the PL database or in GalIia Christiana.
50
51
52
PL 66, 759B-C,
PL 9B, 1404.
evid~ence
of this story in
290
Barbara Haggh
!i~
PL 1
1-1374, from Lebeuf "Recueil
divers
pour
d'eclaircissements a )'Histoire de France: monuments historiques sur Charlemagne et
Charles le Chauve",
AUREUAN'S LIBRARY
291
zen in WTiting. Aurelian, who was not the textual critic of today,
was remembering as best he could the well-known texts about music of his time and citing them textually only where he felt it was
necessary. Further analysis will be needed to determine whether he
was following known procedures of his time. In any case, his manner of bringing together diverse texts from memory is strikingly
reminiscent of the orally transmitted techniques of composing contemporaneous chant. 54 A writer of some rhetorical talent, Aurelian's
abilities were unfortunately obscured by the scribes who perpetuated his name.
Memory has its limits however, and Aurelian could certainly not
remember diagrams without recourse to the source; he also had difficulty with numbers, lists, and definitions. It is certain that he had
an important library available to him at some time before he wrote
the Musica disciplina / because he draws upon a wide range of sources,
most found in the major ninth-century libraries. Yet at the moment
of redaction, a small, selective library would have sufficed. From
the evidence of the Musica disciplina, Aurelian's library would have
needed to contain a glossed copy of Boethius's De institutione musica, Boethius's De arithmeticQ, and the Etymologiae and De officiis
eccIesiasticis of Isidore, also, if Aurelian was indeed the author here,
the Miracula Sancti Gennani. That an ejected monk would have
worked from a small number of manuscripts in his own possession
is a scenario entirely in keeping with our knowledge of book ownership by musicians throughout the Middle Ages.
What is revealed by the little disseminated works influencing
Aurelian? These include the Boethius glosses, the poems of Venantius Fortunatus (d. c. 600t, the expositions on the mass, and the miracles. It is remarkable that all but the poems of Fortunatus, who was
bishop of Poitiers and an important presence in Paris, can be traced
to the Fleury-Auxerre orbit, not far from the abbey of St Jean de
Pizzatll, MThe Fortune, p. 134, observes a similar Utechnique": ... the De Harmonica Institutione of Reginald of Priim, who died in 915. It is no more than a mosaic of passages clipped whole frem Boethius, with a sprinkling of contaminations
frorn Martianus Capella, Macrobius. Ca ssiodoTUS , the Bible and Aurelianus Reos.&
mensis
292
Haggh
Reome.
of Fortunatus were copied in Autun. The circulation of these
corresponds well with the numerous parallels
writings of
Aurelianls Musica disciplina
Auxerre, who
draws upon
treatises by uU''';;'U
but
cites other common texts, the antiphons of the Boethius
and the gloss on IItemporum vanetate", the Gaude Maria responsory
and Juvencusls preface to book 4 of his ecclesiastical history.55
Last,
has this analysis disclosed about Aurelian? That he
was a monk and a music teacher cannot be doubted of his citations and the fact
was asked
his Jlbrothers"
write are
of that.
can also imagine an older man
absolution from youthful
wistfully remembering lithe
of
novehy with
slips.
old and mixing wisdom
the
we can come to
the thoughts and sounds of
the world of which he was a
56
If,
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
293
Guy Lobrichon, Liste proviso ire de manuscrits d'origine et de provenance auxerroise {DC-xr siecleJ. Unpublished printout.
Bernhard Michael Bemhard, ~Thxtkritisches zu Aurelianus Reomensis",
cited in note 1.
COR 1
Emest Coyecque, Catalogue gen~a! des maJtuscrits des bibliotheques publiques 'de France vol. 19 (Paris; PIon, 1893), pp. Xl-XII
[Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg . Lat. 520]
COR2
Ibid., pp. XIII-XX [Bibliotec8. Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 520)
Ganz
David Ganz, Corbie in fhe Carolingian Renaissance (Sigmaringen:
Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1990\.
FL
Charles Cui ssard , Catalogue genha] des manuscrits des biblioth~ques publiques de France vol. XII (Paris: PIon, 1889), pp.
VII-XVIIl.
Mostert
Mareo Mostert, The Library of Fleury: A Provisional List of Manuscripts {Hilversum: Verloren, 19891.
lM
Index maior, the oldest apparently complete inventory of the library of the abbey of St Amand (Paris BNF Lat. 1850, fols. 199v
ff., published in Leopold Delisle, Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la
Biblioth~que Nationale vol. 3 (Paris, 1881). pp. 449-58].
AUX
294
Barbara Haggh
BIBLIOGRAPHY
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
295
Boethlus De institutione musica 1.10 with glosses, 1.2/ 1.34 lii.10-16, 22-25,
iii.I-20, iv.12a-14, vii.2-81
After Charlemagne's palace library was dissolved Isee note 12 above),
Corbie was important, having five copies of the De institutione musica
of which four survive.
296
Barbara Haggh
AURELlAN'S LlBRARV
297
ed., Music Theory and Its Sources: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, 19901,
pp. 214-21.
298
Barbara Haggh
1883-1884]
Juvencus Evangelicae historiae,
. 4 preface liv.lll
19, 571 60
AUX? [Bern, Burgerbibliothek 534 Auxerre? IGuy Lobrichonj,
IPellegrin), St Gennain
Auxerre? (Bischoffl, Mosterl, p. 80]
no. 1 Evangeliorum quattuor libri
eOR2 nos. 202-203 Juvenci
Ganz, p. 138
Bib. Mun. 404]
FL no.
Juvencus Evangeliorum libri IV
Mostert, p. 264 [Biblioteca Apostolica Vat ic ana , Reg. Lat. 333 Fleury
or Auxerre]
[xx.5-9J
Liber
AUX {see David Ganz, "Heiric d'Auxerre, glossateur du Liber glossarum", L 'Ecole carolingienne d'Auxerre, ed. Doroinique Iogna-Prat, Paris:
1991,
297-312)
Ganz,
143 (paris, BNF
11529 and 11530]
IM no -153 Glosanus
Macrobius Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis b.12
14)
AUX Macrobius de sorono
[Bern, Burgerbibliothek 347,
from St
d'Auxerre (Bischoff), Mostert, p. 73]
B xii Auxerre or Fleury
Auxerre or Fleury [London BL Royal
60
AURELlAN'S LIBRARY
299
300
Barbara Haggh
301
Alexander Rausch
In zwei osterreichischen Quellen befindet sich neben anderen musiktheoretischen Thxten auch ein Thnar, der auf den ersten Blick
dem Wirkungskreis des vor 900 Jahren gegriindeten Zisterzienserordens anzugehoren scheint. Der Cod. 787 der 6sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek (WI, der im Jahr 1784 in die Wiener Hofbibliothek
gelangte, stanunt aus der ehemaligen Zisterzienserabtei Baumgartenberg (was der Besitzvermerk I/Pomerii montis/l aus' dem 16. Jahrhundert verrat). In einem noch heute bestehenden Stift desselben
Ordens,. in Zwettl, liegt die andere Handschrift mit der Signatur
Cod. 328 (ZJ. Beide Quellen dieses Registrum tonorum sind ins spate
12. Jahrhundert zu . datieren , wobei - was fur die Filiation van Bedeutung ist - der GroBteil von W (f. I-62v) etwas friiher, in die
zweite Halfte des 12. Jahrhunderts, angesetzt werden muS. 1 Eine
auf den Beschreibungen im RISM basierende Inhaltsangabe2 ihrer
musikalischen Thile zeigt, was Michel Huglo schon festgestellt hat:
da~ Z eine Kopie von W darstellt. 3
Alexander Rausch
302
W 1EN 787
46v
47 -53v
53v-57v
57v-59v
59v
59v
59v
59v-60
60v
60v-61
61
61-62v
62v
63-70
70v
INHALT
ZWEITL
328
--------~G~ill~d~o-n~is-c~h-e~H~an-~d-------------------------------
Registrum tonorum
Aribo !Exzerpte)
Glockenmensur De reponderatione
Glockenmensur Dimidium
Klangschrittlehre Quicumque I
153-159v
159v-163v
Lakune
Lakune
Lakune
Lakune
164rv
164v-165
165
165
82v-84
84
84v
Da der zweite Teil von W (f. 63-7Ov) eine spatere Schicht ist, erstaunt es nicht, daB in Z Guidos Micrologus nicht vorhanden ist.
Auch die Guidonische Hand ist ein Nachtrag aus dem 13. Jahrhundert.4 Das Fehlen der kurzeren Texte jdarunter ein Thxt zur Klangschrittlehre mit dem Incipit "Quomodo organice moduletur")S erkHirt sich aus einer Lakune von 2-3 BlcHtern in Z, die auch den Anfang der Verse Quamvis mille modis und das Ende unseres Registrum
tonorum betrifft. Umgekehrt fehlen die bekannten Merkverse 1fr
terni sunt modi in W, die der Kopist von Z offenbar aus clner anderen Vorlage zur Verfugung hatte.
Abgesehen von der Provenienz der beiden Handschriften ist es
die Notation, die fur einen zisterziensischen Ursprung des Thnars
S. das Faksimile in Joseph Smits van Waesberghe, Musikerziehung. Lehre und
Theorie der Musik im Mitte/alter, Musikgeschichte in Bildem nU3 (Leipzig, 1969),
S. 138f. (Abb. 73).
5 Edition bei Michael Bernhard, .Ein weiterer Text zur Klangschritt-Lehre, Que/fen und Studien zur Musiktheone des Mittelalters 1. hrsg. von dems., Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Veroffentlichungen der Musikhistorischen Kommission
8 (Muncben, 1990), S. 68. - Dieser 'Text findet sich auch in Wien 787: s_ Michel
Huglo - Christian Meyer, The Theory of Music. Volume Ill: Manuscripts (rom the Carolingian Era up to c. 1500 in the Federal Republic of Germany (D-brd) , RISM B 111 3
(Munchen, 1986), S. 216.
4
303
spricht. Es handelt sich urn jene gotische Schrift auf vier Linien allerdings roit der Schhisselung D F a c nach Art der sog. IIKloster~
neuburgerJ/ Notation -, die sich durch besondere Formen der Virga,
des Pes und der Clivis auszeichnet und rur die nach Janka Szendrei
die Bezeichnung "Zisterzienser-Notation" am angemessensten ist. 6
Jeder Kirchenton wird mit einem Paar leoninischer Hexameter
verdeutlicht, wobei die Notation dieser Intonationsfonneln nur bei
den ersten flinf Modi ausgefUhrt wurde. Dabei wird jedem Kirchenton - stufenweise aufsteigend vom Unisonus bis zur gro~en Sext ein Intervall zugeordnet:
1. Thn Unisonus laequisonus)
n. Thn HalbtOD, Ganzton (limma, tonus)
Ill. Thn kleine Thrz \tonus cum limmate)
IV. Thn gro'e '!erz (ditonusl
V. Thn Quarte \diatessaronl
VI. Thn Quinte (diapentel
VII. Thn kleine Sext 13 toni + 2 Ii mma ta)
VIII. Thn gro&e Sext (diapente + tonus) (VIl,3)
groik Terz (ditonus) IVIII,3 = IV,2)
Der plaga~ proti hat den in gelehrter Weise als limma bezeichneten Halbton neben dem Ganzton, dem plagalis tetrardi werden irrtUmlich zwei verschiedene Intervalle zugeordnet, namlich die groie
Terz des IV. Thns zusatzlich zur systemgemien groien Sexte, die
schon beim VII. Modus jwenn auch eindeutig auf den VIII. bezo. gen) zitiert wird.
Der tiefere Sinn dieser Kombination van Intervallen und Kirchentonen diirfte darin liegen, dd der Sanger roit der jeweiligen Meladieforme1 (fonnula) zugleich ein bestimmtes Interval1 (modll.lum) 38soziieren konnte, wornr ja ofter (z.B. auch bei Bern und Hermann
von Reichenau) der Terminus modus verwendet wurde. 7
6 Janka Szendrei, wBeobachtungen an der Notation des Zisterzienser-Antiphonars
Cod. 1799- in der 6sterreichischen Nationaibibliothek Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 27 {1985" S. 273-90; Neumeotabellen auf S. 27Sf.
7 Diese Beobachtung verdanke ich Frau Dr. Pia Ernstbrunner.
M
304
Alexander Rausch
Kulturbesitz Mus. ms. 40047), Thil 1: Untersuchungen, '!eil 2: Edition und VeTzeichnisse, Teil 3: Fotografische Wiedergabe, Mainzer Sfudien ruT Musikwissenschaft,
9
305
10 Vgl. Sarah Fuller, "An Anonymous Treatise dictus de Sancto Martiale: A New
Source for Cistercian Music Theory". in: Musica Disciplina 31 (1977), S. 5- 30.
11 Huglo, Thnaires. S. 184; s. auch Michel Huglo, Art. wOdOM, in: The New Grove
Dictionary of Music and Musicians. hrsg. van Stanley Sadie (London. 1980), Bd. 13,
S.503f.
l2 Philipp Jafie. "Des Abtes Udalskalk von St. Ulrich in Augsburg Registrum lbnorum". in: Arch;u (iir die Geschichte lks Bisthums Augsburg 2 (1859), S. 68-78. I~
dieser Edition (nach Wolfenbuttel, Herzog-August-Bibliotbek 80 Gud. !at. 334) wurden leider die Gesange weggelassen.
\3 Huglo, 7bnaires, S. 184, 290 Anm. 1.
I' Heinrich Sows. Zur Handschrift elm 9921, in: Acta Musicologica 5 (1933\,
S.63, 115-19. Neben einigen Thxtvarianten ist die Abweichung des letzten Verses
hervorzuheben: .Cuius subiectum docet istic forma retectwn" (so such bei Uodalscale, ed. Jaffe, S. 761 Die Verse han.gen auch mit der Musica des Theoger von Metz
Alexander Rausch
306
zusammen; s. Fabian Lochner, Dietger ITheogerus) of Met2. and his Musica, Diss.
INotre Dame, 1
S. 295f.
15 Munchen 9921, f. 22; s. Hugto, 1bnaires, S. 291.
16 GS 11, 79-91 lohne OffLZiumsgesange!; Alexander Rausch,
Musiktraktate des
Abtes Bern IJon ReichenQu. Edition und Interpretation our series Musica MediaevaEuropae Ocddentalis vo!. 5. (Thtzing, 1999;.
307
sultavit ut gigas (1,21 J, die bei dern Reichenauer Abt fehlt, steht zumind est in der Version des Graduale 'IHplex im VI. '!bn. Am Anfang
der Introiten lesen wir stereotyp "De officiis" / nur bei den ersten
zwei Tonen erscheint daneben der gewohnte Ausdruck "introitus/I,
Diese Gattungsbezeichnung l ? erinnert an einen Teil in der Handschrift Wolfenbiittel Gud. lat. 8 334 (einem def Textzeugen fur den
Thnar des Uodalscalc), der mit Breviarium of{iciorum ad missam liberschrieben ist und bei dem es sich urn eine modale Klassifikation der
Introitusmelodien handelt. 18
Die Exempla des plagalis proti haben zwei problematische Falle.
Die Antiphon Assumpsit lesus fU/41 beginnt bei Bem auf C statt wie
die anderen auf der Finalis D, gehort also zur nachsten G~ppe.
Statt der Antiphon Cumque intuerentur (Il,5) ist Cumque ascendisset
gemeint, da die erstere im VTIr. Modus steht und dort dann auch zitiert wird (VIII,9).
Unter dem Ill. Kirchenton wird die Antiphon Accipiens Simeon irrtiimlichelWeise doppelt aufgelistet (IlI,4 und m,6L was daran liegt,
daB sie im tonus principalis mit Accipien.s Dominus verwechselt wur~
de. Die erste und dritte Differenz unseres '!bnars sind den entsprechenden Klassen bei Bern von Reichenau vergleichbar, mit dem
einzigen Unterschied, da~ die Antiphon Sic eumvolo (UI/7) dort unter dem plagalen Tetrardus steht (der Anfang aut c stimmt bei beiden uberein). Unter der zweiten Differenz jedoch werden alle Melodien ohne erkennbare Systematik zusammengefa~t. Die eher ungewohnliche Entscheidung Berns, den Introitus Nunc scio vere dem IV.
Kirchenton zuzuordnen, loste bei unserem Theoretiker offenbar
Verwirrung aus, da er ihn sowohl unter dem authentischen (111,10)
als auch dem plagalen Deuterus (IV, 11) nennt. Die Beispiele fur die
Allel uias sind neu. 19
Sie findet sich bereits bei Aurelian, MU3ica disciplina XX, 11: .Missarum vero
officium constat in antiphonis quae introitus dicuntur led, Lawrence A. Gushee,
0.0. 1975 (Corpus Scriptorum de Musica 21], S. 130). Auf diese und weitere Stellen
machte mich Herr Dr. Michael Bernhard aufmerksam, wofUr ich ihm hier danken
mochte.
IS S. Huglo. 7bnaires, S. 287 Anm. 1 und RISM BliP, S. 213.
19 Alleluia lam non estis: Karl-Heinz Schlager, Thematischer Katalog der iiite&ten
AlleluiaMelodien au.s Handschriften de& 10. unci 11. Jahrhunderts, ausge.nommen das
17
308
Alexander Rausch
Beim IV. Modus stellen wir ahnlich wie beim vorhergehenden neben genauen Entsprechungen (IV, 7 -9) auch das Phanomen fest, daE
die von Bern vOfgegebene Zahlung und Zuweisung der Gesange
zu den Differenzen nicht immer eingehalten wird. Besonders eklatant sind die Untersehiede wieder beim Hauptton, unter den mogHchst viele verschiedene Melodien subsumiert werden (Initien auf
E, Fund G). Die Antiphon Crastina erit (IVAl steht normaleI"\Veise
(und auch bei Bern] im VIno Ton; statt dessen soUte es Crastina die
heiBen. Beim Proprium ist zu erwahnen, daB der Introitus Exaudi
Domine zweimal zitiert wird.2O
Beim V. Ton postuIiert Bern zwei Differenzen (auf a und auf cl,
die in unserem Text, da sie beide auf a kadenzieren, zu einer zusammengefaBt werden. Ansonsten existieren keine groBeren Unterschiede, auBer daB die Antiphon In conspectu angelorum bei Bern
nieht zitiert wird. Unter den wenigen Gesangen des Propriums, die
hinzugefUgt werden, sticht das Alle1uia In exitu Israel hervoT, das
man eher beim II. Modus erwartet hiHte.
Bei def DarsteHung des VI. Modus mit nur einer Differenz konnte nichts Wesentliches verandert werden. Anzumerken bleibt ledig~
Heh, daB bei der Antiphon Hodie Christus, die in Wirklichkeit im
L Ton steht, eine Verwechslung mit Hodie secreta vorliegt. Die Beispiele fur jene Melodien, die nicht auf der Finalis einsetzen, wurden urn je eines vermehrt: auf D Quinque prudentes virgines, auf G
Et videns Iesus (VI,5-61. In der einzigen Differenz wurden Berns Exempla durch die Antiphon Benedixisti Domine ausgetauscht. Die
Communio De fmctu operum fmdet sich bei Bern zwar nicht im Thnar,
aber irn Prolog, wo er sie als transponierten VIII. Thn beschreibt
(GS Il, 75b).
Unter dem tonus principalis des VII. Modus werden auch Antiphonen aufgezahlt, die bei Bern den Differenzen 1-3 angehoren,
wodurch diese dann wegfallen. Die nachsten Abschnitte bringen
die weiteren vier Differenzen in der originalen Reihenfolge. Zwei
Abweichungen sind bernerkenswert: die Antiphon Angelus Domini
arnbrosianische, alt-romische und altspanische Repertoire, Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft 2 (Munchen, 1965), Nr. 197.
Z() AlIeluia Per manus Qutem: Schlager, Themarisc.her Kalaiag, Nr. 164.
309
(VII,51 steht bei Bern im IV. Kirchenton, Dirige pedes nostros (VII,111
im plagalen Tetrardus.
Der Hauptton des VIII. Modus listet zunachst Antiphonen auf,
die auf der Finalis beginnen (wobei Multa quidem bei Bern im VI.
Thn steht). Es folgen - immer noch unter dem tonus principalis - Gesange, die der Reichenauer Theoretiker unter der ersten Differenz
(au F oder DJ, der achten (auf D oder C) und der vierten (auf a)
gruppiert hat. Da die Differenzen 1-3 bei Bern alle auf F anfangen,
war es rno gli ch , sie auf eine einzige zu reduzieren (VIII,9); nur Stetit
Iesus, bei Bem 8.0, stellt eine Ausnahme dar. Die Reihe der Antiphonen auf c IVIII/IO) entspricht der ffinften und der siebten Differenz bei Bern, wobei 0 vos omnes dem authentischen Thtrardus
angehort. Die nachste Klasse beginnt ebenfalls auf c (Vlll,ll) und
verwendet wieder eine Antiphon des VU. Tons (Recordare mei). Von
den Responsorien konnte ich Iste est Deus nicht naher b estimm en ,
es sei denn, es handelt sich urn Iste est de sublimibus (CAO 6998),21
Die beiden wichtigsten, urn nicht zu sagen einzigen Quellen oder
Vorbilder fur unseren '!bnar sind somit Uodalsca1c und Bern. Da
Uodalscalc selbst von Bern ausgegangen ist, laSt sich der jeweilige
Anteil des Einflusses schwer feststellen. Die Prage, welchen Stellenwert der Tonar des Augsburger Abtes fur das vorliegende Registrum
tonorum im einzelnen hat, konnte auf der Basis einer vollstandigen
Neuedition seines Werks exakter beantwortet werden. Vielleicht sol1ten unsere beiden Zisterz.ienser Handschriften auch An1a, geben, liber
die Autorschaft von Uodalscalc noch einma1 nachzudenken.
Unsere rezeptionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung hat als negatives
Ergebnis gezeigt, d~ der hier prasentierte Thnar nichts mit Odo
von Cluny bzw. dem Dialogus oder Guido von Arezzo (oder irgendeinem anderen Autor desselben Namensl zu tun hat . .Ahnlich verhalt es sich nUt Wilhelm von Hirsau,lZ den man aber insofern "retten kann, als er bereits bei Uodalscalc - genauer: beim Redaktor
der Augsburger Handschrift - zitiert wird,23 Diese versteckte Anspielung ist ein weiterer Hinweis auf die n'o ch genauer zu untersuU
2.l
Alexander Rausch
310
<I.>
1
ex
notus.
Ad indicium primi
hii versus ponuntur. Mox enim ubi finem
cuius antiphonae in idem melum bene videris CODvenire, de primo earn
esse tone non opus
dubitare. Quoniam vero diversa sunt principia
laffe,
311
312
15
If)
11
1&
19
Alexander Rausch
20
21
Differentia n. Glons
et Filio et Spiritui Sancto.
erat in
pio
nunc et
et in secula seculorum amen. A. Rorate
A. Gaudeamus. A. Suscepimus.
Differentia Ill.
Patn. Seculorum amen. A. Meditacio.
Salus.
A. Sapientiam.
. Beata
GR. Custodi me. GR.
mihi .
. Posuisti. Alleluia Posuisti. Alleluia Iustus ut palma. Alleluia Mirabilis Deus. Offertoria
Domino. OF. Iubilate Domino. OF. Repleb sumus. Corn. Eeee
C. Exultavit ut gigas. C. Vos qui sec uti.
C. Dominus dabit. C. Revelabitur.
<II.>
primus modus. Incipit secundus qUI
dicitur plagalis
diseipulus
nam
ea voce finitur
qua et primus, nichilque ab eo differt nisi quod
et minus Beutas antiphonas recipit
Constat
plagis proti ex eadem
dyapente qua
autentieus
eius, et ex eadem specie dyatesseron
Bius Seculorum amen
cipit in F tenninatur
ubi antiphone incipiunt. Noeais.
313
Incipit IIIuS qui grece dicitur autenticus deuterus idest alter secundus.
Cuius Seculorum amen inchoat in c acuto et finit in f semitonio a finali.
Constat autem ex sec)mda specie dyapente et ex eadem specie dyatesseron superius. Noenoeane.
Alexander Rausch
314
5
&
10
11
CO.
~aJ)U11S
<IV.>
III modus. Incipit nu qui
idest disci~
pulus secundi. Constat autem ex
et ex Ha dya1esseron inferius. Cmus Seculorum amen incipit in a sicut primi et finit
in e suo finali.
2
Cuius disdpulum
emus
LU-l'_LL\
ditonus optat
CillSum
arDLlCUll11.
noris lateralem.
Seculorum
Criistrna erit. A. Di
315
<v.>
1
Finit IIIIU' modus. Incipit VU5 qui grece dicitur autenticus tritus idest
auctoralis I1(11& qui constat ex III' specie dyapente et ex Ill' specie dyates-
316
Alexander Rausch
1
8
<VI.>
\ Finit VU! tonus. Incipit Vltw qui gyeee dicitur plagis triti idest subiugalis
tercii appellatur, qui constat ex eadem specie dyapente qua et autenticus
~ius, et ex eadem specie dyatesseron inferius. Cuius Seculorum amen incipit in a sicut primi et IIU!!. Noeais.
Z
5
6
317
<VII.>
I
Finit v,["s tonus. Incipit VIru' qui grece dicitur autenticus tetrardus idest
3 .
318
7
10
11
12
13
14
Alexander Rausch
Incipit VilluS qui grece dicitur plagalis tetrardus idest subiugalis HII n nominatur, Qui constat ex eadem specie dyapente qua et autenticus eius,
et ex eadem specie dyatesseron inferius. Huius Seculorum amen incipit
in c sicut tercii et quinti. Noeais. Seculorum amen.
319
Hae vero inferius per dyatesseron incipiunt. A. Dixit Dominus. A. Martyres. A. Spiritus Domini. A. Angeli. A. Videns Dominus.
1
Iste autem per dyapente inferius ordiuntur, sed omnes ad eundem moo
dum referuntur. A. Iustorum. A. Stabunt iusti. A. Sapientia clamitat.
8
Hae quoque supra finalem altius tono uno incipiunt. A. Apertum .est.
A. Conversus est. A. De palma. A. Occurrunt. A. Dum complerentw-.
9 Differentia lA tono superius a finali incipit et per tonum in finalem redit, melum vero tono inferius incipil. Seculorum amen. A. Bonum est.
A. Cumque intuerentur. A. Deus misereatur. A. Domine Iesu Christe. A .
Dicite invitatis. A. Deus propicius. A. Dicite filiae. A. Ecce de quo.
A. Gloria in excelsis. A. Iterum autem. A. Magi viderunt. A. Missus
est. A. Nato Domino. A. Ponam in Syon. A. Iocundare filia. A. Stetit le sus.
10 Differentia Il' amen tono superius a finali G finit, melum vero lIIl loco
per dyatesseron in c. Seculorum amen . A. Aqua quam. A. Beatus venter.
A. Dominus in templo. A. Deus Deorum. A. De profundis. A. Deo nosrro. A . Ecce advenit. A. Hoc est preceptum. A. Magnus sanctus Pawus.
A. 0 ineffabilem virum. A. 0 vos omnes. A. Priusquam.. A. Stephanus
autem. A. Veritas de terra.
o
II Differentia IlIa IIIl a finali loco amen finit ibidemque incipit in c. Seculorum amen. A. Erat autem. A. Omnis plebs. A. Post dies octo. A. Recordare. A. Reges viderunt. A. Veniet fortior.
12. De responsoriis. Seculorum amen. R. Dies sanctificatus. R. Ecce dies.
R. lste est Deus. R. Doceam. Gloria Patri.
13 Differentia la. De officiis. Gloria Patri. Seculorum amen. A. Benedicta
sit. A. In excelso throno. A. Invocavit. A. Letabitur.
u . Differentia 11-. Seculorurn amen. A. Ad te levavi. A. Domme ne. A. Lux
fulgebit. De gradalibus. GR. Deus vitam meam. G. Deus euudi. G.
Propter veritatem. Alleluia Adorabo. Alleluia Deus iudex. AL. Dilexi
quoniam. AL. Angelus Domini. AL. Ostende nobis. De offertoriis. OF.
Miserere mihi. OF. Portas caeli. Communiones. CO. Domine memorabor. CO. Dico autem. CO. Spiritus sanctus. CO. Christus resurgens.
Alexander Rausch
Kritischer Apparat
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L 1 dyap,en W 4 hi Z ubiJ ut Z 5
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WZ iste]
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17 Patri] om. Z 18 tam in] tamen WZ conservandi WZ
19 nostril
om. Z matris] om. Z 20 A.2] om. Z 21 Patri] om. Z OFF. Benedicam (Domino om.) Z
Iubilate Domino] lubilate Z
Communio CO.
virgo. Exultavit Z
n. 1 Costat Z amen] om. Z 4 in 5 in secula W 6
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2
Domine ] Dominus Z omnia1 om. Z
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talis modus est
meta plagalis.
sonat eius limma tonumque. Sed
Deuterus W tono WZ iuncto WZ 4. Domine] om. Z 6 ista] om. Z
om. Z Qui sequitur me Z Querentes eum tenere Z terra Iuda]
om. Z 8 Domine] om. Z Congratulamini mihi Z 9 R.] om. Z 10 et
pulchritudo] om. Z vere] om. Z 11 dedit) om. Z quae] om. Z Dominum] om. Z
egredererisJ om. Z
GR. 1] om. Z
OF. Benedictus Z
satisJ om. Z CO. Beatus servus Z CO.] om. Z suis] om. Z
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secundi) tercii WZ
4. populis] om. Z
caelo]
om. Z erH] om. Z me] om. Z vocavi] om. Z 6 heae WZ Exivi a
patre meo Z 7 patri] om. Z 8 -men] mese WZ Desiderio desideravi
Z 9 in a1 in cl WZ protectionem] om. Z 10 amas] om. Z noli] om. Z
11 aratio] om. Z verej om. Z 12 Iudica Domine] Iudica Z mihiJ om.
Z Tibi derelict us Z manus autem] manus Z Excita Domine] Excita
Z regi1 om. Z
V. 1 tritus dicitur Z 5 angelorum] om. Z templumJ om. Z et orones]
om. Z 6
WZ venietJ om. Z 7 1.2J A. Z 8 PatriJ om. Z 9 A. L]
om. W
Hierusalem] om. Z
species) om. Z
GR. A. Locus
W
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Z ex Sion] om. Z
VI. 1 Noealis WZ
4
discipuli] om. Z 5
WZ 6 Iesus] om. Z
mater] om. Z 8 me] om. Z Iesum] om. Z 9 meditabitur] om. Z Hodie scietis] Hodie completi W Hodie Z
sermo] om. Z
OFF. 3] om. Z
est} om. Z
VII. 1 Vlp S ] VII tus W
2 tetradiis Z
3
Est WZ
5 vice] voce WZ
Baptista contremuit Z hominem] om. Z 6 Heae WZ causam] om. Z
9 Dominus] om. Z
10 Heae WZ
11
sancto] om. Z 8 Heae WZ
dyap.en W
12 De
Beata Z vester] om. Z a longe] om. Z 13 Do-
321
322
Alexander Rausch
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Elibieta Witkowska-Zaremba
328
Elzbieta Witkowska-Zaremba
count
on the subject of
i1inventors" of
(musicae inventoresj and
etymology of the word 1J mus ica /unde
The
dicatur musical IJIoci communes 'I of the Latin theory of
second category concerns observations relating
the expansion of
the pitch system
musical notation. In the
of this
I shall
on this particular
The first, very clear 1I1ook back"! accompanied by an awareness of
expansion of possibilities in
area
notating music,
to the reforms
Guido Arezzo
the increasing of
ambitus
of the pitch
to 21
3 Subsequent generations of theorists
honoured Guido for this with the
inventor", The
reading
the fundamental work of Boethius, who owed
fame
to translating musical knowledge from Greek to
the
Boethian two-octave system with Greek terminology
permanent
point of reference for the later achievements
the area of pitch
construction.
e years around 1450 hring a significant turning point in the
theory of music with regard to interest in
past, which consists in creating a new
of ancient music,
primarily the
Greek tonal system. Claude Palisca links this change with
new
reading of Boethius,
precursor of which was Johannes
(GallicusL
author of the
1JDe ritu canendi vetustissimo et
novo 'l , written in Mantua in the years 1458-64.4
treatise
known from Coussemaker's edition, and from a later edition, produced by AJbert
5 '!Wo extant manuscript transmissions of IJRi_
tus
both created in ItalYI are
in
Libra ry. 6
The first part of
work
mainly devoted to an
of
Boethius's remarks and concerns the
system of the ancient
Greeks. As Pa1isca
JJGallicus was
first
writer to
appreciate that the
modes and those
plainchant were
ll
Micrologus,
J.
van Waesberghe. CSM 4,
C.
Humanism in Italian Renaissance Musical Thought INew
don, 1985), pp. 7,
280-3.
5 CS IV,
298-396b; Johannes Gallicus,
canendi,
Albert
College Music
Critical
13-14 (1981).
" Cf. M.
and Ch. Meyer, in:
B IU/4, pp. 47-8, 86-7.
J
- tonColo-
329
ferent and independent systems. Thus the fresh rereading of Boethius becomes not simply a continuation of medieval Boethian studies
but a vital component of the reexamination of antiquityll.7 The historical interests of this author were, however, not limited to antiquity but concerned also the period preceding Guido's reform. Gallicus devoted more attention to this problem in the first book of the
second half of his treatise, entitled "Vera quamque facilis ad cantandum atque brevis introductio". A significant novu'm in relation to
the observations about that period made by earlier theorists is the
inclusion within the area of study of Daseian symbols, as a system
which made it possible to notate melody without using staves.
Daseian signs had been explained in treatises from the uMusica
enchiriadis" group in sufficient detail so as not to create doubts as
to the ambitus and interval structure of the pitch system resulting
from them'oS However, their interpretation by Johannes Gallicus
shows certain differences in relation to the original texts. Firstly, Galticus mentions only 16 -out of the 18 daseian signs, omitting both the
residui sounds. Secondly, he relates these 16 signs on the one hand
to the two-octave systema teleion [taking into account the synemme~
non tetrachord). and, on the other hand, to the diatonic scale Gamma Graecum - aa duplicatum, thus modifying the interval structure
of the daseian scale by omitting its characteristic altered steps:
' : .. ry
':r
N "f
a c
"a
--
~. ~
7'
HudC4.
F 11:'4 d
p E
c. 0
......
... ' ..
F"
..
r:: " .. Hi
H~
., t .,. It
~~
~1
c-cl eo
co
f 1t ,
~f1::
-.
'j.&.ualtt.$
".~
II
V
~,
p.
The expansion
the
which took place in pre-Guidonian
times, consisted, according to Gallicus,
adding the note Gamma
graecum below proslambanomenos, and introducing bmolle, cor~
ug
trite synemmenon. The system
in this manner corresponds exactly
the result obtained from
division
the monochord familiar from
de musica by
Odo
(ca. 1000),10 Daseian signs were also supposed to correspond to this
336.)
system.
Example 2.,
the
Johannes Gallicus had thus immersed daseian notation
pattern of the expansion of pitch systeln established by the traditions of Guido's "Micrologus"
Johannes Affligemensisls treatise
musica 11 The system of daseian signs was treated in this couas an
link between the lSsteps
originating from
the
System (Gallicus did not explicitly
it to
Boethian
tradition). and
21'note Guidonian system,
to staff notatl
ll
11
tion.
JJ1
Johannes Gallicus, op. cit., ed. A, Seay, p. 47 ~ "Non me movet, carissimi, vobis
ita scribere parva novitas, cum, sedente Domino pro secundo, Iibellum vetustissimum invenerim, in quo plures antiqui musici catholici plura de pIano cantu mirifice tractabant. Quorum siquidem unus in modum dialogi loquens discipulum varia
de sonis et vocibu8 magistrum interrogantem introducebat, BC in fine subscriptam
Antiphonam cum his et huiusmodi notulis quibus tola tunc utebatur ecclesia sine
lineis canere docebat. ~
13 Musica et scolica enchin'adis ... / p, 88.
14 See, e.g., C. Parrish, The Notation of Medieval Music INew York, 1957), Plate XI
(MS Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat.7369, 1sti' c." Italy). There, the two octave
diatonic scale A - A corresponds to 16 of 18 d.aseian signs, while tbe elimination 01
two signs probably results from the modification of the tetrachods gravium and acutorum in accordance with the requiremeftt of the Perfect System, Moreover, one
can recognize among the daseian signs the Greek letter theta which in Hucbald"s
notation corresponds to the note bmolle, I would like to express my gratitude to
Professor John Caldwell for dnwing my attention to this manuscript.
12
332
IS
333
monochord, and he used excerpts of texts from the uMusica enchiriadis" tradition to provide a commentary to the appropriate sections
of Boethius's treatise from this point of view. The longest of them is
written on a small sheet added to the text of the ninth chapter of
the fourth hook of Boethius's treatise. It is a description of the division of the monochord, today known from only two transmissions:
one of them is the Cracovian manuscript PI-Kj 1965, which at one
time had belonged to Albert of Opat6w.20 The glossarist of the PL-Kj
1861 manuscript compared a scale written in daseian notation with
a diatonic scale resulting from the Perfect System and came to the
conclusion that "Enchirias musicus" expanded Boethius's monochord by three whole tones in the ascending direction. In this comparison the Perfect System undergoes an obvious modifiCation: an
additional note, called IJhypaton", is introduced between pToslambanomenos and hypate hypaton. In this manner the system was expanded by two whole tones upwards and one whole tone downwards; it is thus included within the ambitus and the intexval structure corresponding to the 'the teaching of "Musica enchiriadis
ll
s to
tit1t'
it1J totJ III
rsri
IV, ,.,, F /
TstT
.J
,\CW14
20
~~
It'
rS
J, .:J ~
!=1~
-!
j.
;j
TT
J
~
r.s
~ I; 1
t
,.-
f.
J- -TS ...,...
u~"'.s
334
Elibieta Witkowska-Zaremba
21
,
r_...ti_rJ.~
-h--~n14
:-tm~..!,
" -~!Jl""~
. ~il.l0;
1C'W1.. . ~<L+~.tii~d
.~'!'~,
336
~mZza.~rlr1~~~-fR~~~~!hrofM"
~a)'1r!LD~rt~~4UriLu{[n~ut7~tt~k.u.tr :
_ Jwd.J~
a .'l!
~_~
~r~Jb4
~ CJA
I
/tI,,- "".1 ~-"'-
J~ ~ . . t:1'!!t rno~ ~tl:~. uw.u._ lIra.,.
:_ , , - '
1-
tlal!_
' .~ ..~ ._ .~~rnuGa;
.. .
~
.~
.. .
,_~_ .. :r..- . . -l~...Iv.I~
~~. ; .~ .
. -:~~:~~&. .
"-
'r ..'.~
..... ,.
~._
..
~ - ~ -;
. . ."
~~ .
___
~"~_..,_
~ 'f~"
~
~~ _ ~~.IDrnt.
.
;
,{)i1tI'Jri1~:. /
-.
~~~~~- - - ~-tul!; 1 -_ao""'"""'r~~.,__ .A~u:;J
: ~ /;/(7ift:
~
..
.
j:' .., 1:1,,#:1 -:l-J-,:{-/'-'-- -,--~
_ . ~~_ , .~ . ,
~.'
~ j' k-.. . ~'-. _.d::: l!.- -:
: ".~:.~ ;
uenraC ea 'clr;.;&. d~ul:a .die- lutA.. ~ . i
.
~
or
. . um;..
."'
"
f~J
:
#-y . ~
__
~r~
~ ,, -
'1
...
- - . -~
, ,
'd'
'.
' .
. -. ~
'.~~_J~~~a.~tufCUfiurd'id.r~~~~peUi~!f
1iu.-ul
... tDtU:~~ w.{~~A-L- :~_.r~ tiiC ~__~..:. -fJ~-- _ . ". ~~IP"7 _
__'''- --' ~.~Y
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. 1"'-'11:-,,-- .
I .J.. ~ ~ rea.' - .
.1 ... ~;;-=~'1 d -. '" rTI'U:.L AC'to"" ~JC.'KDna:ol~ -r-~. . ;j~~f.!l)t~~~ d,~
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dy"".2~d4d~dtme<tDnrrnono~d{~~~._Atr~(
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I
339
Ldszl6 Dobszay - Gabriella Gilanyi Eva Gurmai - D6ra Petery Zsuzsa Rakai - Baldzs Szabo
P. F. Cutter, MDie altromischen und gregorianischen Responsorien im zweiten Modus", KzrchenmusikalischesJahrbuch 54 (1970),
pp. 33-40.
P. F. Cutter, A Study of the Old Roman Antiphoners Brit. Mus.
Add. 29988, and San Pietro B, 79 Diss., Princeton University
(Princeton, 1964).
P. F. Cutter, "Oral 'Ihlnsmission of the Old-Roman Responsories?/', The Musical Quarterly 62 (1976)/ pp. 182-94.
E. Nowacki, Studies on the Office Antiphons of the Old Roman
Manuscripts, Diss., Brandeis University (1980).
340
MODE
SNOW
1
2
65
86
10,45
13,82
3
4
5
33
5,3
82
6
7
8
(7-8
277
13,18
4,98
4,5
19,61
28,13
47,74
Sum
622
100
31
28
122
175
ANALYSED
110
150
260
20,37
27.77
48,14
570'
GREGORlAN CHANT
..
14,35
12,46
9,77
12,3
5,99
3,47
19,71
21/2
40/9)
100
. The total number of responsories in B 79 is 570 (see Baroffio in his Introduction p. 35) .
.. In Hartker's Antiphonary (according to Ape] p. 137).
Remarks
1. Responsories in 7-Mode make up appr. 1/5. in 8-Mode appr. 1/3
of the Old Roman repertory.
2. The proportion (but not the number) of 8lh -mode chants became smaller in Gregorian chant as a consequence of the omission
of many local feasts of the Sanctorale Icf. the following table) and
also the increase in use of the other modes.
341
Thmporale
Sanctorale
Commune
75
27
8
MODE
68,2
24,5
64
77
9
7,3
42,7
51,3
6
Remarks
1. Mode 8 prevails in total, but:
2. its rate is much higher in the Sanctorale, while
3. Mode 7 is more intensively utilized in the Temporale.
A. Typical lines
Smaller noteheads: optional components of the line.
The variants of incipit and those of cadence are independent from each
other.
..
-<
,......
>
t....;
"-"
......
'..,
..
11
/
~
--
I'
\
I
"a
,1
-------------~-------------
-----,;......
-----
--------------~--------------
... 13
o -
H{
c: ..
- ...
~.
I ~.
11
----------
,'"
~.
ad
IUIB
.f l'
er
fIs
urn
mo - na - $le - ri
~.
'!!"i
IIIID
,.
quos de
per
*
I
qui -
I
I
~
per
,.
di
fi
da
"
De-c-i-us
rl"1'"
fj - Ii - urn tuum
iT
sub
Cae-sar
in - cli
nil
f't,..
le
du -
KC
" ofW
ni
ge- ni
~ ofiI
rat
FM"
abs
con
.0
chJa- my
,.
t!
au
rem
(Omnipotens adorante
r 59)
turn
I"
chla
'f'
,,~
*"+
rP"f I f(h"141)sun' v;n
,
if
glono..
rP"f I f(Vi",o
170)
bus
t"
et
ad
(Quidam rusticus
f 1&7 v)
nil
T'"t4S
r
l'
~
~
ve
,.
non
et
IIIIC'
~r or! 1"'!'1'
,.
f56 v)
dis
I r 56
(Sebastianus v;,
V)
my
dis
N ~
vc
83)
5ttam
+ .,. 1"'.
f ~. '!'?t'
f f ,. t e , .
.,
1'!
in
qui -..
de-R
R -
~
em
qui
, ,.,... !: .
"
r. " mu lam
ju
"t..,.f
re
Se
,.,...,
r 123)
sris
*1'
ju
ran
Jf ~
....,.,..
fa
80)
am
me
co - po-vi
m if
su - am
""'fi,. ~f1
mn; -
id e -
qui me per
in
I
1"1'f"
(Ecce sacerdos
rP'f
f 180 V)
do
.."
(Ego_ ..
, r 152)
phi . am
(Canrantibus organis
f 170)
fi
Do
It
,.
C\I
~~ .
jus
mi
ne
- =*
pul
chri
cor
um
me
:J ~
tu
di
*
nem
f 5"9\1)
350
C. Typical structures
I-II-III (+ IVI-VI
I-II-III (+IV1-V-VI
same, with partial repetition after VI
same, with partial expansion after Ill-IV
same, with omissions
beginning with deep line (U2, I/3 cf. V)
a different beginning (e.g. taken from Mode 7)
"centonate"
Sum
36
27
7
19
6
22
24
150
..
..
Cl - .,; -
la
.....
!an
--
- .:-=1
.AUlA
.,
..
Ru - fi
Se
et
ani
cia
AUlA
. ,1
..
r. .
IIIi - ni
S.-c:tIfi-C4
li
Is
..
,. et
VIA
..
i . _
10
pm _Iio
co
la
aI
..
.
QIIo, po. pe
~
.,
.
,
.,
.,
,.
'
.,
"
AIf2
"
11-,'"
).'
I
-I
~-
"
-A IIJ
I"
,....
, , ,- T'
0
be
.,
'.-
Mode11f
IL
...
etU.,
--
'1.-
esl
-di
cs
pnc
dII -
,-.. r-, . . .
~,
Hie
VIA
nil'
dco_
et
pi!
.,
~.
hi
di
Item
-I
11/1
HIlA
., ..
:lIP.
cir - cum , da
tu
Doml
tu
Cl
I1I1A
11.1V1 A
IV/A
dl - ant
: IV/C
-.
-1"11:
.>1
Clu
11
so-m -
""
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'
11
~I
n..,
Ro, rna
~es
11
wnt
Du - ml ' num
dil
Do
mi . nu,
lie
I.., .
: IV/e
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.,
,
Do-ml ' nus
di - dt
A
-fi
ISC_ctJ
In
dl
r-nim
"
CnII
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""
DUe
1111
el ..
d
pet"
rnli-si -
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dar
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: de - teen
,
:, IV/A
:et
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n-
ne
11.
.,
Ii
.
DC
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pa-Ia
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101, CICI"
..
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t1e
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do
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pro-
di.oo-no
: IV/A
11(.
ei-pe
l1li:
Ib 110- ml
ni but
Mode 8IIl1
Mode7ffl
Ior.,..
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.,
Do- ..;.
w. ....
.-
CS 1IICIII. brit
iDquo
IllID
., ..
11
: JV/A
lllle
WI
,et
Rd - de:
I
mE
1711 -
Ji - .Gm me -
: IVlA
I
la
,..,,-dl
nIIII
_M
8E li
Ml- 0
"-~-1\U1I
VIIi
VIB
-.r
C~
..
J
Do - nai - _
ell
po-
po-
lu..
1'-
IU
UmI
,-
VIB
er
I"~'
quK
Ori
pto
IIJ
"'."./Ie
It
IUI-pi-_ ~
re
III
rei
RI -
.. VIA
er
A
me
0Iri
if
V/B
IU
11111
dil.
'U
I'"rrf""'
bU
o - mnr:rn IIn
JIi
I .....
~"..,,.
Rm.
IJlO
ryr
r'
......
si
..
[IIC
VB
le
J .....
lroi - IIi
.'
I"" , ...
iUO
... crin-d-II" of ra n:
..
IIi
nu.L
,I
CUI '"
VI1iI
~.
vc
~,
pa-
,r
$c-t.
VIII
"
...
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VIII
tJ
...
I .....
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VIB
quae
I.
I=J-F-
VUI
,
er
di
-if
.. VfB
-'
,.,-ri-e-
Qlmllli
VIII
l
~-ci.pi
IM
"".
.
VIA
".
-.
,
,t : "
.1pII
JICI"
me
ic
red
mil.
VUI
-,
-.;
ell- JUS
*1
1II1'II
",.
-p
"i den
lIS
p - .,; -
u _
Cl mu-/lC-ra
lob-Ill
It
run(.
<
.I
~-------~---------
<
-----------~----------
s--
---
-----------------------
------------------------
361
B. Typical structures
I-II-(ID)-Z
same, with partial repetition after line I
I-m-(lll-Z
same, with partial repetition after line III
I-IT ... line taken from Mode 8 ... -z
I-ll-X-Z
beginning with line
"centonate"
The line-structure is marked by the signs used in table A..
17
28
6
7
3
8
19
22
~ ~ '(f
Re
NQID
t!
fa - ci - no - ra
pie
l'
t,. "f1""T-r
f '"
et
m.a
tri
- I.D
i\
'fT'
'"
Se
cun
&""",
Qui- cum
Cl
0 -
pc - ra - tus
dum
fj - des tu - a wb ve - nil
or di
DCJZI
sc:m par- vu - la
""r 'N
bl
tu
et ec - cc ~Il- va ta
ICe
re
rl:
f r v)
'11' f
se: -
'N
'1't'N
11
Cl!
s.i
non
da - bit
l"t5i ~
4'!:
'1'"
fa
ci
un
ti - hi
fru - CtUs
'I"
su -
De
IlS
7~~~a"
0$
'M"-..,...
me
(Congratulamini f 2.8 v)
mo
Praecursor pro
v
nobis (19 )
~h
.T~
ere -
(Lucia virgo
CSI.
chi
pia
(Yeni Domine
f 13)
!l'l"'"o 'M ~
.,.
Mel
t"e~O
fu - c - ris
tu
t" orrl'"
"ffW f
IlS
(Ecce odor
f 72)
rna
6L
J,- _
in
7=
....,7
L: _ __
rDO-
f--' I"!
El ne di
de
.4'
dum vi - di
!'Ion
1't
de
Ris
. ~!i'
ti
se
r:as
mi -
I(>
re
re
"P'r N
me:
nem
t!
Iffi
pI
r 49)
(Exaudi DellS
f 5 I)
le
(Viri Galilaei
f 119'')
'!'
'is
gem
vi - am.
, .
peccavi
me
~.
T:::::'
I'
(Tibi soli
um
le
d3m
r'
Cl
Kt 1"ffi?t 'l""t'f
~
rl:
le
fIlIi f
l I ...,
cas
mit
~N' M'
:aMi::.
1l"r:
1':
Ad prt- pa -,run
4'
ram
nI
A _ _ ____~_ _
(;0
- ,-
~:p ..,
Quam ad -
lum
II.:n
t"1'f,...
~
~
SlOI'
,..
Iris
eef
I -
le -
co mi
~
'
t
h
.,
bo
ne
tur
(Audi fili
mihi f 143 '')
tu
&'"
L:l
""N
l'
ffir
(Sicul
preces~it
f 158)
no - bis - cum
(G",som luum
f Sol v)
=+.
't
Ye .
4
ni
Do
mi
Si man
~ if ~
f
Hie:
e\
11
''''-
ne
Sot
I1
ae
f:!rPe
trf
l' f
an - (e qllam
no
li
lar
In:
r#
I
P% ~ j
ml
101"
da
1'! ~.
M' - d"I'~
.Je
nl
Cl
vi
......
in . du . e
le
!{e
"., - lIi
11
rem
men
I1
-r
I'jIrI
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pu
I;
11
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re
re
H t . . , f 1'i
Pe
rn (",m
lif
r ~ ~ i'i1! I
11
~ f
"'
oM f
1[1
YI
Ir
111
tu
ac
III
el
<u per
el
rt-
..
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.'.
~~
.
I.
III
no
It
ufT-
-r.
ci
pc:
pie. !lc:m
p:=
for
III
r~1
QUi
i.
,,:!
C!
11
'I
"1
11
"E
'.
I
I
or.
'I
1/
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11
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e
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is
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15N
"0
11
11
VN
I!
I I
'11
.i
I,'
J/
: I
'I
"/Ill
366
367
Column 4:
Co1wnn 5:
Column 6:
Mode7
I
CA
. !' ! t t~
11
.....----.
.0
.0
--
IIrs
-~ ~~.
CZ~~ :
~~
=*J
~I
11#+
IIN
11
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~
34
Da
35
mll
13
I(
f
le
;
I
me
30
+:',-'8
me
SI
mb
12
m.
15
lip('
I'
I' t M'
-~
,.,.,..
Elf
i I'"f
24
'T' '" r
II~
!~,
...--.
11
~Q
cw:
mb
or.
~G?). t " pp I 1F
:tl
~*'t
.,.
,
'T
368
~ ,,8 11~1"N ~ t I
~ 8!.
E,'
-'t ! ,.,. tS 1
I_.1
11
;z
11
11
if .
11
:~ I
Il-
, f:i ,.
~
I
W AND8R1NG
IMode 7]
11
ne
me
P'i N"I
2J
(28
!$ ~
(lA
-tr
I~
H'
I c: 20
!Vb 4
Ai'
Oa
If
,.
II
11
?Pet
( 15
:: ~ l)1
IV b
or:
~:
IM'
4:
1"1"'PI'
I
11
rub
S
6
!Vb
le
12
Db
mb
4
30
IMode
l:-~
..,. rFS
I1
11
"
mb
lib
3~
VI b
6S
Xc
~ Si
,.~
! l'
~~~~
Vb
fI
I 4r* !4N" ~ I
Ic
Vc
47
.'
tS1
ft?
11
"
( 21
46
101
IV. 62
S1
f.". P'
4: '@j*ls
I'rJw
':0
11'l'1 "5Nr I
ft::::
Ipf'f
4!
DJ:
1;4'1
V,
24
( 86
Ib
11
66
VI a
S.
19
( 13
lib
8S
VI b
7.
( 119
ij\+
114
77
(54
~CS:
~I
Uf:
~+ ,e ?! '+1'
I1
-111!
8]
--! oN P! I Ail
or.
369
,.
7/11 b
lllVb
IIV b
7IXb
IllVb
7111 b
1I1Yb
1IIIb
IIVIII
., (
63
'1"
7 AND 8
17
1:1
70
1:9
..,
134
4: I
II
7IXe
I/le
S
SS
60
I: 11
7/1e
10
I.!
2:1
"Ie
,..~
,.,
".,.
-P'
,,*
11
370
4
~.
~py.
)2
711'1 b
11
11
11
a IU b
I1 VIb
I ~."
11
~~--=::JI'
11
,. ~ l'
&' fi
11 VI b
I1
7111
7/X.
/1.
1I
7/11 c
?/llIt
7IX c
11
8
<111
2:1
4ifW
103
27
("
1:8
4; \
If'
1:1 .5
4,.
42
2:1
?tl
60
1:8
31
1.5 : 1
or:
,.-.-,
---
7~
7 ID c
)
ll1Ve
71 X c
1
IlIe
14
"11
c
., X c
r--o
7 III b
711b
7 III c
! III ,
1I X b.c
\1
12
1/11 e
~;
11111c
11)( c
81 X c
Il
1111 c
71 )( c
l
(
I: (
111Ve
100 (
81"lc
10&6
2S6 I: I.S
Remarks
1. Some formulae have a stable function.
2. The majority of the formulae are, however, "compositorial
tools"; they can be adapted in case of special ornamentation, linking
of elements, etc.
3. Many formulae are clearly ornamental and so structural note(s)
can be felt in the background. The structural notes are in many
cases retained also in Gregorian Chant, even when the tones in the
formula are different.
4. Old Roman and Gregorian formulae cannot be translated to
each other mechanically, since both are utilized in a musical way
according to the given context.
371
CADENCE-NOTE
e'
41
d'
29
C'
73
27
,a
g
53
103
10
MODB8
1
13
1
10
219
295
38
71
49
E"
~1'
6+0
IM
111'
12 .. I
2
0"
N
6+3
e"
1'!
5+0
~
20+ 3
I rs! 11'
I ~rt
t"
1+0
..
IN
3+7
12 +0'
II +0
1+ lM
8+1
2
H'
9+0
II'f
2+2
10+0
,3
I 'IV
54-t1>
@
40+ I
@
32 + 7
@
77 + 1
1-", -IN
2+0
12 +0
i i!'1
12 + 2
@
~+7
.5
@D
A'
12 + 41
1 + 49
5+6
30 + I
12 +0
0+4
9 + 49
28 ... 8
71 +89
4+0
2 + 79
60 + 101
G'
1+2
F
3+3
7 + 20
10+28
0+5
1+)0
0 ... 6
1+36
3 + 34
0+3
3 + 37
D'
C. Connection of lines
THE FIRST NOTE OF THE POLLOWING LINE
CADENCENOTE
e'
c'
b
a
g
f
e
d
f'
0
3
0
e'
13
4
d'
25
5
2
1
8
3
27
0
0
0
81
8
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
16
b
0
6
45
6
6
16
5
0
2
0
4
12
f
2
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
128 6
43
109
20 4
2
5
8
21
g
e
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
d
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
46
3
c
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
5
373
!f
incipilS
!f
I r-
'Pf
It,.
I4
I.,.
Remarks
1. Since the cadence note of the recurring Line II ,is g or Q in both
modes land other lines also frequently use these notes as goals), it is
not surprising that these cadences make up an overwhelming majority of the total.
2. The g and a cadences are frequently exchanged (except, of
course, in the last line).
3. The tones above this field occur almost exclusively in Mode 7,
and below only in Mode 8.
4. As Table C shows the interval between the cadence note and
the first note of the following line is in most cases always (73%) either the unison or the second. One exception is the relatively frequent leap of fourth (from g up to c' and from d up to g).
5. The transition between the linked lines is smooth, moreover, it
is worked out in small details jas is, for example to the connection
of the differentia for a psalm tone to the incipits of those antiphons
with which it is employed).
374
The B-rnode system is the product of the Carolingian music theory. It is often declared that the Octoechos is alien from the preCarolingian liturgical music, including Old Roman and Ambrosian
Chant. The modality of the Responsories is defined by the Verse.
Question: Are these modes sharply distinguished also by other features of the musical material or not?
A. The standard melody of verses in Mode 7 and in Mode 8
Mode 7
~ "ft
~ mm' 1",.
I" 1: PI'
'I!
ModeS
~.
,.. I
B. The ambitus
MODE
MODES
MODE7
MODES
98
144
60
15
144
(g-c')
EXCEEDED DOWNWARDS:
by a second (f]
by a third le)
by a fourth (d)
by a fifth (c)
EXCEEDED UPWARDS:
by a second (d' J
by a third re' )
by a fourth (f')
by a fifth (g')
by a sixth-seventh
(a'-b)
122
8
1
113
98
97
76
35
21
137
101
13
7
0
19
11
5
0
0
0
11
375
Remarks
1. The observance of the theoretical limits on range are not consistent as one might expect from the Gregorian music theory. 8th
-mode chants often have excessive ranges (note high proportion of
d' and e' in the table!) and also chants in Mode 7 may sometimes go
down rather low. The cause of this lies, however, not in the instability of modal assignment, but rather in the nature of melodic taste in
Old Roman repertory (ornamental style).
2. There are a few chants in both modes, that share a part of the
other mode's proper ambitus.
3. In spite of these facts, the two modes can be clearly distinguished by the means of the ambitus.
Mode 8
Mode 7
9:~ 4Si I ~ H
25
1".
.J 41
15
_
Ill
tl
f 1* I
9
I.. ~ f!" I
1
"
..J=_
!'
17
~: ,-;;;:;z '",
18
29
97
?f'
9
I . f-ta
,8
1-'
376
Cl
.5
D'~
.;;::-.
7 (
::s:. "' I
A
1
~' ~ t
E
I
"" f
D
I
C
I
2. The number of occurrences are, however, considerably different, even in the case of identical patterns.
3. Moreover, both modes have distinctive incipits and inner formulae; even the same abstract schemes are realized regularly by different exact tones in the two modes.
4. Consequently: The responsories of the two modes can be distinguished not only by the help of verses, but also in details. Melodic turns associated with as few as 2 or 3 syllables are sufficient
to provide clues for defining modality.
5. It can be supposed that the modes existed before Carolingian
theory emerged instinctively or through the aid of tools unknown to
us (e. g. with reference to text incipits).
Table 7. Old Roman, Gregorian, Ambrosian
(Lisz16 Dobszay)
FIRST LEVEL: OLD ROMAN RESPONSORIES
IN GREGORIAN CHANT
A. Equivalent formulae in the two repertories: see Table 4.
R The same text and melody in the both repertories
MODE
7
%
NUMBER
11
10
18,7
5,3
86
57,3
NUMBER
Absent in GR
Present in GR,
Mode undefinable
Present in GR
in the same mode
From mode 7 to 8
and vice versa
GR Mode 1
GR Mode 2
GR Mode 3
GR Mode 4
GR Mode 5
GR Mode 6
Sum total
TOGETHER
MODES
28
NUMBER
15
5,5
39
14
68
61,8
154
59,2
4,6
15
13,7
22
8,5
2,7
1,8
0,0
3,3
1,8
4
7
4-
3,6
10
1
2
150
0,7
1
2
41
0
0,9
2,3
1,5
2,7
3,8
0,8
0,8
1,3
110
260
3,4
378
Remarks
1. The proportion of Mode 8 is relatively smaller
GR than ex. The cause is the absence of many Old Roman local saints
(on
feast
most the chants in Mode 8 appear).
2. Consequently the proportion
identical chants is a little
in Mode 7.
3. In spite of this the number of shared
is
high (60%
on the average, 85% if the chants for which the mode has changed
are included): the two repertories are in fact practically
same.
11
sense that more OR
4. The GR favoured the 7 mode in
in Mode 8 are transformed to Mode 7 than the other way
around.
The number of other modal changes are low; no conclusions
can be drawn from them. Perhaps the relatively higher proportion
B
of 4th Mode in both groups is worth mentioning (in Mode 7,
has been
as the tonic of Mode 4; in Mode 8, the lines with
low
influenced the final),
rd
6. The 3 mode chants have
created through allowing the
melody of the last line (in 8lh -mode melodies) to descend a third
lower (cf. "parallel tonalities
f
JJ
).
379
C. The
SaDle
" OR
I
Quil
III qui
~.
ad
ni "i
me
CU
n - re
vul
De -
me
GR(NMuIX)
AM (PalMIlI VI)
11
e - 10 wm.
l -
po -
110-
Ius Ch"
sti
nI - hil
in me
~; ~
plC ~ mi lil
ad
cc
quandi-Iclli - III
metI
le
11 ,..,l' ..- ..
I, ~
"..
1--'
n- u .
bi - la
380
D. Modal alteration
Do
An ge - lu,
m.
nt
10 - CU
mu li
IUS
Lucea
cen5 quem
quae - n . IU
an
Je-
;, ....
vC - ni' It
~Il
;~
et
.,. p-
" . de
I. ,.
_~~~~III
dl
- e
le
s~m
QUIC
&I - le . tu
e .1 l'
r:-r
ri
tit
,. I
El~
aJ
ja.
jam
- .,..
. !
lur
f"
le
buJ
11
I5f
ja.
~ 11
381
Amo Christum
Antequam comedam
Aspiciens a longe
Co ngraru la mini ... quia cum
Dixit joseph undecim
Dominus mecum est
Eram quasi agnus
Nuntiaverunt ]acob
Senex puerum
Surge pater
Thnto tempore
1bllite vobiscum
Mode 8:
Deus canticum
Dixit Ruben
In monte Oliveti
Lapidaverunt
Quis es tu Videntes joseph
Remarks
1. The number of shared items is rather low (5% of the Old Roman repertory); most of them are, however, probably not borrowings from one repertory to the other but derive from a common
heritage (see below).
2. The relatively higher number of Tb-mode chants is the consequence of the predominance of this mode in the Old Roman Temporale.
3. The Ambrosian versions are much more less standardized, their
melodic movement is many times, as it were capricious. Is this a
consequence of different melodic taste, priority or, on the contrary
of a process of re comp ositi on ?
.
382
Adorna thalamum
Ecce ego mitto
Exiit sermo
Facrus est repente
Precatus est
Priusquam formaTem
Responsum Qccepit
Sub aUare
Thnto tempore
Venire post me
Video caelos
Viri Galilaei
Vox in Rama
R
R
R,
R,
R,
R
R,
Communio
C<lmmunio
Offertorium
Communio
R,
R,
R,
R,
R,
Communio
Communio
Communio
Introitus
Communio
GR
AM
Ant. Process. R
Post evangelium
Co mmuni 0 Co nfrac to rium
Cornmunio Ingressa
Offertorium Offertorium
Communio
Ingre ssa
Communio lngressa
Communio Ingressa
Co mmuni 0
Ingressa
Introitus
Communio 1ransit0 rium
Remarks
1. Some of correspondences may derive from an adaptation from
one liturgical function to the other. But they may also be remnants
of an earlier period when the liturgical genres were not clearly distinguished (two or three basic melismatic "manners"?I.
2. The variants in these cases depart from each other much further than in the case of R to R correspondences.
3. We may conclude that they are separated by longer period of
mutual independence.
4. Genera] ly speaking: what is the cause of the fact that all the
Office genres are much more standardized than those of the Mass
chants jexcept for the chants between the lessons)?
383
Vi - de .
cae . los
a per
(OS
et
le - sum
Sl3.n lern
Lt.:X - lIiJ
vir
li~
tu
al
~;
,
Do mi ne
Dc
Jc. su
IiC
cl - pc spi ri ,tum
IM -
um
III Ill!
SI;! -
~.
i,
tu 0lS
il - lis
hoc
If~
pe..: .
Cl
tum
'f'r
I~
.~
qui a
ne - 5Ci unt
quill
fa
Cl
un!.
I1
384
Non
OR
'*1
Ho
In
ril
lcr
,.
1" ?!'
di
si - ncs
yiF
# rf er
rIfiI
per
ti
fa
ti
as
IU
~~$t'
eil
cl
ma
sunl
re
Do
nus
ml
(I . clum
dui - cc
$eel
est
ril
in - ler
vir -
Ier
Ii
pru - den
!In
tul
,
&)'
DIOn -.
CfI
~s
III!! - ti . Ii _
o le - W1I
lam pi
I
et
tet
cam - pi
I'
41
ob vi
AlII
di bus
,-.
IeS
. -,
il
Ob yi - 1/1.
lei
qui - a
ho di e
,I
IU
-,
IUf
Spon
tal
,
'i d - ji ci -
di
,cum paI-
10
II\l
yi,
b.1
pt!
fI
n.i - la
hs.
U IUI
ell
I , -.
t}
Jo - hall ne
in
Jor - daJ
1"'"
ni'
11
On -
SIUI
385
Remarks
1. I terns with the same text mayor may not be borrowings from a
tradition to the other. On the other hand, cases like those above
point to a deeper root of kinship betwe,e n repertories.
2. Melodic types, musical ideas rather than individual pieces
might circulate in the old Italian liturgies which could be adapted to
different texts and according to the different styles of the local rites.
3. And so these basic tunes lead us far back into the period prior
to the written transmission.
387
joseph Dyer
185-295.
Joseph Dyer
Bruno
Die Gesiinge des altromischen Gradual, Monuments. Monodiea
Medii Aevi 2, ed. Margareta LandwehrMelnicki (Kasset 1970),
: MM).
Cassiodoros, Comment. in
104: "Hoc ecclesils
votivum,
hoc sancHs festivitatibus decenter accomodatum. Hinc ornatur lingua cantorunl,
aula domini laeta respondet et tanqam insatiabile bonum tropis semper VBriantibus innovatur." Expositio psalrnorum,
M. Adriaen, Corpus Chrlstianorum:
98:942. The translation is from P. G. Wa1sh, Cassiodorus: Explanations
of the Psalms,
Writers
-53 (New York, 1991), 3:49. Peter
Wagner applied Cassiodorus' remark to "die langgezogenen Allelujajubilen-; see his
Einfiihrung in die
Melodien: Bin Handbuch der Choralwisse7lschaft,
3 vols. (Leipzig, 1910(In fairness to the
chant
it should
be noted Stable in does not always reflect accurately
context of what he
... abwertende Urteil
Wagners iiber die
Melodik" of
Roman chanL)
4 No
collections of offertories or their verses
the
offertoria or verslculan'a are known to have existed the
Roman tradition.
3
389
Joseph Dyer
390
with other procedures of melodic organization (repetition and return} or in combination with "free" material.
Thbles 1 and 2 list all the occurrences of FormA and FormB with
an approximate indication of the extent to which each is used in the
refrain and verses of a given offertory. (See p. 406.) Each formula
has a fairly specific modal orientation: FormA is found most frequently with E-mode (and to a lesser extent G-mode) offertories,
while FormB serves principally as a resource for F-mode offertories.
FormA, the shorter of the two formulae, has been noted in several previous studies of Old Roman Chant. s Although it occurs ten
times in offertory refrains, its presence in these contexts is slight once or twice at most. It occurs much more frequently in the
verses, repeated two, three, or four times in succession, as required
by the length of the text. This balance suggests that in the offertories the formula is essentially a soloistic device, one relatively easy
to apply in a context of oral improvisation. 9 Whether the verse texts
in which FormA appears once or twice were ever sung in their entirety to this formula, only to be replaced at a later period with sections of "composed music, can be no more than a matter for speculation.
u
Example 1.
Formula A
FormA was cited by Bruno Stable in in
~Zur
Geschichte der Kirchenmusih und der Oper. Helmut Hucke mm 60. Geburtstag, Musik-
Cahn
391
1,
FormA (Ex.
consists of four elements whose principal tonal focus is b. It is also found, somewhat less frequently, at the lower
fifth.lO Element a does not function solely or even primarily in the
offertories as an intonation, but as a link between repetitions.
I have placed it first because of its function of introducing successive repetitions of the fonnula. Element b, the torculus recitation,
usually occurs first and can be repeated several times, though repetition of the formula itself was clearly preferred to incessant reiteration of the torculus. This recitational element makes no distinction
between accented and unaccented syllables, apart from any distinctions that might have been made in performance (a very likely possibility).
Example 2. Conntebuntur: Verse 21MM 410J
a
quis
ter
2. Quo - nl - am
qua . bi - tur
si-mi-Us
fi. b-
d _
quis
In
nu- bl
d~ml
e rit
d~
bus
no aut
inos
de
i.
392
Joseph Dyer
With the exception of Ave Maria and Oratio mea all of the offertory texts that
use FormA are drawn from the psalms.
14. The existence of the solemn Vespers can probably be traced back at least a
half century. A pre- Hadrianic Gregorian palimpsest sacramentary {Monte Cassino
271), datable to the second half of the seventh century. includes the prayers said at
each of the Roman Vesper "stations~ throughout Easter week, indicating that the essential structure of the Vespers must have been worked out by that time, and possibly as early as the first half of the seventh century (see MM 90 -96 *). According to
Amalar of Metz, who witnessed the paschal Vespers at Rome in the early ninth
century, the pope presided at them, at least on Sunday; Liber de ordine an.tiphonarii
52.5, ed. Jean Michel Hanssens, Amalarii episcopi opera liturgica omnia, 3 vols.,
Studi e Te sti , 138-140 (Vatican City. 1948-50), 3:84. The alleluias i.n question are
Deus regnavit [Sunday; MM 19B), Domine refugium and In exitu [Monday, MM 205
and 202), Paratum cor (Thesday; MM 1921, Te decet (Wednesday; MM 204), Letatus
sum and Qui confidunt {Friday; MM 188 and 2001. Cantate domino (Saturday;
MM 194). The formula occurs in none of the Greek-texted alleluias sung at the paschal Vespers; see Christian Thodberg, Der byzantinische Alleluiarionzyklus. Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae Subsidia, 8 {Copenhagen, 1966), pp. 168ft. These Greek
alleluias make extensive use of recitation formulae and literal repetitions characteristic of Old Roman chant; see MM, pp. 128- -9-.
lJ
393
C
D
B
C
D
A
Alleluia
Alleluia verse 1 (or incipit)
Intonation (primicerius)l&
Verse !schola: FormA + conclusion)
Alleluia verse 2
Intonation (primicerius)
Verse (scho1a: FormA + conclusion)
Alleluia
The alleluia of the Old Roman gradual correspond almost exactly with the description of the alleluias in Ordo Romanus 27: Sequitur post hunc [ps. 1101 primus
scholae cum paraphonistis infantibus AlIeluia. Et respondent paraphoniste. Sequitur
subdiaconus cum infantibus Al1eluia. Dominus regnavit et reliqua. Et semper respondent paraioniste et adnuntiant verba infantibu8. Vlersusl. Parata sedes tua deus.
Iterum vlersus]. Elevaven.mt flumina domine. Post hos versus salutat primus scholae
archidiaconum et ilio annuente incipit AIleluia cum melodiis cum infantibus. Qua
expleta, respondent paraforustae primam. Ordo Romanus 27.10-71, ed. Michel Andrieu, Les Ordines romani du haut moyen-lige, 5 vols., Spicilegium sacrum lovanien:se
11/ 23-24, 28, 29 (Louvain, 1931-61), 3:363. This ordo mentions only the Roman
archdeacon (not the pope) as celebrant, a5 does the derivative description of the
Sunday Vespers in Ordo 30B.71-82 (Andrieu 3:475-477). For a fuller discussion of
the pascbal Vespers see Josepb Smits van Waesberghe, "De glorioso officio ... dignitate apostolica: Zum Aufbau der Gro-AUeluia in den pipstlichen Ostervespem, in
Essays Presented to Bgon We Ilesz , ed. Jack Westrup (Oxford, 1966), pp. 48-73; S. J. P.
van Dijk. "The Medieval Easter Vespers of the Roman Clergy, Sacris Brudiri, 19
{1969-70L pp. 261-363, and Stable in, MM, pp. 84--140. On the intonation and
FormB in the Vespers see Ewald Jammers. Musik in Byzanz, I'm plipsflichtm Rom und
im Frankenreich: Du Choral als Musik der '!extl1U&Bprache (Heidelberg, 1962).
pp. 232-4.
\60 rdo Romanus 27.70 (Andrieu , 3:363) instructs the parophoniste (plural) to cue
the choirboys ('infantibus'). By the time the gradual was copied, the responsibility
of 'announcing' the verse had devolved on the primicerius, whose intonation was
followed by the singing of the verse by the entire schola. Could this later practice
reflect an earlier period when the intonation was a practical necessity for leas experienced boy singers? FormA is discussed in the context of the Vespers by Korbinian
Gindele, Spuren altmonastischen Alleluja-Psahnodie in der altromischen Osterve-sper- Studien und MiNeilungel'l zur Geschichte des BeJ1edikriJler-Ordens und seine
Zweige. 831 1972), pp. 156-61.
15
Joseph Dyer
394
f. . ;.,
B
.
Example 3.
Alleluia. Cantate Domino [MM 194, excerptJ
.,7
2. No . turn le . dt
do
mJ...nus
(Schola:1 An
ron - spe - eN
le
;7;
SiI-lu- la
.-sw:-.
re su
..... Zii..
-
11
urn.
urn
gen - ti - urn
re - ve - La - vit tu sti
11- am
...----....
Lt'
SIl
am.
..
f'b
IAllelula)
395
; . i%; to _'I
Joseph Dyer
396
embellished by the four-note figure (c-b-c-dJ of element b. The following podatus may be repeated to accommodate
syUables
but FormB does not possess the unmistakably "recitational" characof
, possibly due to its
variety
elements,l9 Despite the prominence of the culminating note of element Cl it very
whose distinctive melodic
rarely
accent. Element
outline in a sense "defines" the formula, can never be omitted.
There is a
preference for placing it on the final syllable
a
word or a monosyllable !also the case with elements band gl, but
that principle is twice set aside in verse 2 of Example 5 (lines 2 and
3: e ternum" and "seculorum'l
Elements e and f seem to be alternatives, since they virtually
never occur in direct succession. They serve similar functions in at
tracting the verbal
. In the case of a paroxytone c element e
falls on the accent lEx.
lines 3, 4, 6, 7). In the case of a proparthe acoxytone (Ex.
line 1: "domino!l), a preceding clivis
cented syllable a procedure familiar from
treatment
accent following the torculus recitation (bJ of FormA Isee
2: Nnu_
bibus" and "domini'l The articulative force of element g is generany weak. It usually coincides with a logical division of the text, but
it can also be used to conclude a verse.
FormB served the Old Roman cantor-composer not as a fixed
plate but as a pool of resources whose consistently applied accentual rules favored clarity of text declamation. The presence of the
formula in both refrains and verses also strongly underscores
the essential unity of the musical conceptions that governed choral
and solo components of the offertories. The elements of FormB are
generally employed in accordance with the principles and order
J
lI
exceptions to this general rule see verse 3 of the offertory Factus est dominus (MM 359), and verse 3 of EmiHe spiritum tuum !MM 3851. John of Afflighem
quoted a similar podatus recitation from the tract Qui habifat as a bad example of
excessive 'harping' on a single neume {Brooo Stablein discovered in a gradual from
Pistoia IBibHoteca Capitolare C 119; 12-13 c.1 a setting of the tract (canticum) Vinea
est for Holy Saturday that
use of a repeated formula vaguely reminiscent of
Schri{tbild der einstimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in Bildern 3/4: Musik
Mittela1ters und der Renaissance (Leipzig, 1975), pp. 138-9.
19
Exam.ple 5.
Laudate dominum: Verses 1, 2, 3 (MM 262-64)
: : #4~:Z;
~f
I.Qui
2.
DD- mi -
..
.
.pr; Cl d
';
.
.. .
no men N '- um
$.4
IQ,..
$.; :;
00-
ea
in
in
'e - ~QI
cu-la
se -
;. C
t.e-n.- die-
has
be.
ni
a-
in
;.;:5;
5;';.~.: ...... ~
s.
num
C'I3
~.
10- -
::$:.. _
po - pg -ltQIl
~.
rum
~;a ~."..,
511-
urn
..
er~~~~~~~~~~
[CIDILIOWIitur)
.M - . H
atli.. .
!...,;
A.;Je
is
no -
ter- -
~~;~;~;~LK~.~;~.~;Ei'~;~l~:>~~~~~~f~.~;~
~~~~-~;i
~
3. Qui ti- me- tk do- ad- mIIb
benedi - d - te
il' Si
pr
:= .an : ::.=.
le
fnj -
4::>-,
,..~
,W Il
do - mi- nus
rit
IB'-.
er
tu-
tu -Cti - ca et in
ne'
; PI &l
a - -!em
-.:C
in domo
!b. . :, ,AA
E,; IS
etme- mo-n
tU
de -
.:i;I&
ex
$.
y-
g
UIIt
a
b
. , .. 4;
;;
0Ii cpU ha- bt - bat
lin ~ )
Joseph Dyer
398
Vl-tam pe-
-=..
.......
~'it
J':::;
i
i.
it k
~
+-
ti -
it..
399
Example 7.
Levabo oculos; Verses 1 and 2 (MM 373-74)
b
1. Lepn
po-
--
- ~mj-d1i do-mi-ne
2
et
vi- -
am.
lu-etl- fi-a.H -
- -
nwn
ex-qui--
- -
ram
3
et in precep -
ti5
tu- -
-is
,.
5
me
eJ(-
II!!"- -
-c-
bor.
b
~
-..:~
mi-ne
00-
- - - netS
tu-
- - -
6
-rl-
et
vam.
,.
7
qui~
medl-
ta-
-tk)
DIe ...
est.
lex
tu- - -
401
clearly in the second verse (Ex. 7, lines 5-8). The first hemistich of
verse 2 (UVeniant" ... Met vivam" [lines 5-6]) states the complete
melodic material. This consists of three units: (a) the opening,
phrase descending from G to C, (hI Ndomine" and its melisma centered entirely around G, and (c) a phrase that shifts to a higher tessitura and closes with part of the udomine melisma converted to a
cadence (line 6: "et vivam Since the second hemistich of verse 2
(lines 7-8: IIquia lex tua meditatio mea est") is shorter than the corresponding part of verse I, phrase c is reduced. The second verse
closes with an adaptation of the ending of the first verse (cf. Jl me exercebor" [line 4] and "meditatio mea est" [line 811).
The first verse follows a similar course, disturbed somewhat by a .
possible confusion as to the division of the psalm verse itself. The
hemistich division of the fIrst verse should occur after "exquiram"
(line 2). The melody seems unsure, however, perhaps because of the
"et" added to the psalter text before Mviam". (It would not be clear
which "et" was intended to introduce the second half of the verse.)
The words Met viam n (line 2) repeat the Hdomine" melisma before go
ing on to phrase c. The musical treatment of the second hemistich
of verse 1 ret in preceptis") corresponds to what has already been
observed in the second verse, There are may other melodic relation
ships that bind the verses together. Note the similarity among the final syllables of -viam", lIexquiram (vs. 1) "tue" (vs. 2), and the
verse endings, which must prepare for the refrain,24] Coincidentally
or not, the culmination point of each half verse (c) emphasizes three
synonyms for the law of the Lord ("iustfficationum", "preceptis
tuisH Jllex tua thus giving heightened expression to the principal
theme of the psalm from which this offertory draws its text. The
second verse places the mercies of the Lord ("miserationes tue") in
relief.
Another ,e xample of the subtle growth of a chant by means of successive repetition and the varied recombination of motives can be
found in the refrain of the offertory Benedictu& qui venit (Thble 4C),
tl
ff
}.
11 ,
lf
),
See the curious m.usical "rhyme fI' between et viam in verse 1 and -et vivam" in
verse 2.
2"
Dyer
Joseph
402
for the Saturday of Easter week and the following Sunday:~5 The
music of the refrain (Ex. 8) will be cited from the S. Cecilia gradual
of 1071 If. 87], since only this manuscript and the St Peter's gradual
(f. 58) contain the complete refrain. It opens with a typical Old Ro
man structural feature: the threefold repetition of a single intona
tional formula centered on c ("Benedictus / qui venit / in nomine"),
followed by a conventionaJ G-mode cadence on "domini". The sec~
ond phrase ("benediximus VOS") elaborates this opening in diverse
ways, amplifying the opening motive and creating a melisma from
"domi[ni)" (line 1). The following passage ("de domo domini~l
echoes "in nomine domini" (line 1), while "deus dominus" [line 4)
adapts the music of "benediximus vos" (line 2). The web of musical
interrelationships created in the refrain of Benedictus qui venit pro
duces a strong sense of unity, contrasted with an independent close
("et illuxit nobis") that functions as the repetenda.
~-.
rH if. -&4";
Ta
Bc - ne-dl-
cl\Js
qui
yt'-
be - nc -dl-
mu'
,<1-
--7;:;:S;:. Pi?;. M .
-
nil
in
J\U~
-ml ~
..
- lie
..::<).
2;.;.
Jr - us do -
mi -
mo
... , ;: -:-. . lA
do-
- ni
rni
....
I_MS' wl :
de do-
do-
".
*:4
M_M
mi-
re
i&
ni
1.--==
nus
let iIIUllit nobis. alleluia illelula.J
Although tripartite a-b-a designs are uncommon, there a few examples in the offertory repertoire.26 A particularly elegant exemplifi
cation of the Italianate style, demonstrating both phrase repetition
This omission seems 1o indicate that the scribe of 5319 had a written exemplar
before him. Since the two phrases begin witb the same succession of neumes, it
would have been comparatively easy for him to jump from one to the other inadvertently. CL lines 2 and 4 of Example B.
u. For example. the beginning of Ave Maria (MM 404}, Iubilate Deo universa ('vobis orones', MM 298). Michi autem ("est principatus eorum, MM 325). Domine vivifiea (vs. 2 "Imandalta tua et voluntaria oris tui ", MM 337) .
25
403
la
~;;;:;.;
1. ler 2. pIe -
...;. .
Ila'
Ii.
lIb
i:;r;:;.;~ q
-
re.
be.
404
Joseph Dyer
405
behind this unusual practice, the fact that the text repetitions are
found almost invariably in the same places if both chant traditions
testifies to the unity of the textual basis of Old Roman and Gregorian chant, not to mention the derivation of one from the other.
The limited number of examples from the Old Roman offertories
presented here cannot begin to exhaust the prolific ingenuity of the
Roman cantor-composers, who were masters of the practice which
I have called "tropis semper variantibus". The distinctive techniques
applied to the offertories range from conventional formulae applicable to varying modal situations, through repetitions that encompass
every level from the single neume though the large phrase. I have
deliberately concentrated on large scale procedures - important formulae and patterns of varied repetition - thereby passing over
.smaller types of embellishment, melodic repetition, and variation
that exemplify the Italianate style in general and Old Roman chant
in particular.
It would be premature to declare that all the compositional strategies of Old Roman chant have been laid bare by a study of the offertories. Standard fonnulae and repetition patterns were surely important - they abound in the genre - but there are considerable
stretches of "free" music created according to the conventions of the
Old Roman style. Indeed, the two formulae that play such a significant role in the Old Roman offertory system were cleverly integrated with such passages. Whether the offertories were at one time
even more formulaic and pervaded with patterns of varied repetition during the early part of the period when they were transmitted
orally, only later to become more individualized, is a question that
.cannot be defmitively answered at this moment.
The Old Roman offertories seem to preserve substantial evidence
of techniques aptly suited to the singing and preservation of a large
repertoire of lengthy chants across centuries of oral transmission.
Reliance on the ensemble of procedures examined here today retarded changes that would have substantially altered the profile of
the Old Roman offertory chants. Surface detail surely changed, but
the compositional strategy of "tropis semper variantibus" employed
in so many of these offertories fostered a conserving and conserva-
Joseph Dyer
406
tive tendency that preserved the Old Roman chant repertoire until
its first neumation in the late eleventh century.
TABLES
OPFERTORY
LITURGICAL AssiGNMENT
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Annunciation
Fer. vi post Dom. V Quadr.
Refrain: 2 times
Refrain: 1 time
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 3: 3 times
St. Lawrence
Confitebuntur (G)
Refrain: 2 times
Vs . 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Custodi me lE)
Vs. 2 : 3 times
Vs. 3: 3 times
Confessio (E)
Confirma hoc (E)
Pentecost
ea.ch
Domine exaudi lE)
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 1 time
Exaltabo te laiD)
Refrain: 1 time
Ash Wednesday
Vs. 1: 2 times
407
OffERTORY
Improperium (G)
Intonuit de celo (G)
Iustus ut palma (E)
Lauda anima lb/EI
Letentur cell (E)
Oratio mea IG I
Perfice gressus (E)
LoCATION
Refrain: 1 time
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 3: 2 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 1 time
Refrain (allusions to
torculus)
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Refrain: 1 time
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 5 times
Refrain, Vs.: -1 time
each
Refrain: 4 times
Vs. 1: 4/5 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
Vs. 3: 2 times
Refrain: 3 times
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 3: 2 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Vs. 2: 1 time
Vs. 3: 1 time
Refrain: 3 times
LITURGICAL ASSIGNMENT
Dom. I Quadr.
Easter
Nat. domini ad maj.
missam
Joseph Dyer
408
LoCATION
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 5 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
Benedicite gentes (D)
Vs. 3: 6 times
Benedictus qui venit IG) VS. 2: 3 times
Bonum est (01
Vs. 3: 1 time
Vs. 3: 3 times
Constitues eos (F)
Desiderium anime (ciF)
Domine convert ere IF)
Refrain: 3 times
(. mid-refrain)
Refrain: 3 times
Vs. 1 2 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Refrain: 5 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
"Vs. 2: 5 times
Refrain: 5 times
(. mid-rerrain)
Vs.14times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 3: 3 times
Refrain: 4 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 5 times
LITURGICAL AssiGNMENT
Dedication of a church
Vigil of Pentecost
Refrain: 4 times
Refrain: 2 times
Vs. 2 : 2 times
St . Prisca
St. John Evang. fmane
prima}
409
OFFERTORY
LoCATION
Refrain: 5 times
Vs.: 5 times
VS. 3: 4 times
lromittet IGI
In conspectu angelorum Refrain: 2 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
(FI
Vs. 2: 3 times
In die sollempnitatis lE) Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 3 times
In te speravi (D)
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 4 times
Refrain: 2 times
In virtute IFl
Vs.: 1 time
( midverse I
Intende voci IF)
VS. 2 : 3 times
Iubilate deo omnis (Fl
Vs. 2: 6 times
Gloriabuntur (FI
Sperent in te (F)
Refrain: 4 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 2: 4 times"
Vs. 2: 5 times
VS. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
Vs. 3: 3 times
Vs. 1: 2 times
Vs. 2: 2 times
VS. 1: 3 times
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 2 times
Vs. 1: 3 times
Vs. 1: 1 time
Vs. 2: 1 time
Vs. 3: 5 times
Refrain.: 516 times
Vs. 1: 4 times
Vs. 2: 4 times
LITURGICAL AssIGNMBNT
Paw
Joseph Dyer
410
Ave Maria
Confortamini
Domine vivifica
DESCRIPTION
R:a-a-b-b-c-c-d-d
Vs. 1: a-b'-a'-b-c-ForrnA+cadence
Vs. 1: middle based on repetition of end
I'retribuet'l of refrain
Vs. 2: elaboration of the repetenda of the offertory
Levabo oculos
Vs. 2: mode led on refrain, leads to varied statement
of the repetenda
Phrase from end of refrain ("in manibus"J repeated
at beginning and end of vs. 1 and end of vs. 2 (vs. 2
based on FormB)
R: a-a'-a"
Vs. 2 (last half): a-a-a
Phrase repeated three times in refrain I"arabum,
adducent, terre"} used in vs. 1 ("regis"1
Gressus meos
In te speravl
Meditabarlbor
Reges Tharsis
DESCRIPTION
Confitebor domino
411
DESCRIPTION
OFFERTORY
FormB)
Si ambuJavero
Super flumina
Thi sunt cell
Vs. 1: a-a
Vs. 2: a-a-b
First phrase of vs. 1 is recycled, wholly or in
part, for vss. 2, 3, and 4$
Final phrase of vs. i rautem .. .') provides material for two-thirds of vs. 2
Joseph Dyer
412
DESCRIPTION
Ave Maria
R:a-a-b-b-c-d-c-e
Vs. 1: a'-an-c-FormA-c+cadence
Benedicarn Dominum
R: Inton-a-a'-b + repetenda
ft
Domine exaudi
Domine vivifica
Imittet angelum
In virtute
Levabo oculos
Meditabarlbor
Precatus est
Sanctiiicavit Moyses
Si ambulavero
Vs. 2: a-a'-a
413
Table 4.
Old Roman Offertories with Text Repetition
Itext in italics is sung twicel
A-A
, Anima nostra: Vs. 1: Nisi quod dominus erat in nobis dieat nunc Israel nisi
quia dominus erat in nobw
Benedictus es .. .in labiis: Benedictus es Domine, doce me iusti{icationes ruas .. .
Vs. 4: Viam iniquitatis domine amove a me.b
Benedictus es ... ne tradas: Benedictus es Domine, doce me iustificationes
tutU ...
Domine exaudi: ... ne avertas faciem tuam a me.
Gleriabuntur: Vs. 2: Quoniam ad te orabo Domine , ., d
'Iubilate Dee universa: Iubilate Deo wtiversa terra.,.
Vs. 1: Reddam. tibi vota mea .. ,
'Vs. 2: Locutuslm est os meum in tri.bulatione mea .. ,
Precatus est: Precatus est Moyses in conspectu Domini Dei sui dixit ,..
'V s. 1: Dixit Moyses et Aaron ...
Super flumina: Vs. 2: .. . si non meminero tui, si tui non meminero ... ~
Vir erat: multiple repetitions
C
et
A-B-A
Bonum est: Bonum est confj.teri Domino ...
Desiderium: Desiderium anime eius tribuisti er ...
Domine convertere: Domine convertere et eripe snirnarn meam ... Domine
convertere et eripe. f
Domine in auxilium: Domine in auxilium meum respice ...
Factus est dominus: Factus est dominus firmamentum meu.m .. .
Offerentur regi: Of(erentuT regi virgines ... offerentur regi virgines'
'-I
An asterisk
indicates that the the repetition is slightly embellished melodically.
a: This almost exact repetition occurs in the biblical text of Psalm 123: 1-2a
b. Vat. lat. 5319 (MM 331) indicates a repetition of the -viam- phrase but
provides no music; the repetition is not present in the verse of this offertory in the S. Cecilia graduale If. 37,),
c. In the St. Peter's graduate If. 49) this offertory ends with the first statement of the phrase.
d. This repetition occurs only in the S. Cecilia manuscript (f. 112v), as also
in the Gregorian tradition. The text in Vat. lat. 5319 forms the last part of a
single verse.
e. Although the text of the second statement differs slightly from the first,
both have a virtually identical melody (MM 2971. Both the length of the refrain and the intended repetenda are not entirely clear; I have followed the
414
Joseph Dyer
verse indications of the S. Cecilia manuscript If. 67v); this is vs. 4 in the
5319 gradual.
f. This return occurs in St. Peter's gradual If. 40 L but not in Vat. lat 5319,
ff. 68 and 140, or Arcbivio di S. Pietro F 11 A, f. 5Sv.
g. This text repetition occurs with a slightly varied melody in Archivio di
-J " Esztergom
& Visegrad
415
Emma Hornby
There is extensive evidence that Roman chant was adopted in Francia in the late-eighth century as part of the Carolingian reforms. I
However, the"relationship between the eighth-century Roman chant
adopted by the Franks, the Gregorian chant found in notated
Gracluals from the late-ninth century onwards, and the Old Roman
chant found in notated Graduals from the eleventh century onwards remains uncertain, Many theories of the relationship between the Old Roman and Gregorian repertories have been promulgated since the early 1950s, These have been adequately summarised elsewhere, and there is no need to rehearse the arguments
here. 2
See D. Hiley, Western Plainchant (Oxford, 1993). pp. 514-8; K. Levy, "1bledo,
Rome and the legacy of Gaul-, BMH 4 (1984" pp. 49-99, 49-50; S. J. P. Van Dijk,
-Papal Schola 'versus' Charlemagne, in P. Fischer led.l, Organicae voces: Festschrift
J. Smits van Waesberghe (Amsterdam, 19631, pp. 21-30; P. Jeffery, "Rome and Jerusalem: From Oral Tradition to Written Repertory, in G. Boone (ed.', &says on Medieval Music in honor of David G. Hughes: [sham Library Papers 4 1Harvard: Cambridge, Mass., 1995), pp. 207-47, 234-42; S. Rankin. "Carolingian Music, in
R. McKitterick (ed.), Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation (Cambridge,
19941. pp. 274-316, 275-9; S. Rankin. "Ways of Telling Stories, in G. Boone, op.
cit., pp. 371-94, 371-376. See also J. Dyer, "Latin Psalters, Old Roman and Gregoria.n Chants, KmJb 68 (1984), pp. 11-30, and J. McKinnon, "Vaticana Latina 5319:
Witness to the Mid-Eighth-Century Roman Proper of the Mass, in L. Dobszay
(ed." International Mu.sicological Society Studv Group Cantus Planus~ Papers ,Md at
the Seventh Meeting, Sopron, Hungary, 1995 (Budapest. 1998), pp. 403-11.
Z The debate is summarised in many places, including: P. Cutter, "The Question
of the 'Old Roman' Chant: A Reappraisal-, Acta Musicologica 39 119671, pp. 2-20;
B. Stlblein, "Die Gesinge des altromiscben Graduale Vat. Lat. 5319: Einfiihrung" ,
in Monumenta monodica medii aev; 2 (19101. pp. 31 '-83; N. van Deusen, An HisI
416
Emma Hornby
As early as 1967/
pointed out the limitations of the purely
historical approach, remarking
the relationship
the two
would only be
if the evidence
musical
3
was considered. While this was a salutary warning, at
this manner had already
least one musical analysis
taken. In 1
Hucke analysed a
of graduals in the two
that I'die Redaktion der frankischen
ditions and conclu
lieferung der Form
Aufbau der altromischen Vorlagen im
allgemeinen
folgt; dass die
Uberlieferung
fest und unveranderlich ist;
die altromische Uberlieferung
fest
und Variantenbildung und Umsingungserscheinungen urn kleinerem Rahmen
liissf'.4 A parallel analysis of
and Gregorian traditions
the eighth-mode tracts in the Old
establishes a
body of concrete musical evidence with
to assess the way which the two traditions are related.
Tracts came to be
between the
of the Mass in Lent
at other penitential
of year
as
Saturdays,
when it would be inappropriate to sing an
There are
two kinds of tract; those in the
mode and those in
mode.
The tracts within each mode fall into a distinct melodic family. In the Old
Roman and
traditions,
same Feasts are
eighth-mode
with the same texts and
melodies. s
The eighth-mode tracts are soloists
through directly
not by
without a refrain,6
psalm verses are
of solo
singing, but by a
verse structure.
l
torical
Stylistic Comparison of the Graduals of Gregonan Qnd Old Roman Chant
(PhD;
University, 1972), pp.
1; A. Hughes. Medieval
- the Sixth
Liberal Art
] 974). pp. 89-93.
:I P. Cutter,
p. 20.
4 MGregorianischer Gesang in altromischer
Frankischer Uberlieferung" I Archiv fUr Musikwissenschaft 12 11955), pp. 74-87, 84.
were
by
N. van Deusen, An Historica} and Stylistic Comparison of the Gradll.als of Gregonan
and Old Roman Chant WhD,
University, 1972); see
pp. 403-4 .
.5
more recent eighthmode tracts may be found
Graduals from
the
onwards, but
repertory- of eighthmode tracts are those
found in the earliest unnotated manuscripts lin
Hesbert, AntiphonaJe Missarum
Sextuplex
1935lL and in all
Gregorian and Old
manuscripts.
417
Six basic phrase shapes are used to articulate this verse structure;
each is associated with a specific fonnal context. The formal structure is equivalent in the two traditions. Phrase A is used at the beginning of the tract and phrase E is used at the beginning of verses
other than the first. Phrase B is used to end the first half-verse and
phrase C is used to begin the second half-verse. Phrase D is used at
the ends of verses except for the last one where phrase F is used.
Where the verse does not divide into four phrases, one or more of
the phrases is omitted. The basic outline of [ubilate dominoldeo in
each tradition may be used to illustrate the formal structure (see Example 1).7
l
.!,
. I .It J.J. , J .
.11 , I - '. V : f v J. ;
I -
iV.I J. ":",
r
....-,:~--D
- t ~~
~."""'-C
For a detailed appraisal of the' characteristics indicating that the tracts are fun
damentally in diTectum chants, and that they were not adopted at a late date to their
present form, see 0. Cullin, Le trait dans les r~pertojres VieuxRomaill et Gr~gorien:
un thnoin de la psalmodie sans refrain (PhD; University of Paris [SorbonneJ, 1990),
chapter 1: -Les fondaments du style sans .refrain", pp. 15-46.
1 Musical examples are taken from the Saint Cecilia Gradual, Bodmer C 14 (Old
Roman tradition) and from Benevento Archivio Capitolare Vl.34 IGregorian tradi
6
tion).
418
Emma Hornby
Each of the six basic phrases may be divided into two or more
sub~group8 of phrases: some of these subgroups are closely related,
but others share no more than the cadential figures at the end of
the phrase. The choice of which version of a phrase to use is dictated by a combination of the textual and the formal context, and
the Gregorian and Old Roman traditions generally use the equivalent version of the same phrase within a given context. The melodic
outlines are usually the same in the two traditions, but the Old Roman melodies are generally more decorated. Phrase B, which ends
the first half of most verses, may be used to illustrate how different
versions of a phrase are used in different formal contexts. Bl tends
to get used second in the first verse. 8
Phrase B2 is generally used second in verses other than the first
verse, when the first half-verse divides. (See Example 3.)
The a -p letter notation of DI]1 is adopted in this article for the concise indication of pitches (see Example 2) .
8
419
Example 2.
Gregorian
Des2
_..A--L - _
_ _ _J . . . . - _
~ but fh C
~ -J ........~
~J
lcadential figure
falling from k.to f
-rr-e-cj-ta-t-io-n-w-j-th-o-ut-h-n...a.,e
ghgfg
oscillations, with g as
lowest note
decorated recitation
on k
Example 3.
r.'
Gregorian QuiC8
-J.--..' J ~
!
It
~ '1
I rise
to k for recitation'
420
Emma Hornby
Phrase B3 is used when the first half of the verse is not divided
into two phrases Isee Example 4).
Example 4.
.
-:
__
IIr
f,'!'1'"'-"
Old Rom' )
Cos
J7. -~T,.-)1t!0"!
Gregonan ,
CoS
r: n \ ' r--r1
,-------, n
,,-rI"'""1r"'
___
.---
. _ j '__ _
L~~~~~'
~~'T
rise to recitation.
. ... 1, r<'
J
'1~
... -
r--J
. f~, '1
11t1;1
,
... .Jl -;
.J
J.
.....
,;
11
1.t
~HdIL_1
I,L
I
frises to kiklh
d }
d
r rise to k1
I '~jllations
rtS
fall to 8
an
cenc< as 8/ and 82
I rise to k
fall
10
Phrase B4 is also used when the first half of the verse is not divided into two phrases, and is strongly linked with the beginning of
the final verse. [See Example 5.)
421
Example 5.
Gregorian
( '1
~-~
Adl0
Old Roman
~
AdlO
..;,. NuCetCl e
I
) .).
"
1nl
ddnu.nt
I
~Il L.......r--
'-re-c-ita-l-io-n-o-n-g-,-ri..L.se-t-o'
k
~~r'
~.
----J'
I'
L..I_ _ _ _
roscillations and
cadence as 81,82
aAd BJ
kih osciHations
Emma Hornby
422
Example 6.
I I I nl
r--J I
1'\ f
lu9
1 l"
lr!l~
1-
.N
f,
fl 1. 1.
HI
CVI'
Old Roman
lu9
v-
decorated recitation
on g
Gregorian version
),
423
chant repertory was notated much before the earliest extant notated
Graduals (late-ninth century), memory must have played a vital role
in its transmission, at least until the eleventh century, because adiastematic neumes cannot be read unless the melody is already well
known. The common structure of the eighth-mode tracts in the
Gregorian and Old Roman traditions bears witness to the way in
which various memory prompts will have combined with rote
learning of the chants to keep them stable before the use of pitched
notation. A theory of remembering, in which various cues and con
straints act upon the performer, causing him to sing things that fit
within the genre, has been constructed by the cognitive psychologist David Rubin. I I His work informs the subsequent discussion.
The Gregorian eighthrnode tracts are a musical genre whose
texts would have been very familiar to the performer: not only was
it the Psalter from which children learned to read and write, but
novice monks were expected to know their Psalter by heart and to
be able to supply any verse that was requested. Holding the verses
for a particular eighthmode. tract in the memory and manipulating
the music to fit with the text would have seemed an entirely natural
task to a trained monastic singer. There are spelling variants and occasional substitution of words (for example, magnificentiam" for
umagnitudinern in Attende celurn), but these rarely occur in places
where they would affect the melodic flow.
The structure of the eighth-mode tracts is based around the verse,
which usually coincides with the verse divisions of other sources
containing these psalm texts. Although the numbering of biblical
verses had not developed in this period, and the placing of commata
and colata in biblical manuscripts is somewhat inconsistent, the
verse divisions of the psalms were essential for the correct singing
of the psalms within the monastic office, and were on the whole
well established. Most Graduals agree completely about where new
verses begin in tracts and other chants containing more than one
biblical verse.
In order to decide which phrases to use, the singer would need to
be aware of the text of the whole verse, if not of the whole tract,
ll
\I
414
Hornby
"
, - I '*'i
.
J
~\1-
. ,. "
JY I
Cantemus
f -- .
t",~
~.
'" )
. ...
.. J
'" f"
.,
I" f/ic'
De
Jt :',
Cantemus
.i t -
iI. 1
to. .dm.
<t"
(,'
. ,... I'.
~
.,
425
Once this variation had occurred, the phrases used were firmly
established by textual and associative cues. To have phrase C ending
with the text lIin Ierusalem" (as in the Gregorian tradition) is paralleled by Yin orationem" in De profundis, and by lIet ascensorem" and
"in salutem" in Cantemus domino. The Old Roman tradition gives
separate phrases to the subject + verb and the prepositional phrase
(lIqui habitat / in Ierusalem"), a common way of dividing text in
these chants. It is not possible to identify why this variant occurred,
but it is easy to see why each version was maintained so stably.
In order to perform an eighth-mode tract, the singer would need
first to recall the overall pattern of the piece, that is, the structural
pitches and perhaps also the stereotyped melodic patterns. In the
intonation fonnulae, medieval theorists provide examples of what
were thought to be the essential elements of each mode. l 2. These
formulae tend to be combinations of the modal outline with standard melodic shapes. Performers might have planned the performance before starting by recalling one of the characteristic eighthmode intonation formulae~ or they might have made a more detailed preparation by remembering how the text should be broken
up into verses and phrases, and how text and music should be com~
bined. uOral performance that is, without the aid of written music,
does not imply unprepared public renditions.
The six phrases, each with a fixed cadence shape and final pitch,
are each associated with a particular formal context, and provide a
basic framework around which the eighth~mode tracts are con~
structed. Within each phrase type there are subgroups for more specific formal or verbal contexts within the verse or within the tract,
as was described above. Once one of these phrase shapes is begun,
the rest is almost always inevitable, within local practice. Within
each phrase, certain melodic patterns are specifically associated either with accented or with unaccented syllables. Kainzbauer has
comprehensively demonstrated how the textual context, and in particular the stress patterns, influenced the text-music alignment of
H
l~
426
Emma Hornby
Example 8.
Gregorian
A2.
)
--
J - HJ..
1]6. ,rf~
. 1
83
W
,
427
Old Roman
,I "
.1. Il,
J
1-
1\ -,..
1 ; ,'"
,: .~ l '/
11 ,\ j
.r \; j
"
..::u 1u (
"
FT!
r.
"
fj
~'------------J~A~~--~
1I
J J
'_..I...--.J..~ ______._,.----- .. _,.. - . - '
Jl . ~
"
j"1
.J'
.,
.Jt), J. , J. I JI "
I"
r.uL
no
}CD
(W1'nJJwnui.
111..
,...
F- -)I ,,!!
j.:,. V
.C,.
.'
,. ' . !'
). '
J~ J
. I
~ n',
iJ. f ,
r~
,,~.
I.
III
J 1ft.'
6t"!
ex
1 --,
JlV.
J. ,
~n..U.JI'"
~ J1
J
i;.
Emma Hornby
429
well defined. The recall of these chants will not have relied on such
cues alone: it is characteristic of oral genres that verbatim recall or
rote learning is combined with the constraints and cues.
The Old Roman and Gregorian eighth-mode tracts bear the hallmarks of having originated, not only orallYI but also within the
same oral tradition. Differences between the traditions are almost
always consistent within the constraints of the genre, and seem to
have arisen soon after (or perhaps as) the Roman chant was adopted
in Francia. The evidence of the eighth-mode t.racts does not make
it possible to ascertain whether the melodic dialect of the eighthcentury Roman chant adopted in Francia was closer to that preserved in Roman manuscripts, or to the Gregorian versions. However, we can be certain that the eighth-century eighth-mode tracts
were constructed in the same way as their written descendants in
the Old Roman and Gregorian traditions, and the equivalence of the
eighth-mode tracts in the two traditions makes it possible to identify
the memory prompts that made a stable transmission possible.
,1
,
"
';
,
I
"
431
Edward Nowacki
The frrst two questions raised by my title are, What are modes, and,
Does the Old Roman Mass Proper have any? According to PseudoOdo, /lA tone, or mode, is a rule that distinguishes every chant by its
final", (Thnus vel modus est regula, quae de omni cantu in fine dijudicat.) Citing this definition, skeptics may claim that the medieval
concept of mode is about the fundamentals of composition - the finals and the notes dependent upon them in a distinctive intervallic
environment - rather than the ways in which those notes were employed to make melodies. According to this view, efforts to define
mode in terms of the findings of melodic analysis, while interesting,
are essentially an outsider's activity not commensurate with what
insiders considered to be the legitimate scope of modal investigation,
I disagree, There is plenty of precedent in the medieval theoretical tradition for considering melodic design as an aspect of modal
identity. It begins with a paradox noticed by the same author who
defined mode as a rule for classifying chants by final, for if the note
that terminates the chant is the one from which the rest of the
notes draw their meaning. then the notes of any chant would become intelligible only after the last note had sounded. Yet, as
Pseudo'()do observes, beginnings and endings of internal phrases
are already at work causing us to desire the chant to be in one .
mode or another before the final has sounded. Berno of Reichenau
and John of Afflighem claim that melodic cursus is so important that
it may overrule the given final as the decisive modal attribute, requiring the recomposition of t.he ending in order to bring it into me-
Edward Nowacki
432
with the
of
chant. Even direct definitions
mode in the Musica Enchiriadis and the Musica of Hermannus Con
tractus refer
it as modulatio or species modulationum, that is, /la
kmd of melodic composition",
treatments convince me that
medieval notion of modal investigation included the examina~
tion of melodic design and was not limited
studying
abstract
ies of fina and scales.
answer to my second question is yes! the Old Roman Mass
Proper has the usual eight modes, four basic ones with finals on
P, and G or on their af{ines a, b, and c, and divided in the an
tiphonal chants into plagal-authentic doublets.
basis for identifying chants as plagal or authentic the reciting tone of the psalmody appended to the lntroits and Communions.
the nonantiphonal chants, the Gradual, Alleluia, and Offertory, there is little .............. '"
for
distinction, and many of them span a composite of the pIaand authentic
In this respect they do not differ from
their counterparts in the standard Gregorian repertory.
However, when I investigate the internal cursus of these chants,
I discover properties for which
theoretical tradition provides
lit
descriptive vocabulary. I will therefore have to improvise fo1lowmg the guidance of the tradition, but moving further along a
route that
ieval authors only
to.
In my observation, the most significant units of melodic structure
and intelligibility are the various trichords! spans of three consecu
tive
that fill
whole tonal space from
A to high I inthese trichords, much as the author of the Musica Enchiriadis
did, by inspecting the melodies and observing how they trace lines
by arsis and thesis through certain distinct partial ranges, or
mala, in each of their cola and commata. While all trichords are possible, especially in the melismatic chants certain ones predominate
over all others.
are shown in Example 1! where they
sorted by
The example shows that the trichords have a nonexclusive relationship with the modes in which they occur, exhibiting a high denext. For example, the a-c triof overlap from one mode to
chord figures prominently in
1, 3,
7, and 8. The same
da1
,.Uy, ..Uf:;
433
trichord, that is, with the intervallic structure re-fa, occurs on low
D in modes 2, 4, and 6. Wherever this trichord occurs, it makes use
of the same figural vocabulary, causing a high degree of figural similarity between modes and weakening their distinctiveness as separate melodic classes. It makes more sense to refer to such passages
as modulatio in re-fa rather than as characteristic phrases of some
particular mode.
Example 1.
The principal trichords sorted by mode
I
.-
I, 1'\
~
\:
J
-}
I
rc~
0
g
al
:z.
g
r~
'"'I
-~
os:
CJ
c::7
4'
If
.2
..r::I
CJ
17
S:
l'~
f
~
Jl
::
/C.~
,~
434
Edward Nowacki
Part Two
Example 2.
tN - CU- NA do - ml -
ne au - rem
.lm .ad
mi -re
r.n
de - u(
um
tlJ -
-re,-
~----------------~~------------------------------
E------------------------------4--------------+------
d i,
PS le - ri - fi -
C4
a - ni - mA
V Quo...,.L - i
tu
[E
e)
435
pausing instead on its middle note, F.l The figure that accompanies
it on -di me is a cliche that is common also in the third and seventh
modes, always with the function of suspending a resolution to E
and leading a transition to a phrase beginning with the cliohe
D-F-a. Phrase 3, salvum (ac servum tuum deus mew, begins with
recitation on a, which I interpret as the upper note of the fa-la trichord on F. If b's had occurred here, they would have to be sung fa,
that is, as b-flat. On the word tuum the phrase makes a move to the
re-fa trichord on a and vacillates between it and the ut...,mi trichord
on G in one of the repertory's most familiar cliches, occurring in
modes I, 3, 5, 7, and 8. In this context the b should always
read
2
as mi. The phrase continues in the G~b and a-c trichords before
settling in the F -a trichord on the last syllable of sperantem . Here
the melody employs an unmistakable cliche descending through the
interval of a fourth from b to F. This figure, which usually occurs
between c and G leaves no doubt that the b should be sung fa, that
is, flat. The phrase pauses With a stereotyped figure on te that I
interpret as a semicadence in the F "",a trichord, requiring b~flat, and
be
structure.
436
Edward Nowacki
Example 3.
foE
L~.~~.II[. .
oo""rI
::
J"e.;f'O "-..
rJ
La
J
ut
bi.
pof - rim
am
""@ -
re at - le - I.u. -
~'.r2'. ~".
er!.
~ ,
TUR of me - um ldu-dem tu -
RE - PlE - A -
.@. "'"
me - a
.,
11
a l - le - Lu - l.i.
dum can -
d -
,.~
r-
e - u. - a
tliI -\le-
ro
PS De -uf 0,
re
[.. [. ~ -----+l--"-"'----------~
Please turn now to Example 3. This is an introit of the third
mode. It begins in the ut-mi trichord on G, moving, as such trichords typically do, to the re-fa trichord on a on meum. The a-c tri-
437
438
Edward Nowacki
with a cliche familiar especially in the protus, deuterus, and tetrardus modes that alternates between the re-fa trichord on a and the
ut-mi trichord on G. Phrase 2, intellege clamorem meum, is entirely
in re-fa on a, employing several cliches of this trichordal mode, especiall y the one at the pause, fa mi re, fa mi re. We have already
encountered this figure in re-fa on D in the example from the first
mode. The third phrase is persistently in re-fa, again employing
Example 4.
fut. 5~ v
F .au.th.
Vf R - BA
Mf - A
fi't
J ,,-:','-
a.:n.1I
~n~ (~lJ,
.:'l.
ne
tn
-
~ .~.~
U1 -
~rt
Ps
tEl-
0....
Ide
vo
au - n - bus
,-.
~
Le - ge
.:1
~
CJ.
~
0
~ me u( et cJ{
v Gm
~~
:1'-
-. "e
A.
cla mo - rem
.J\.
- ra - ti -
u - pe
.....
...- -n--.
J.
hlr
do,e_
urn
.... me~
.~
e]
several cliches of that trichordal mode, until the last three syllables,
-nis mee, where a descent into the fa-la trichord compels b-flat. The
chant ends on the fa-la trichord's tone of completion, F. This chant
exhibits two of the fifth mode's referential trichords, F-a and a-c.
The third referential trichord, c-e, while incidental in Verba mea, is
a typical feature of most fifth -mode chants and a ubiquitous one in
the verses of gradua}s of this mode, as seen in Example 5.
Rxample 5.
Verse of a fifth-mode gradual with c-e trichords
'l
rI
. . -.
.'\
If
I
l
"-
,.- -
'"J
causam]
~ Xi.
,~ r-
et
7
7- 1"\
'"(
rL
..
I~e.m
~","-He..
........, 1
,
. .-
in HI ""Iem
,.
.-
SIZ"aNWI
--
,
ill
.",-
-.
...Y,.
--....
.. " ...
"
-ps
fltt-1Vn
-.
-_
11 _ ,
-, -._
.-
tit( '"-
.--
M""
lilt . -
........
-. - -... "'_-.
....
"
-._ J
'
Edward Nowacki
440
Example 6.
ffl;.~~
11 [ .
~.~
Mf' ~ AS
rl
AlE
.,., .
..
p~
t
um
ti -
dV ..~,..
E,"
ml-
ee
VD -
...... "
no
fpi.- ri-
U1
.rbl'lc P5
et"
- ca - ti. -
, @
tu. -
a.
~"
e-
(an-c.to
trU
triA-
..
;~
(
anf
Dn"
u..
n,t mol- p f
nr
re-
p~-
~ ~.
fu. -
wr
[!"
-=
e-
r10 - tnUl
~r\
w(
na - U. - vt. - la- te
er
.,
et
... .
,..
pa.- ri - et
ca. - bi. - nu
u.- te- ro
3'
'"
tu -
~.
1-.,
JG
F-1"
~/ti
.d - hUG
ti.
J~
,..~
ne{
Cif~ ;
G
,.""
eft de -
ex-au-di.-td
1.00-
:.,
:fI'-'- )~
bi.- CV:'
,I."
1 =!
/!j
et: mul-
I\A.~
;.~
galL -
VQif1
cU-
t.-
U -
'tI~-
441
Edward Nowacki
442
Example 7 .
da.-
Qui (
e(u-
r'
tLt
..
Le-
Ee
ta-
e - x lLL - tA-
u.
b': -
tur
fa
on
J.J~.
cap - ti-
'e. 'e.
)Cl -
~}2
e
fu. -
If - ra - hel
I
mt.- nuf
e -
bi.t
re
ta-
e .A
{;.
..h., ..
rdo-
,..
foL.55"v
fit
u-
lilt
rIi
[r.a] -
La -
cob
et
A.~. eA. ~
hel
. ..-
FJ
e
443
Example 8.
fOl.119
(j
re. tact-
,. -
.
CL -
vo-
bif
di-
(------~~~------~~~----------~~----
Edward Nowacki
Part Three
interpreting the modes of the Old Roman Mass Prcmer. one
wtlettler to read
problem that presents itself with "'IJ'-"" .....
the b's as flat or natural. One ............. ,,., ..
because
melodic intelligibility depends upon it. Without a clear sense of
how to read the
from phr'ase pnra~ie and even neume to neume,
alienated from the structhe melodies bec:orr.ae Unlrltej111~,lblel
ture to which they must be referred for principles of coherence,
dition,
an
vexing problem for the musicologist,
of the round b is seldom used in the Old Roman maml1lSClrtp'ts
problem can be
of all in typical chants. In my opinion
445
pa. -cis et ",.i".tl,_ --"LI
-!;.'
,!.~ 253 ;; 11
446
Edward Nowacki
Example 10.
Eighth mode with F -fa and b-mi
447
Conclusion
I wish to return now to a question that I posed at the beghming
of my paper. Do the concepts that I have derived by melodic analysis have anything to do with modes? The system of trichords that
I have elucidated, after all, has no explicit precedent mthe theoretical tradition. But it does not follow from my failure to state my
analysis in traditional terms that I am indulging a purely modem interest in style and design. Rather, my analysis is an attempt to apply
the benefits of modem perspective to a question that concerned me
dieval theorists, the description of the matrix of basic materials that
constrains modal composition in a fundamental way. The difference
is that those materials, in my analysis, are proper to the whole genus before it is differentiated by final into modal species. The trichords are premodal - more general, more persistent in tradition,
and less susceptible to change by deliberation.'
4 It remains a matter of speculation whether this 'p remodal nature CaD be understood in chronological terms. Roman chant on the eve of the FTankish reception
must have possessed, fortuitously, a basic compatibility with .Byzantine modal principles in order to have assimilated them so thoroughly, at least in Frankish transmission. Were these principles like .a v'eneer, ~mposing themselves on traditional
trichordal organization? Or did trichordal organization infiltrate the tradition after
it bad been organized along purely modal lines, crowding out modal! distinctions
or reducing them to secondary status? Whether persistent or invasive, trichordal
organization was robust , and that suggests that it was native and traditional.
448
Edward Nowacki
Viewed in this light, the modes of the Old Roman Mass Proper modes, that is, in the familiar sense of eight ecclesiastical modes
- are not a characterization of the deepest layer of the tradition, of
the musical system or grammar in a manner of speaking, but a shallow overlay imposing on that system a modest degree of variety and
differentiation. As such they are not like Aurelian's glue, the basic
principle causing notes to cohere in a single mass, but something
more akin to genre, an easily manipulable principle of variety. If there
is a kind of glue, it is in the system of singing in trichords that imparts to every phrase of this repertory its unmistakable stylistic
uniformity.
..J", Esztergom
& Visegrad
449
Simon Hams
If you take the view that the quality of a book or article can be assessed from the extent of its influence - by the amount that it is
read, the extent to which it is quoted or its ideas repeated by others,
or by the length of time during which it is referred to in footnotes then without doubt the best article that Oliver Strunk wrote on Byzantine music is the one he called "The Antiphons of the Oktoechos", published nearly forty years ago in 1960.' There is no doubt
that, even by Strunk/s standards it is ingenious, to the extent that
even its title needs a little explanation. It is on the subject of the
Gradual Psalms and their associated hymns, sung in the Byzantine
Rite at the main morning service on Sundays, and Strunk himself
says that the word "antiphon", whilst in Latin referring to the associated hymn or refrain, referred in the Greek Rite to the psalm itself - or more accurately to the selection from the Psalter that
might consist of several psalms, one psalm, or even of individual
psalm-verses that did not need to be consecutive. 2 And the word
"oktoechos" means an eight-mode cycle, here a major division of the
Sticherarion. s This situation is rather characteristically summarised
with a photograph showing two pages of Lavra r. 67, a manuscript
using the Chartres notation and dating from shortly before 1000
Qliver Strunk, -The Antiphons of the Oktoechos, Joumal of the America" Musi
cological Society Vot. 13 (1960), pp. 50-67 (henceforward AOI); reprinted in Bssays
on Music in the Byzantine World (New York, 1977), pp. 165-90 (henceforward AOII).
The title of his article seems to have been taken from Tillyard's transcriptions (see
n.6).
2 AOl p. 50; AOII p. 166.
3 For example Vienna theol. gr. 181, Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae IMMB),
Principal Series Vol. I (Copenhagen, 1935) has 325 folios; of which ff. 1-279 give
the stichera for the Year, and ff. 279-311 give an oktoechos of Sunday chants, the
remaining folios (311-25) having Lenten pro80moia and two additions to the fIXed
feasts.
I
450
Simon Harris
A.D., in
each psalm fonus a single antiphon
three
associated hymns preceding pairs of
the
being
the last pair:~ One also gathers
were
antiphons (or
psalms) to
mode, that
ran through
same
series of twelve psalms as
modes but that the fourth
plagal mode
a fourth
Ilfor the commemoration of
hymns
to the Gradual Psalms - the ttv().~o:i1J.1oi can
transcribed from many Sticheraria, but the psalms rm:=m
to the extent that they appear at all in them, are
and never provided with musical notation.
of Strunk's article
supplement
of the hymns, which
had already been
by
6 with musical infonnation
about the psalms, drawn
fourteenthcentury manuscripts of the
Akolou
too, quite convincinglYI that that hymns
textually, but also musically connected;
so
main point of
article is unaffected by his aS1,es,srrlertt:
Akolouthiae. Nevertheless, there is no doubt
himself alone knew, what he wrote about
was,
and still is, controversial, to
that it
become ir
reconcilable with future
this reason, I feel it is
time to reassess what
light of what the manuscripts
contain.
I think
little wrong
his dating of them, though his
1495 has been questioned. This manuscript
a
similarities with fifteenth-century
... .,..n""' ... apart from those of the fourteenth century.
it
not unlike them, and a date for it in the
century, such as its
acclamations would give, is far
Moreover doubting
the date yielded by its
Acdamations for Vatopedi 1495
means doubting
as a whole; and one gathers from historians like
that efforts were made to get the Imperial
AOr
AOII p. 181.
AOI p. 51; AOn pp. 166-7.
5 H. J. W. Tillyard. The Hymns of the Octoechus Part I, MMB Transcripta III (Co
jJC;UIHCI)I;o;;;.u, 1940}, pp. 145-83. See also AOI pp.
or AOn
175.
4
451
452
Simon Harris
year, or
their use was not specific) in an eight-mode cycle. Oct
or
cycles tended to
large, as they
con~
rained more than one kind of chant and sometimes embraced
no festal equivalents. lI
chants like the o:vafla"'~o{ that
most noticeable
in the Akolouthiae of subjecting both
is that
festal
octoechic chants to an overall liturgical
eight-mode cycles are now small, sometimes not even covering a
page. 12
order follows the conventions of liturgical books, placVespers before Orthros and putting
forms of
Mass
Mass, the old arrangement
end.
between Orthros
of chant-cycles kept least
the fourteenth century - chants
here,
the Polyeleos
the Amomos, forming cycles that
outside their liturgical position.l 3
Like most musical manuscripts,
Akolouthiae
contents of
very uncertain
but, unlike them, their contents form fairly
well-defined layers. Of the fourteenth century itself are
kalophonic chants and those, like most of
psalm-verses, that are ascribed to composers (for the most part choirmasters) still alive or recently dead.
the century progresses/
compositions
may
ally replace
rnelodies, of which a considerable
Again Vienna theol.
181 (MMB Principal Series I) provides an ...v"' ..........
32 folios
the Octoechus, 11 are taken up with the ava.~a91l0l and the t6J91Vci
- chants
to Sundays.
12 A very
a-mode cycle is that of the "AyLO<; KUPlO<; 6 9oC; TtJ!(;)v {'Thble 3},
which
earlier psaltika (e.g. Vatican 1606, Messina
120 and 129, and Grottaferrata r.y.V) had
into a single
cycle with the
Ku pto<; ,
the 1tiple AHeluia and introductions to
first three kathismata. Perhaps more
commonly, amode cycles in the Akolouthiae - e.g. that for the
psalms at Vespers,
KUPlf: h(iKPa.~a. - cover several folios.
!3
li.e.
Vespers) was, and still
the
service
the day,
sumably reflecting the time when
day changed not at midnight,
at sunset.
The Polyeleos jPss. 134-6) and the Amomos (Ps. 118) form independent large, trio
partite psalter'sections, the former sung on the mornings of Sundays
important
after the Icathismata prescribed for the day, the latter sung as Kathisma
XVII on Saturday mornings (from which it presumably derives
funerary associa
hons), and also on Sunday mornings
the winter as the third stichology. Some
later Akolouthiae mss. {e.g. Athens 2456), as far as
transfer both to their
correct liturgical positions.
II
453
have disappeared for example from a well-organised, late fourteenth-century, up-to-date source like Vatopedi 1495. 14
But it cannot be assumed from the fact that the Akolouthiae contain ancient traditional elements that they represent a musical tradition as old as that of the Psaltikon and Asmatikon. My feeling is
that they are manuscripts of the Paleologan restoration, and that
most of their roots lie in the thirteenth century. IS They are often
said to represent a monastic tradition, as opposed to a cathedral tradition for the Psaltikon and Asmatikon, but there is very little evidence for this. No doubt the rite of Hagia Sophia at Constantinople,
which is often assumed to represent a cathedral tradition, was more
influential upon earlier manuscripts because it still existed; whereas
by the time of the Akolouthiae it had to be revived. But" the Akolouthiae still have bits of it; and when it comes to details like the
construction of psalter-sections, there is no difference between the
Akolouthiae and the Psaltikon.
14 The morning prokeimena in this manuscript (ff. 66r-1Ov) are a good example
of this, being numerous but all apparently kalophonic.
1S Several 8-mode cycles in the Akolouthiae reproduce things that are found
in the composite Octoechus at the end of the 13th -<:ent. Grottaferrata r.y.VII (ft.
154r-63v). The KUPl i1Cil(pa.~a also appears in an Octoechus in the Sticherarion
Paris gr. 261 (ff. 240-4). dated by Strunk 1289' (AOI p. 56, AOn pp. 173-4). 1Wo of
the Akolouthiae manuscripts, Athens 2622 and Vienna theol. gr. 185. contain Blemmydes' selection of psalms for a funeral service. According to H. G. Beck, Kirche
und theologjsche Literatur im byzantinischen Retch (Munich, 1959), p. 67 1, Nicephorus
Blemmydes lived from 1191 to 1272 and taught 'T heodore n Ducas Lascaris- of Nicaea (1254-58). But perhaps the most persuasive evidence that the Akolou.thiae
mss. have their roots in the 13th century and no earlier, lies in their provisions at
Vespers of verses, to be sung presumably by the domestikos, for Pss. 1-3 - the fust
antiphon of the farst kathisma of the distributed p$8.lter. Later psalms in the same
kathisma , and later kathismata were presumably all recited or read . This agrees
with a provision in the typikon of S. Maria di Mm in Sicily of 1293 (Vatican
gr. 1817, printed in A. A. Dm itriev sky, Opi3anie liturgichesltikh rultopi8ei I, Kiev, 1895,
reprinted Hildesheim 1965. pp. 836~ 921 for, e.g., September 8th and 14th (Dmitrievsky,
Opisanie ... , pp. 837, 839) and repeated in the 2O'h century for September 8th ,e.g.
Menae011 for September, Athens 1970, pp. 98, 101,; but it does not agree with thirteenth<entury psaltika, some of which provide for the singing of the first nine antiphons of the distributed psalter (e.g. Vatican gr. 1606, fL 152v- 3rl , and whose provisions must , r think, have an earlier origin.
454
5imon Harris
455
The Gloria Patri in fact was often split into two verses, each introducing a distinct hymn. This can be seen most clearly in section
3 of the Thble - the Glona Patri to the Distributed Psalter - where
four manuscripts agree on the pairs of hymns required only in the
Barys or Third Plagal Mode. Elsewhere. three, four, or five hymns
result from their disagreement. ls
Whilst the hymns called Pentecostaria are prefaced by the fITst
verse of the previous psalm (section 4), the AivO'UJ-lEV, i>A.oyoi)~v
(section 5) follows the Glona Patri and introduces the 1C(l'to.~(lCJi(l
(the repetition of the Heinnos) of Ode 8 of the Kanon. 19
The most intricate situation occurs in the Atvot (PS&. 148-1501
when Ps. 9 v. 1 is added to the first part of the Gloria PafYi. In the
modem Horologion it is the second of two verses sung on Sundays
before the Glona, but in the fourteenth century it stood alone and
was only sung in Lent, either as a substitute for the GloTia Patri or
as a preface to it.2O All but one of the hymns that follow it now appear as appendages to the other verse of the modem Horologion on
Sundays of the 1riodion (section 7). The first part of the Glona Patri
itself, then as now, fanned. a preface to the 'Ero~LV6v (section 61, the
second invariable part introducing an unvarying 88O't01clOV.
Thrning now to Thble 3 we can see that, of the six examples
of psalm-tones given by Strunk, four have a]ready appeared as
psalmodic introductions to hymns in Thble 2 (sections 4, 5, 6, and
The situation is further complicated by the fact that one manuscript - Kout
loumousi 457 - only has a single hymn to be sung after the complete Gloria Patri,
which does not necessarily agree with either of the hymns indicated in the three
others.
19 I am indebted to Alexander Lingas for outlining to me the modern practice
where these two sections are concerned. Apart from the disappearance of four Pentecostaria, little seems to have changed since the 14th century; the occurrence of
proper hymns in Section 4 can be explained by their use as Pentecostaria; but their
appearance in Section 5 where they replace perfectly satisfactory Sunday equivalents seems to indicate an exemplary function for these incipits, such 8S is also met
in Section 6, where there should be 11 Heothina, not 8.
20 Rubrics disagree, but they may all be partly right if practice in different
modes differed. This cannot be ruled out as manuscripts are entirely conaistent in
allowing for incipits in three modes only in Section 7.
18
Simon Harris
456
7).21 And
21
4 instances that
gives of psalrn-tones, which have already appeared as psalmodic introductions in Table 2. are: 11
Ex. 1
although it is
from
I. I
I equate with Section 6 - introductions to
Heothina, formed from settings of the first part of the Gloria Patri; 2J his Ex. 2 No. I,
which [ equate
Thble 2, Section 7; 3/ his Ex. 2 No. 3, which I equate with Table 2, Section 5; 41 his
of
Pentecostarion in AOI, which
wrongly
takes to mean
50 and which I equate with
2,
4.
~2 Strunk's
. 2. No. 2 - the introduction to the first
ing of an introductory formula {omitted by Strunk, but always present
sources) with
verse of
the entire text appears
the
Horologion !e.g.
Vatican ed., Rome, 1937,
91). Today the Biblical Canticle itself is only sung on the Mondays of the Triodion.
elsewhere replaced by the
poetic Kanon.
of the
23 The full text of the Beatitudes is
in the modern Horologion as
office of the 'JYpical
le.g.
Vatican
Rome, 1937, pp.
which it can
seen that although Strunk's quotation is
from
of the Beatitudes as
appear
St Matthew's Gospel !V, 3-12),
the Horologlon it is
second verse, the Ht'st being a non-scriptural introduction. In the 14th
-century Akolouthiae both verses are given, minus
second
of the fust
verse, which is consistently omitted from all modes by
ross.
24
p. 55; AOn p. 172.
introduction to the second half of the Vesper
psalms is mentioned in
"The Chants of
Byzantine-Greek Liturgy-, Essays on Music in the Byzantine World. pp. 297-330. on 307.
Z5 AOI p.
. AOIl p.
457
The psalmody that is pa.s.sed over in silence by the Akolouthiae mss. includes
the six introductory psalms for Orthros (the Hexapsalmosl. the versets attached to
the eE~ Kup~ and the Triple Alleluia, Pss. 4-8 in the first kathisma, all subsequent kathismata. Ps. 50, practically all the Antiphons for the Mass, and so on. In
my experience, the didactic qualities of the Akoloutbiae mss. are confmed to instruction in musical notation. Here it could be that Joannes Koukouzeles, to whom
the earliest Akolouthiae assign a large number of melodies, may also have been active; but the manuscripts do not suggest that they are the product of musical or liturgical plans lAid by him or anyone else, or indeed that be was anything more
than a highly accomplished practitioner of existing skills. I have come across nothing to suggest that either they or their contents were in any sense bis.
Z6
Simon Harris
458
Table 1.
Dating the Fourteenth-Century Akolouthiae MSS.
Ms.
TYPE
FF.
RELEVANT
DATE.
FF .
Sinai
1256
Sinai
1257
Athens
2458
Milan
(Amb.)
gr. 476
(L 36
sup .J
Athens
2622
Milan
222
184-222
175
l04v-175 "1332"
232
11-177
u1336"
278
9-276
between 236r
1341 and
1347
423
1-379
292
433
(Amb.\
gr. 665
IQ 11
sup.)
KoutloumOUSl
(Athos)
457
IMPERIAL ACCLAMATIONS
" 1309"
144r
Ms.
TYPE
Fp.
RELEVANT
DATE
392
Vatopedi A
(Athos)
1495
391
9-221
A
Vienna
theo!. gr.
185
342
3-286
Athens
2061
124
2062
IMPBRIAL ACCLAMATIONS
PP.
Athens
459
gus
Helena (his Wife I
Manuscript 'tYPes:
A - Akolouthiae
H - Heirmologion
K - Constantinopolitan Antiphonanon
Simon Harris
460
Table 2.
Incipits (occasionally complete texts) in Fourteenth-Century
Akolouthiae MSS.
MODE
FOLLlERJ
Now
Now
1. Following
I
Tou li'6ou
rv,
8&0<; K6plO<;
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion
1,444
II
II
HI
Ill, 184
[, 163
III
n.390
IV
IV,301
6th, Vespers
Apolytikion
I, 561
Apolytikion
Oct. 26 th ,
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion
O'1:a.O'EOO~
T QV O'1)vavapxov
AiYyov
'AYYBl..lIcai O'UVclJ.lEU;
KO:1:EAucrac; i:Ql
O''tuuP4>
'E~ -o\llo'\)<; Ka'tiil"E~
n:poo'LCtx"ev
fl U(TtlKOOC;
To
IlOpq>WO'EO'\
"A1C'tH1'tt qnJO'U;
TpuI<; OJ.l.OOU01.E
'0<;
ta~E~ vuv
'YtlvwoiW; 6 !((J.1PO<;
'Acrwa1:o~ O'tOIlClO1.V
n PI.
Barys
L 14
11, 275
Apolytikion
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion
rv
If 494
IV PI.
IV,
Saturday, Vespers
Vespers
z.
EWflCt'tlKai~
I PI.
HI, 608
Lent
1l:iadic Hymn
L 77
Lent
HI
IV, 3
V, 149
IV,398
Lent
Triadic
1ii.adic
Triadic
Triadic
Triadic
IV
I PL
II PI.
L 196
Lent
Lent
Hymn
Hymn
Hymn
Hymn
Hymn
461
MODE
FOLLIERI
TYPE Now
Now
'EAi(llo0V 1U..l~
I, 416,7 ? Monday,
Orthros
Barys
III/243
Lent
'Itiadic Hymn
IV PI.
1, 379
Lent
'lliadic Hymn
IV PI.
[I1, 147
Lent
Triadic Hymn
IV PI.
Kupu;]
[-~]
'0 u'Jli01:ql
ot)va.-
2Dd Kathlsma
II PI.
~t
EU; crupavov t~
KapM~
'Opav
08 f.1~
tol~,u-;)v'ta
Tov taqK)v
GO\)
l:wtTtP
01 tilv <ri\v 7tPoa't(l,
cnav
.. Ax.pavn: 8otOlCE
:E'UA.A.a~i>0'a.
CtcpAi" t (t) t;
II
'froparion
P8a1t~r
1" hymn
1st hymn
IV,237
Ill, 31
grd
hymn
3rd hymn
3,d hymn
kathlsma
Eu<J1t1ayxvia~
1, 558
\>1taplooO'a
TaUC; VO)lO\)C;
Wo
11
kathisma
1V/286 Thes. of 3rd week
after Easter, lit
mom. kathisma
Tilv wpauYtTl ta
III
IV, 106
"oo(J(x
3 rd hymn
3 rd hymn
kathisma
Xptat~
h: VBKptilv
III
V, 104
1st hymn
kathisma
"ElCaa'tO<; &tot)
III
1/386
O'ci>~Etal
3rd hymn
kathisma
'Ava.pA\4Iaaal'taU
'ta(pOl)
'EKOtlal.q.
Thurs., 3 rd mom.
ClO'\)
~A.~
IV
r,93
151 hymn
kathis.IDa
IV
1,396
kathisma
2 nd hymn
Simon HarMs
462
MODE
FOLLIERJ
TYFENow
Now
KatE1tAaYTl 'Iwm1<p
IV
II, 275
Taxi> npoKcna.AClf3e
IV
IV, 37
IV
IV, 217
Tov cruvavapxov
AOYOV
Tou 1:o.<I>0u ixveWt-
3rd hymn
kathisma
I PI.
IV, 234
I PI.
Il, 306
I PI.
V, 49
kathisma
Saturday, Vespers Apolytikion
I PI.
IV, 235
II PI.
~evou
1S\
hymn
kathisma
11, 308
I1 PI.
tacp~
TiW. euO'1tMl"tXVla<;
t~V 1tUATlV
'H ~w~ ev t4> taq><jl
II PI.
Barys
II,20
lit mom.
kathisma
Sunday, 151 mom,
2nd hymn
3 rd hymn
1st hymn
kathisma
Barys
IV PI.
I, 114
XapICf'tTJPLOV atvov
IV PI.
V, 87
IV PI.
I, 93
Eupuxwpov XWPlOV
'AvecJ"''tll<; E:K VElCpWV
- ?
~ ~w~
- ?
- ?
IV, 213
- ?
- ?
- ?
- ?
463
MODE
FOLLlERI
TYPBNow
Now
Kavova. 1tiateOl~
II
l:it~pov
In
tllC't1
III
Ba1t'tt~ti.c;
.~
6 'rl10oix;
otK'tiPIlOlV Kupte
IV
IV
IV
I Pl.
.Avao"ta.c; 6 'ITJoooC;
Il PI.
II Pl.
[[ PL
V, 103
napa1CA.TJ'tov SXOVttA;
Barys
Ill, 278
Till; J..lE'tavoiac;
iiVOl~6v Ilot
IV PI.
- ?
Apolytikion
Sticheron
Sticheron
Sticheron
Sticheron
- ?
Triadikon
Pentecostarion
Pentecostarion
- ?
O'1lIlPOV
5. Following the
ayta.
9auJ,1<lm:oc;
AiYoi)p~t EUA.OYOijp~
1,205
Easter Day
Il, 104
December 25 th
11
Il,452
January 6th
II
IV, 325
III
If 193
'lUes. of Holy
Week (Diodion)
Sundays
[-Om: p~uoi)<;]
Muon1pwv
1tClp6.00~ov
T ~ 8OyJ.1(l'tl 1:Ql
'tU pa VVUCCfl
,AO'tf,1Ct4)1tupi
Evu>t}iv'ttl;
Heirmos,
Ode 8
Heirmos,
Ode 8
Heirmos,
Ode 8
Heinnos,
Ode 8
Heinnos,
Ode 8
Simon Harris
464
MODE
FOLLlERI
TVPENow
Now
AKOUB KOPTJ,
no:p~VL O:YVll,
naloCl<; uaY8lt;
IV
IV
I PI.
CllWV(t)V
Loi 10 1WV1C'l\)PY4l
I PI.
L,[~A:T}v
II PI.
KClKla<;
Cx.vn~iou
"A<pAEK'tOt; 7t\)pi EV
Barys
~lVq.
EUA.oYf:l't nai8ec;
IV PI.
March 25 th ,
Nov. 20 th , 21 r1
Heinnos,
Ode 8
th
III, 257 August 15
Heirmos,
Ode 8
IV, 198 Sundays, Fridays Heirmos,
Ode 8
Ill, 508 Sundays
Heirmos,
Ode 8
Ill. 546 Good Friday rllio- Heirmos,
Ode 8
dion)
1,210
Heirmos,
Sundays
Ode 8
Sept. 14th
1,551
Heirmos,
Ode B
1,73
to opo<; 10l<;
1,383
Sundays
Heothinon
II
11,406
Sundays
Heothinon
III
IV. 122
Sundays
Heothinon
IV
Ill. 153
V, 238
JI, 53
H, 176
V, 4
Sundays
Sundays
Sundays
Sundays
Sundays
Heothinon
Heothinon
Heothinon
Heothinon
Heothinon
M eta. ~ UPCllV
n pocreA ~ouO'a u;
Mapia<;
"Op~po<; ~v
pcn3u<;
~.n
Ill, 220
Ill, 355
1,569
day
Sticheron
465
MODE
FOLLlERI
TYPE
Now
Now
TOI~
ud
II PI.
IV, 172
n Pt.
Ill, 353
T~v, 'nV'lA.Oq)Qva
IV Pt
rv,
EV alCon:t
CxlJ.apnu.ulto>V
102
)'VW 1J.1l v
In the 14th century Ps_ 9 v. 1 was confmed to Lent, where it replaced the first part of the Gloria Patri in these three modes and
preceded it in the other five (to judge from surviving rubrics). .
References to Follieri in this table are to volume IRoman numerals) and page number (Arabic numerals) of Enrica Follieri, lnitia
hymnorum Ecclesiae Graecae, 5 vols., Rome 1960-66, Studi e testi
vols. 211-IS.
The last two columns of the Thble have largely been put together
by reference to Greek service hooks of which there are printed editions stretching back for nearly five centuries, and for this reason
page numbers are not given. Nearly all these texts are contained in
the Parakletike (texts for the days of the week arranged by model,
the 12 volumes of Menaia !fiXed feasts), the Triodion (movable
feasts before Easter DaYI and the Pentecostarion (movable feasts
from Easter Day on). I have also found the Horologion a useful addition, though it is substantially, if not entirely, duplicated. This
leaves one text (the tenth of the Pentecostaria) found in the Euchologion lit can also be found in Jacques Goar's edition of 1647 which
has recently been printed in facsimilel.
Slmon Harris
466
Table 3.
Comparative Thble of Contents of Fourteenth-Century
Akolouthiae MSS. (All nos are folio refs.)
Sinai SlnaJ Atb Milan Atb
457
di enna
1495 theol.
gr.
185
--------------------Vespers
~e\)l"g. 1tpocnruv1lcrU)~V
Introductory Psalm
209r 168v Uv
9r
Zlv
12r
25v
22v
I7r
35r
U4r 36r
lr
9r
3r
Sr, lr, Sr
411r
Iv
9r
309r,
3v
6v
16r
4r,
41r
25r
18r
23r
27r
25v
56r
57r 12r
73r
56r
55r
53r
64v
37v
57r
59r
14r 74v
58r
57r
55r
66r
41v
61v
6lv
58r
71r
21r
(ps. 103)
(7)
9r,
3Uv
154v
Kalophonic verses to these
Prokeimena (all to SaL)
(?)
155v
63v
mg
Orthros
Final doxology to HexapsaJmos
The 8oC;;
Ki>p~
(Ps. 117
68r
65r
64r
61v
77r
66r
64v
621
77r
~v
68v
67v
64v
7fJr
97r
69r
74r
46r
491
701
67r
I7l
24r
7('Jv
24r
79v
467
Sinal SinaJ Ath- Milm Alb- 11- Atb- Milan K'ou&i v'pe- Vi1256 1257 eJ15 gr. ea pbou elU gr.
4057
di enna
2458 476 2444 425 2622 665
1495 theol.
V185
-------------------7lv
98r
7Sr
80r
68r
81r
Prokeimena introducing
the GospeL
bl kalophonic
184v
a/ simple
185r (?)
165r
bl kalophonic
S1r 73y
51r 741'
68r
66r
Blr
69v
82r
70r
7tJv 82v
70r
53v
76y
76r
85v
Ps. 50 v. 1 in an 8-mode
cycle, with or without incipits
54r
77r
76r
85v
7ST
107v 8Sr
77v
Introduction in an 8mode
cycle to the katavasia of
the eighth Biblical Canticle [the end of the Benedicite); with incipits
Sly
llOv 76r
78T
iJJf
86v
87v
aJ in a S-mode cycle
29v
78'1
S4r
82r
cl kalophonic
55r
82v
U2r 77'1
83r
U3r
30r
Illr
76'1
79r'1
'lW'1
SSr
731
88v
Kalophonic settings of
verses in Ode 9:
11 T~v ~(t)()[)6l0V
1f)V <i&V(10V
7t11y1,V
93r
5imon Harris
468
gr.
665
4S 7
di enna
1495 tbeol.
gr.
185
- - --
2/
- -- - -
- - -- - - - - -- -- - - - - - - -- - -
1l4v
262r
76v
nr
4/ "A1ta.~ YTlYtVn~
78r
oKtptO'tW
v. 1
v. 3
8av
121v 83r
89v
l23r 84r
86r
78v
92r
79v
94.r
B6v
gOr
71 v
31 r l24r 86r,
{?} 278v
87r
395v
62v lOOr
105v
lOOr
naaa n:vo~
63~
lOOr
l()()r1Z! 94v
l06r
lOOr(Zl
l06r
4()1 v
(20<1
only)
93r
l07v
469
SiDal Sinal Atb- MJ.1ao Ath 1l- Ath- M11an !'ollSl v'pe- Vl1256 1257 ens gr.
ens phou eru &I.
dl enna
457
2458 476
1495 tbeol.
665
gr.
185
279v
Kat ui.cjl
21 'golJ.oM>yrloolWi OOl,
Kuptt
The 2nd part of the Doxology with the following
Theotokion
1tEpeuMrrrl.uV1l i)1tapXl~)
Kalophonic setting of the
Theotokion
1[(l1pi
140\' 91lr
65r'11 101 v
65~
IOlv
66r
I03r
1041'
lOST
99v 109r
rV
1421 l04r
l09r
lO3r
lO3v
104r
l04r
44r 144r
104r
104r
44r 144v
104\'
J.lVl\J.Ul't~
t~-
470
Simon Harris
Sinai SinA.i Ath Milan Atb- 18 Atb- Milan K'ousi V'pe- VI
1256 1257 em gr. ens phou ens gr.
457
di enna
2458 476
1495 tbeol.
11'.
- - -- - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - 66r
104v
105v
185
-- - illr
lS7v 67r
lOSr
71v
lllv
l08v
93v 118v
73v
llOr
117v
144r 7Sr
U5r
1501 81r
118r
Chant-cycles
naO'Cl 1tvo~.
The Polyeleo8 (Pss. 134-6)
11 "A(l'tptv6~~ i. Ps. 134,
U4v
lO3r 121r
mode I
2/a Thess.
11 .
Ps. 135,
mode Il
Ill .
Ps. 136,
mode HI
I.
ll .
21b ,toU
nr,
69r 171r
Ps. 134,
mode I
Ps. 135,
mode I
186r
87v
96r
Kou~oulla'
i.
Ps. 134
122v
471
Sinal Sinal Atb- Milan Atb- 'la. Ath- Milan K'ousi V'pe' Vi
457
ell enDa
1256 1257 ens gr. eJlS phou ens gr.
2.458 476
665
1495 tbeol.
gr.
185
- - - - - - - -- -- - - - - - - - - - ti.
Ps. 135
197v
139r
186r 145r
Ps. 135
145r
153r
ti.
3/a cruvo1t~u,6v
i.
Ps. 134
mode II
u. Ps. 135
98r
84v
185v 122v
99r
84v
185v 123r
99v
8Sr
185v l23r
mode II
ill.
Ps. 136
modeIl
plagal
Ps. 135
146v
208v 155r
123v 151r
l50r
212v 159r
154r
153r
216r 1621
156v
mode 11
ill. Ps. 136
mode 1I
plagal
driai.
Ps. 134
mode IV
Zl6v
157r
li.
Ps. 135
mode IV
218r
l58r
L28v
190Y
99r 253r
202v
272r
193v
Simon Harris
472
Sinai Sinai Alh Milan Atb 18- Ath Milan K'ous! V'pe Vl
1256 1257 ens
gr. ens pbou ens gr.
451
di enna
2458 416 2444 'Z5 2622 665
1495 tbeol.
gr.
128v 116r 196r 109r 103v 262v 196r 136r 131v 186r
123r 203v
mr
20Se
279r
141r 198v
207r
281v
20Ir
6v
figuration
286r
131r 332v
155r
1/ Movov E1tOY'1
'to ~UA.ov
Z91v
292r
2/ r"IJPov 10 npoCPll'tllCOV
(86vl
289v
473
V'~
Vl-
ell
enoa
1495 theo1.
11
- - -- -- - - - -
185
----
clvtaTIl
11 For funerals
142 125r 215v U7v ll2v 295r 209r 233v 1S7v 211f
r,v
226v 125r
309v 221r
165r 220v
136v 228r
(1)1
222r
year.
With "Thess. opening.
230r 129v
41Sr 2T/v
Funerary chants
11 Ei>A.O"fTl't~ I, KUPl
311v 2Z3r
2289 126v
136v
138r
~ 1Jh.r1'l.
127y1ll
t28r 318v
227r
ll2r
222v
41 Blemmydes' selection of
psalms
Verses to the Gradual
Psalms
Instruction in musical no- 192r
tation and related things,
including diagrams, modal
theory ~tc.
167v 2221
172r
3r
Sr
-ir,
9r
98v,
t31v
lr
ir
Simon Harris
474
Sinal Slnai Atl:! Milan Ath '11. Ath Milan K'ousi V'pe- Vi1256 1257 em 11"
em phou ens gr.
457
di enn.a
M58 476
1495 theol.
gr.
----------
185
-- -- ----
Mass
The Typical Psalms
102 with respond (Vzverse with resp. followed
by whole verse with resp.)
142v 234'11
1801 233v
14Jr 235r
1807 233v
143r 235r
133v 327v
23Sr
143r 235T
327v 230r
180r 233'\1
6e\)1"E ltpom.:uvrlO"blJ.LEV
with respond and
apolytikion incipit
234\1
t44r 235'11
92 w. L 2, 7(1).
31 Ps. 84
VV.,
1,2.
The nut two with doxologies and responds as indicated the Horologion;
the 3rd without the 3M v.,
rrt~
235r
475
Slum Slnai Ath- MIlan Ath Ta- Ath- Mlla.n 1'01&11 V'pe- VI[256 1257 ens gr. ens pbou eD! gr.
457
dl enna
2458 476
1495 tbeol.
gr.
185
Apolytikion repeated
Doxology (151 pt) - Kontakion
Doxology (2 1111 pt) - Theotokion
lmperial Acclamations,
with Kupu:, (JOOC10V toi)~
~OlA~ and probably
Doxology as above.
1ti.sagion 3 times.
236r
236r
236v
l44r 236r
E')Ao'Y~(Jan~
l~
Kupi.cp - Dox-
ology (1 d pt)
E\)AO"(T1oac; - Doxology (2 od
pt)
Kalophonic settings, usually introduced by the
word L.\ uva).I.\.~
146v 240r
146v 241r
476
Simon Harris
Atb- M.i1an K'OWii V'pe- Viens phou ens gr.
457
di ell.Wl
1495 tbool.
".
185
160v 252r
148r 24lr
of ProkeA double
imena and Alleluias for
week, with two of
each for Saturday and
none for Sunday.
149v 243r
l40r
Settings
the word
aAA1'\Aot>Ul invariably
ginn.ing with the words
147v, Ulv,
aM'1Ao{)lo". 'Va.AIlOC;
6.0:\)10.
245r
iSh 244"11
336v
bl reduced
Cheroubikon
11 Normal
21 Substitute
ITou
Maundy
Ottn:vou ooul
166r 273"
161r 274r
1495 tbeol.
gr.
185
173v 27rN
195r
354v
a"(\ov 1tVi)~a
167v 26lr
The 1: UIJ.VoU~V
1681 261v
Postcommunions
(I1AllP{J)8t;tcu)
The ElTl
to OVOj.lQ Kupiou
403r,
419v
111'1 268v
232v
2691'
154'1
172v Z69v
21 only verse 1
173v 270'1
The Communion
175v 272'9,
275'1
176r 276r
(reooa~El
21Sr
Et>
Of:
31
Iv
~it 4ppovti~t\
'EU'loOV ~
~(l\)ib
duv 0
5y
324r
Simon Harris
478
Sinai Sinai Alh- Milan Alh- 18- Ath- Milan K'ousi V'pe VI
. 1256 1257 ens
gr. ens pbou ens gr.
457
di enna
1495 theol.
2458 476 2444 425 2622 665
gr.
5/ 'PHpd<; 'Aoall
6/ A VW\}EV
v
ol 1tpo<pn'w. t
159v
185
-- - - - - -
393v
135r
394r
7/ nOAUXPOVlOV 1tOtT)oa.\ 6
429r 246v
263v
8e6<;
8/ 8inE Aaol ~oro)lt:v
~O'jJ.a XP101:cj)
354v
329v
413v
Notes
(11 In a single series, alternating.
121 Order reversed.
(31 EUA.oy~O'a.1:E Kupi~ and EuA.oyt1aa<; omitted.
(KI Preceded by an inclication that the kontakion (i.e. the introductory
verse) is to be sung in a simple style.
479
Alexander Lingas
Alexander Lingas
480
came particularly .
after the Constantinopolitan monks
Studios adopted the Palestinian Divine Office of St. Sabas 799 an
between
event that inaugurated four hundred years of
the
and Sabaitic
in the imperial capital. This
of
affairs was disrupted by
Latin occupation of Constantinople
11204-61). after
ich the monastic rite was adopted as the ordiof the
rs at
. Sophia. While
monastic
nary Li
In
fourteenth-century
recension went on to form
fall of the
to
for all modern Orthodox worship,
Thrks brought about the complete disappearance of the cathedral
rite,
memory of which
all bu t vanished from the consciousness the Orthodox Church.
Until fairly recently, Symeon's liturgical commentaries were
among the
accessible sources for the Byzantine cathedral
of
however, scholars representing a numany period. Since the
art historians and
academic disciplines - liturgists,
musicologists studied and
some cases published other
documents relating both to
JISungll Office's apogee in tenth-cen
tury Constantinople and, somewhat less prominently, to its twilight
in late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century Thessalonica. When
used in conjunction with other literary witnesses and, especially, archaeologi
data,
sources enable us to form a reasonably
complete picture of medieval urban worship
the great ancient
silicas of Byzantium. In
, this image may be described as one
of remarkable continuity with both the tenth-century sources of
urban worship folConstantinopolitan liturgy and the patterns
lowed throughout
Mediterranean
Late Antiquity. This not
to say, however, that
uS ung " Office was completely static. In addition to instances of outright borrowing from the ascendant monascomponents were
tic rite, one may observe that a number of
jected over the course of centuries to elaborations and interpolations reflecting contemporary musical developments.
The present study will show the impact of
developments on
one element of t asmatike akolouthia t namely
invariable First
Antiphon of cathedral rite matins. The extant musical settings of
Psalms
3 and
range from
this antiphon which consists
1
481
ferial versions faithful to patterns of ancient urban popular psalmody to festal settings in the florid choral and solo idioms of Middle
and Late Byzantine chant. In order to place this music in its historical context, however/ it is necessary to preface our survey of the individual settings with a brief discussion of the antiphon's origins in
the daily prayer of Late Antiquity.
482
Alexander Ungas
Ibid., 54.
The history of Western cathedral worship is surveyed in ibid., pp. 141-90.
9 Described in Anselm Strittmatter, "The 'Barberini S. Marci' of Jacques Goar",
Ephemerides Liturgicae 47 11933). pp. 329-67.
1
483
lishing.
\l
On the different dates proposed by scholars for these MSS, see Sunday Mat-
484
Alexander Lingas
Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantino. Architecture and Liturgy (University Park - London, 1971).
14
485
were sung in a manner common to all the fixed and variable introductory psalmody of the Constantinopolitan offices:
Deacon:
Domestikos:
Deacon:
Priest:
Domestikos:
Choir 1:
oiJ XciPl n.
Kat. tmvwcra. ~oa aOl, 6 eEOS-.
o,
e-EOS'.
I
R. loca
Domestikos:
0 8ECS-.
The choirs chant all three psalms in alternation to the same melody, concluding with a
Gloria Patri.
.6.oCa oot, 6 8EDS-' .6.6Ca OOl. , 6 BEOs'
~o~a aot 6 ecos-.
OOl,
Outwardly complex, this scheme conceals an antiphonal structure incorporating the ancient urban multiplicity of liturgical roles
with prescribed parts for a celebrant, a deacon, soloists, choirs and
presumably the laity. The complementary na't ure of the contribution made by each participant in the ferial psalmody of the Great
Church may be discerned by comparing the textual outline of the
First Antiphon given above with a musical setting for the matins of
an ordinary Sunday from Athens 2061 (Example 1) ; Thward the end
of the deacon's Synapte of Peace, a soloist announces the coming
antiphon with a fragment of Psalm 3:68 (/lAnd I slept") and the re
frain "Glory to You, 0 God" IExample la .}. This moderately florid
interjection concludes with a cadential figure signaling the deacon'
to resume the litany. After the celebrant's ecphonesis, the soloist responds "Amen ~ and chants the entire text of Psalm 3:6a (Example
1b), adding a short new musical passage for the portion of the verse
previously omitted ("I feU .asleep/I). At the conclusion of the soloist's
refrain, the cadential figure of Example la (last syllable) is replaced
by a transition into a model choral setting of the same text, the for-
486
Alexander Lingas
mulaic music of which is then employed by the chorus for the remaining verses of the antiphon. In addition to providing an efficient
vehicle for the recitation of the antiphon's remaining verses (the srichologiar the relative simplicity of the second setting's reciting tone
is indicative of a hierarchy of musical idioms reflecting the different
capabilities of soloists and choirs. The antiphon concludes with a
solo perisse (Example lcl that presents a modified recapitulation of
the domestikos's initial melody, including its final cadence.
Unfortunately, none of the settings for the First Antiphon of Sunday matins in the two Late Byzantine Antiphonaria provide the
complete music for the refrain "Glory to You, 0 God." The setting
of the same text for the matins of Monday in Athens Z062, however,
offers two stylistic approaches (Example 2). The first and more
elaborate option, for which a suitable psalm-tone is provided (Example Zb), is to repeat the soloist's refrain after each choral verse (Example Zal. A second choral psalm-tone, labeled uETEPOV KOWOTEp0V"
("a more common alternative"),15 leads into a much simpler refrain (Example ZC).16 While neither refrain is particularly difficult
to sing or beyond the capability of a congregation to repeat after
several hearings, the second would appear to be a more fitting congregational response for normal occasions, raising the possibility
that the first is a festal variant. These considerations, together with
the fact that the cadence of the choral psalm-tone in Example 1
does not prepare the entry of the soloist's refrain, lead one to SUSr
pect that the missing Sunday refrain for the first antiphon was relatively short and perhaps considered too familiar to be notatedY
A rubri.c attached to tbe corresponding Monday morning setting in Athens
2061' s cycle for the first week If. 2v) impartially offers the same stylistic choice
'''ATTo xopov, lj>ci)J.( oiol' !3oUAEl Eln: TO civw ElT" TO KQTW" (NFor the choir, sing whichever you wish, either the setting above or the one below").
!6 The scribe's observation regarding the customary asmatic practice is substantiated by the psalmodic ordinaries of Antiphonaria, in which the vast majority of antiphons employ similar unadorned psalm -tones and refrains. See, for example, the
psalm-tones and refrains transcribed in Strunk, "The Byzantine Offlce", pp. 119,
15
487
known notated setting is from the seventeenth century. Cf. Kenneth Levy, MByzantine rite, music of theM, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians vol. 3, ed.
Stanley Sadie ,London, 1980), pp. 555, 557; Edward V. Williams, MJohn Koukouzeles' Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century",
Ph.D. diss., Yale University, pp. 403-7.
18 Barlolomeo di Salvo, MGli Asmata nella music bimntina-, Bolletino delIa Badia
Greca di Grottaferrata 13 (1959), pp. 45-50, 127-45; 14 (19601, pp. 145-78.
19 For a description of this unusual MS, see Linos Polites, M\OO XLpoypa4>a ciTro
'T~V KaOTopLu-, ,)J.1J1-1Kd20 (1967}, pp. 29-41.
M
20 Di Salvo's comparative index to the repertory of the Asma 111GB Asmata , .
pp. 128-31} lists the individual verses contained in the three manuscripts, together
with their modes.
21 Levy provides a short summary of the rise of the kalophonic style in NByzan_
tine rite, music of theM, pp. 559-60. On the interpolation of meaningless syllables,
see Dimitri Conomo8, Byzantine Trisagia and Cheroubika of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Cenruries (The ssalonica, 19741, pp. 262-86.
Alexander Lingas
488
The First Antiphon appears in the Asma at the head of the entire
kalophonic collection and is divided into two major sections. After a
heading announcing the beginning of the Asma,23 the first group
of verses in each manuscript commences with an elaborate version
of the soloist's introductory interjection "Kat trrrvwaa . .6.6ea aOL, 6
8EOS-" [Example 3). This is followed in the three South-Italian manuscripts by six additional verses, beginning with Psalm 3: 2. Comparison of the repertories of Messina gr. 161 and Grottaferrata r.y.
VII reveals that not only are each of the verses highly individual in
their melodic content, but also that the two manuscripts often
transmit different musical settings of the same text,24 of which the
Messina versions are generally the more elaborate.
The second group of verses in the Asma are taken from the remaining two psalms of the morning antiphon. Generally less elaborate than their predecessors, they are all set in mode Il, characteristics which are reflected in the headings of Messina gr. 161 ("Beginning of the Little Verses") and Grottaferrata r.y. VII ("Beginning of
Mode II).25 The first composition in the series is Ps. 62:2, followed
by differing numbers of additional verses in each source. Messina
gr. 161, however, is the only manuscript to include texts from Psalm
133/ inserting two settings before the final two half~verses of Psalm
62.26 Both of these latter compositions begin in the middle of their
See, for example, the settings quoted in Edward v. Williams, "The Kalophonic
Tradition and Chants for the Polyeleos Psalm 134", Studies in Eastern Chant 4 , ed.
Milos Velimirovic (Crestwood. N. Y., 1979). pp. 235-41. The ethos and liturgical
function of Koukouzeles' kalophoruc works is addressed in the present author's
study "Hesychasm and Psalmody, in A. Bryer - M. Cunningham, eds., Mount
Athos and Byzantine Monasticism , Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies 4- (Aldershot, 1996), pp. 155-68.
ZJ The title is u'ApX~ TOU qCJIlQTO<;" I"Beginning of the Asma"l in Mess. gr. 161
and Grott . r. y. VII, and LU1 ' 8E0 -ro qOIlQ" (~With God, the Asma") in Grott. r.y.
VI (Di Salvo, uGli Asmata", pp. 12B-9) .
LI This is also evident from the variations in modal designations in Di Salvo's index (ibid.).
zs Ibid .
26 The curious placement of Ps. 133 out of sequence in Mess. gT. 161 and its absence in the other two settings of the Asma may be explained by the fact that the
South Italian manuscripts were copied for use in a monastic context . Since Ps. 133
22
489
respective half-verse (Ps. 133:1a and Ib) with the same transition
from a syllabic psalm tone that was probably employed for the
missing opening portions of their texts. After this point, they diverge rapidly, with the setting of verse la continuing in a mildly
florid manner not unlike the solo intonations of the Antiphonarion
(Example 4), while verse Ib commences with a short teretism that
prefaces a series of repetitions of the psalm text (Example 5). Following the last of the psalm verses, the musical settings of the Asma
conclude in all of the manuscripts with extremely melismatic versions of the first antiphon's solo coda "Ll~a am, 6 BEGS."
The music for the First Antiphon of Byzantine cathedral matins
in Kastoria B includes five verses from Psalm 3 and eight verses
from Psalm 62.27 These are set in Mode II and employ a relatively
modest melodic idiom akin to that of the "Little Verses u of the South
Italian manuscripts. The character of these melodies may be seen
from the first verse of Kastoria 8 (Example 6), which proves to be a
simplified
version of the corresponding setting in Grottaferrata r:y.
t
VII. After the beginning of Psalm 62, the chants become even more
compact (Example 7): Due to the absence of the manuscript's final
folios, the first antiphon abruptly concludes in Kastoria 8 i.n the
middle of Ps. 62:8. As a result, it cannot be determined if verses
from Psalm 133 were originally included in the manuscript.
490
Alexander Lingas
28 MS Athens 2047, Bkthesis, f. 6v-7v; PG 155, col. 637. The custom of beginning
matins in the centre of the church on feast days, possibly instituted to accommodate a greater number of the faithful or because people would have kept vigil in
the building throughout the preceding night, is recorded in Constantinopolitan
Typika of the ninth and tenth centuries. See Miguel Arranz, uI.:offlce de l'Asmatikos
Orthros f4tmatines chantees1 dans J'ancien Euchologe byzantinM, Orientalia Christi
ana Periodica 47 (1981). pp. 149-50 and 154-5. The most comprehensive description of Symeon's '!ypikon is found in loannes Phontoules, To An TO vP yl KOI ' IfJyov
1:VIJ(WI1 rou Bt-O'aotlO/ /K17S"' IThessaJonica. 1966\, pp. 37-47. 115-58.
Z9 MSS Koutloumousiou 457, f. 332v; and Athens 2062, f. 56r-58r.
30 The weekly rotation of choirs in Byzantine cathedrals is discussed in Neil K.
Moran. Singers in Late ByUJntine and S1avic Painting, Bywntine Neerlandica 9 (Leiden,
1986), p. 15 (Constantinople); and Lingas. Sunday Matins~. pp . 227-8 {Thessalo
I
nicaJ .
491
ecphonesis restates only the first half of the preceding solo. The following choral verse and refrain set the same text in a somewhat less
melismatic idiom, the music of which is applied verbatim to the incipit supplied in the manuscript for the succeeding verse (Ps. 3:6b).
In a manner consistent with the patterns for compound intonations
that I have noted elsewhere among the settings of Psalm 118 for ordinary Sundays,31 the recapitulation of the opening intonation's second half is reserved for the full setting of Ps. 62:8 and the perisse.
Between these two statements of the florid music from the antiphon's opening, Ps. 62:9 brings a temporary return to the choral reciting tone and refrain a fact noted in the manuscript by the heading uTO Kd~EVOV" ("the [musical) subjecfl
These anonymous chants for the First Antiphon provide a traditional if somewhat ornate asmatic framework for the six epo~ymous
verses with tropes. Upon closer examination the first of the three
works attributed to Koukouzeles a setting of Ps. 3:4 attached to the
incipit ~~a O'Ol, TIUTEp.1/ is revealed to be identical to one of his
five known contributions to the important and widely distributed
Late Byzantine repertory of newly composed chants for Psalm 103,
the prooemaic psalm of Neo-Saba'itic Great Vespers. 32 In their monastic guise, these works - known as Anoixantaria after the incipit
of Ps. l03:28b (U'AVOlaVToS- O'ou Tl)V XElpa") - consist of a verse
melody, which may migrate from one verse to another of Psalm 103
in different Akolouthia manuscripts, and a trope, the text of which
remains stable. 33 Comparison of the other two Koukouzeles compositions in Athens 2061 with the melodies for the Neo-Saba'itic psalm
transcribed by Velimirovic confmns this remarkable musical relationship across rites. The cathedral setting of Ps. 62:4 is revealed as
Koukouzeles' fourth melody for Great Vespers, while the first
week's music for Ps. 3:8/ which also appears attached to Ps. 62:9 in
l
11
Alexander Ungas
492
the
be-
ll
:l.I
3S
J6
493
,..
,..
The author wishes to thank the British Academy, SSHRC of Canada, Dumberton Oaks and the Phlloptochos and Church Music Federation of the Greek Orthodox Diocese of San Francisco for their
support.
494
Alexander Lingas
Opening Blessing
(Hypakoe)b
Synapte of Peace
First Morning Prayer
First Antiphon (ps. 3, 62, 133)
Small Synapte
Morning Prayer 12-71)
Amomos, Antiphon 1 (Ps. 118: 1-72)
Small Synapte
Morning Prayer (2-7?)
Amomos, Antiphon 2 (Ps. 118: 73-131)
Small synapte
Eighth (7) Morning Prayer
Amomos, Antiphon 3 (Ps. 118: 132-76)
Entry into the nave.
2. MORNING PSALMODY AT THE AMBO
Benedicite.' Dan. 3:57-88
Small Synapte
Prayer of the 50 th Psalm
Psalm 50 and Pentekostaria
Small Synapte
Prayer of Lauds
Lauds (Ps. 148, 149, 150(
Great Doxology (Gloria in excelsis)
1hsagion
Entry into the sanctuary.
C
495
Alexander Ungas
496
Table 2.
Outline of the festal setting of the invariable
first antiphon for the choir of the first week
(MS Athens 2061, f. 59v-61 v)
VERSE
Double Intonation:
REFRAIN OR TROPE
-------------------
0 eECS.
and
'/I. yaAAulaOllaL
Ws.
62:8b}
Anonymous
(Style of the Asmal
Anonymous
(Style of the Asma)
Ps. 3:6a
~<xa
Ps. 3:6
AEYE. l~a
Ps. 3:8
~o~a aOl,
6 &0S'.
om ITchEp ...
[~6ca am.
OOL
"AYLE ...
coca am 0
8E 6s-.]
Ps. 62:4
Ps. 62:6
I\f.'YE.
~o~a OOL
nClTEp
Ps. 62:8
~~a O'Ol,
Ps. 62:12
AeYE.
Ps. 133: 1
~~a aOl
16 6Eo~?J
Perisse
~~a 0'01
eEO~.
~~a OOL
"kylE.. .
8Eo~ .
Anonymous
(Reciting tone)
Anonymous
(Reciting tone)
Koukouzeles
( = Williams # 1 )
Kontopetres
( = Williams # 11
Koukouzeles
(= Williams #5)
Koukouzeles
(= Williams #4)
X. Korones
(= Williams #2)
Anonymous
(=Part 2 of the opening
intonation in the style
of the Asmal
Anonymous
(Reciting tone I
X. Korones
(= Williams #7)
Anonymous
Anonymous
( = Part 2 of the opening
intonation in the style
of the Asma)
C.
Perisse
497
498
Alexander Ungas
b. Choral Psalm-Tone.
.'
.
G1IIIJiIJI"'l......
--.Ao.:"'t
c. Alternate Choral
-Tone.
OS'.
11 '
"'41.1_
/J
499
500
Alexander Lingas
501
Sandra Martani
uber das ekphonetische Notationssystem des Wiener Codex Suppl. gr. 128/ ein
Evangelienlektionar aus dem friihen 12. Jahrhundert, das vielleicht in einem
Athosk1oster nach hauptstadtischer VOTlage des 1 L Jahrhunderts geschrieben wurde. In dieser Arbeit werden nur die 80 Perikopen des Iohannes-Evangeliums anal)"
siert .
Abkiirzungsverzeichnis fUr cUe Notenzeichen
a
<x noo'tpo(j>OC;;
00
6~Eial 8utAai
~
llapEla
7t
7tapa KAl 't\K~
~~
~(Xpla\ Ol1tA.Cll
<;;
CJUvi>E~~(x
K9
KCl9io"tTl
(JP O'uPlJ.a"tl~
K
KV'tTl~a
'ttAEla
KPIlClO"ttl
\.)2
6~E{a
\.)3
Sandra Martanl
502
2. das klassische
das sich vom 11. bis zum
Jahrhundert entwickelte;
degenerierte System
degenerej,
Beispiele
werden konnen und im
dem 13. Jahrhundert
des 14. Jahrhunderts immer haufiger vorkommen.
zusammenfassen:
1. Paarweise.
stereotype Zeichen 3 stehen am Anfang
und am Ende eines Kolons. Einzige Ausnahme 1St die Syrmatikein der am hochsten entwickelten
kann eine
Syrrnatihe vorkommen.
2. Diese Zeichenpaare sind
/ auBer in den Thleia-Gruppen
und im Apeso-exo.
3. Das
der Periode wird von
Thleia-Gruppe
4.
Perikope
einer bestimmten, stereotypen Neu: Bareiai diplai, Imanchmal au
Oxeiai diplai), Kenternata ,
Apostrophos oft in Zusammenhang mit Teleia {verdoppelte Neumen
werden nur in
SchluBformel verwendet).4
lm praklassischen System finden wir
1. Einzelneumen, die im Prophetologion
TeJeia-Gruppe vorkommen.
2.
Weglassung von einer Neume, wenn gleiche Gruppen zwei
Kola umrahmen.
e Gruppierungen, besonders mil Paraklitike und Hypo6
der Periode,
5. Eine
J
anclere
neben den klassischen;
Anordnung am Ende der Perikope und cler Ge
Thbelle L
muLl. hinzufugen, daJ!. jedes Manuskript seine eigene Art hat, urn
zu
5 Siehe Thbelle
Nr. 19-21.
Handschriften
6 Siehe Thbelle 2,
14-18.
konnen
in den
503
504
.u.H~,
11
Prophetologium, MMB
penhagen 1981},
s.
12.
Hal)hste TJtl1b~wt,
BV2:anlmische ZeU.schrltt 8
Lec:t\oJnaria
!1 899), S.
133.
Hebraischen
Ac(~enre
1901).
40.
15 Egon Wellesz, .Die byzantinischen
SBlIscha/t 11 119291, S. 528.
Le~:uonsze!Clnen
Siehe Thbelle 4.
Vg!. 'L. B. Anonymi grs,mroatIC1. N~cl101.1a in Diooysii Tluacis artem grammatic.amH, Grammatici
1, vol. HI.
1965, 113.5: 'H
u~e\l -des16
\7
oe
505
506
Sandra Martani
men und zwar am Anfang der Perikope, nach der einleitenden liturgischen Formel: "Ei1tv 6 KuptoC; 'rOle; ECLtytOV )J.a8rrcaic;".
Die Frage ist: Welche innere Beziehung mit dem vorhergehenden
Satz sollte die Synemba hier betonen? Die Antwort findet sich in
dem Vergleich mit den drei anderen ahnlichen Incipits, in denen im
Gegensatz zum obigen Beispiel die einleitende liturgische Formel "Et1tv 6 Kuptoc; 1tPOC; "[oDC; f:ATlA. u86'ta.C; npoc; o:U1:0V iouSalo'Uc;/J
ganz allgernein spricht. U
In unserem Beispiel ist die einleitende Formel wichtig, urn den
Zusarnmenhang zu verstehen. In diesem speziellen Fall hat sie
wahrscheinlich erne ganz besondere Aussagekraft: Jesus spricht
eben zu seinen Jungern. Die Perikope (Joh. 16,23-33) ist in der Tat
ein Teil der Abschiedsreden Jesu, diese Worte sind sein Testament
und die Synemba unterstreicht diese pers6nliche Beziehung.
Wenn sich derselbe Vers im Textteil findet, treffen wir nur auf die
Neumen Oxeia-Thleia. zs
2. Die mit Apostrophos neumierte Formel "Cxnn::piBll" oder "a1tEKpi9EO'o.V" + Subjekt, und eine Verbfonn von AEYW; aber die Synemba-Thleia Gruppe wird nur verwendet, wenn das zweite Kolon keine
Dativ-Erganzung hat, das heiBt, z. B. "a1tEKpi9TJ 0 DXAOC; I Ko.1. dnE"/6
in allen anderen Fallen wird es immer mit Oxeia-Teleia neumiert.
Es ist interessant, die Textvariante in der Perikope 61 z7 hier zu erwahnen: Nestle-Aland, auch im kritischen Apparat, Hest "Cx1tKpi8Tl
'Illaou~ I Kat dn" und die N eumen muBten Synemba- Teleia sein,
aber die Handschrift hat il1tf:Kpi811 'IllO'ouC; I Kat etnE autoi<;/I und
daraus folgt, daB die Oxeia-Teleia Gruppe an dieser Stelle verwendet
wird.
Dieser Unterschied kann erkHirt werden, wenn man einige andere Kola in Betracht zieht. Es gibt vier Falle, in denen der Satz
IICtntKpi911 ']nGOUc; (bzw. KivoC;) Kat d1te" wle ein einziges Kolon
Siehe Perikopen 12/04 -Joh. 5,24- (14.II.101. 30104 -Joh. 8,51- 133.1.11); und
65/04 -Joh. 10,1- (237.11.20) .
2S Siebe Perikopen 044/53 (50.11.5) und 055/427 (171.11.15).
26 Siehe Perikope 24/30 -Joh. 7,20- (26.1.10) .
27 Perikope 61/32 -Joh . 12,30- (218.11.171
U
507
2.8 Siehe Perikopen 35/46.123.1n -Joh. 9,11.25.35- (38.I1.4; 39v.l.5; 40.1I.6) und
37/63 -Joh. 12,30- (42.1.10).
29 Siehe Perikope 52171 -Joh. 12,30- 115Ov. 1.18\.
30 Perikope 37/64 (42.1.11). Im obengennanten Beispiel (siehe Mnote 281 wird
auch der Text mit aiYtolt; bereichert, um zwei Kola mit zwei verschiedenen melodischen Formeln zu hilden, deswegen wild die media-Syrm.atike auch verwendet.
31 Et'l'tEV ObV
(a-a)
0 'IT)a~ ~pb<;
(~-'t) 015111 Uoh. 4,48)
vEA.qov 00v 'tlV~ (a-a)
&K t~V 'I&pooOA.'U).ll'tOOV (~-'t)
024151 Qoh. 7.25)
32 -E~v 0 nu..a't~ 'tov ll"la~ (a-a) Kat i~crtiyro(JV (~-'t) 057/760oh. 19,1)
3J 'AvopEa~ <> aocl.cj)~ l:ij.Ul)v~ (rea-a) nE'tpO\)
(,-t) 031/17 Qoh. 6,8\
f)v Ot IOP'to.; 1tOA.~
(a-a) 6V 't~ 'tMtCil
(~-'t) 031126 Ooh. 6,10)
3' E~paia'ti. (~-~) 'EUT)Vlcrtl. (a-a) 'Pll)~\<ni
(~-"C) 063/70 Gob. 19,20)
3S Siehe Perikopen 02126 -Joh. 20,23- (3v.l,l)j da5selbe in 08127 tU.n.B); 23/39
-Joh. 7.10- (25.11.161 und 52151 -Joh, 12,26- (150.1I.17).
36 Siebe Perikope 023/38 -Joh. 7,10- (25.11.16).
amov
508
Sandra Martani
m1t
oder
einzel- oder paarweisen Zeichen zusammengesetzt, besonders mit Kathiste, damit sieben verschledene
Muster gebildet
k6nnen.
In diesen
wird sie fur
Zusatz-Neume gehalten und dadurch freier
et, und deshalb kann das
Kolon
verschiedenen Perikopen mit
ohne Synemba neumiert sem.
In diesem Zusammenhang gewinnt
Bedeutung
cen:
die grammatik.alische Verbindung zwischen zwei Satzen unterstreichen. wie den obengenannten 'I}rpen:
(aber auch Cx).,).,aj + Verb,
oder Apposition
oder Erganzung;
aber ofter betont sie die Anwesenheit eines Nebensatzes
eav, on, Relativ-pronomen
Partizip, z.B . .!::!!:..~~~~!.....!.l:.W~~
n'tE (lC9<;-K9), I 'to. epya
'A~pa.o.~ in:ou~i'te Icrp-'t),31
In Verbindung mit
Nebensatz kommt die Synemba, auch
am
einer Perikope nach der einleitenden Fonnel.
In zwei Fallen wird
eben in
Incipit verwendet, es handelt
J8
urn zwei absolute Genitive.
Nach einer
Gruppe wird eine Kettenreihung (Concatenatio)
haufig mit Synemba hervorgehoben, z.B. ... tva. EYW a1tEA9ro
) I
Eo.V yap
J.L.~'
1lC6C;-K6) und
einigen Kola noch
... 1tEQt CxIJ,(xo'tiac Kat 1tpi OlKCllO<JUVilt;
1tEpi Kpicrew<; Icrp-crp-'tl I
.!..!:.2J:::!.!:......~~~~ ~EV ... (Kee;-K6);39 manchmal kann man
stilistiauch in
tieferen teologischen
auslegen: KaL
CtAA,oV 1t(lpO:KA,n'tOV Swcret UJ.LlV (0-0) I lva ~EV1J
UJ.1rov EU; '[QV
alrovo: lap-t) I
'tlie; aAn6Eia.c; (~_~) ..w
I
38
Diese Beobachtungen
schrieben.
41
. aber
Neumen:'u
cr(l~f!a:tOU
VIer
7-81.
509
510
Sandra Martani
on
Siebe ThIel 5. Die Perikope 57 hat keine Entsprechung zu den anderen Lesungen.
Tabelle 1. Paarweise
{Nach
01
01
03
2
3
'tEA-Eta
cruPIlCX'tlldt
')
Kat 'CM::La
o~eia ~ 6~Elav
6.ntO'Q)
~~O)
~aptat
~
:)
:)
':)
/
--- /'
Un klassischen System
~aptat
\\
,\
//
//
\...0""\
\J\
'tCa9lmat
/'
Kt>11 Cl mat
.11"
1( V't1ljlCl
;;
a1t6O"tpocpo<;
9
10
12
,,/
/
;I
)
;)
8ut1ai
02;elCXt 6utl.at
'tu
()?t6K'pun~
tK 600
511
Sandra Martani
512
Tabelle 2.
Zusammengesetze neumatische Gruppen irn Prophetologion
(Nach S. G . Engberg, The Classical, 34,36.)
11
V\
13
14
,.J
15
u./
I
16
,J -
17
,,
;)
18
':)
19
v./
I
20
21
,7
J_
513
a)
Olb
11
ap-
r--
v./
7
:I
1t<X -'t
$#:{)l]){\lU;\~[~~::;~~!~:IQ~~;~~\~[~~#[)[@~:~[[1~~<~~\iI\\\~\\\@t]\; :~~~;i)\j\~~~~l\~\[~jI[,tj~it\~~!~~H~~~:~:?\]\~?%?~\~~\\j~\~\~\~){~;
05
.)
a-If:
06
... V\
1C9 -'t
I
-=-
1~
Sandra Martani
514
b)
l'
0<;-0
0-
-0
7>J ~
00;;-0
14
1tCX-O
178
(IS)
: ~~:~!~;:~:~i~f<:: j: :}:~!~):~ :]~: il::i!:i(:! ): :e: !:i:jUj: ~]: ~:t::%~~~;f~!H]:J\]l:i)~:it~~j&:\ji ~;!)~]iir::~;: :[!t\l;!j!jjj[t~i. j\i{:]@nl:i)]~]l]
3a
"J
;'"'
,~
u3C; - '03
(11)
~
~~
'03 -'03a
'v"
~-~
58
?~{}j)i~:Uf()):?i~)~)~UPt~t:j~[4.~[:~:[;\}!([@~!![J)J!\:t~[{I~r~j![~~!!::::J:n\:!:{@!:[i:\!~~;~~!~1(f):({:j~j[
68
/ /.....
//
00;-00
7'
'"'" '"'
~
- ""
/"
xS:;-Ke
138
1C9-0
40
(11)
515
7e
7f
7'
7h
'"'" ...,
v""",,
.,./
-0
26
/
/
~)Ce-o
-0
./
mc9c;-o
m-a
x -a
92
1
- Die graue Zeile hebt die Zeichen des klassischen Systems hervor.
- Die Numerierung der klassischen paarweisen Zeichen fol'gt der l&belle
deT M.M.B. ISiehe Thbelle 1).
- Die zusammengesetzten Gruppen werden mit einem zusitzlicbe.n
Buchstaben gekennzeichnet.
- In der vierten Spalte liest man die Abkiirzung der Gruppierungen und in
der fiinften Spalte we Hlufigkeit.
- In der lezten Spalte ist die Numerierung des MMB (Prophetologium) in
Bezug auf die Zeichen des vorklsssischen Systems (Siehe 1llbel1e 2).
- Der Strich zwisc.hen den Neum.en vertritt den Thxt des KoloDS.
Sandra Martani
516
.... - +
/'
.... - -+
- /'
+-
I
2
----
6
7
8
9
10
.....
'"
.... '" .J ~ -
11
# .... ./
14
15
lC9r; .~
......
Il<;.p
29
18
/'
/'
lC&;o
26
~o
14
19
20
ooc: -00
21
1C~ l(p
22
0.; - 0
n6c; o
~1C9 - 1C9
../....
/'
v'"
./
V'I
~ . '1
73
oc;-'
op.; 1
o -<; -"{
1( ' ~ ' 1
138 16
58 17
Ilf); - ~
./
~~
- ....
12
13
...., -
'",
,\ - ,""
v
"t-
ouvE~~a - Gruppen
~-o
Q:H!
oc;-Q
~-IC
>
1>3~ -~3
./
~-o
idk; .
/'
- ,
"
..... - /
,.,
...
....... -
..... "'"
oJ
j.., -
...,
-"'I ....
Tabelle 5.
Pcrikopc Kolon K.lpite1
05
20
1518
Incipit
El Cl or6o}loc; 1lsJ0.;
.., I \/'IDaIaU
06
07
08
Ncumcn
~-d
).t \Ot I.
~L
a\ h:
1~,19
>e6op.O'U 'I)U
09
o ..~~ltv
10
11
12
TO ~\OY
e.Wt
13
(no
14
IS
16
17
1I
19
20
op -'
~ - 1!8
21'.1.15
00
21'.1.17
Cl - Cl
4U ~v Ujtizv 1'4I1~\/.
1({)~0\l O()..
'YeD
'IV
&<IU
tItl14 h. wu
1:0~
,,~O't)
Folio
21'.1.l1
21'.1.12
21'.1.13
ap-~
21'.1.17
!Cp-""
21'.1.18
ldIc;.-d
21'.1.20
Cl-a
21',11.1
).t~L~~OI(~~.
~ "",0..,. U& U 1:0'0 I..6T01l
0-1
21'.U.2
a-a
09 ...
~-d
"QI'~~~~W
0-'
dI;-1!8
22
23
21 '.Il)
21'.IJ.4
2I'.U.6
21'.IJ.'
21'.1J.8
2I'.U.9
11'.1J.10
0-'
2I'.n .12
1qI ' Kp
21'.IJ,14
24
II:OlftooWtv ~\Y
!Cp'lCp
21'_ n.l~
aQI
21'.U.16
21".0.18
IS,20
21
1S,22
1l9'~
22.1.1
a.a
22.1.2
0-'1
b ~ ~'04IY
I[CIt tbv IIa'U.pOI IWO jI \CJ! \.
,d-dj
22.t.3
22.1 ..5
0'
22 . ~
31
1~2-4
35
36
21',11.20
~Y!!It
JO
3-4
~.-
21'.n.n
29
1'.23
cp-'
0-'
~~
II
).t&.
28
(Jp-~
III \
26
17
0-0
oft lilol/'
I(p.tq)
22.1.8
,.e-ri
2'2.1.10
0"
22.1.12
KolOD
57
32
IC4pitcl
r{) et {)
18.33
t&>t
Inc!Pit
l\ao~
uilv10'06awy;
Ncumen
\)]-'0]
l oot
1-'(
1191.]
111-'
lS
fI
Gp-'
36
c:&n~~OH~
ON till'';
Mfrn qlII
11.35
37
38
39
40
41
qp\ 4l~:
18.36
,,] -'03
0 -1
,,] -'03
~ ~ t6 oOY a l o\_an\&p&~
~d
lop-,
CJa~l'
tllO~1}OClO;
tlv.1CpI/iJ1lI~
..
..
42
43
44
Ll tIC ~ ~(1) ~
flY
4S
11 ~\l&\a flip ~
46
IIX-a
47
~YClI11t
1IO~J~1.CI'
Folio
17S'JUl
I7rll. 13
178'n I S
178".nJC5
118'.n.11
_ '17S".n.lO
178',11.11
17UI
1'19.l2
)4
517
Itf)-t
179.1-4
179B
i;d-o
J7U7
ap -.,
J7U9
1179.UO
T 79J.ll
I
I
NR.
KAp.-y'
lNCfPIT
FOL.-SP.-Z.
KALENDER
1,1-17
2.1.9
20,19-25
1,1828
1,35-51
3,1-16
2,12-22
3.L9
3v.II.4
6v.I.3
7v.lI.14
9 .1.9
3,22-33
9vJI.21
T cl)
20,19-31
10v.II.16
12.1.13
12v.II.17
13v.1.1
14.II.6
Tij
14v.II.22
16.II.16
l8v.Il.7
3
4
9
10
2,111
11
5,17-24
12
5,2430
13
5/30~6/2
14
6, 14~27
4,46-54
15.
3,16-21
Tlj
O'ajl~ci't4>
El
'tTJe; WEjloOj..l.aOOe;
E~OOJ.laOo~
NR.
KAP.-V.
16
6,27-33
17
6,35-39
18
6,40-44
19
6,48-54
20
15,17-16,2
21
5,1-15
INC1PIT
FoL.-Sp.-Z.
19.II.22
E{1tEV 0 Kupu~ npOc; 'touC; EAllA:l)e6't~ 7tPO<;
air~ov wuoaiouc;- 'Ep"(a(,aije
20.1.12
Et7ts v 0 KuPWC; 1C p<>c; 1:01><; 7tE 7ttO"tEulCcYtac;
au'tQ> iOUOCXlooe; 'E-yw etl-U 6 Cip'toc; Tile; ~Q)Tic;
2OV.l.4
Et7tEV 6 KupWC; 1tpOc; 'toUC; eA,1lA.u96tac; 7tpO<;
(Xu'tOV iouoaiouc; Toiho E(!ttv 'to 9iA.TJJ.Lcx
20v.II.22
Et7tEV 6 KupWC; 7tpOc; toUe; 7tE7ttO"'l:EVICOtCX<;
(Xu'tcil iovO(xwuc;' 'E-yw S4!L 6 aptoc;; tile; ~WTtC;
EI7tEV 0 KupWC; 'to~ ecx'U'toU J.l.a6TJ't(llc; tau't(x 21 v.1.6
ivtSAA.oJUXL UJ.l.tV
22v. I. 5
Tit> KCttp!;> KeLV~ avitJTl 6 'I"O"~ e~
KALENDER
E'
8.~Oo~ao<><;
'IEpoO'6A.'U~
22
6,56-59
23
7,1-13
24
7 , 14-30
25
8,12-20
Z6
8,21-30
27
'8,31~42
23v.I.lS
Tij
W'tTie; 8'
f:~oo~aooc;
24v.rr.2
f:~OO~OOc;
25v.I.14
26v.II.14
27v.I.14
28.Il.22
NR.
KAP.v.
28
29
4,5-42
8,42-51
30
8,51-59
31
6,514
32
9,3910,9
33
10,1728
FOL.Sr.-Z.
INCIPIT
T(!j KCUp(!l
eKf;iv~
ePXE't(ll. 6 'l"oouc;,
eyw
KALENDER
29.11.15
K\)plalC~
Si
32.1.22
f, I
ej3<5o!J.uOOt;
33.1. 7
E~oo~ciooC;
33v.I1 . 14
Tu 0' 'tile;
34v.n.6
TU s'
35v. n .7
36v.I.18
T cf>
37v.I.5
KupHn.:U
I ~~OOIlO:OOe;
El
EJ3bOJ,l.aoo<;
aya7t~
aa~j3ci"tC!>
lile;
ej300/J.clOOC;
34
10,2738
35
36
9,1-38
11,47-54
Tu W'tTle; C;
37
12,19-36
41.1.17
TU l'
-cTJ<;
c: EpOOll-aoo<;
38
12,3647
42v.I.12
Tu 8' 'tTte;
~ ej3cSof.!aoo~
39
14,1-11
44vJI.9
El
c: 'tou "CuQ>AOU
E~OOIlUc5oe;
NR.
40
KAP.-V.
14,10-21
INCIPIT
FoL.Sp .Z.
KALENDER
4Sv.I.17
46v.I.14
Kl>plaq ~'
47v.1.21
4Bv.l.16
49.11.21
50.II.12
51.1.22
52.1.4
53.1.19
121.II.20
lZ8.II.17
132v.1.21
149v.I.15
PTllla'ta
41
17,1-13
42
14/27-15,7
43
16,2-13
44
16,15-23
45
16,2333
46
17,1826
47
21,1.4-25
48
7,37' 8,12
49
SO
1,4351
11,1-45
51
12,1-18
ano B,,9a~
npo ~ iulp(;)v tOO 7taaxa
52
12,17-50
"CooV
a:yiulv 1t<X'CEPWV
c:
NR.
53
KAP.-v.
13,3~11
INCIPIT
FoL.-Sp.-Z.
IS5v.n.l0
KALENDER
e1..<; '[ov
Vl.7t"Ciipa
55
13,12-17
13,31-18,1
56
18,1-28
57
58
18,28-19,16
19,25-37
59
19,38-42
60
19,23~37
61
12,25-36
218.1.1
62
3,13-14.16-17
219 .1.4
63
19,6.9-11.1320.25-28.30-35
Et1tEV
. (,, KUPlOC;' OUbElC; aVCt~EI3"1CEv U; tOY
O\)pavov
T<f> KCtlPc'!l E1(elV~ CfUIl130U1..lOV E1toiTlO'ClV
64
10,9-16
236v.1. 11
65
10,1-5.9
237 .II.15
54
156v.1. 7
164.11.15
174.11.18
EUClYY~AtOv ~'
't01) Vt1t'tr,po<;
EuaYYEAla 'twv uyiwv naSwv tOU
Kupiou il~wv 'Il1O'OU XPtO''!ou
Eva.y)'eAl.OV 13' (n~v CtylWV naewv)
187v.1.1
189.I.5
E,)ayyeAlOv
195v.Il.21
178.11.11
219v.1.3
Ht'
KaieE08wpexC;'twv~Ct~oov
NR.
KAP.-V.
66
10,22-30
67
1,19-26
INCIPIT
T~ 1CCltP~ h:ElV~
ta
EYVE'tO
E')'lCaivL(x .v
'l&poooA.,) ~0U;
Tri> 1((ltPQ> 1CEivQ> cX7t(J'tEtAaV oi 'Io'Uoo.lot E~
FOL.-SP.-Z.
69
70
1,29-34.3942
(AE1CEJL~pi<!> 1C)'1)
a.u'tij ~~p<;t 'ta
!lvoi~ ta. 'tite; J.1EyCtA."e; E10CATlaiae;
254v.1.13
Clo.vouapict Ml1Vi
7tpOeOpnCl
2S8v.I1.21
262v.II.9
268.1.8
19,25-27
21,24-25
72
15,9-1-6
73
74
14,15-17.21.25.
23.25-27
14,21-24
75
17,11-21
276.[1.21
Et7tEV b K~pt~ 'tou; E(lU'taU J.L(l91l'to.~ 'av
'aya1la.-re
- , J.1&
E{1rev <> Kvp~ 'to~ t(llYtoU J.laeT1't(l~ 0 SIWV 278v.II.12
't~ iv'to~ JJ.OV 1Cai t'1piilv (li>t~
289.II.2
TQ> KalpQ> h:dvQl E1t<XPa.c; 6 'Illaoi)~ 'toU~
O<pe(J.~ auto\) E~ 'toi)~ ,....(l&rt't~ autoi>
71
Tu
244v.II.S
'I&poaoA.u~WV
68
KALENDER
275.1.18
('Iavo'U(lp~)
'tri> (lute!> 0
M"vi t(i>
o.Ut~ ~' E~
'toil OPOOpOJ,LO\>
('Iavouap~) Mllvt t<!> au'tcfJ tJ}'
jJeeoptov
(ct>eJ>poua.p~) MTJvi 'tcfJ a.i>'t~ ICy'
taU ayioo nOA.uICapnou E7tt01C01t()'\)
l:JlUPV11~
(Ma.~) Ml1v1 'te!> (lUtQ> ,,' tOU ayiou
NR.
76
KAP.-v.
15,1 7
FOL.-SP.-Z.
INclPIT
K<T>Pl~
ElltEV 6
Ei~l
"
77
20,1-10
Tfl
~ l~
78
20,11-18
T<$
1(at~
t~
209v.I I. 9
Jl V1lJl. et cp
79
21,1 -14
80
21,14.-25
Tn
209 .1.11
'tcOv O'cq3J3C!'tcov
f.l(Elvcp Mcx.picx ElO'-n)l(El 1tpOC;
l1Sv.II.16
KALENDER
525
Maria Pischloger
Maria Pischtoger
526
n~tN.'Fh
KOHTO Chi
AHfMH,
3.
rOAHH4-T4.
HB4HORd. H.9A4R4CA\
ill O.AH-
1875).
I\H'I'Orpd~Hd
W ffHrfA4
"PfB'b.
G.1Il'b.(1GdHOB4 (Oo4>HI(1,
1905).
4. Katabasiai . In:
KHt2l nOCT, GrrPdCTHd'l'd CfAJHHU,4 H 34 n'''XdTd, 'I'pOH~HH H K'UKPfCHH TpondpH, nOltHfAfH, ~ IOHOCTH MOIA, n04TH RCH'fKH KdTdB.4CHH, 50-'1"'H nCdAOM, Rf"
tp
"
Tf~"'<\090H. 11 H.9AdHHf.
Go4>Hf(1, 1914
Ap.
G'b.CTdlmA ,"4H4CHB
(CHHo.narrHo KHHrOH3,naTeJICTBO,
1992).
5.
&0-
R'h.ArdpcKd'J'd U'h.PKIU
6. Katabasiai. In:
urnpeH
n enp
A'h.(1)f{4RHd
AN"
HSAdB4 CB.
H np4.9),HHlJHH
nllJ4'1'HHLI,4.
no
T9HO~,
CHHOA'h. H4
(GO+HA, 1935)
OCMOrJIaCHMK'b
nO,Il.06HH .
H'A~AHH
rrOJIHeJIeH,
BeJllil-laHlUl,
06-
KaTaBaCHH
1949.)
7. Katabasiai. In:
TpHon H
HOTO
neThp
U'hPKOBHO-rreBl.feCKl1
neHTHKOCTap
6oroclIY)KeHHe.
C60pHHK.
qacTh TpeTa.
TIpeBe.ne
OT
H3T01.JHH
Ha
3arra.ll,HH
HOTI(
1951.)
Es ist bekannt, daiS die Entstehung der Bezeichnungen der gottesdienstlichen Gesangsgattungen durch verschiedene Griinde bedingt
war, auch durch die Eigentumlichkeiten der Ausfiihrung im liturgischen Rahmen. So entstand auch die Bezeichnug "Katabasia" aus
N .B. "KaTa8aCH..SI in :
S.706.
4 Ibid .. S. 706.
3
3HIIHJU10ne,l!JfTleCKHR CJJOB8Ph
527
tabasia an Ort und Stelle. Wie in vielen anderen Fallen wird das
griechische Wort 1(a.'t(l~a.ma in der slavischen Praxis beibehalten,
und zwar als "KaTaBacIDI".
lm Hinblick auf die besondere Komplex:itat der liturgischen
Handlung und der unterschiedlichen Auffuhrungspraxis des Gesangsrepertoires werden rur viele Gattungen genaue Hinweise in
speziellen Handbuchem angegeben, vor allem in den 1)rpika (oder
ihrer russischen Variante YCTaB, S c.rryxe6HHK6 usw.)
Hier finden sich auch vie1e Anmerkungen zur Gattung Katabasia.
Von dieser Information werden wir beim Erfassen des Gesangsmaterials bei der Bewertung der gemachten Beobachtungen und der
Aneignung der vorhandenen Bibliographie ausgehen.
In diesen Erlauterungen werden die Katabasiai unverandert im
Kontext mit der Gattung des Kanons (x:a.VffiV) betrachtet. Der Kanon
erscheint als Basis fur den Kompositionsaufbau der Matutin (YTpeHH),
in der auch andere Gattungen gemeinsam mit ihm auftreten, unter
ihnen auch Katabasiai, die den literarischen Text der Heinnoi
(tP~oC;) des entsprechenden Kanons verwenden. Deswegen wurden
die Genrecharakteristika der Katabasia auf dem Hintergrund der
Gattung des Kanons betrachtet.
Es ist bekannt, daS der Kanon, auf den 9. biblischen Oden (roful,
slavisch necIDI) basierend, eine vielteilige Komposition darstellt.
Sehr oft wird die zweite Ode des Kanons, mit tragischen Motiven,
ausgelassen, infolgedessen kommt der Kanon mit acht Oden zur
Auffiihrung. Zur Zeit des Fastentriodion werden noch ltiirzere Fassungen des Kanons verwendet, die aus drei Oden bestehen, die tripesnecy ('tpt<OOlOV) genannt werden. Ein anderes cbarakteristiscnes
Merkmal des Kanons ist, dd jede Ode des Kanons aus einem
Heirmos und mehreren Troparia ('tpo1tapux) besteht. Der Kanon.
5
1. M.
2.
1910-1913; BWIYCXH
flHI11l0
o6mcCT-
ISofia ,
1980).
3. K. HBXOm.cKHB, noco6ie
aepKBH 1St. Peterburg, 1907}.
6 Cny;e6HHKh ISofia, 1973).
/Cb
H3yveHi(O
YCT8.BB
tioroc.nyJl(cRiJl npIUlOCJ1BllROil
Maria Pischloger
528
.1980), S. 41-2.
TmlllK
ti
K. HHKOJIhCKHfi,
YCT88 ... ,
S. 298.
529
NEUMIERTE KATABASIAL.
ll
Maria Pischloger
530
Katabasi-
THl1HK
NEUMIERTE KATABASIAL.
THllHKom ... , S.
532
Maria Pischloger
533
NEUMIERTf KATABASIAL.
JJ
lI
RfCH4I1l.
4.
(}OGISH4l1MI:o.HOa
CMRO.
ItH.
leH
1'14
KPfCT'll.
Das Troparion G'lI. BHtOTH CHHtWfA'b. 'CH wird zur Musterstrophe fUr
einige Katabasiai, wie
CO,UCHH&J.UloHHTMm O>6.PdO"". gOM n90WfA"h hlKO
c~w8, nOHM'b. rOcnoAfBH USW.14
\ 1 ......
12
14
Ibid., S.
CeMmiapIDl.
YQe6slDC':b lJO
H3TOq
Maria Pischloger
534
gesanglichen Besonderheiten haben die TI-ennung der Katabasiai van den Heirmoi und auch ihre Unterbringung einem
ellen Gesangsbuch das IlKatavasijnik genannt wird, und durch
einige gedruckte bulgarische Ausgaben der letzten Zeit vertreten ist,
in hochstem MatS beeinfluj1t.
Und so wurden hier anhand des Materials von Gesangsbuchern
fur den Gottesdienst, Handbuchern und personlicher Kommentare
die Charakteristika
Katabasia des Festtagszyklus' in
spaten Gesangspraktik des Balkans aufgezeigt. Die gesanglichenRealisationen
Katabasiai des Wochenzyklus' besitzen ihre Eideren Erforschung Gegenstand einer anderen
wird.
Untersuchung
ll
535
NEUMIERTE KATABASIAI...
Matutin
I. TAGLlCHER GOTTESDIENST
11.
FESTTAG SGOTTESDlENST
A. TElL
1. Sonntag
hI Am Dienstag:
Die 1. Ode - aus den Kanones des
Menaion.
Die zweite Ode - aus den beiden
Tripesnicy.
Die 3 _Ode - aus den Kanones des
Menaion.
cl Am Mittwoch:
Die 1. Ode - aus den Kanones des
Menaion.
Die 3. Ode - aus dem Kanon des
Menaion und den zwei 1'ripesnecy
des Triodion.
Maria Pischloger
536
1.
n.
TAGLlCHER GOTTESDIENST
FESTTAGSGOTTESDIENST
, ... )
B. TElL
1.
Die 4. Ode - aus den Kanones des
Menaion.
Die 5. Ode - aus den Kanones.
537
NEUMIERTE KATABASIAL
It
I. TAGUCHER GOTIRSDlENST
Die 6. Ode - aus den Kanones des
Menaion.
3.
Die 4. Ode - aus dem Pentekostarion, und Menaion.
Die 5. Ode - aus denselben Kanones.
Die 6. Ode - aus denselben Kanones.
Es wird der Heirmos der 6. Ode des
ietzten Kanons (aus dem Menaion) ge-
FESTTAGSGOITESDIENST
(... )
sungen. (.. . )
C. TElL
C. TElL
1.
1.
Menaion.
Die 8. Ode - aus denselben Kanones.
Die g. Ode - aus denselben Kanones.
2.
2.
gesungen.
2. In der Fasterueit - aus dem zweiten 2. Es werden die Katabasiai gesungen.
H
1hpesnec (TPlwJIOll).
1\
\ .. .)
D. TElL
D. TElL
q,c",",iw~'" X'fP~HM"b.
1.
538
Maria Pischloger
1. TAGLlCHER GOTIESDIENST
2.
Der Heirmos def 9. Ode aus dem
zweiten Tripesnec .
n.
FESTIAGSGOTIRSDJENST
2.
Statt lJfC'l'HfHW~~ wird inuner die 9.
Ode des Kanons mit den Kemreimen
gesungen.
3.
Der Heirmos der 9. Ode aus dem
letzten Kanon IMenaion).
N eumenbeispiel
la
16
IB
2a
26
3a
36
3s
539
NEUMIERTE KATABASIAI. ..
1a
ICcrcaO(lpKCl.
Q6'r) A (1).
Hx<><; ~
rea
.,
1,0
fJ 1 J
10
J J J ~ J J J J J ; J Jj J
--~~-~~
Xpl (TOn. p4 ~ ET CA
'J
la
Ke,
(AA
~dA)IMKA
aM
rl q
.,...
Xpl CTO on
J J I J ilJ
PO)tCAeCTSA
rl"
~-C-~~ .. ~ I'C-~
Xpl CTon.
tJ J
p4 2KA4 eT CA
CX4
BM
J J J J J J JI J I
tLt POlKAen"Bo
36
38
HE
AA
'pit<
ij!IH TE
J J l
rA4n 4. (1)
J
11. (1)
pa
C-.:.!..
C"l NE se e n. ...
H4 PalKAeCTllO
nta.. 7.
(1) ~
Xpic"l' 01 0
r:B.
Aa- Q
XpH
XpNCTOIO.
XPI CTOC"I.
=-===3a
...
~~~Jr
"or.-
L.~
i-
PO)t(AEC"nO XpICTOBO.
'=,,~JT~L-' . _~
J J J JJ J
N4
J J J
CTon
~P")I(A4"
~.:r:-eT~ C4~ "t(4
Co-! . . .r"T- 'i - - ti~)TE.A~
lit Te~ XPI (Ton n HE sen
~
i JJ 8 I
'r!pH
AWl
541
Nanna Schi0dt
Nanna Schi0dt
542
smell it and see it you will know and perceive that it is a rose.
cannot smell or you are blind you will never know what a rose
as you
no presupposed knowledge or any senses to analyze
rose. The perception is
or reach a synthesis about the
immediate, and no following analyses are necessary.
Hildegard von Bingen had
900 years birthday in
1
and her fellow sisters wanted to communicate
VISIOns
and
from God to others. She was finally allowed to do so
by the Pope when she was 40 years old. So she created the reve1a
Hons in text, music
In that way her surroundings and
generations had the possibilities to analyze and thereby un
derstand by reading, listening, singing or seeing, what God had said
to her in her revelations. Z
creations were
f<,,~
and copied by the nuns in
conand they were
by them
the right context and understood.
We have greater difficulties, living in another century and cuI
re. We have to look at Hildegard von Bingen's creations as a
whole and then start to analyse the details.
more we analyse
and go into depth the more we win get a perception of
whole,
namely the revelations.
It takes time and a great effort to do so. In this case we must
learn to understand the symbols and we must examine
in which they
Each piece of art, an opera, a symphony, a painting, a sculpture,
Notre Dame in Paris s Hagia Sophia in Constantinople) a play or a
film, a great novel, etc. a whole put
by very complicated
behind which lay preparations of organizing and processing thousands of details.
When we read, hear or see a piece of
it can give us an overwhe1ming,
confu
impression. has
analyzed in
the llRezeptionsforschung how people reacted to Haydni Beethoven
and Wagner when they were first perfonned. The
did a
3 1b some extent creators have the
great
reach the
......
"",a,..
ll
1998.
543
Ref. 13.
Nanna Schi0dt
if you
heard it
enough,
if the
mUSIC
quality, you cannot concentrate 100% on the
Some authors 5
that phenomena are perceived by collecting
the elements by your senses (see,
listen, feel, etc.)
your
soullmind/brain binds
to a whole,
that the
person observes
whole piece
art
Others
and then start to analyze
physiological, neurological, psychologi~
cal
sociological procedures. This happens during or after
a long
or even
observation procedure or later, and it can
be .
to
a full
It
upon
you
and in
state of mind you
are and if you have presupposed knowledge.
Are you observing a picture. a sculpture, a ballet, reading a novel
you tired, distracted or om,eror listening to a pIece of music?
Are you interested or
interested in beforehand?
Another author
. "If a
of
can stand repetition, .
appear to be the most
tion, analysis and performance it will
well structured, rich in detail and wen conceived. It will have a
chance to
classical
stand
forever".
Only in rare cases
can create
which become
people do to their creaare among
tions. Johann Sebastian Bach, Shakespeare and
people.
them. Masterpieces of art are easily perceived by
4.: You can meet a
with whom you can communicate immediately.
you can be with someone where everything
each
or you donlt. Why? I would
goes wrong. You
call it
or bad chemistry. But
in this case all four principal
elements are involved,
therefore the
with another
can develop either in a positive or a negative direction.
S:
us now turn to Our own papers
at the
Planus conferences.
We
have ideas and we
papers on those
and perform
in front of an audience.
Authors'
1.
546
Nanna Schi0dt
the Virgin Mary and The Holy 1tinity decided upon in the Council
of Nikea 325,
Constantinople 381,
Efesos (especially) 431 and
Chalcedon 451. Stanza 19-24 concerns mainly the Virgin Mary,
no. 24
only to her and in praise of her.
Each stanza, or Oikos, consists of an introduction (line 1-3L leada central part with the essential message (Hne 4-6), which is
ing
rounded off in line 7 in the 12 evennumbered
but expanded by 12 Ilhails" or "XUlPE" to the Holy Virgin,
so-called
uneven-numbered stanzas.
Kairetismoi, in
All stanzas have a refrain. The evennumbered: "Alleluj a" ,
uneven-numbered: "Hail unwedded bride", The refrain is only given in
text manuscripts.
supposed to
known by heart and sung
by the congregation or a choir.
The Akathistos hymn is still sung today, sometimes
an almost
syllabic way (Ill. 1).6 Sometimes it is only recited as a daily prayer
without singing.
liturgical day
Akathistos hymn is the 25 th of March,
the feast of
Annunciation. It can also be sung in four
during Matins on
four saturdays of Lent. It is said to be very reVIVIng
smg
complete hymn after the exhausting period of
Lent.
Only the three
stanzas are chosen for examination in this paper,
stanza no. 1 and no. 3 are strikingly different from the
other 22
No. 2 is included as it represents the
"normal
stanzas which are almost alike seen from a musical point of view.
Only line 4-6 are analyzed as that is where the musical elaboraHons take
The meaning of the corresponding text is
to find the
background for the elaborations.
in the three firse of the 24 paintings is also
studied and compared with the two other media.
All three media describe the dramatic scene between Gabriel and
Mary, a dramatic set-up not found elsewhere
the hymn.
jl
FROM IDEA
547
PERCEPTION...
flU. S}.
Nanna
548
Ghost appear
pointing directly at
) A furious Mary is
standing with her arms
against Gabriel.
stands in awe
to give his message
God. The
important
line 4-6 (Ill. 8),
music uses these
in line 5
for
elaborate
whole hymn, and
first and
time in this hymn a sixth leap upwards
leap used once
of the three stanzas. IIn
IIlL 10J. This
agreement with
I have corrected a
error which occurs quite often
this manuscript: a fifth
has been
to a sixth leap
stanza 1 and 2 I
put the
arrows.
musical context
that this correction in order.)
elegant
The
using powerful words. word rhymes,
grammatical structures, but only
understanding the "~~'''L~''f'o!. of
the
of
three stanzas the dramatic
is perceived.
The music only
a few spots in
hymn to give the
matic effect.
words are
in the important middle section! the con
ventional formula structure put aside and
by extended.
(stanza no. 1 and 3, . 3 and 10).
An 3
point in the
that the first 3
contain
the core of the Akathistos hymn:
resistance and following
nation of the Holy Virgin i.e. the human
against the will
God, concentrated in
events around
Annunciation.
'VU,",.LLL"L...,
it possible to
out which medium
best the scene
of
Annunciation to
pu blic?
The
the Annunciation, is common to all
and is
to perceive.
so well known, that all senses are
The text, which is taken from the Grottaferrata manuscript Ashburnhamensis 64
1289, is written by Romanos the great
1h
nographer, in the 6
10 Unlike the
the text has
much through
centuries. The
known manuscript
l
~
\0
Ref. 3,
LXI.
See Ref. 4, 6
7.
549
in Greek Sinai 925 from the 10th century (without music). A Latin
version dates from
9th century - also without music.
In the Greek monastery and the Greek church - then and now date and the place of the Akathistos hymns in the liturgy, the
language and the hymn well known. Therefore that group
of people have all possibilities perceive.
We - standing outside - have to translate analyze and learn to
understand the dogmas and symbols.
l
Ref. 2.
Ref. 3.
See Ref.
550
Nanna Schiedt
The three
examples (Ill. 3, 7
lQ) can be compared - it
seems to me Johann Sebastian
lIperformance"
text
Matthew in
Matthauspassion,
he "explains"
dramusic - without hurting the text.
sections with
I
myself difficulties,
I hear a
melody, also
belonging
a song, or the
in a ballet. I only
hear the music.
If,
I was not the
the situaquite another.
tion would
be carried
and the dance
by the melodic
the music, one depending
closely of the
categories:
performer
perceiver, have
depending on
to the
and presupposed knowledge.
The
of the
hymn seen
article (IlL 4, 6
and 9) are
the Meteora monastery in Greece, ca. 14th_15th century, but they can
be seen now, restored, in one
small
churches in
in Moscow.
monk has
told
that the icon
in his
has almost
the
of the 24 paintings, which constitute
Akathistos cycle, on
the walls
his monastery. Mosaics and
of the Hfe of
Annunciation
flight to Egypt are found as far back
from
as the 41h_ century. Therefore it must be regarded as the first - or
rather - the
preserved medium.
The paintings can be used not only
those people who cannot
at all or cannot understand the language, but
for those
who contemplate while they are praying the Akathistos
or
it or listening to
as
with action, expression, symbols
paintings are
and dogmas as Hildegard von
s revelations l and they need
much analysis
be completely understood by
outside the
context.
But seeing the situations with
and Mary and
Holy
in the three paintings, all following old codicological
me a very strong
of what is
on In one
most important events in
stianity: The Annunciation.
551
References
VJ..tVOl,
N. B. Thmadakis [Athens,
1952-61).
C.A. TI:ypanis
14
Ref. 1.
IS See Ref. 12.
Nanna Schiradt
552
F0derske (Oropos,
hl
an English
FROM
TO PERCEPTION ...
Illustration 1.
rJ1ItSTe PllRaTJ}'M
fie . - t~le
ft.
.............
--
553
554
Nanna Schi0dt
Illustration 2.
01 oheOl TOU <!n<aSiO'TOV VIJVOV
KaT' aA~T'lTOV"
"A yyu..os
1.
1TPWTOO"TQ-r1)S
oVpav66ev hrtlJ~&r,
hrlv Tfj 6roTOl<w vaiee'
Il:_. ~7~~~:f~~~~U-~_-~-",:J~il
KPo:vya~(UV TTP~
XaipE 51' 1K
XaipE 0\' ~S ti o:pa tt<A([~I"
Xa1pe TOU lTECrOVTOS 'A5clIJ ti QVcla-rocns"
XaipE T&V OCXKpVWV TfiC) Euas
A&-rpc.)m~
Xa1pE u..yo~ Suaav6.~ov
12
J6
~ao-ra~elS
T~W ~oaTa~ovra 1TCwrO"
XaTpE
20
24
OTI
XCITp~
Stanza no.1
Line 1-3
Line 4-6
Line 7
Line 8-23
Line 24
(Refrain)
555
lliustration 3.
Stanza No. 1, line 4-6, Coislin 42 fol. l09v-l10r
.. -...,
./
11
..,. ~
'1
'1-
"l-
i>jC, <.To(-
"'...,..w
1(oI.~ ~~
JI'
~""~""1!u
/
l,.
'"
...
""
I..
L.
...
1-
1.- \,.-
Ct""""t:o-D-O
t.5L"-
1..- L
36
Nanna Schi0dt
Illustration 4.
Stanza no.l
The Virgin sits quietly with a little girl at her feet who is spinning
wool. A picture of an ordinary woman.
The Holy Ghost appears from heaven, and Gabriel arrives. Mary
does not pay attention.
A red scarf goes between the 2 houses in the background.
illustration 5.
H.
BAETrovao: 1) exyfcr:
ktv1iiv v
~(<jl
flal
ra 111~ ea aw.tClJ)
4- TO 1T(Ip<l50~6v aov TT1S q>UlvTlS
5VO""lTQp6.SlCTov 1l0V l'fj '+'VX~ q>aivTol'
acrn6pov yc<p
Tit'"
8
XUr}ClV
AA).fl~o\ilO .
av~1)
ws _ _ _ _'""'
Stanza no.2
Line 1-3
The Virgin is not afraid
Une4-7
She says that she does not understand how she
should become pregnant in her circumstances as virgin.
tine 8
(Refrain)
. ' .
5~
558
Nanna SchiC1!Jdt
illustration 6.
Stanza no.2
Mary gets up and stretches out her hands in a questioning position.
The Holy Ghost approaches a little more.
Gabriel is listening mth his right wing and leg swung forward.
A small house appears in the middle of the background.
A striped scarf is stretched over the 3 houses
559
-- J
., '1. 't -
"-' -..., c.
560
Nanna Schi0dt
Illustration 8.
rv&C1IV 6yv(.o)O"TOV yvc7lVQI
1'J 'T1'apaEVO~ ~llTOuCJa'
HI.
.' . 1'1
9
lTWS lOlIV 're:x ilvQI 6wqTov; . AEeOV .~!:~ .
L ,_,.2!POs _~.~. _.~~ivos ~,paa~ Ws rcp8CXc1SV
4
12
XaiPE
~ovi\f\s <.hroppflTOV~Vri's'
SI'
ns Kc:rriJ31l 6 6as'
.6
:-::'.'
20
ovSeva
xciTpE TO lTWS
81&&~a.cia"
XaTpE aoq>wv (nrEP~VOV(tCl ~IV'
24
Stanza no.3
The Virgin tries again to understand and shouts to
Line 1-3
Gabriel:
How is it possible that a son should be born from a
Line 4-6
pure womb?
With awe Gabriel shouts back
Line 7
All the things that willbe fulfilled when she accepts.
Line 8-23
(Refrain)
Line 24
Illustration 9.
Stanza no.3
Mary has now changed position of body, hands and legs trying desparateiy to get an explanation from Gabriel.
The Holy Ghost has disappeared, leaving the dramatical scene to the
two central persons.
The background also has changed. There is now only one house with
a big opening surroul\dt"<l by b1ossoming trees.
There is no combining scarf. The meaning of this enigmatic scarf is often discussed. It belongs to the icon-painting-rules.
561
Nanna SCh'0dt
562
lliustration 10.
rr,,->-..,}-4<lG.
,(,.-
\..
't.
t...
I'"
....
t...
"L
> ".
/.-
~J
t.
'L
""'
-:-,
v ... ,- - ...
I:)
t>
.,
oV
"i.-
" \J
"'"
,.
~
/,.
L.
t.
l ~
,~
5
.............
)...'L -
\...
C--'-h'-,!OV!"DL
DL
MA 31
563
Christian '1roelsgard
Dobszay L., Az Antifona, Egyhazzenei Fuzetek II/3. II. sorozat: Gregorian mGfajok IBudapest, 1995), p. 1.
I
Christian Troelsgard
564
Only very few sticheraria depart from this scheme of interior organisation.
J H. Hucke, "Toward a New Historical View of Gregorian Chant
JAMS 33
(1980). pp. 437-67, on Ihis point 447-8.
4 P. Jeffery, Re-Envisioning Past MusiCClJ Cultures, Chicago Studies in Ethnomusicology 1 (Chicago, 1992).
2
565
brary gr.
But if the medieval Byzantine choir normally sang
without the use of notation, how shall we then imagine the actual
performance of stichera.? And how could the singers possibly remember the thousands of texts which are necessary
the singing
of the annual cycle of
offices?
for a moment, it may be helpful to look
Leaving the middle
closer on a
from the first half of the 11h century, written by a
French Dominican priest, Jacques Goar, who travelled in the
to
study the Byzantine rite. In his IIEucho16gion sive Rituale Graecorum" he described the role of a special chant official called the }(an
onarches or Kanoarchos,5 a
that, perhaps mostly because of
subsequent mentioning of cheironomYI has
by Hucke
and Moran: 6
KCtvovaPXll<; ... e numero Lectorum electum, qui Canones, Hymnos
sive Cantlca Ecclesiastica, cantoribus tacite suggerere solitus
Nam
cum raro e libris in pulpito
Graeci, rariusque item musices
noUs exaratis cantum dirigant
instruant; defectibus his consultum
quivis voce, quae commode a
auputaverunt,
diretur, membratim per cola, huic et alieri choro e libro suggereret,
quicquid occurreret canendum.
... The Kanonarch < is > elected from the staff of lectors, and he uses silently to provide the singers with the texts of Canons, Hymns and other ecclesiastical chants. For as the Greeks only very seldom recite from books
on the pulpit and even more seldom direct or instruct the chant by means
of books furnished with musical notation, they think to compensate for
these shortcomings if a church officiat with a voice that can easily be
heard by the others, reads from a book and announces, phrase by phrase,
the chant text to each of the two choirs turn.
ix (Leyden, 1986)_
Christian Troelsgard
566
Ka:i ~Jl.EiC;
"Ca 'tpuxouca
KaVOVo.PXOUV1:o<;;
1:0.1)'t(1
'tCtxE)evto<;; o.5A$Oi).
We < sing> the Sticherd 'Ihadika of the given mode (namely of the actual
week
to the eight-modes-cycleJ Jwith melody' (which is opposed
to a simple reciting, HtOs), while the brother, who has
appointed,
does the kanonarchema".
In
study of the Byzantine iconography of singers and choirs,
Neil Moran lO
not identified scenes depicting singing directly
from manuscripts, except for some neral scenes, where a boy or
D. G. Panagiotopoulos, Theoria hai Praxis te.s Byzantinis Ehhlesiastihls Mousikls lAth ens, 1947}, pp. 302-4.
11 P. Gautier,
'fYpikon du Christ
, Revue
etudes byzatl32 (1974), p. 75. The
has been mentioned also by G. Wolfram, IIDer
byzantinische Char, wie er
1}rpika
9.-12. Jahrhunderts dargestellt,
Cantus Planus, Papers read at the
meeting, Eger, Hungary
ed, Usz16
Dobszay (Budapest, 1995), pp. 397-402. I Cantus Planus 1993}.
9 M.
Le 1'}Ipicon
Mona.stere du. Saint-Sauveur Q Messine,
Christiana Analecta
{Rome, 19691,
197.
'1
for
567
young man
holding a Psalter, which can
identified "by the
opening words
Ps. 118 [1191. the traditional funeral Psalm. Morants material belongs to the 14th century, and his identification of
the young man as kanondrches may be correct. But also the TYpik6n
of the Evergetis Monastery near Constantinople provides pieces of
valuable information. In a note at the
the last section of the
1h6dion, it told that the kanontirches, observing certain
of
salutation and dressing ll did the kanonarchema from a position in
the middle of the Church, when
two choirs performed Stichera,
or Heinnof and Troparia for the Kdnon.
passage reads as follows:
1tPO "COU evtip~a.O"(n K(1VOVapxeiv J3aUt:t 1-1-c6,v01.av 1:(1:, lCaEhryauI1BV41,
'tOO'[()'U nov 1:0<;,
obcovol-l41 l{(1l 1(4)
BKKATjcn6.P;Ct;'h I1Ee' 0 st, x:a.veva.px1\O'a.~ Kai VaAeij n:apa 'tou ~vap~a
l1ivo\) l(opoiS "Co 1tpro1:0V O'llXllPOV ;,. tUXov v 't~ opep~ 'tile; <poile; 't01)
X:Civ6vot; 0 eipI16~. OAaKATiP(1)C;, Kat ap~ta.t 0 en;po~ xopOC; waAA,lV 'tov
81ttAa)'XclVOV'tCl au'tc!> atixov, ~6J..Ael J!&'tav01.a.v 1tPO~ '[QV 'IIaAA.ov'ta.
xopov Kat lx.vn~a)J..oucnv ClU'tc'ii Ol. 1:0U lopei";...
Before the kanonArchos begins to do the kanonarchema, he shall
form a salu.tation towards the abbot, or when he is not present the ViCBabbot (oik6nomos) and the master of ceremonies (ekklesiarches), and
then, when he has done the kanenArchema and the first sticher6n is sung
completely by the choir that
{irst,IZ or the heirm6s of first ode if at
the morning office, and when the second choir begins to sing the next
Psalm-verse Istichos), the kanoruirchos gives a salutation towards the first
choir, and the members of the choir return his
Kat 0 lCavova.pxo<;
Se
n.
if) N. K. Moran, Singers in late Byzantine and Slavonic painting, Byzantina Neerlandica ILeyden, 1986).
11 A. Dmitrievskij, Opisanie liturgikeskich rukopisej 1 (Kiev, 1895). pp. 613-4. The
f.)c;lA>'''''''I''''' adds that the
had to wait till each
had ftnished the singing and first then do his salutation {,metanoia'j, simultaneously with the singers.
except dwing very cold periods,
was expected to be bareheaded.
12 Elsewhere in the Evergetis 1}Jpik6n it
stated that if the one choir began to
sing the one day, the other choir had to begin on the following; cf.
Wolfram,op.
cit., p.
Christian Troelsgard
568
J.
569
Christian Troelsgard
570
from own
briefly
first of all
, tradition, in
perhaps, from
readings
training in the notated Sticherdrion. I have in Fig. 3 tried to sketch
out a full
of Kyrie ehekraxa on 1st
as
described in
Evergetis 'iYpikon, suggesting a major
kanon6rches
the collective
of the singers, and only an
indirect presence of the notated Sticherarion in the performance it
self.
I shall add a
words on the
diversity observed
'marginal' parts
Sticherarion. r"",r._T_
by Oliver Sfrunk in
By the term 'marginal' Strunk
that are only
ent in one or
copies. In
there would
not
have been a Vorlage at hand, when a
for some reason had in
mind to produce a notated
Therefore, the neumator-com
poser would find himself in a situation similar
of singers
without notated chant-books, namely with the
to produce
a
in the traditional style of the Stichertirion, on the basis of a
given text and a traditional segmentation of it. Fig. 4 shows the
ginning of two
of a 'marginal' Sticher6n for the 'Ii:"anslation
of the
Nicholas from Myra to Bari. This translation took
been created for a
place in 1087, and the texts must
office during the following
i.e. late the 11th century. Though
not
'composed' In
center of
empire, the
"';LL""" Byzantine
style is
In a fine article
concluded on one
the melodies that
on this sticheron
the melody ...
woven entirely from
materials,
are
combined to form a new pattern". IS
the same can
of
an alternative version: although
melody is different,
to the
same
as the first one entirely made up from
material
known
other pieces in similar textual/musical positions.1 6
j
571
572
Christian Troelsgard
Fig. 1.
_--= ....,...
"
~~
r ......
.. ',
. . - ,.,.,,.._.,... ( I
~..,.~ <,.
". -
,-.;..a~:'\o._-
"1l
_ ,...:' .~
.....
~ ,,~ . ;~~..-lIIl""""~~~,;="
Fig. 2.
573
KAiIJ-CtKCt", leat ~Cx. 'to{ytOU 1tpoo6~ota. 1tpO~ ~i.av. "A6~Ct, lCat vuv", geOtOKtOV
'Ev 'ti} epu8pQ; 8aAaaO'1:(.
CHANT
SOURCE OF TEXT
SOURCE OF MUSIC
3) Ps. 129,7
4) Sticheron proshomoion no. 2
5) Ps. 129/8
6) Sticheron proshomoion no. 3
7) Ps. 116,1
as 1)
as 1)
as 2)
as I)
Knowledge of style, possibly stabilized by training in the notated SticherarioD
as 1)
Sticheron "Ocne nO.'tp,
K<lAl1V, as 8)
as 1)
Sticheron "OO'tE 1ta.'tEP,
lC<lAilv as 8)
as I)
Memory or knowledge
of style, no notation
as 2)
as I)
as 2)
Doxology, 1st part
as 2)
nd
Doxology/2 part
Menaion of Sept. or
memory
Christian Troelsgard
574
vfJ-
OEl
G EFGFG
"-
-;;~ i-
KlXtl
IX 'V
ab
beba
., V
'twv
aDU
be
'; ,..,
't'Wt;
EF
..,
ov-
",n
Nlbe
TO
bG aG
' ~,
JII:...,..-
YE-- Ba t;.
ts~':~
,~
-
_I~....{ ..I'
v~t>
T\~ U
v~-
a
..-
be
'-
')1"")
OV-
EFD
be
z;/) rt:
f:..?
oet
TWV
TW~
oo\.)
",,;,
""
I(ct't'
a-
ha G
~{-
"-
a.v
G
~....;..
Aa-
\: '" it" ~
1:0 Ilf-
G bG aG
?,
fr
60t;.
-.J '.
Esztergom ft Visegnid
575
Gerda Wolfram
Wolfram
576
Musiktheorie den Tite! Uber die Harmonik bzw. Muwichtigste Quelle die Hannonik des
2
umfassenmaios darstellt. Manuel Bryennios versuchte,
den Schrift Hannonika eine Synthese
Richtungen
3
Werke haben jedoch
der antiken Musiktheorie
enzyklopadischen Charakter.
so gut wie keinen Bezug zur
und verweisen nur in einem Punkt
musikalischen
. Ihrer
auf
indem
versuchen, die antiken tonoi
Modi (echoi) gleichzusetzen:'
Sehr spat setzt die Uberlieferung theoretischer
zur byzantinischen Kirchenmusik ein.
alle
sind
erst ab dem 14.115. Jahrhundert
nur
Traktat
den Hagiopolites,
im 12. Jahrhundert ans
genommen werden.
groSe Lucke zwischen den ersten
.a ... "'....... "'..... Musikhandschriften im 10. Jahrhundert und den
spatbyzantinischer Zeit. Keine _... __ '"
stellt eine systematische Weiterfuhrung der U.~h''''''''''''''VA''
Musiktheorie als Basis fur den
mes Anliegen fast all er Schriften
I
:2
Quadrivium de
P.
94 IVatikanstadt, 1940),
J
Harmonics
577
Wolfram
ben, von den Byzantinern als diplasmos bzw. als diplophonia bezeichnet, bezogen auf die zwei disjunkten Tetrachorde, die
Basis fUr
den byzantinischen Oktoechos,
System der acht echoi darstelI)
fur den Aufbau
griechischen Harmonik fundamentale
Quartintervall
kleinstes symphonon ist auch fur die byzantinische
Musik grundlegend, Die vier authentischen Modi (eehoi kyrioiJ haben ihre Basis in aufsteigender Reihe lm oberen Tetrachord,
vier
plagalen Modi (echoi plagioiJ in absteigender Reihe, vom vierten
galen eehos beginnend, im unteren Tetrachord.
Anhand eines Diagramms
achtsaitigen Organon, roit
Bezeichnung musike, wird dieses byzantinische System in
Lehrrift def Erotapokriseis
diplasiasmos
diplopho-
nia fUr die Oktave verwendet IZ. 757, 759 u.a.). Auch Gabriel Hieromonachos ... verwendet diplasmos jZ. 131 273 u.a.). Diese Bezeichnung aIs Verdoppelung bezieht
auf
disjunkten Tetrachorde, aus
I(l
716 und Kommentar S. 159.
I1 Haufig wird
der 2. echos
lydios und der 3. echos als phrygios bezeichneL
12 The Hagiopolites ... , 28, S. 36.
13
sich um
Sticherarion GRAthos Laura
67, in Faksimile
bei Oliver Strunk, Specimina Notationum Antiquiorum, Monumenta Musicae Byzan7 IKopenhagen, 1966). Tafel 12. Vgl. dazu auch Constantin Flores,
Neumenkunde IKassel. 1970). Bd. 1. 53.
j
DER KONTINUITAT...
579
."
18
Die Erotapokriseis.".
Gerda Wolfram
580
19 Vg!. dazu die Untersuchungen van Oliver Strunk, "The Tonal System of Byzantine Music", Musical Quarterly 28 (1942). S. 190-204; Nachdruck in: Oliver Strunk,
Essays on Music in the Byzantine World (New York, 1977). S. 3-18.
20 Gabriel Hieromonachos ... , Z. 521-530.
ZI
FRAGEN
KONT1NUITAT...
581
zum Kirchengesang. 22 Phone hat die gleichen Bedeutungen, abgesehen vom Notenzeichen, sie steht aber auch fUr
und Gesang.
Der Terminus phone wird
diesem Uberlieferungsstrang bewu~t fUr
Vokalmusik eingesetzt. Sowohl tonos
auch phone konnen
Groj1e eines Ganztons, eines Halb- oder Dritteltons haben, sie konnen fur eine kleine, groBe oder ubermagige Sekunde stehen.
Welche Bedeutung hat nun die Aussage des Hagiopolites und
nes spateren,
dessen Tradition stehenden Traktats, dass die
sange
Kosmas von Jerusalem und des Johannes van Damaskos
in
medialen echoi nenano und nana aber auch in anderen Modi,
gemaB
musike komponiert wurden. 13 Untersucht man die Melo~
dien
im Text elWahnten stichera und heirmoi, steUt man fest,
dass ihr Ambitus genau eine Oktave betdigt. Fur die beiden
im nenano ist es die Oktave C - c
D - d,
den Hymnus in
nana
es
Oktave E - e.
fur die medialen Formen
ristischen Quarten und Quinten bestimmen den rnelodischen Verlauf
24 lm Hagiopolites werden nenano und nana als
selbstandige Echoi
25
stehen augerhalb der Tradition
oktoechos. Der Bezug zur antiken musike diirfte vor allem im nenano in den chromatischen Intervallen gegeben sein. Obwohl chro~
matische Modulationen bzw. Alterationen bereits
den paHiobyzantinischen Musikhandschriften von Fall zu Fall durch phthorai
bzw. hemiphthorai (durch graphlsche Zeichen) angezeigt werden konnten, wurden
Intervallverhaltnisse in dem bestimmenden Tetrachord des nenano erst in einem spatbyzantinischen 'Iraktat mit
- F - Gis - a aufgezeigt.26 Dieses Tetrachord mit Halbton, EineinI
Erotapohriseis ... ,
Kommentar S. 113.
23 The Hagiopolites ... , S. 10, 2; Die Erotapokriseis ... ,
2.2
582
Gerda Wolfram
dariiberliegende
Den
zur
in den Musikhandschriften stellen die
welsen
des
{martyriaij
Systems
du. Sie
2'3
30
426-38.
432f.
3l Die
der martyria geben das
der Intonationsformel wieder
und weisen
auf den
Gesanges
Neumierte martyriai sind
bereits in
palaobyzantinischen Manuskripten zu Hnden, wie z.B. im Cod.
Vindob. theol. gr. 136 vom Beginn
12. Jahrhunderts ::; Sticherarium antiquum
Vindobonense, ed.
Wolfram, Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae Bd.
IWien,
1987); eine konkrete Ausformung dieses
erfolgte erst
der
diastematlschen mittelbyzantinischen Notation in der 2.
12. Jahrhun
derts.
:w
583
eingehende Untersuchung zu den martyriai verfa!te Joergen Raasted, Intonation Fonnulas and Modal Sign.atures in Byzantine Musical Manuscripts, Monuments
Musicae
Subsidia, Bd. 7 (Kopenbagen, 1966\.
32 Gabriel Hieromonachos .. ,/
92.
Wolfram
.e"
~.
l1li
I..
ll,n.l'
/
.
~ ~
a.
t.
'If
,-Il
e-
er
)
Lt
C"
--It
V, /.e
).
t,l)I
.)
),/l
). J1
1r
L..
-r - -"
~
~
})L-
T ~
0,,,/
).
,.,
T4
L
/)))/
).~C-
11'
/J
-r - -u
r-
11
).
41 ))
t..
/l
l-
11
r-- "
V') '),/.-
).
.,)
lf9
1r~ "
tf).,.,/L a.,,)~
r- -
lr
IT
Q..,))/
E-
~)/l
'3)
G? 11 A'
1*-3
7)
):P
).
a.., ".1 t.
).
11
),
/..-
--
). d1
T
).
t,,:)
).
11" ~
11"'3 "
).
"
).
r- - "
-,
r- - '1
v)." /...
L a.,n~
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I,
). '" c..-
11,
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),
(......:) ) /...
'3 ');,
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1r
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r-
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/- ~.
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eo
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c.,....
I1
<Ill
,,7
V ."
585
John Caldwell
This essay
concerned with the question of liturgy in relation to
two fairly recent articles that have had something to say about the
concept
its continuing usefulness to musical research. The first
by Barbara Haggh and appeared in Acta Musicologica; the second
is by Richard Cracker and appeared in Plainsong and Medieval Music ,I The former limits the concept to a "pre-purgatorial/f era of Catholicism (and by implication to post-purgatorial Protestantism) and
detaches it from the medieval practice of endowing
for
welfare of the departed. (I greatly simplify the argument and hope I
do not distort it unduly.) The latter is concerned with the direction
that chant studies ought to be taking in the future {the twenty-first
century, specifically): it argues that, while a knowledge of the liturgy provided indispensable information about musical context and
performance-practice, its further pursuit win not lead to fresh inabout the chant as it has come down to
which is what we
ought to be studying_
I must emphasize that I do not criticize either article in its primary purpose. Barbara Haggh's is a lucid account of the distinction
between institutions and foundations in the late Middle
and
emphasizes the significance of the latter; no-one will dispute the
importance of her findings, which are indeed supported by a good
deal of other recent archlval work. Richard Crocker, in his exceptionally wide-ranging article, has tried to move on from the state of
knowledge enshrined in David Hiley's Western Plainchant. His approach to the question invites a continuing dialectic at many different levels.
Haggh, "Foundations or Institutions? On Bringing the Middle Ages into the
History of Medieval Music", Acta Musicologica 68 (1996), pp. 87-128; R.
"Gregorian studies in the twenty-frrst century", Plainsong and Medieval MUSIC 4
(19951, pp. 33-86,
John CaldweU
586
I will
address Barbara
s article,
the aspect of it
concerns me here is essentially a tenninological one.
out, quite rightly, that the word liturgia
not occur
western
medieval sources: it is found in
Greek Fathers but not in
West until the sixteenth century, when it emerges
the context of
western editions of eastern liturgies,
certain publications for the
laity,
eventually in the scholarly work of Pamelius and his successors.2 In fact it does not seem to
entered the normal usage
Catholic discourse much
the present
except in
works of scholarship.3
But there are some specific points that can be made in answer
Haggh's contention, and one
one.
first concerns her argument that the concept of liturgy is in some way
conflict
that of purgatory, which in her analysis
the predominant and
characteristic feature of late medieval worship. As
concedes,
prayer for the dead much older than the specific named
doctrine of purgatory; nor is it confined to the West,
it is enshrined in the liturgy of St. John Chrysostom,
the eucharistic
sacrifice is offered on behalf of ("hyper") all the righteous
We have to
. , first, that prayer
the dead is a more universal
phenomenon than
of prayer for early
from purgatory
{as defined from the
twelfth
ry onwards)t and,
that endowments and foundations
not
concern
individual before
prayer
the dead but also
welfare of
j
Haggh, op.
. pp.
:) A discussion of the use of the term appears in The New Grove Dictionary of Music
Musicians (London, 1980), S.v. "Liturgy and liturgical
of a revised version
this article for
next edition has been kindly sent me by Professor J.
587
5BB
is a simple
pation is
their
John Caldwell
Jj
L'-'LL
589
tl
pp.
Crocker, op.
John Caldwell
590
" .
we can slot our
musicologists are sometimes
from their
.
.
preoccupation by what may seem too
an ImmerSIOn
matters such as
history,
and liturgy itself. I sympathize with
s . . . "'''''''~J.
musicianly point
of view.
In countering
proposition that continuing liturgical studies
are irrelevant to chant
In
future, it is important to
interest, which he calls
in mind that
to 1J1Gregorian chant' in the
sense the Roman Mass Propers from
sources
been taken to represent the
diffusion'; more
simply (but not absolutely) defined as
of Dam HesAntiphonale missarum
7
seems to be a rather
narrow focus, but if it is
one has
ask why, if the focus
chant at that stage in its development,
is indeed to
a
of
liturgico-historical environment should
be ruled
. Surely the era of ahistorical analysis
of chant is relevant only in
of its written transmission and
of its
oral transmission and preservation.
are inseparable
from liturgical
since
in part on the analysis of
verbal texts,
that in turn on
liturgical-historical Clrcum
stances that
into being.
But
truth
is that "Gregorian studies" - let
- are too narrowly defined by reference to the
of the Mass alone. would be laying too
on what the
Carolingians thought Gregory the
achieved - a Sacramentary and an Antiphonale
which a "cycle of chants
for the whole year" mayor may not be synonymous - to
the chants of the
the definition of what is after
code for Roman-Frankish chant.
of enonnous complexity and'
once
Office material is introduced. From the Carolingian
there
"shape of
I would
591
592
John CaldweU
a substitute for what we have not otherwise got, but rather as the
element in a continuum for which
happens
p
that of the chant itself. Liturgy, chant-texts, and music can
separated for the purposes of study, but they nevertheless belong
integrally together: the music would not exist if it were not for
texts, and neither would exist in that particular
if it were not
the liturgy to which they contribute.
to conclude I would reaffirm that "liturgy"
not a
but an inherent part of the thing we study. That does not mean that
everyone has to become an expert in those details that do not directly impinge on their immediate interest. As in any other branch
of musical enquiry, some will
analysts! others students of historicalor social context. But chant
more intimately bound up with
what
other fields might well be just context; it cannot be imagined in any other way, however absorbing the musical processes are
in themselves. I would also claim for this multi-faceted musico-liturgical entity a conceptual singularity that overrides its particular
manifestations different times and in different places.
593
David Crawford
Even though rituals of the Renaissance inspired much of the period's finest music, art, and architecture, our understandings of those
rituals are seriously incomplete. Efforts to improve those understandings are often frustrated because bibliographic sources to help
us find the books are anything bu t comprehensive. After several
decades. of struggling with this topic, my card file on liturgical
sources had grown to an unmanageable size, and so in the, mid
1980's my colleague, James Borders, and I designed a database for
managing information about liturgical books printed before 1601.1
Designing such a database required facing many difficult decisions
about information to include or exclude. Scholarly needs require descriptions of books that go into some detail, but as the amount of
detail increases, the greater becomes the difficulty and expense of
collecting, editing, storing, and distributing the information. I described some of the capabilities of the database some years ago in
Srudia MusicologiCQ,2 so I will not duplicate that information here.
We have entitled our project Renaissance Liturgical Imprints: A Census, abbreviated as RELICS, and it enjoyed eight years of support
from the National Endowment for the Humanities. That support enabled us to work in most of the major research libraries of the
United States as well as a limited number of European libraries.
Nevertheless, many of the greatest libraries of Europe still await us.
We are also entering information from published catalogs, bibliographies, and scholarly writings, but information from these sources
Professor Borders continues to serve as an associate director of the project, as
does Professor Barbara Haggh-Huglo .
2 David Crawford, Surveying Renaissance Liturgical Materials: Methodology
and the Computer n , Studia MusicologicQ Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 30
(1988), pp. 345-54.
I
594
David Crawford
Knighton - David Fallows (London, 1992), p. 70. For a quite helpful survey of definitions of "ritual" by specialists in ritual theory, see Jan Platvoet, MRitual in Plural
and Pluralistic Societies", Studies in Ritual Behavior, eds. Jan Platvoet - Karel van
der Thorn (Leiden, 1995), pp. 42-7.
4 See, for example, ]acqueJyn Mattfeld, Some Relationships between Texts aJ?d
Cantus Firmi in the Liturgical Motets of ]osquin des Pres, Journal of the American
Musicological Society xiv {1961), pp. 159-83.
595
David Crawford
596
In 1994 our University Library approved accepting a copy of our database which it then reformats and loads on the library's computer,
along with its own on line catalog. As a result, scholars anywhere in
the world who have access to international networks can explore
our database at no expense. The searching software is NOTIS,
known to many of you because it is widely used for online catalogs.
NOTIS is a book hunter, but it does not let users sort the books or
customize report formats. Therefore, certain projects still need the
kinds of reports we can make at the workstation in Ann Arbor. Although the database is available through any network connection
that can reach the University of Michigan on line catalog, we recommend a connection through the World Wide Web because it provides helpful introductory information. 6
Also of interest is the fact that we can perform statistical analyses
of the data, and I turn now to some of the things we are learning.
As a general overview of the information, Example 1 shows the total number of books printed for use in selected countries.
3,066
2,245
1,842
Low Countries
England
Spain
1,508
793
642
597
David Crawford
598
2. Book
Missal
Breviary
Hours
Manual
1,
Treatise
1,594 Passional
1 180 Agenda
57
J
Catechumenary
Ritual
Other
Hymnal
Ordinal
Lectionary
Officium
Sacramentary
1 Gradual
1 Kirchenordnung
232 Martyrology
86
74
71
208
67
61
60
488
177
Diurnal
1 Processional
Litanies
Ordo
331 Sequentiary
448
Political
139
1
Common Prayer
Obsequiale
90 TehHlim
Pontifical
28
18
599
Hours
Psalters
Lectionaries
Breviaries
Missals
Hymnals
Agendas.
Passionales
Other
4
19
1
0
0
0
0
10
FRENCH
387
10
0
3
3
1
0
3
7
DUTCH
62
24
42
0
15
0
0
56
24
GERMAN
12
81
99
7
26
30
14
41
48
This example shows that a variety of books, mostly for private devotions, included some vernacular texts in Italian t French, Dutch,
and German. It shows furthermore that exceptions to the Latin tradition were less common in Italy than in other regions. Finally, a
large variety of books experimented with the idea of publishing sa*
cred
in Dutch and German. Please note that these titles
date 1 1, so the statistics are not strongly influenced by the Reformation. This illustrates that Martin Luther's interest in vernacular
David Crawford
600
7
12
13
Esztergom
Toledo
Wrodaw
Collections
60
66
601
Seventeen Breviaries.
6 for Esztergom usage. 1484 (Nuremberg); 1513,10 1514, 1515, and
1rearises.
Anon., Informariones et cautele ... circa defectus casus qui in Missa ...
1507jNuremberg).
Guillaume Durand, Rationale Divinorum. 1459 (Mainzl, 1480 (Nuremberg), 1484 IStrasbourg), 1494 (Nuremberg), 1509 IHaguenau I, 1592
(Lyons).
Jean Durand, De ritibus ecclesiae catholicae. 1592 (Cologne).
602
David Crawford
603
Five Breviaries
Esztergom. Venice '(1524,.
Freising. Venice (1516).
Roman. Lyons (1545, 1546,11 and 1548).
Five Missals
Esztergom. Nuremberg ~1490), Venice (1512 and. 1513J.
Itinerantium. CologJ1.e (1500).
P~cs. Venice (1499).
Five n-eatises
Anon., 7J-actatus brwis. et utilis pro infinnis visitandis. Nuremberg
(1482).
_
Guillaume Durand, Rationale divinorwn. Strasbourg- (148,~, 1488),
David Crawford
invasions began in 1521 and, by 1
most of
was occuthe Catholic Church of
was u
attack from
pied,
other sources as well, for Protestant movements won a great many
converts, including monks and high-ranking church authorities. The
printing press in other countries was
the spread of Protes,
tant views, but the situation in
was especially
Renot
by 'furks were controlled by the Hapsburgs, and
Ferdinand I
that any
ngarian
who
a
19
book would be drowned. This
considerably dampened
printing industry, but some reformers continued
Hungarian
dition of importing books printed in
countries.
The
of the Reformation had
sown in the
century by groups of dissenters,
aristocrats, such as
Matthias
also
relationships with the Vatican.
dispute involved the small amount
Matthias re~
from the Vatican in
against TUrkish invasions.
1475
wrote to
Sixtus, 'JSince I was eighteen
old I
fought our common
it permitted to complain against
the Holy
I could
how little support I
received.
Your legate in my
can tell you that
sum I
from
even
the yearly payments of ten
1\~~
Rome will not
another
, Matthias wrote to Pope
Il, "Your Holiness
knows or could
least know from the speeches
others the spirit
leave the Cathoand
of my Hungarians. who would
lic
for the third
and join the
of the unbelievers than
allow the revenues of
country to
to the Holy See in disregard of
roya] election and
20
with
Rome were so troubled that it was rumored that Matthias' death
from Rome.!'
figs given to
was the result of eating
Qv ......
Alexander
The Hungarian
Reformation in the
Ottoman lmpact, p, 121.
UJ
Unghvary. The Hungan'an Protestant Reformation in the Sixteenth
Century Under (he Ottoman
lOO,
21 Alexander Unghvary,
Hungan'an Protestant Reformation In
Sixteenth
Under the Ottoman Impact. p, 43,
19
Century Under
605
17.5
... --... -
--_.-
.-------.--- . -.
.-----.--.....
- . -----.------.---------.--------- . ----------
.- .... ----.-.-- ...... -------.- .. --- ..... - ... -.-.- - ... --.
15
-- .. ----.--------.-----
12,5
"~~.A_"",""
10
--.
7.5
~~ ............. - - - - " ' .. - .. ~ .. "' ...... -~---- .... ~- ... - ....... '"'~ .. --'"
---
-.--
2,5
o
1415-
14.8S-
1495
!S05-
1515-
1525-
1515-
1545-
1555-
1565
1515-
1685
1595
1484
14!l4
1504
Ist4
ISZ4
1534
1S<W
1554
1564
1574
1684
3594
1600
606
David Crawford
607
David Crawford
608
609
611
I, Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to give a reading of a particular song
from the post-Carolingian Easter liturgy, the processional chant Sedit angelus.
Lawrence Kramer. Classical Music and Post Modern Knowledge (BerkeI@y, 1995).
612
Lawrence
613
the music with the persons listening to it and with the cultural context into which it has been incorporated. 4
Kramer's own analyses are mainly concerned with classical music from the traditional main periods of music history and even
there primarily with music from the 19th and 20th centuries. His
main ideas, on the other hand, are meant to and seem readily to carry
over to any music in any society at any time. However, the problems which always turn up when we deal with music from earlier
periods are certainly more felt in discussions of music from the
Middle Ages than when we are concerned with music from our
more immediate past. In the distant Middle Ages the "performance"
and general cultural context was so different from modern times,
that the way in which the music in fact did interact - in its various
contexts - with the persons experi.encing it, may not at all be assumed to coincide with the way it may interact with scholars or
modern audiences reading or hearing it today in entirely different
contexts.
Liturgical chants from the Middle Ages are, of course, sometimes
still in use - as in certain types of worship - and thus a modern cultural factor for particular groups within the modern society. But
quite often, it is no longer the liturgical context in which they occur. The chants are then met with detached from their original purposes and possibilities for interaction, used for instance in concert
and CD performances, or as scholarly objects subject to mainly historical interest.
Historically situated meaning - as Kramer writes about - depends
upon a reconstruction of a contemporary context. Even when we
know - and we do know quite a bit - about the liturgical contexts
possible in the 10 th -12th centuries of for instance the Sedit angelUS,
the song and the period with which I shall be concerned here, our
understanding of the possible interactions caused by the song is
necessarily a modem one. We can construct a monastic community
walking in procession before the Easter Day Mass stopping after
having entered the church to sing the Sedit angelus before finally be4
Compare the title of another of Kramer's works, Music as Cultural Practice (Ber-
keley, 19901
I
I
614
615
"
I:
.,
5 See for instance Hans-R~bert Jauss, "The Alterity.. .and Modernity ef Me~evcil
Literature" r New Literary His'tory vol.' K, 2 ,,1979-), "pp~ '1'8100229. COmpare ;my.diBcussion in Nils Holger Petet 8en "Ulid'erSfindhig Medieval. Chant' 'and 'Liturgy'1'"_'Grjgorian Chant and Medieval MusiC~ eds. Audun Qybdahl, Olll Kai I..edang, Nils' Hblger
Petersen (1ronciheim, 1998), pp. 139-50, esp. 140~1.
j,
\1
I'Il
I'
I
1\
i
-1
--~~--
-~-
--------- - - -
616
Charlotte
and, more recently,
K6rndle, have discussed
musical traditions of
chant in
early - and somewhat
- history.7 What of importance
the present conis only to note that it is widely recorded both with and without
musical notation.
instance, it is found in a variety
notated
included in
manuscripts already
the lOlh century and it was
the Roman-Germanic pontifical {without notation) from Mainz (loth
century) in the
mentioned
position. s TWo different but related - melodic traditions
its melody are known. I will
only be considering one
which seems to be preserved at
as early manuscripts as the other main variant. 9
The Sedit angelus thematically strongly connected
transiquietness of
tion from the contemplation
the passion and
Holy Saturday to the joyous celebration
Easter day, a liturgical
I> Corpus Antiphonalium Officium, I-VI.
R.J
III. p.
(CAO 4858),
the verse see also
antiphon
English translation:
angel sat at the tomb of
covered by a
garment.
him, the women were struck with great terror and remained
standing at a
distance. Then
angel
and he
to them: 'Pear not, I
tell
that
whom you
among the dead now lives.
the life
mankind
alleluia: Verse: Praise him who was bodily crucified.
glorify
for
adore him
has
from
dead.
"Can We ldentify an Aquitanian Chant StyleT', journal of
the American Musicological
(27) 1
pp.
esp.
Franz
Dos zweistimmige NOire-Domeorganum "crucifjxum in came" und
Weiterleben in
Erfurt {Thtzing, 1993).
pp. 1
8 Korndle, Das zweislimmige... ,
18. Le Pontifical Romano-germanrque du dixieme
si~cle I-HI.
Cyrille Vogel and n<;;,:u.u,cu
(Vatican
1963-72), I1, p. 114.
75-77 and
9 Compare Roederer,
"(',an we identify ,".".
pp. 84-93.
617
NHs Holger
618
,,",orJO ..(~..::.n
The .........."A'" lines of the Quem quaeritis dialogues are quite simple,
textual and
varitations
concerning
although
extensions of
basic and almost biblical dialogue conthe
a highly
- locally individualized - picture.
I
will quote the
dialogue from an early version,
pre-conWinchester troper from the monastic Old Minster cathedral.
The verbal
of the sung lines
as follows, (1
omitted the
rubrics)'
Holy women:
VOIce:
Holy women:
Quem
in sepulchro christicolae.
lhesum nazarenum crucifixum 0 celicola.
hie surrexit
predixerat ite nuntiate
dicentes.
Alleluia resurrexit dominus hodie leo
christe fili
13
us dei deo gralias diel eia.
The
continues with a
more
angel calls
back
women to let
see where Jesus was laid. And the anto tell them
again asks the women to go to the
the resurrection. The little ceremony
the singing una uoce
of a praise of
resurrection emphasizing the crucifixion - an antiphon also fou
vanous
in the
morning liturgy:
Surrexit dominus de sepulchro
ligno alleluia. 14
When comparing
angelic resurrection announcement
the
quaeritis
with the corresponding line from
Sedit angelus it is noticeable at least to this modern observer and
II See Rankin, "Liturgical Drama", p.318. English translation: Whom do you
seek in the
followers of Christ Jesus of Nazareth who was crucified, 0 heavenly being.
not here, he
as he precticted it.
that he has
Alleluia, the Lord has
today the strong lion,
the Son of God.
to God, sing eia. I
to
ctiscussion of
Winchester traditions:
~Les textes polyvalents du Quem quaeritis a Winchester au
", Revue de
1 /2000). pp. 105-1 S.
14 Rankin, "Liturgical Drama, p. 318. Cf.
Antiphonalium ... HI, p. 498,
CAD 5079.
619
not the least when taking into account that the leap of a fifth which
marks out the sentence in the Quem quaeritis ceremony is also pres
ent in the segment from the Sedit angelus although .a bit more indi
rectly, as the preceding phrase ends on the final g, whereas the new
phrase Nolite metuere... begins on the d. - that there is a similarity
in the melodic contours of the two phrases:
Example t/a. The beginning of the angelic announcement
from the Winchester troper Quem quaeritis dialogue, transposed
upwards a fourth from Susan Rankin's transcription: ls
_.
14
H...
...t
,--...
.-
~,
r...,
- ...... - ..:t
J is
Ii -
c..t:
:.
Example lIb.
Part of the Sedit angelus from a gradual of St Michel de Gaillac
(11th century), transcription: Charlotte Roederer. 16
16
620
621
........ K
jt..... U
.). -
r--
.. ~.
... : . . :
0.
.
...
t:- .....
~,
-;
...
r_t:
:7
a:'
".
.,
_ t ....
aJ-,l, .. ~
-. -- . . .r-
tu -
..,.
I. -
,c.
!:- "
--.....-;-:.
c..,..t..,
3:
ti:
::;;;
L. -
I....
,.,., -
7
"7"..
.,.-
1.-.
gz
'I.
r= .... ;/.
ill
a
I.....
N li - tL
_-fM- "'" ~
.........
ri - (:,
.."".
==
3
J
-i1.
.c
~,
, .. r
~
1-:
(....,'
..
......
'C-
- :t .
..
It - -
,)
,...t - ......
4._
, .. - , -
....
~,. . . .
1:.
t
~.to.
622
monk Rupert of
{c. 1075-11301 wrote an interesting
comment on the Easter Day procession and the Sedit angelus in his
Liber de divinis officiis. In his account Sedit angelus is sung at a
tion
the procession before the Mass called Galilaea, a name
which is
connected with the Easter narratives as Jesus summoned his disciples to Galilaea after the resurrection. The very
same name was often used for a chapel
of the main church in
Carolingian times and later. Such chapels were proposed by Carol
Heitz as possible places for
performances of the early Quem
quaeritis ceremonies. 19 Rupert writes among other things:
Huius diei statio, qua processio terminanda est, in medic templi splendide
ordinata, rem ipsa m, de qua dictum est, pulchre commendat, dum sacer
ecclesiae chorus totus festiuus sexus utriusque populo circumstante totis
uiribus in uocem exsultationis et salutis feliciter erompit cantando antiphonam: Sedit angelus ad sepulchrum Donllni.
Haec enim anti"phona rem ipsam patenter exprimit, quam perdocere
omnes gentes iussi sunt apostoli, scilicet quod Deus homo factus mortem
nos tram moriendo deuicit et uitam nobis resurgendo reparauit.
ualde et ipsa, quae dialS insita est, congroit melodia, dum cantus
is tetrardi garrulitate concinnus agili recursu festiua dicta suspendens frequenter tripudiat et laeta pronuntians uelut alauda maturina per uocum
suarum saepe uolitat acumina.20
19 Carol Heitz, &cherches sur les rapports entre architecture et liturgit a l'epoque
caroUngienne (Paris, 1963), esp. pp. 20S-9.
2.0 Rupertus
Liber De Divinis Officiis, in: Corpus Christianorum, Con
tinuatio Mediaevalis VII, ed. Hrabanus Haacke l'TIunholt. 1967), pp.
(book
VII, section 241.
English translation of the text quoted:
The station of this Day. where the procession ends. and which is arranged in the
finest way in the
of the church. in a splendid way recommends the cause,
about which there
been spoken. Meanwhile the holy and all festive choir
bursts out in song for the people {of both sexes} who are standing around as
men
sing the a.ntiphon Sedit angelus ad sepulchrum Domini with a
is marked
by overwhelming joy, singing happily because of the salvation.
For this antiphon expresses this cause, which the apostles were commanded to
teach all
a very dear way. in truth that God who became man defeated
our death through dying and restored our life through his resurrection.
623
624
Holger Petersen
a Visegnld
625
Jerome F. Weber
The manuscripts of chant that have survived since the lOtb century
are a sman fraction of all the written sources that once existed.
Needless to say, we have no witnesses to the sound of chant being
sung before 1904. Even now, few people may be aware of the different ways chant was sung before the age of the long playing rec
ord. Some day scholars may regret the loss of older chant recordings
of the shellac era as much as we regret the loss of so many medieval
manuscripts.
We are familiar with the series of controversies that surrounded
the interpretation of chant in modern times. At the end of the 19th
centuryl there was the continued attachment to the Ratisbon edition
versus the Solesmes research. Then! in the first half of the 20tb century, "practically every musicologist" (as Willi Apel put it in 1958
in Gregorian Chant, page 130) argued for various and conflicting
mensuralist interpretations of chant rhythm versus the Solesmes
approach formulated by Dom Andre Mocquereau. In
second
half of this century, scholars advocate the teachings of Darn Eugene
Cardine versus those who still defend Dom Mocquereau.
But around 1930, even within the Solesmes movement,
was
also a variety of chant singing styles. About the time that the influential first recordings from the Solesmes abbey were made in April
1930, over a dozen other choirs were also making recordings. Almost all of these shellac records have been forgotten for decades.
Few libraries and archives still possess more than a few of them,
and still fevv'er make them available for listening. Hence students and
scholars cannot hear them and may not be aware of their existence.
But if we could hear them, they would remind us of certain realities
of that period. For the most part! they show singing styles that have
given way to the example of the monks of Solesmes.
626
F. Weber
o .... t"In'\/::>
We only have
to listen
some
the more .
exam~
pIes, and it will be necessary to play only portions of some recordbecause there is not enough time to
everything.
The
example is
III
by men and women of the
Dortmund Municipal Conservatory directed
a
Dam
Romuald PeEfer of Coesfeld abbey, recorded in 1929. Notice
ternation of men and women and particularly the
the
Et incarnatus est, as well as
tempo of the Crucifixus
follows.
. Example 1. Credo
sung by Dortmund Municipal
~ Conservatory Choir directed by Dam Romuald Peffer,
OSB. Polydor 90055, recorded in 1929.
I
-.
_.
same
of
Gloria VIII from
men, women and full choir, with
sivel y accompanying
full choir.
shows alternation
organ more
,Example 2. Gloria VIII, sung by Dortmund Munici~ pal Conservatory Choir directed by Dom Romuald
Peffer, OSB. Polydor 90054, recorded in 1
.
In Agnus
IX,
by the young students of the Pius X School
of
directed by Justine Bayard Ward, recorded
May 1
the intonation
invocation is something I
never heard on
any other recording. This voice does not appear to
priest
who
the
parts, heard
the preceding versic1e.
Could it be the organist, Achille P.
_
Example
Agnus Dei IX, sung by Choir of the
~
X School of Music INew York} directed by
. Bayard Ward. Victor set M
recorded May
1929.
The singing
of
Franciscan
of Venray, Holland, recorded
May 1930, is quite different than we usually
now.
gradual Haec dies is typical of their style.
627
~
-
So far we have heard chant sung within the broadest limits of the
Solesmes method as it was then understood. Around this time,
only two recordings were made outside of this tradition, both under
the supervision of the musicologist Curt Sachs. These were the only
recordings of the period (other than the Solesmes set) that were ever
reissued on LP. The first one, recorded in January 1930, is not a
radical departure from the Solesmes method except for the freedom
of the soloist's approach to the verse of the gradual Misit Dominus
verbum.
628
Jerome F. Weber
Example 7. Grad: Adjuvabit, sung by Les Paraphonistes de St. Jean-des-Matines directed by Guillaume
~ de Van, with Agop Agopian, solo.
~ Anthologie Sonore AS 34, recorded March 1936. Reissued on LP as Haydn Society/ Anthologie Sonore HS-l
in 1954.
All of these recordings have been reissued recently in a set of two
compact discs (Parnassus PACD 96015/6). Altogether, fifteen choirs
are represented by a selection of their recordings. The others are
the following:
The choir of the Benedictine College of Sant'Anselmo, Rome
(Christschall, 1933 L an obscure set of records not listed in
A Gregorian Chant Discography and notable for the first known
recording of an Offertory with a verse, made before the publication of Carl Ott's Offertoriale sive Versus Of{ertoriorum in 1935
and long before the recording made at Saint-Wandrille in 1952.
The White Fathers of St. Irmenin, Thier (Christschall, 1929), the
largest selection of chants recorded during this period, at least
as large as the Solesmes set of 1930.
The monks of Ampleforth, England (R.M.V., 1930).
The nuns of St. Ehrentraud abbey, Nonnberg, Salzburg (Christschall, 1930), interesting for the presence of the future Maria
van Trapp in the novitiate at that time .
The escolania and monks of Montserrat abbey (Gram6fono,
1930).
The monks of St. Martin archabbey, Beuron (Electrola, 1929).
The monks of Maria Laach abbey (Christschall, 1928).
The seminary choir of Steyler S.V.D., M6dling, Austria
schall, 1930).
The Paderborn Cathedral Boys' Choir (Polydor, 1929).
(Christ~
629
Zoltan Jeney: Ricercare in Variazioni sopra il motto dal Rito F'unebre Motto e Variazione No. 7,
Prof. Ruth Steiner, Catholic University of America, The Chair of
Cantus Planus
CHANT RESEARCH AT THE END OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: NEW TECHNOLOGY, OLD QUESTIONS
Usz16 Attila Almasy
Bach: Christe, der du bist 1b.g und Licht (Christe qui lux es et dies)
630
Mayor of the
glVen
city of
20.00, Esztergom,
Study Session
Sept. L, Thesday 09.00
Chair:
Hiley
Huglo
LES MANUSCRITS
PROCESSIONAL
Martin Czernin
RESTE LITURGISCHMUSlKALISCHER HANDSCHRIFTEN IN DER FRAGMEN~
TENSAMMLUNG DER OSTERREICHISCHEN NATIONALBIBLlaTHEK IN WIEN
Giacomo Baroffio
I.:ANTIFONARJO E IL GRADUALE D1 S.
NE
XIV)
ARCANGELO DI STRONCO-
Barbara
THE MIRACLE OF THE RESPONSORY GAUDE MARIA VIRGO AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THE TREATISE MUSICA DISCIPLINA IN VALENCIENNES,
arHEQUE MUNICIPALE, MS 148
Rausch
OSTERREICHISCHE ZISTERZIENSERTONAR
Sept. 1./
14.30
Chair: Michel Huglo
Christian Troelsgard
WHAT KIND OF CHANT BOOKS
BYZANTINE STICHERARJA?
Fr.
J. Boyce O. Carm.
NEWLY DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPTS FOR AN OLD TRADITION: THE SALAMANCA CHOIRBOOKS
631
Hana Breko
CODEX MR 70 DER ZAGREBER METROPOLITANBIBLIaI'HEK - ENTSTERUNGS- UND VERWENDUNGSKONTEXT EINES MITTELALTERLICHEN GESANGBUCHES
Jurij Snoj
HISTORIA CANCIORUM. ON THE GENESIS OF A NEW LATE MEDIAEVAL POETIC OFFICE
Sept.
Wednesday 09.00
Emma Hornby
TWO EXPRESSIONS OF A SINGLE IDEA: USING THE EIGHTH MODE TRACTS
TO DESCRIBE THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN OLD ROMAN AND GREGORIAN
CHANT
Michael !Gaper
DIE NEUMEN IN EOOM EVANGELIAR DES 9. JR. IN DER PARISER NATIONALBIBLIOTREK, FONDS LAT. 268 - ZU EOOR BISLANG UNBEACHTET GEBLIEBENEN QUELLE FUR SEQUENZ UND PROSULA
Sandra Martani
DIE EKPHONETISCHE NaI'ATION EOOS EVANGELlENLEKTIONARS AUS DEM
12. JAHRHUNDERT {VINDOB. SUPPL. GR. 128J
632
David Eben
LOS EN VON IIANTlPHONENKNOfENM
Gerda Wolfram
FRAGEN DER KONTINUITAT ZWISCHEN ANTIKER UND BYZANTINISCHER
MUSIKTHEORlE UND DEREN EV. NlEDERSCHLAG IN DEN GESANGBUCHERN
John Caldwell
DO WE STILL NEED uLITURGY ?
H
David Crawford
RENAISSANCE LITURGICAL IMPRINTS: A PROGESS REPORT
Elzbieta Witkowska-Zaremba
HISTORICAL THINKING IN MUSIC THEORY AROUND 1450
Alexander Lingas
THE FIRST ANTIPHON OF BYZANTINE CATHEDRAL RITE MATINS: FROM
POPULAR PSALMODY TO KALOPHONIA
Jerome F. Weber
EARLY 20TH-CENTURY PERFORMANCE PRACTICE OF GREGORIAN CHANT
09.00 - Excursion to Esztergom (Cathedral and Bak6cz Chapel, 1reasury, Castle, Cathedral Library, Christian Museum);
15.00 - Lunch at the Patk6 (Horseshoe) Inn, Tok;
17.00 - Zsambek, Parish Church: Vespers of the feast of Pope st. Greg~
ory; excursion to the ruins of the 13th -century church.
Sept. 4., Friday 09.00
633
Janka Szendrei
LATEINISCHE CHORBUCHER IN ISTANBUL
Charles E. Brewer
THE ANTIPHON~CLR FROM THE CANTICUM CANTlCORUM IN VYssi
BROD, 1 VB 42.
Marius Bernad6
PROCESSIONAL CHANTS IN CATALAN SOURCES
ManueI P. Ferreira
BRAGA'S INVITATORY '!ONES
Svetlana Kujumdzieva
JOHN KOUKOUZELES' STICHBRARION - NEW DATA
Sept. 4., Friday 14.30
Chair: Gerda Wolfram
Theodore Karp
AN UNKNOWN LATE MEDIEVAL CHANT FIlAGMEN'r. ITS VALUE AND PROW.
NANCE
MUSIC AND
634
Mariana Dimitrova
THE MORNING SECTION OF THE AKOLOUTHIAI MANUSCRIPTS
Gc1bor Kiss
CONTRAFACTUM - THEORlA CONTRA FACTUM
Volker Schler
ASPEKTE ZUR LITURGISCHHN GESANGSPRAXIS IN DER FREIEN RBICHS
STADI' NURNBERG IM 15. JAHRHUNDERT
DLscussion on future plans
Supported by the
Archbishop of &sztergom
- --
--- - - - - - = -
Faculty of Music
'Thlbot College
London, Ontario Canada N6A 3K7
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Rev. Georg
~res
635
\ ;.
636
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glazbe HAZU
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..-'
638
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II
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Prof. joan Halmo
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..
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641
Gabor Kiss
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Bva Rungwald
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646