Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
SOLITUDES IN SILK
Analytical report submitted to the Discover India Program Committee, FLAME for the partial
fulfilment of the Discover India Program Six Credit Course.
Research Team:
Aakash Jain
Aayush Vyas
Aayush Agarwal
Atishaye Adya
Bhoomi Bhanushali
Dhruvita Patel
Nimalka Passanha
Ridhima Saxena
AUTHENTICATION CERTIFICATE
This is to declare that the work amalgamated in this report entitled Solitudes in Silk submitted by
the undersigned research team was conceded out under my mentorship. Such material as has been
obtained from other sources has been duly acknowledged.
Research Team
Aakash Jain
[________________________]
Aayush Vyas
[________________________]
Aayushi Agarwal
Atishaye Adya
Bhoomi Bhanushali
[________________________]
Dhruvita Patel
[________________________]
Nimalka Passanha
[________________________]
Ridhima Saxena
[________________________]
[________________________]
[________________________]
Faculty Mentor:
Prof. Gauri Gandhi
[________________________]
3
Acknowledgements
We would like to extend our heartfelt gratitude to the Salvi family; Bharatbhai, Rohitbhai,
Rahulbhai and our very own Savanbhai. Your warmth and welcoming nature still wants us to come
back to Patan. You made our week long trip feel like we spent months with you. A little of us still
resides somewhere in the corners of the Salvi house and the by lanes of Patan. Now we can
confidently claim we have a home in Patan also. And a million thanks for bearing the
inquisitiveness in each of us with so much patience.
We are grateful to Mrs Vaidehi Patel, who was our mother away from home. None of us missed our
mothers during the trip because we knew you were there for us.
Gauri maam, we thank you for constantly bearing with us during the trip and being our guiding
light for the entire six months of the program.
The FLAME Chairman- to allow us to take this trip in the first place.
Our dean Prof. Christina Furtado for giving us valuable inputs and teaching us to always verify our
findings.
The DIP committee, for steering us tolerantly throughout the program. Professor Hardikar, Viraj
maam and Nandita maam for constantly correcting us and patiently listening to each one of us
whining, especially during the submission days of the project.
And finally, I thank you God for letting all of this happen peacefully
FIGURES
1. Map of Patan8
2. District map of Patan9
3. Parts of a Patola Sari.14
4. Warp and Weft..15
5. The workshop in Patan..16
6. The loom (sketch)..17
7. Parts of a loom (sketch).18
8. Individual parts of a loom 1 (sketch).21
9. Individual parts of a loom 2 (sketch).22
10. The Salvi ancestors41
11. A Salvi weaver at work.43
12. Idol of Neminath at Salvivad48
13. Rani-ki-Vav..64
14. Pattern Motifs found in Rani-ki-Vav66
15. A Mashru weaver at work68
16. Group photograph73
Prologue
Seven hundred years ago, the modern day Patan, situated in the northern pockets of Gujarat, was
known as the Anhilpur Patan. It was ruled by a certain King Kumarpal1 of the Solanki dynasty. He
was a great follower of the Jain traditions. Meticulous and quite particular about his clothing and
out of sheer reverence towards the Jain religion, the King ensured that he was attired in newly made
Patola garments every time he visited the temple. This became known as the Kings Patolu and it
was branded as auspicious. This holy cloth was imported especially for the king from Jalna (modern
day Jalna) in Maharashtra. The patolu cloth was woven by a special guild of weavers known as the
Salvis and it was claimed that only seven hundred in number, this particular caste of weavers bore
skills so special that the cloth they produced was almost magical in nature.
However, on one occasion, the temple priest refused to let the King enter the temple deeming that
the Kings clothes were impure. On further investigations by the King it was found that the ruler of
Jalna was using the same Patolu fabric as bedspreads prior to exporting it. Insulted and furious,
King Kumarpal attacked Jalna and defeated their ruler. Consequently, to ensure the purity and
prevent the misuse of Patola, he moved all of the seven hundred Salvi weavers to Patan. The Salvis
came to reside in Patan. It has been centuries since their migration and yet they continue to live in
modern day Patan, still weaving the magical cloth, the techniques of which have yet remained
unknown to others and mastered by none but the Salvis themselves.
And thus our trip led us onto the quaint road to Patan wherein many a questions lie unanswered
1
The Kumarpala legend also has another version according to which Kumarpala, the successor of
Jayasimha requested the Cahamana King Arnraja of Sapadalaksa (near Chittor) for some silk drape for
himself which was declined and Kumarpala attacked and defeated him and brought the Salvis of Bimbora
to his capital. (Das, Sukla. "Patola." Fabric Art: Heritage of India. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1992. Pg.
65. Print.)
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1: Patan 101
Located at the northern borders of the state of Gujarat, one would not know a lot about the sleepy
town of Patan, unless they were into the Sari business or a historian. Patan is an ancient fortified
town situated in the North- eastern region of Gujarat
Map of Patan 1
The town holds a prestigious place in history as it served as the thriving capital city of Gujarat for
about 600 years. Founded by the great Chavda king- Vanraj in 745 AD, Patan was initially called
Anhilpur Patan or Anhilwad Patan (after Anhil Shepherd, the Prime Minister and a great friend
of King Vanraj). The modern town of Patan cropped near the remains of Anhilwara (or Anhilpur)
after it was destroyed by Allaudin Khilji in 1298.
Situated about 120 kilometres, north-west of Ahmadabad, on the banks of the sacred Saraswati
River, Patan was at its zenith during the Solanki period. It was then a great place of learning and a
prosperous trading centre. The rulers were great patrons of arts and architecture and thus
constructed various religious and historical places in the town. It is described in the Jain text
Kumarpala Rasa as a prosperous fortified town, about 18 miles in circumference and 84 town
squares, bazaars laid out with gardens with fountains and trees, grammar school of Sanskrit and
Prakrit, Hindu and Jain temples. Today, one can barely find the traces of the magnificent historic
town.
1.
2.
3.
4.
River: Saraswati
5.
6.
7.
Talukas: 7
8.
9.
10.
10
important part and parcel of our daily life as well as the various festivals and rituals followed; as
also the garb worn on these special occasions. It is said that the beauty of Indian women lie in their
attire. Very quaint and folkloric, yet contemporary is the Sari, worn by an Indian woman, whether
urban or rural.
The art and the architecture of our nation in all its glory and superfluity define the change
experienced and endured by the people throughout history. Every monument, irrespective of size
and stature, has been a landmark proof to the indigenous Indian history. Each has a story to tell.
The somnolent town of Patan implausibly had all the above mentioned traits conducive to an almost
perfect research location. It is the home of the ancient architecture of the Indian Sultanate, the
primeval temples and more importantly the culturally rich Patola saris.
To map the changes, if any, in the weaving techniques over the year
To study the influence of the Patola imitation on the original art form
To study the influence of the Patola motifs and designs on the architecture around the town
of Patan
11
Our preliminary research consisted mainly of referring to the various books on the double-ikat
textiles. India retains three primary double-ikat producing region, of which the least is known of the
weavers in Patan. It is not easy to provide a complete or even sufficient profile of the socio-cultural
particularities of this ancient art or the weavers. Moreover, only a small number of the members of
the Salvi caste of weavers actually continue to practise this art. A further difficulty in presenting
objective information was connected with the available sources. There were very few written
accounts available and of those which were available, majority were published in the local Gujarati
language. The findings on the internet, which were again very few in number, did not render much
help too. Consequently, our main tools for the field research were the interviewing of the weavers
and documenting their techniques first hand. This included video documentation and in depth
interviews with the weavers. Our research team also interviewed a number of experts in the field of
textile and architecture. Because of the above reasons, most of our information, thus, comes from
the interviews. To keep our sources in focus, the answers to most of our questions were mostly
recorded literally, along with the name of the informant and the date of inquiry. The other tool we
used extensively was the help of expansive surveys which further helped us to answer our research
question: Is Patola weaving a dying art?
12
13
What is a patolu?
It is the most prominent and the intricate of all the ikat woven cloths. A patolu is, in fact, a double
ikat cloth. Generally all the Saris woven in the ikat style involve tying and dyeing of the warp or the
weft. The uniqueness of the patolu lies in the fact that both the warp and the weft are tied and dyed
separately using resist dyeing techniques (Resist dyeing will be later discussed in the chapter). This
form of weaving requires the most skilled weavers and it is widely considered to the most intricate
form of ikat.
The illustration given below should help in the better understanding:
14
In the modern mechanised world, the Patolu is a living example of the vast difference between a
handmade and a machine-made fabric. Few in number yet more skilful with handiwork, the longestablished patolu weavers have successfully kept the art alive along with its traditional
foundations. Our research led us to the basic theoretical knowledge of the technique which yet
remains unknown and not mastered by majority of the weavers around the world. Unfortunately
over the years the actual number of the weavers originally involved with the art has been on a
steady decline owing to various reasons
This further led to a speculation whether the Patolu weaving is yet a dying art?
(Figure 1 " Basic diagram of plain weaving showing the warp and
weft threads. The loom shuttle carries the weft thread.")
< http://spiritshuttle.com/Images/WarpAndWeftDiagram.jpg>
Warp and Weft 1
The most important part of the weaving process is undoubtedly the workshop of the weavers where
the actual weaving takes place.
weft preparation and the dyeing processes. Currently almost all the processes are carried out in one
single large room.
The workshop was originally covered with corrugated sheet metals, but after the remodelling a
cemented ceiling has been installed. The walls are white washed; on the back wall hang the
photographs of the initial patolu weavers (the Salvi ancestors) and the opposite wall has framed
pictures of the various processes and the stages of weaving. The interesting fact to be observed is
that the workshop is merged so well with the house that it looks as if it has existed there as long as
the house has. The loom hanging right in the middle of the hall does not look out of place, neither
do the other tools-they seem to belong right there. Mere words cannot justify this feeling. The
photograph below should give a better understanding.
The Workshop 1
16
Strangely enough, the loom used for patolu weaving, in spite of its many unusual features, has
hardly been described in the earlier literature. One of the major problems of Patola is its primitive
loom (Ghosh 19)2 which does not have peddles and so requires that the weaver perform all the
operations from manipulating the shuttles and lifting of the held to the adjusting the designs is done
by hand. This is one of the reasons why it is not getting the mass market since cost of fabric
becomes beyond the capacity of common man, while they can afford to get cheaper Ikats from
Orissa and Andhra Pradesh where they use peddles. (Ghosh 20)2.
It is said that a weaver can produce at the most 15 sarees a year due to their primitive technology
thus making the fabric too costly (Ghosh 20)3.
The device at a stage ready for weaving has a length of three to five metres. In the workshop of the
Salvi family, it stretches from the window almost to the rear wall. A part of the warp, wound
2&3
Ghosh, G. K., and Shukla Ghosh. " The Patola of Gujarat, Chapter 4." Ikat Textiles of India. New Delhi:
A.P.H., 2000. Print.
17
loosely on a bamboo rod, is hung on this wall. The weaving is carried out on the side consisting of
the window, increasing the amount of light that is available to the weaver.
The details of the loom construction given below, which are partly contradictory, have been
obtained from our own observations in Patan. The individual parts are:
Parts of a Loom 1
B] Leasing arrangement:
18
The leasing arrangement which keeps the warp threads in their correct positions and prevents
entanglements placed roughly between the warp beam and the shedding system. The odd and even
warp threads are crossed between these parts. They lie in groups in the notches of the wooden stick.
These parts of the leasing arrangement are connected to one another at the side by means of cords
so that they do not slide to and fro.
C] Shedding Arrangement:
This is the most complicated part of the loom and permits the formation of two sheets necessary for
weaving; it divides the warp into two portions of odd and even threads which alternately cross
during weaving. The shed rod is used to form one shed. A thick wooden pressure bar is also part of
the shedding arrangement. It lies on the warp. It has, in the middle, a slightly curved handle and the
heddle is attached to the bar by means of cords and strips. On the right hand side, the bar is attached
along with the shed rod to a rope hung from the ceiling. On the left, it is connected to the shed rod
by means of a cord loop.
The weaving sword helps in extending the shed opening and in beating up the weft. It is made of
heavy, well-polished rosewood.
Occasionally, the sword has a bore at the back end through which a cord is threaded and attached to
the ceiling. With the help of this cord, the sword can be pulled out of the shed; the cord also
prevents the sword from slipping out when it is inserted in the end. When not in use, the sword lies
on a wooden stand near the loom.
D] TEMPLE (KATAR)
This device is simple-looking but very important for weaving. It is a double edged knife, located
near the place where weaving is carried out, on the cloth fell and parallel to the breast beam. It has
to be reset frequently in the course of weaving. Its function is to keep the fabric taut and to prevent
the fabric from shrinking because of the tension in the weft threads. An iron needle is tied to one
end of the bamboo strip in such a way as to let its tip protrude outwards from the strip. A cord loop
is attached to the other end. The strip is adjusted from below so that the needle is at one edge of the
fabric; the other end is fixed with the help of the loop and a needle. The device which is under
19
tension keeps the fabric taut and maintains a uniform width. The temple has to be reset after every
few centimetres of cloth have been woven.
E] Breast or cloth Beam (TOR):
This is the heaviest part of the entire loom and consists of a wooden beam, square in cross section
with rounded edges. The left end is slightly tapered; the right end is cut straight and has a
protruding knob. Two square holes which cross each other are provided at this end; there is also an
iron strip to strengthen the beam. The holes take up a peg fixed to a wooden bench next to the loom.
Parallel to one edge of the beam, there is a thin wooden stick passed through the loops in the warp
threads and tied with a string leading through the holes in the breast beam. The front end of the
warp sheet is fixed in this fashion. The beam can be rotated and thus the cloth wound on it when it
is lifted from the peg on the right hand side.
The breast beam (and the entire loom) is inclined towards the left because it is placed in an
approximately 120 cm high hollow in a brick wall on the left. (Buhler 243). 4 The right end is
placed on a somewhat higher wooden bench. The inclined position is supposed to facilitate
weaving.
Bhler, Alfred. The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India. Vol. 1., Basle, Switzerland: Krebs, 1979. Print.
20
21
The shuttle, used for inserting the weft into the warp sheet, consists of a short bamboo tube. One
end is cut straight and open; the other end (front end) is round, smooth and closed except for a small
hole in the knot of the bamboo. The bobbin (KANTHU, from KANTHALU, lit, bobbin) with yarn
wound on it lies inside the tube and the yarn comes out of the large opening.(Buhler 243)1 The
bobbin nowadays consists of a small aluminium tube; millet stalks (straws) were used formerly. A
pad of fine raw cotton placed at the open end of the tube prevents the bobbin from falling out,
without, however, hindering a smooth passage of the weft yarn. A small piece of rag-sometimes-a
small stick is inserted in the other end of the tube in order to keep the bobbin from slipping too deep
inside the tube. Whenever necessary the bobbin is removed along with the cotton pad by pushing a
needle through the small hole at the front.
22
The customers generally demanded the old motifs because each motif was auspicious and
symbolic to their particular caste and respective traditions. In the traditional Gujarat Jaina culture,
for example, certain specific motifs were specially ordered for important ceremonies such as the
wedding of a young girl or the baby showers.
The patolu weavers are largely conservative in nature and do not want to alter the traditional
motifs in any way as they believe that the art would lose its essence and become like every other
popular art. They also mentioned that they did not care about the demands of market as they do not
consider this as their business but as a skill, a matter of pride that they have attained from their
forefathers.
Apart from this, the difficulty in designing new patterns for so complicated a technique
should also be kept in mind. This is the prime reason that most modern, untraditional fabrics mainly
have geometrical, abstract patterns (in other words, built up on motifs that are relatively easy to
23
design). The same thing works for Patola as invention of a new motif would mean construction of a
new graph which is like the blue print of the saree. A minor mistake can spoil the work of months
that is spent on weaving because threads are arranged according to these graphs. Therefore, patolu
weavers prefer the old motifs that they have been making since ages as they are verified. Any new
experimentation might lead them to run in heavy losses which again would not be a good for their
trade.
Although, combining familiar motifs and groups of motifs with one another or within the groups
themselves in a new way is far easier than inventing totally new patterns and possibilities of this
sort have been exploited quite frequently. For example, certain main field patterns have been
combined with different kinds of border stripes and ikat bands in the end panels, motifs mainly
found in main fields have been used in border stripes, the number of border stripes or parts of
frames and/or of ikat bands have been changed, certain motifs have been enlarged several times or
the number of pattern units has been changed. In this way a large number of patolu forms have been
able to come about. The choice of colours is an additional factor that can create extremely varied
effects basically identical patterns.
The ikat patterning characteristic of Patola can be composed of plant, zoomorphic and
anthropomorphic and abstract geometrical motifs. Although there are a number of existing motif
patterns; in reality, only few of the possible combinations of these elements into larger motifs and
patterned areas are taken advantage of and there are not as many patolu forms with totally different
patterning as one might at first think. One of the books we referred to, spoke of twelve and later of
eight main, traditional patterns. The kinds of patterns relevant for determining the motif types
belong to various groups. In one, leaf forms and leaf combinations predominate. A second is
characterized above all by blossoms, inflorescences, flowering shrubs and blossom-stars. The third
is composed of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic motifs often combined with plant forms.
Abstract, geometrical shapes, here, too, sometimes combined with plant elements, typify the fourth
group. Then there are Patola whose main fields are either monochrome or not patterned in double
ikat fabrics for blouses with motifs that only appear here, and, finally, modern forms with
completely non-traditional patterns. What is decisive for further classifications within the first four
groups is the division of the main field into transverse stripes, rectangles, lozenges, networks of
diagonals, hexagons or stars; the patterning technique used for group 5 requires subdivisions.
(Refer to the appendix to see the proper classification of the motif types done by Buhler)
24
the trapezoid shape was CHOK (place), the octagonal shape stars KAROLIYO, to the
diagonal caterpillar design KANGRI (saw pattern) or KAN KHAJURO (ear wig) and
The small scattered patterns were flowers. MT 23 (see the appendix) (the VOHAR GAJI)
were intended for the Muslim Vohra community. The single motifs in the VOHRA GAJI were thus
Muslim religious symbols. According to him the heart shaped pattern was a representation of
mosque architecture.
He called the caterpillar form KHAJURO (worm), and the leaf like constructions as
UNDEDI (mouse).
The combination of motif designations forms the holy realm of mosques-to which mosque
lamps, which are often depicted on columns as ornaments, belong. And the motifs of insects like the
spider and the earwig, which in Gujarat, too are considered unpleasant, is surprising and ambiguous.
The insects may have been jocular or caricaturing words-the way that an embroidered scorpion was
once laughingly called Muslim by one of the books on this subject. But a deeper Muslim
interpretation might also be possible: in the Near East the scorpion is considered as the destroyer of
evil eye.
Often the same terms are used for form parts, individual motifs, and single patterned sections. This
even holds true for motif types, whose names are largely derived from single motifs in the main
field which are considered striking or important.
As far as could be established, all the terms used for patterns arise from the Gujarati language. The
only exception seems to be KHUNJAR (Sanskrit, elephant).
The most important terms discovered for single motif types have already been mentioned in
connection with the survey of the patterns. We shall now consider them more closely. Most of the
25
terms found in the relevant literature (Buhler 213)5 or discovered in Gujarat refer to ornamental
designs. A very few contain geographical references and one point to particular population group.
The majority of these designations pertain to clearly traditional motif types. Most of the times, no
names could be found for modern forms.
As a rule, the terms relate to the patterning of the main field, that section of the fabric which we,
too, considered decisive in our examination of patolu types. But the same names are often used for
other parts, too-for the patterning of the border stripes, frame, end panels and even for individual
motifs. Thus, it is not rare to find motif type designations in the literature that are confusing because
they do not refer to the main field but to those other patterned parts. What is worse is the fact that
on occasion names for types have been confounded or ascribed to forms which they could not
possibly apply to.
Articles in Gujarati by Adalja and Bhler, Alfred. The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India. Vol. 1. Basle,
Switzerland: Krebs, 1979. Print.
6
Varsha Mahendra Adalja, a Gujarati writer mentioned it in a few Gujarati articles we read at the workshop.
26
for religious occasions in the future. It is keeping this in mind that the Salvi weavers have kept with
tradition and used the same pure materials that they did 750 years ago. However, in the pieces
they create for export purposes they sometimes use cotton thread in the warp. Occasionally, for
aesthetic purposes, the Salvi weavers use gold threads to enhance the design on the saree. This gold
thread is only ever used in the borders of the saree, never the main body
When in Patan we also found that some families were open to some types change while others were
not. Tradition dictates that Chinese silk (China PATTA) be used to make the Patola. However, there
are some Salvi families that are willing to weave a Patola out of Indian silk if a special order is
placed. Others prefer to use Japanese or Korean silk as they are uniformly strong and a beautiful
shade of white.
Imported Japanese silk has to be bought on the black market in Bombay. Since the patolu weavers only
produce small amounts of fabric they have not been allocated any official quotas so far in spite of all their
efforts. Although they frequently export their products or sell them to tourists, in recent years they have thus
been dependent on smuggled goods but cannot admit that they used imported material for the fear of
penalties.
All silks are denoted as CHIR, HIR or RESHAM. They are purchased in bundles (PADIKU) in the raw form
(KACHU RESHAM) by weight.
27
between them- each knew what needed to be done and what the other one needed. They were
completely in sync with each other without any verbal communication.
The first thing that the weavers do is to convert the silk into a form that is appropriate for dyeing
and weaving. It has to be treated in order to make sure that the dye sticks to it in a uniform manner.
1.
This is the first step. Rough and stiff yellow or white silk is steamed for a long time in order to soften it
before it is spun or thrown.
During the boiling process the skeins (a length of thread loosely coiled and knotted) are put onto a stick
which is placed in a container with water which in turn is placed on a furnace.
The washing of the silk yarn follows the coiling process. Over here the yarn is folded into white sheets which
are then wrung to release all the absorbed water.
2.
The skeins (threads) are placed on a light adjustable reel called a swift. The arm of the swift is rotated to
wind the yarn on the reel. This task is performed by a female member of the family.
Yarn from several reels are then wound together to form one strong thread of yarn. This individual strong
yarn is made up of 8 individual threads. The woman rotates all the swifts together using her foot and rotates
the hand reel with her right hand while at the same time guiding the yarn with her left hand. This entire
process takes a lot of coordination and to an outsider it looks very daunting but the women who do it do so
without any trepidation.
3.
The 8 ply thread is wet, shaken and rewound while still wet into a hank ( loosely coiled or knotted
threads)
4.
Bleaching
For the bleaching process, the hanks are soaked in a solution of either boiling water and soda or boiling
water and soap. The wet hanks are then wound on a swift again. Rahulbhai Salvi explained that rewinding
was necessary because the yarn was uneven.
The female worker has to ensure that the yarn is uniformly tensioned and evenly spaced on the
reel. She lets the yarn slide trough the fingers of her left hand before it passes onto the reel. Then
the hanks are wound onto bobbins. A motor driven machine is used for winding nowadays; two
rows of six hanks each are rewound at a time. Since the swifts and reel rotate at different speeds, a
slight additional twist is imparted to the yarn during rewinding. Finally, the yarn is again rewound,
this time on cubic stand spools. A modern machine is used for this purpose, too. Here again, once
axis rotates faster than the other so that there is a further twisting of the yarn. The stand spools are
used in the subsequent assembling of warp and weft thread.
28
twelve threads by means of crossings or knots and separates eight large sections from one another.
These operations are essential for the purpose of avoiding yarn entanglements during the
subsequent stages.
Assembling the warp (TANO) is called TANVANU (to make a warp), the pegs are known as
KHINTI (hooks), the glass rings and the bamboo tube on the ceiling as PATI TAYANU, and the
raddles name is CHOK.
The separation of individual threads and groups at the beginning and end of the assembly of the
warp serves several purposes. Firstly, as mentioned, it prevents entanglements between threads. But
it also serves as leasing, which is necessary for the drawing in; i.e. the odd threads in the warp sheet
are separated from the even threads and fixed in this position.
In the course of the assembling process, the supply spools (stand spools) are inverted so that the
yarn runs off more easily. After the entire yarn or the required length has been assembled, the entire
yarn or the required length has been assembled, the warper snips off the threads at the guide rod,
winds them back on the supply spool and ties the ends to small nails fixed at the top.
The warp is removed as follows: The warp is removed from the pegs and is then wound round the
first two top pegs plus one other peg which is placed above the regular warp pegs. The end of the
warp with the four crosses goes round the peg last. The warp is then secured by tying a cord through
the end loop and the beginning threads. The winding of the warp yarn round 17 pegs arranged in
rows, permits the preparation in a confined space of a sheet approximately 19 meters long. This
length is equivalent to three saris. At present, a normal sari is 6 yards long (in former times 5-yard
saris were common), so that 3 saris total up to 18 yards (or 165 meters). The additional piece of
around 1 meter is required for beaming, which is not used further, and an end piece which is not
woven (waste).
According to the weavers, the saris woven at present are 48.5 inches (or 123 cm) wide. With an
average thread density of 22 ends per cm and 16 picks per cm a total of 2500-2800 warp threads are
thus required for a sari. However, this entire width is not assembled in one step. As a rule, the
single-coloured longitudinal portions, the two border stripes and the main body are assembled
separately and frequently at different times. Even if they are assembled successively, the sections
are wound separately.
30
The next stage of preparing the warp for resisting, i.e. of bringing together sections identical in
pattern before tying, had not been studied in detail till recently either.
The warp is spread on a rectangular frame and sectioned by grouping the threads in their correct
place. The assembling of warp sections similar in pattern is carried out in the same manner as the
operations for double ikat as practiced in Tenganan (Bali, Indonesia).
After the laid out warp is marked it is sectioned by grouping the ends which have to be dyed in the
same sequence of shades. To do so, the total ends are first grouped in respect of the repeat of the
design, and then the subdivisions of each section are grouped together.
This is probably the least understood and most confusing technique in the entire procedure of Patola
weaving.
It is also true that the Patola weavers are reluctant to demonstrate this step of the process
completely. Frequently they show only how the warp is prepared for the border stripes of the sari
and not the main field.
Since the individual steps are different for each part of the sari and also for different types of saris,
it is practically impossible to give a complete description of this step in the process.
7 Ghosh, G. K., and Shukla Ghosh. " The Patola of Gujarat, Chapter 4." Ikat Textiles of India. New Delhi: A.P.H., 2000.
Print.
31
5 and 8
Ghosh, G. K., and Shukla Ghosh. " The Patola of Gujarat, Chapter 4." Ikat Textiles of India. New Delhi:
A.P.H., 2000. Print.
9
Das, Sukla. "Patola." Fabric Art: Heritage of India. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1992, Pg. 62-69. Print.
10
Sarabhai, Mrinalini. Patolas and Resist-dyed Fabrics of India. Ahmedabad: Mapin Pub., 1988. Print.
32
The following sequence is traditional and probably based on the use of natural dyes:
Tying portions which are to remained or are not to be dyed orange, red, violet (or violetblack)
Red dying
Tying portions which are to remain red; opening wrappings for blue.
Tying potions which are to remain yellow and orange opening of wrappings for blue
Blue dyeing (red which has been over dyed to yellow now becomes violet-black, yellow and
blue yields green)
In all, wrappings have to be applied three times and removed three times. At the end of the process,
the yarn is white, yellow, orange, red, blue, green, and violet black.
Soaking of the hanks in water is part of the dyeing process and in common before each dyeing.
Before the yarn is dyed, it is left soaking in cold water for a day or two so that the fibres will absorb
the dyes evenly. It is necessary to rub the rub the yarn by hand rather vigorously to get the fibres
wet enough. One need not be concerned about the cotton wraps being untied because the cotton
wrapped around silk gets much tighter when it is wet.
For the soaking treatment as well as for dyeing, the hanks are removed from the tying devices and
hung overnight on a line or a wall hook to dry. A couple of ties are removed the next morning to
check the results of the treatments.
The hanks have to be stretched out again for further tying or removal of ties for the next dyeing
stage. The worker, sitting on the floor, slips the leasing loops over his big toes, spread his legs and
inserts two thin iron rods along the leasing cords. The rods are used to fix the hanks on the tying
devices described earlier. The steps of opening and retying can hardly be carried out without
mistakes if the bundles are slack and not properly arranged.
Bundles of warp and weft yarns, which will be used for the same patolu, are generally dyed
together. A few books that we referred to are not correct in saying: Dyeing of tied yarn is done in
small pots, each sub-group being dyed separately. This could even mean that certain portions of
the bundles are smeared with the dye (as in Orissa), which is certainly not the case in Patan. A
needle with a wooden grip (SOYO) is used to open the ties. The free end of the wrapping thread,
which has been pushed under the windings, is pulled out with the help of the needle, and the thread
33
is unwound. As a rule the thread is used again for tying. Synthetic dyes are used exclusively today.
This was mentioned as far back as 1940. According to Rahul Salvi, synthetic dyes have been used
for at last 70 years, which would mean that the use of natural dyes, have been discontinued since
1900. However, several books do not support this statement.
From one of the organic dye shop owners, Sonal Shah in Ahmedabad; the information on the
sources of natural dyes used earlier (in 1940s) could be acquired.
Red dye is obtained by soaking the bark of BO-TREE (Probably babul tree, Acacia Arabica) in
water (in our opinion, this statement is questionable). Yellow is obtained from turmeric (Curcuma
longa), blue from indigo cultivated in Gujarat. According to Irwin (notes in the archives of the
Calico Museum, Ahmedabad), the resin from the Borado tree (MimusopsElingi?) or Pipal tree
(Fieusreligiosa?) is the source of red dye. Besides these, KIRMAJ (kermes?) or MAJITH is also
used for obtaining shades of red. According to Irwin, these numerous sources probably explain the
large range of variations in shades of red. Black is obtained by overdyeing red and blue or with the
help of iron (rust).
The Salvis of the Laherchand group carry out the dyeing in a room adjacent to the workshop. The
room has a cemented floor, a number of brick-tubs and a built-in cupboard for chemicals. (The
room also contains an electrically driven reel and other equipment.)
The equipment for dyeing is extremely simple: vessels made of enamel, aluminium and tin-plated
copper
(KATHROT) for the fluid dye, small water containers (LOTA) similar to the ones used in
every Gujarati household, pots (TAPELU), a primus stove, metal spoons, a beam balance without a
pointer and weights which are not calibrated. The dyestuffs packed in paper or plastic, developing
substances; salts and soda are stored in large tins, oil in glass bottles.
According to Buhler, a solution is used for red dyeing consisting of one ounce red castor seed oil,
11.5 grams of naphthol, A.S.BS and 2.5 grams of caustic soda (Buhler 234)11, which is brought to
boil with 2 litters of water. Then 1 litre of cold water and later 4 litres of cold water is added. The
yarn, which has previously been well wrung, is added. The yarn which has previously been well
wrung is immersed in the cooled dye liquor, kneaded, against and rubber. The colour initially
becomes yellowish.
11
Bhler, Alfred. The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India. Vol. 1. Basle, Switzerland: Krebs, 1979. Print.
34
The naphthol developer, which contains among other things salt and acetic acid, is now added.
These chemicals are dissolved in water, filtered through a cloth and diluted with additional amount
of water. The yarn is removed from the dye-bath, thoroughly wrung and immersed in the
developing solution. There is a distinctly visible change in colour from yellow to red. The workers
take care to ensure that the chemicals penetrate into all the open portions and none of the wrapping
threads slip or open up. They wear large rubber gloves during this stage processing.
The yarn remains in the developer solution for several hours. It is then washed in cold water, briefly
immersed in salt water and again washed in cold water. Subsequently the yarn is well wrung and
hung up for drying.
The other dyes are also naphthol and are applied essentially in the same manner. As mentioned
earlier, the traditional basic coloured are red, yellow and blue. Overdyeing was and sometimes still
carried out to obtain additional shades of orange, green and dark violet or black. Nowadays
synthetic orange, green and black are also used.
pole of the warp device, which in turn is attached in the middle to the tension rope hanging from the
ceiling. As a result, a sheet of warp about 3-5 metres long is stretched at eye level across the
workshop. The rest of the warp remains wound as a ball and hangs from the wall hook above the
tension rope.
As the next step, the worker arranges the single coloured border threads, beginning from the
extreme left. Initially they are loose and are tightened by twisting and knotting behind the first two
parts of the warp beam. The weaver sits on a chair behind the loom. A helper spreads all warp
bundles uniformly over the entire width and shortens the threads wherever necessary by twisting so
that all threads are evenly tensioned.
The notched stick is then inserted in a position where the crossing has been fixed by a cross string.
The stick is turned sideways to avoid damage to the threads. The next step is the introduction of the
shed rod. Its two ends are connected by cords to the notched stick so that the wrap threads do not
slip out.
The sword is now inserted in a similar manner in the second shed fixed by a string loop, between
the threads which are by now uniformly spread. Two weavers draw the sword through the warp
sheet up to the shed rod, thus ensuring that the two layers of wrap necessary for shed formation are
completely separated from each other in the front portion.
The notched stick is now turned and the warp threads are places in the notches in group. The warp
threads are drawn tight. The entire cross strings which have been replaced by sticks are now
removed.
The next step is the sizing or starching (VALLU, starch) of the warp. Water on which rice has been
cooked (OSAMAN) is used for this purpose. The starch is applied form above and below by a man
using a sprayer, in order to strengthen the yarn. The portions of the yarn where the heddles are to be
places are given an additional smearing of viscous starch paste, the two yarn layers are again
separated by hand, one layer is lifted up and the other depressed.
Nylon threads are commonly used for the heddles, frequently the material from an old heddle rod.
The thin fixing rods on the main heddle bar are loosened, the loops successively gathered in the left
hand and passed on to a reel (PARTI) being rotated by a helper. The reel is then fixed to the wall in
such a way that it can freely rotate to prepare new heddles. The heddles are made from one
continuous elements of nylon skein cord. First, the cord is passes through the width of the wrap just
in front of the first cross. The heddles are made around a smooth wooden tool. Moving from left to
36
right, the first loop is tied, and then several other loops are made for extra heddles. After the first
tie, the heddles are not tied at the top but simply looped around the wooden tool, picking up every
top thread of the warp in front of the cross. When quite a few heddles are wrapped, they are slipped
off the left side of the tool, twisted and tucked under the top warp at the cross.
After the heddles are made through alternate warp threads, a heddle bar is slipped through the
heddles from right to left. Then the bar is raised and tied into position from strings coming down
from ceiling. The heddles are straightened from right to left making sure none are tangled or
crossed.
Another heddle bar is wrapped in wet cloth and inserted through the heddles, the wet cloth wrapped
and tied around the bar holds the strings firmly in place. After it is inserted, it is raised above the
original bar. Then two other cloth bound bars are placed on either side of the two bars. Then two
other cloth bound bars are held tightly in place and are stitched together with a large needle and
heavy cord in a wide half- hitch across the length of the bars. During the process described above,
the bottom heddle bar was under the unattached wraps. Also the shed stick was inserted in the warp
and temporarily laced to the bottom heddle bar in their place, at both ends and in the middle, in
order to hold everything in place. Now the shed stick is untied and the bottom handle bar is taken
out and reinserted to lie atop all the warps. As the last step, the pressure bar with handle (LUNGI) is
placed on the warp behind the heddles, connected with cords to the shed stick, at the handle to the
upper part of the heddle bar device and with another cord to the ceiling.
2.10 Weaving
This step is readily demonstrated to all the visitors to Patola workshops. Adalja12 makes only a
passing reference to weaving and describes it without giving any details. Buhler (Buhler 244)13
provides detailed descriptions, the following account is limited to the technical aspects; the weavers
productivity and the time required are not mentioned here.
As a rule two persons are engaged in weaving. The weaver stands on the right side and tends to
heddle device, pushes the shed stick to form sheds, passes the sword in and out, turns it to open the
shed, beats up the weft thread and inserts the shuttle from the right side. The person working on the
12
Varsha Mahendra Adalja, a Gujarati writer mentioned it in a few Gujarati articles we read at the workshop.
13
Bhler, Alfred. The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India. Vol. 1. Basle, Switzerland: Krebs, 1979. Print.
37
left side is often less strong- woman or a child who sits on the bench. He acts as a helper. The
helper keeps the shuttles filled, replaces the bobbins in the shuttle in the correct sequence and
throws the shuttle from the left side. Both the weavers regularly check the weft and the design.
We could not observe the beginning of weaving after the loom preparation. An inch of cotton weft
in is woven and then an inch or so of plain red silk is woven. The weaver continues weaving with a
red shuttle even through the white horizontal strips of warp. After the white stripe is cleared, the
weaver changes from the red shuttle to a white shuttle and weaves a white strip through the red
warp on an equal width to the above mentioned horizontal white stripe. Then the weaver changes
back to using the red shuttle and weaves another three quarters of an inch or so up to the beginning
of the pallu pattern of the warp.
The warp threads are now adjusted in the following manner. A section of the warp is cut,
approximately 6 inches at a time, where it is attached to the rod which is tied to the cloth beam.
Then the warps are pulled one by one from the left to the right so that the two stripes of white, both
wrap and weft, exactly coincide with each other. This produce adjusts the warp precisely and
compensates for any shifting that has occurred, arranging all the warps in perfect alignment.
After a considerable portion of the warp is adjusted, the warp is pulled forward and the shield stick
in the wrap is strapped to the cloth beam, The tension is released on the warp and the rest of the
warp thread are cut.
Now that the warp threads are aligned, the woven inch of cotton weft and silk warp is attached to
the cloth beam rod with a half inch stitch across the width of the weaving. The fringes are left free
and trimmed when the Patola are cut from the loom.
A starch made of rice water is brushed on the warp. Tension is put back on the loom and the
weaving of pattern pallu commences.
To special steps are needed to form the shed rod shed since the shed rod normally lies directly under
the heddles and presses one group of threads high enough for the sword to be inserted from right.
The sword is titled on the edge, the shuttle thrown across and the weft arranged by hand at the
edges. Care is taken to ensure that the white of the guide stripe in the warp coincide with the white
portion of the weft. The fingernail or a metal plate is drawn across the weft, the sword is turned, the
weft beaten up, the sword drawn outside sideways to the right and placed on its frame. By lifting
the handle the pressure bar (LUNGI) is pushed down in front of the shed rod and pressed on the
38
warp sheet sufficiently. To lift the heddles and form the heddle shed. The sword is again inserted,
titled on edge, the shuttle pushed through, the weft tightened and beaten up. The pressure on the
pressure bar handle is eased and as a result the heddles and the sheds stick revert to the original
position. Now the shed rod shed is formed and the process repeated.
When a warp thread breaks it is repaired in the following way. A length of thread of the appropriate
design is selected from some scrap yarn saved for this purpose. The weaver finds the break in the
warp thread, twists the new section of the thread and joins the two. The thread is then drawn
forward and tied around the last woven weft thread, locking it in by beating the wefts in tightly.
Later, the excess thread is cut off at the tie.
Warp threads of excessive threads are shortened by twisting during the weaving the temple line
below the freshly woven portion has to be reset nearer to the fell after every few picks.
After about 5 cm have been woven, both sides of the fabric are rubbed with the edge of the steel
plate to remove the encrusted starch. For this purpose the cloth beam is lifted up and turned back a
quarter so that the warp tension is reduced.
Each weaver, with a needle in his right hand, now inspects the design and pulls the warp threads
one by one. The weavers then scratch the fabric surface with the number of needles held in their
hands like combs so that the warp threads are slightly pushed sideways and the weft threads pushed
in. this arrangement of the design takes about half an hour and is indispensable for the clarity of
patterning.
The wrap is moistened before the part of the fabric just woven is wound onto the cloth beam and
tightened. In fact, care is taken to see that the warp threads are always slightly moist. The weft
yarns are stored in water till weaving and inserted wet.
For protection a white cotton cloth is placed between the adjacent layers of Patola wound on the
cloth beam.
When a sari length has been woven, a few centimetres of the warp are left free and weaving is
resumed with a small stripe of the yellow or red weft (formerly a thicker yarn or waste yarn was
used for this purpose). Later the saris woven one after the other are separated by cutting through the
middle of this stripe.
39
Once all the three saris forming one set of warp have been woven and the end of the warp is near
the breast beam, the three parts of the leasing arrangement are taken out first. Then, the handle of
the LUNGI is removed from the heddle rod. The shed rod and the pressure bar are removed as well.
The fabric is then cut at the end (or the thin stick of the breast beam arrangement is drawn out) and
rolled off from the cloth beam. The heddle system is also removed for re-use later. Finally, the piece
is cut into three saris and folded for sale. There is no after-treatment of the fabric.
40
The Salvis 1
41
National Innovation Foundation. Adding life to a centuries old dyeing art - Patan. n.d. 18 November 2011
<http://www.nif.org.in/Patan>.
15
Bhler, Alfred. The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India. Vol. 2. Basle, Switzerland: Krebs, 1979. Print. (a
photograph of this paper was published in the Volume 2 of Buhlers book which has a collection of old
photographs from Patan).
42
moved into the town. The ancient name still exists for the region in the north-western Patan wherein
the narrow streets have become famous not only for the famed Patolu but also the half-silk Mashru
fabrics. Apart from Salvivad, the Salvis were also distributed around Patan in the towns of Siddhpur
and Palanpur.
According to the surveys we conducted in Patan, we assume that presently there are about twentyfive Salvi families registered in Patan. Many own an ancestral house in Patan although they have
discontinued their traditional profession as weavers and have now scattered around the nation in
various metropolitans. Of these, currently there are only three families which are following the
family tradition of double-ikat weaving. In our interview with the weavers it was revealed that there
are Salvis belonging to the same caste to reside on Kolhapur, southern Maharashtra, although the
some historical facts say it may be in confusion with Kholapur, in northern Maharashtra.
Unfortunately, the Salvis in the Maharashtra region seemed to have taken up farming in contrast to
weaving. It can be, thus, observed that the numbers of cities and towns in which the Salvis of
Gujarat have scattered have grown in number in significant quantity. Interestingly the Salvis who
indulged in the weaving profession have only been verified for Jalna in the Maharashtra region. It is
also important to note that a Gujarati speaking minority of craftsmen who do not belong to the Salvi
43
community has lived in Maharashtra for quite some time now. Consequent to the fall of Patan in
1298 at the hands of Allaudin Khilji, and in all probability after the conquest of Gujarat by the
Muslim rulers- the Salvi community emigrated to Benares and Patan giving up their profession of
weaving. However, there are no historical documents to support this claim and the story has just
passed on through the families by the word of mouth. Another fascinating fact that was observed in
Patan was the use of modern surnames such as Patolavala. On further inquiry, it was found that this
custom was developed around the middle of the twentieth century, although the caste designation
remains the same. Patva or Patvi seemed to be the other local names with the meaning bearing a
similarity to Patolavala which literally connotes the makers of patolu.
44
RUPCHAND
LALCHAND
MOTICHAND
RAMCHAND
KASTURCHAND
LAHERCHAND
MOHANLAL
MANILAL
CHOTTALAL
1 SON $ 2
DAUGHTERS
KESHAVLAL
2 SONS
KANTILAL
VINAYAK
NIPUL
RAHUL
ROHIT
SEVANTILAL
BHARAT
1 DAUGHTER
3 DAUGHTERS
3 SONS
DAMAYANTI
SAVAN
JAYANA
As observed in the family tree, Laherchand Salvi had five sons. Of these, presently only the families
of Kantilal and Sevantilal are purely involved in the weaving profession. The rest of the family is
distributed in the various cities choosing to discontinue the family tradition. The two families are
close-knit amongst themselves though unfortunately they practice their weaving as different
branches. The family of Kantilal resides in the centre of the town in Salvivad whereas the Sevantilal
45
family live at the Patolavala farms on the other side of the town. Members of both families are well
educated. For instance, Rahulbhai Salvi and Savanbhai Salvi, the youngest of the clan are both
qualified architect and engineer respectively. Jayana, sister of Savanbhai has a doctorate in Sanskrit
though she contributes to the weaving process heavily.
Presently, there are only ten male weavers in all belonging to the Salvi family in Patan who are
wholly involved with the production of the patolu. These weavers belong to the two different
families- Rohitbhai, Bharatbhai, Rahulbhai and Savanbhai descending from Kantilal Salvi and
residing in Salvivad; and the three sons of Sevantilal Salvi and their respective families. The women
of the family also contribute to the weaving process.
During our research we visited both the families at different occasions though it is more apt to say
that the closeness towards the Kantilal clan was the highlight of our journey.
An inclusive compilation of the earlier history of the Salvi community is a task difficult in nature.
The following information contains only additional information as provided by the weavers by the
word of mouth and which reveal certain aspects of the weavers way of life and their unwritten
history. According to the inquiries made in Patan, it is suitable to quote one of the weavers: Our
ancestors came from Deccan. But only men were summoned. All of their wives were local girls
from the vicinity of Patan. The wives of the newly arrived Salvis came from the five villages:
Sander, Balisana, Visanagar, Manund and Siddhpur. Ever since then the Leva Patel have been
giving us their daughters when we moved from Jalna seven hundred years ago.
The Salvis from Jalna in the Deccan had moved to Patan in Gujarat and they had taken wives from
the villages mentioned above. The mention of these villages, all of which exist today, is apparently
a product of a family tradition known to Various Salvis, but whose source is still unknown.
The discussion of their origin does not seem to have led to a consent in the Salvi community. There
are no written texts, but only the knowledge of certain details passed on through oral tradition.
Thus, one cannot help but repeat that the Salvis in Patan and the other Salvis not living in Jalna
accord their ancestors to have come from Jalna and the ones residing in Jalna believe that their own
ancestors arrived there from Patan about six generations ago. Nevertheless, certain literature pieces
and the history of the art itself indicate that the Salvis of Patan have been settled there from a very
long time. If the following facts are indeed believed to be proper, it is perfectly possible that the
Salvis originated from the Deccan and perhaps from the Jalna region; moved to Gujarat and later,
maybe in the past centuries, certain smaller groups settled once again in the home of their ancestors.
46
47
Presently, none of the youngest Salvi men are married even though they are highly educated. There
was an article in the Indian Express that talks about the problems they are facing in finding a
suitable bride.16
It is highly likely that the Salvis in Patan were originally Digambara Jaina and in the twelfth
century Patan, which was the centre of Shvetambara Jaina, the group was converted to that sect.
2.
Members of the Salvi caste inter-married with the old Gujarati Leva Patel farmer caste.
The above mentioned facts support the Salvis claim that as distinguished weavers they were sent
for by King Kumarpal and went on to settle in Patan with certain rights.
Virtually all of the Jaina in Gujarat, members both of the merchant as well as the administrative
castes, belongs to the Shvetambara sect. The monks of which are clothed in white fabric and whose
religious
deities,
especially
the
The patolu weavers in Patan pointed out the fact that their ancestors must have been Digambara
Jains when we photographed their most important religious deity, the sculpture of a black
Neminath, the twenty second Tirthankara of the Jains. The idol is made of black marble quarried
and used particularly in western India. The statue probably dates back to the eleventh century and
may have been produced locally. The Salvis claim for this religious deity being a Digambara idol
16
Vasudev, Shefalee. "Who Will Marry a Weaver." Indian Express [New Delhi] 19 Sept. 2010, News sec. Web. 19 Dec.
2011. <http://www.indianexpress.com/news/who-will-marry-a-weaver/683865/>.
48
originally is permissible as there is a broad strip of silver that was mounted around the loins later to
cover the original nakedness of the sculpture. It is thus very probable that through the application of
pieces of silver the original Digambara Jains idol was made into an image suitable for the cult of the
Shvetambara Jains. Another bit of evidence for this religio-historically interesting conversion within
the Jains is the work Vidhipakshagaciya published in Patan in 1905 with no mention of the
author. The Salvis had a copy of this work. The following is a summary of the text:
At the time they settled in Patan the members of the Salvi caste worshipped Shri Neminath, Shri
Adishvara Bhagvan, and Gautam Swami. Their guru or master, whom they had also taken with
them to Patan, was a monk named Chatrasena Bhattarka. The guru had a Ghata Sarasvati and
could thus, according to the judgment of the sagacious Shvetambara teacher Hemachandra, only
be overcome by an Acharya. In a spiritual battle fought with oratorical and magical means the
monk of the Shvetambara sect won breaking the Digambara enemys ritual vessels. Through this
the Salvis were convinced of the strength and the superiority of the Shvetambara sect and were
settled in seven different places in his empire by King Kumarpala
We observed certain idols in the Jain household of the Salvis in Patan. Bahucharajimata, the mother
Goddess, worshipped as the Kuldevi or the family deity; Ambika Mata and three small Ganesha
idols in bronze. It is conspicuous to note that most Salvis worship mother Goddess also. The Salvis
of Patan celebrate the normal Shvetambara-Jain New year festival, though it was interesting to
discover that Lord Ganesha is also worshipped on the second day of the Paryushan festival in the
workshop. The ideology behind such a tradition, as mentioned by one of the elder weavers is, this
is done so that the rats do not enter the workshop which might harm the cloth and the Saris on the
loom. Finally, the Salvis mentioned that one monk from their own caste in particular was also
worshipped. He was called Premvijay Maharaj and he had died subsequent to a sixty-six strictly
fulfilled vows. Whether this monk was a patolu weaver prior to becoming a monk is unknown.
As far as their clothing is concerned, the Salvis do not dress very different from other urban
craftsmen. In fact the newer generations all were seen dressed in jeans and a t-shirt, whereas the
elder ones were dressed in simple shirts and a trouser. When asked about the reason of absence of a
headgear unlike their older generations, the younger weavers mentioned that it was a matter of
choice and the times have changed now. The Salvi women still wear traditional womens clothing.
Considering their way of life, the Salvis are not different from the other craftsmen in a similar social
position. They live a simple life with no outward luxury. According to them, the religious festivals
and the times of marriages are the times for the display of wealth. The Salvi household is simple but
immaculately tidy. They keep up with the modern times and own vehicles, as well as modern
gadgets such as laptops and handy-cameras.
In Patan, notably the relatively narrow streets of the Salvivad are very linear. One of the weavers
from the younger generation, Rahulbhai Salvi, is a well-practiced Architect and he explained that
the linear streets were so planned for the warping of silk threads that was carried out. The houses in
Salvivad are two-storeyed. The walls of the house are made in brick and white-washed. In the
recent years, the Salvis have modernized their house so that the international tourists that visit them
often have a comfortable stay.
50
17
Bhler, Alfred. The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India. Vol. 1. Basle, Switzerland: Krebs, 1979. Print.
18
Crill, Rosemary. Indian Ikat Textiles. London: V & A Publications, 1998. Print.
51
Crill, Rosemary. Indian Ikat Textiles. London: V & A Publications, 1998. Print.
52
The bulk of interpretations made so far about the use of patolu are unambiguous signs of the fabrics
being allotted special significance for ceremonial purposes. This is certainly linked with how
precious they are.
According to the weavers in Patan, the patolu is a fabric with certain Dharmik and
Mangalikqualities. It means that the cloth is ritually pure as well as auspicious in nature and thus it
can be worn at the temple rituals and ceremonies by both orthodox Hindus and Jains. All in all, the
patolu is Pavitra, meaning pure in nature, which, according to the original tradition, King
Kumarpala wore as the Pitambar during temple rituals.
The absurd qualities of a patolu- their purity, holiness, magical, propitious powers are partially
linked with the fact that they are purely made of silk and further they are woven by Jains and not
untouchables, that is to say, they have not been made ritually tainted during their production.
Moreover, the customary red and green colour used in the motifs for the Hindus and Jains in
Gujarat are ascribed to be protective in nature. Owing to such positive qualities, Patola may be used
for all pious ceremonies by traditional Gujarati groups.
Traditional Patola, besides their primary usages as mentioned earlier, in recent times have been
employed for secondary use also. Recently, apart from garments, the weavers have begun to expand
the potential markets through the produce of tablecloths, handkerchiefs, blankets as well as curtains.
These are definitely examples of modern developments with absolutely no religious or traditional
significance
Kumarpalas predecessor). Abdullahs influence was the greatest in Patan, the then capital of the
Solanki dynasty. The Vohras themselves believe that their ancestors were members of the highcaste Hindu groups like Brahmins and Kshatriyas and converted to Islam about seven hundred years
ago just about the time when the Salvis arrived in Patan.
The Vohra women, like the Jains and Hindus, used the patolu for wedding occasions (Das 66)20
and other festive occasions. Apart from wedding ceremonies the patolu is used for other religious
events also since the Vohra community of Surat also treated it as a harbinger of good luck and it
was highly prized by women during pregnancy (Das 66)20. This is true of the Agani celebrated
in the seventh month of the pregnancy. A photograph in one of the albums at the Salvis home in
Patan shows a Vohra boy circumcised eight days before meeting his grandmother, who is wearing a
patolu. To sum up the most important points, the Ismailia Vohras of Gujarat and other central India
use the patolu exclusively as ceremonial saris; noteworthy since the Vohra women do not generally
wear Saris.
Das, Sukla. "Patola." Fabric Art: Heritage of India. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1992. Print.
54
was used by the King and probably also as the elephant-jhools in Travancore. Such a use of the
patolu is represented in certain paintings and frescoes in the temples of Padmanabhapuram and
Tiruchirapali which show a patolu elephant-blanket. Patola no longer seem to be used in Southern
India at all. There is no information on the matter and there is no further verification if the use of
Patola in this region had anything to do with silk weavers who had moved there from Gujarat. The
Salvis, further, suggest that these silken goods may have been exported from Gujarat.
To summarize the use and distribution of Patolu, Gujarat is unquestionably the region where
it is most frequently used. The centres of use are the towns of Ahmedabad and Surat. But
Patola has also been used in the surroundings of Surat, in Saurashtra and North Gujarat.
A special form marked by its particular length of 450 centimetres has been found in Central
regions of Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh; intended for local use. The only Patola so far
discovered in southern India were found in the Palace of Trivandrum in Kerala, used for
ceremonial purposes. Patola has also been depicted on many temples and palace frescoes in
Kerala.
Patola has been used by various population groups in India. Both higher caste Hindus such as
Anavil Brahmin and Nagar Brahmins and the wealthy Jaina groups like Oswal Jains once
used them regularly. Patola also play a role among the Vohra Muslims composed of partially
of higher caste Hindu converts.
In all of these cases, Patola are considered to be auspicious. The cloth indeed is believed to
have aesthetic, sacred, mystical, magical as well as medicinal powers.
In spite of all these reservations, certain important inferences can still be drawn. It is primarily
noticeable that the regions of distribution mentioned in the early reports can still be documented for
modern times, as will be discussed more in detail below.
Again, due to the lack of substantial evidence, we have illustrated only a few known places outside
India, wherein Patola has been in extensive use.
Malay Peninsula: The city of Malacca, which is insignificant today, was once a particularly
important emporium for goods bound for Indonesia. (Maznah 79)21 One of the textiles that were
extensively imported was the Patola cloth, known as the Tjindes in that particular region.
(Warming & Gaworski 103)22 The use of Patola on the peninsula is documented for more recent
times by a Dutch researcher. The Patola was claimed to be used as waist-cloth by the princes and
warriors. It was also speculated to have magical powers (as believed by the people of India too)
Flores, Solor Archipelago: it is common knowledge that Portuguese had visited this area as early as
the first half of the sixteenth century and established bases and missions on Flores and in the Solor
Archipelago. It is thus not surprising that the Patola acquired great importance there. The region
was known for the extensive use of the genuine Patola imported from India (via the Portuguese).
Unfortunately, the terminology for the particular motifs used in these regions is not known yet.
Indonesia: this region, perhaps, has been the one with the maximum import of the Patola cloth. In
fact as years have passed, Indonesia has itself become one of the producing centres for the Patola.
The people here, too, believe the cloth to have magical powers and consider it to be auspicious in
nature. Several photographs found at the Salvis house in Patan depict an Indonesian wedding taking
place under a tent made out of the Patolu cloth and bearing the Elephant and the Tiger motif.
21
Maznah, Mohamad. The Malay Handloom Weavers: A Study of the Rise and Decline of Traditional
Manufacture- Chapter 4- The Fourth Phase: Beginings of the rise of the Malayan Textile Industry,
Singapore: Regional Social and Cultural Studies, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1996. Print.
22
Warming, Wanda, and Michael Gaworski. The World of Indonesian Textiles. Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1981.
103. Print.
56
23
Crill, Rosemary. Indian Ikat Textiles. London: V & A Publications, 1998. Print.
57
58
The sincerity of this story cannot be determined. In any case, we deduced that it would involve only
a part of the Patola export that was done during the last century. This can be concluded from the
remnants of the various letters between the Patolu weavers and their customers, preserved at the
Salvis home in Patan. It follows from these letters that in the 1930s the workshop sold textiles to
Haidarabad in Sindh (currently in Pakistan) in particular, and further the fabrics were imported from
there. On further reading of these letters (most of which were translated by the very helpful
Rohitbhai Salvi) we found the following addresses: Lokkumal Jagguwala, Fashionable Silk
House, Direct import, wholesale etc, Manumas Vasho, Haidarabad Sindh; Hotchand
Tarachand, Fancy Gold and Silver Embroiderers Merchants, Shai bazar, Haidarabad, Sindh and
Jaggumal and Sons, Bulbulani Lane, Haidarabad, with sales branches in Java.
As Patola are not known to have been used in Sindh and the last address above mentions a sales
branch in Java, it seems reasonable to conclude that these firms sold Patola in Indonesia also.
Unfortunately, as Rahulbhai Salvi mentions, consequent to the second World War and above all
because one could no longer afford the high price demand of the cloth, all export contacts and trade
were gradually broken away.
Patola art. The government felt that the intricate art of weaving the sacred patolu was being lost
and so in an effort to preserve this dying art, they got together with the Salvi family and setup a
school to teach the Patola weaving technique to those willing to learn.
The initiative was successful at the beginning; a number of people came to the school eager to learn
this age old craft. The Salvi weavers dedicated a lot of their time to the school, patiently passing on
the skills of their craft- skills that until now had been passed down exclusively from father to son.
However, their efforts were all in vain as those who attended the workshop abandoned their
teachers in search of greener pastures. No doubt they realized that the process of weaving the
authentic Patola was a time consuming and painstaking one. It was one that would not yield those
results or wealth in the short run. Instead they had identified a gap in the market. There was whole
group of people who had not been targeted with respect to the Patola as they did not have sufficient
funds to buy the expensive cloth, but this did not mean that they did not wish they could own one.
The Rajkoti weavers acknowledged this need and began to weave a simpler version of the original
Patan Patola using the single ikat technique. Using this alternate and less complex technique they
were able to make imitations of the original Patola at a faster pace than the Salvi weavers and also
they were able to sell them at a cheaper rate. They wove the Patola for the middle class man.
Everyone who knew about the exclusivity and auspicious element of the Patola strived to own one
and if one cannot have the original, then a copy becomes the next best alternative- they would rather
have something than have nothing.
It was for these reasons that the students of the government led workshop decided to branch out on
their own and setup their own workshops where they made cheaper versions of the Patan Patola
renaming it the Rajkoti Patola.
The Rajkoti weavers, however, tell a different story. According to them, the art was first copied by
a group of people in Hyderabad. According to one of the Rajkoti weavers we talked to, the
Hyderabadi people who began copying the art were not able to successfully master the technique
and so all the cloth they produced were of very poor quality. The Rajkoti people saw what was
happening and since they knew the technique, they began to make it in Rajkot. As it happened, the
quality of their work was better than that of the Hyderabadi people and eventually production
slowed in Hyderabad and they began to buy the imitation Patola from the Rajkoti weavers. There
still are a few Hyderabadi weavers who make the imitation Patola, but, they sell it at a higher cost
than the Rajkot weavers and so in the words of the Rajkoti weavers people prefer buying the
Patolas that are made in Rajkot (rather) than the ones made in Hyderabad.
60
The Rajkoti imitations are readily available all around Gujarat. There were pieces available in every
textile shop that we visited on the trip and we found that the designs bore a striking resemblance to
that of the original Patan Patola.
The makers of this Rajkoti Patola defend their work saying that they are actually helping the Salvi
weavers as their manufacturing of this imitation Patola actually promotes the Patan Patola sari.
They also argue that their work is not like that of the Salvi family as their Patola saris are woven in
the single ikat form while the Salvis Patola is woven using the double ikat technique.
The Salvi family however does not feel the same way. They believe that the Rajkoti Patola has
cheapened the name of the Patola sari and also has diluted the notions of traditional symbolism and
sanctity that was attached to this particular sari.
61
When asked about his ancestry and the origin of his craft, the Rajkoti weaver we interviewed did
not tell us the same story that the Salvi family did; instead, he merely repeated that the craft was
passed down from one generation to the next and that all his ancestors were all from Gujarat itself.
The price of the Rajkoti sari is merely a fraction of that of the Patan Patola with the average being
set at around Rs.3000 to Rs.5000. The starting price of a Patola sari is Rs.1 lakh while an expensive
Rajkoti sari is priced at Rs.11, 000.
The Rajkoti weavers in an attempt to keep their craft alive and relevant to the current generation
have diversified from saris and now make salvar kurtas, kurtis, Punjabi suits etc. using the Patola
cloth. This move on the part of the Rajkoti weavers is an attempt to target todays younger
generation.
After learning so much about this specific type of imitative Patola work, we were curious as to what
the Rajkoti weavers thought about the rise in the number of people who wanted an imitative Patola
instead of the original. Their answers only confirmed what we had concluded, that the wait for the
original Patan Patola was very long as it takes the Salvi weavers around 1 year to complete one sari.
What extends the wait further is the fact that they still have a lot of orders pending and so is
someone were to place an order for a Patan Patola, they would be looking at a waiting period of
about 4 to 5 years. In addition to this the price of the Patan Patola is extremely steep and therefore
is not affordable for the common man. The starting price for an original sari is Rs. 1 lakh, and this is
generally for the simpler designs. As the complexity of the design on the sari increases so does the
price. The Rajkoti Patola on the other hand is easily available and much more affordable being
priced at around Rs. 2000 to Rs. 3000.
When talking to the Rajkoti weavers, one of the main points that they continued to emphasize was
the difference in the waiting period for a Patan Patola sari and a Rajkoti Patola sari. They were
very emphatic about the fact that for their type of Patola one does not have to wait for 4 years, one
can just walk into the shop and purchase it. There is no thinking ahead or planning that needs to be
done like with the Patan Patola. What we wondered when hearing this is why if they know about
the number of orders pending for the Patan Patola, would they not learn how to make the original
Patolas. If there were more weavers (at present there are only two families left) the number of saris
that could be produced per annum would increase. However, the Rajkoti weavers had another point
of view. To them they are producing the Patola sari for the common man-their consumer market
consists of people who are unable to spend lakhs on a single item of clothing. If they gave up their
craft to adopt that of the Salvis, then a lot of people would be left in a lurch. Additionally, other
62
than perhaps morally, the Rajkoti weavers have no reason to abandon their craft for that of the
Salvis. They have a thriving market for their product, demand is high with no signs of dropping and
with their diversification into other types of clothing such as kurtis and Punjabi suits their customer
base is only going to grow.
63
Rani Ki Vav 1
The most important architectural monument with respect to the Patola tradition is the Queens Step
well. The Gujarati climate is traditionally very dry with scarce rainfall and seasonal rivers. It is for
this reason that the over time the village water source be it a well, a reservoir or a pond developed
into an elaborate architectural element that is now known as a step well.
Visiting the stepwell was an incredible experience for all of us. When you enter the grounds all you
can see is flat ground everywhere carpeted in green grass. From afar you can see a hole in the
ground that has a railing around it but it doesnt really mean anything until you get closer and you
realize that what you thought was a hole is actually the step well. The step well appears out of
64
nowhere, and when you climb down those steps and are surrounded completely by these intricate
sculptures you feel like youve been transported to a different time and place. With so many
carvings covering every inch of the walls one would expect it to look crowded but it doesnt.
From the guides we learnt that the Rani ki Vav had been constructed from a circular well. This was
done by opening one of its four quadrants to a flight of stairs that stretched from the water to the
ground above.
The entire structure is very deep. When standing at the top, the people at the bottom look like tiny
figures, and at height of 60 feet, one would expect nothing less. The length of the step well is
approximately 220 feet. Sadly, however, time has left its weary mark on the structure. Where there
used to be seven floors and four multi-storeyed pavilions with pillars only 5 remain. Additionally, at
its prime, the Queens step well was host to more than 500 images (Kirit 496)24, but bad weather
and greedy men resulted in the survival of less than 400. Even in its present damaged state the
Queens Step well is one of the most ornate step wells in India. The sculptures on the inner sides of
the well are what make this particular step well unique. If we think the monument is beautiful it
truly must have been unrivalled in its prime. The sculptures depict various Gods, Goddesses, and
Apsaras, river goddesses and the 8 Vasus and Rishis.
The majority of the multitudes of sculptures adorning every inch of the walls depict the
Brahmanical pantheon. The different avatars of Shiva, Vishnu, Ganesha, Devi and Brahma can be
found throughout the Stepwell.
Like the TajMahal, this structure was erected in memory of a deceased loved one. Queen
Udayamati commissioned the structure as a tribute to her departed husband King Bhimadeva I
during the Solanki period, somewhere in the latter half of the 11th century. Step wells such as this
one which were created in the memory of the deceased were done so to create religious favour for
the departed. Though considered to be sacred these structures are not considered to be a form of
temple. Its sacristy stems from the fact the memory of the person it is being dedicated to is sacred.
The link between the Patola saris and the Queens step well lies in the geometrical designs can be
found on some of the structural faces. There is some controversy about what was influenced by
what with regard to the patterns of the Patola saree and a particular section of carving in the
Stepwell.
24
Mankodi, Kirit. "The Queen's Stepwell at Patan." Artibus Asiae 53.No. 3/4 (1993): 496-98. Jstor. Web. 21
Dec. 2011. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/3250531 .>.
65
The Salvi weavers believe that the people who were carving the designs in the Stepwell knew about
the Patola saree and were so enamoured by its designs that they decided to immortalize them in
stone. They believe that the designs in the step well were influenced by the Patola saree. The guide
at the Stepwell, however, believed differently. He said that the Patola weavers came to visit the step
well and were inspired by the designs at the step. They later went back and translated what they had
seen onto cloth.
During our time there, we were unable to conclusively find out which story was true and which
wasnt because all the information we received was verbal and we were unable to find any concrete
sources that would help us put an end to the debate. Either way, the Patola saree and Queens
Stepwell remain forever connected.
Sahastralinga Talav
The Sahastralinga Talav is an elaborate water tank that was commissioned by the king Siddharaj
Jaisingh (1093-1143 AD). The tank combines the areas need for efficient water management with
the Hindu religions reverence for water. For Hindus, water is a symbol of purity and the added
66
bonus was the water source for the tank was the sacred Saraswati river. To reflect this religious
element, 1000 shrines dedicated to lord Shiva were created on the edge of the tank.
Today not much of the talav is left other than its basic structure. Local folklore attributes this to a
curse that was a result of unrequited love and its tragic end. According to the story, the king fell in
love with a local married woman named Jasma Odan. He promised her riches, power and his entire
kingdom if she agreed to leave her husband and marry him. However, Jasma was a virtuous woman
and refused the kings offer. The king nonetheless refused to accept her rejection of his offer.
Knowing that the king would not give up, Jasma committed sati in order to escape the Kings
advances and keep her virtue intact. Whilst committing sati, she placed a curse on the kings talav,
and since that day the tank has been dry.
67
combination
of
cotton
and
silk
in
its
weaving
process.
It was the arrival of Muslims into the region that led to the creation of this special type of cloth. The
term mashru is obtained from the Sharia- the law book of the Islamic faith. When translated,
Mashru means permitted by, or subject to, Islamic law (Crill, 120)17. . This term is a reference to
the fact that Muslim men were forbidden by the Sharia to let pure silk touch their bodies. While
this particular rule does not appear in the Islamic holy book i.e. the Quran, it is one of the personal
traditions of the Prophet that has been passed down and adopted by the Muslim community. This
law served as incentive to the weavers at that time to invent a method through which the artistic and
aesthetic quality of the silk could be retained without violating the ban. They do this by using silk as
their warp thread (i.e. the thread that is longitudinally attached to the loom) and cotton as their weft.
In this way, the silk threads appear on the surface of the cloth making it glossy and aesthetically
pleasing while the cotton threads lie on the underneath. By doing this, none of the silk touches the
wearers skin allowing it to be permissible for the Islamic population.
68
Although created for Muslim men, many non-Muslims began to wear the Mashru cloth. This trend
led to the proposition of different etymologies for the term Mashru. Some belive it is a derivative
of the Sanskrit word misru which means mixed. Others believe that it comes from the Persian
word misri which means Egyptian and is a reference to its Islamic origin (Crill 120)17.
The Mashru weavers residing in Patan are originate from two communities- the Khatris who were
from Champaner and the Shaikhs who came to Patan in 1200 AD during the reign of king
Kumarpal. In the past there were around 250 Mashru weaving families living in Patan, but today
there are only 35 left. The weaver we interviewed, Mr.Sureshbhai Khatri, contributed this decrease
to the fact that the younger generation is not willing to take on the family business.
Designs
All the Mashru designs are geometric (Crill 120)25, however, there is not much variety of motifs
available. The Mashru cloth generally consists of a plain cloth with stripes of different colours such
as yellow, green and red.
The most popular Mashru designs are Katario, Chundadi, Lili, LalKankani, Kamkhi, Sodagari,
Arbi and Fancy Butti. The Katario, Chundadi and Sodagari (Trivedi 60)26 patterns are marketed
mostly in Rajasthan while the Arbi and Kamkhi patterns sell well in Madhya Pradesh. The Arbi
design is used exclusively for womens petticoats.
25
Crill, Rosemary. Indian Ikat Textiles. London: V & A Publications, 1998. Print.
26
R.K. Trivedi, Superintendent of Census operations in Gujarat, Census of India 1961, Vol. V- Part VII-A, Selected
Crafts of India. (1961). Print
69
Secondly, with the arrival of artificial silk yarn in the market, Mashru weavers have begun to use
this instead of the raw silk that they traditionally used. This too has cut their costs significantly.
Switching to the artificial yarn has eliminated a number of steps in the production process which
again reduces the production time of each Mashru weave.
Consumer base
Mashrus main consumer base today is the rural folk and adivasi people of Gujarat, Rajasthan and
Madhya Pradesh (Trivedi 63)19. They desire the traditional designs and are completely opposed to
any diversion from tradition.
Since it is people from rural areas that form the majority of their client base, demand for their
product completely depends on how successful the agricultural season for that year is. In the last
few years, with the rainfall problems that have plagued India, the demand for the Mashru cloth has
fallen as the rural people have not had enough of a harvest to sell and so do not have money to
spend on clothes.
The peak season for the Mashru trade is the wedding season which lies between the months of
November to May as their fabric is very often used to make the chania or petticoat for the bride
(Trivedo 61)27.
Export
In the past, the Mashru cloth used to be exported to Aden, Kuwait, Syria, Africa and Arab
Countries (Trivedi 63)19. Now, due to a decrease in popularity of this cloth in those regions the
exports have stopped.
The main markets for this fabric today are Indian markets in areas like Gujarat, Rajasthan and
Madhya Pradesh.
In conclusion, while the Mashru craft is still a viable one, it is not a thriving as it used to be. The
reasons for its slight decline are factors that are completely out of its control. The purchasing power
of its clientele depends on success of their harvest which in turn depends on the climate and amount
of rainfall that their region receives. The fate of the Mashru business is in the hands of Mother
Nature.
27
R.K. Trivedi, Superintendent of Census operations in Gujarat, Census of India 1961, Vol. V- Part VII-A, Selected Crafts
of India. (1961). Print.
70
Chapter
7:
Major
Learnings
and
Conclusions
One of the most primary observations we made during the field trip was the fact that the Patola
weaving, in its original art form, is so ancient that the current weavers themselves do not have a
comprehensive knowledge of certain intricacies of the art. It came as a surprise to us that an art so
well-established and traditional in nature has never been thoroughly documented. One of the chief
reasons owing to this is definitely the secretive nature of the Salvis. Though overly friendly and
welcoming in nature, this guild of artisans has treasured even the smallest of the details of their
weaving technique. Of course, during the recent years other double-ikat producing areas have
cropped up in India as well as overseas, yet none can match or master the intricate details of the
handiwork as the Salvis have. Owing to these reasons, we have tried to document the weaving
techniques (with due permission of the Salvis) as much as possible. The problem arises in the lack
of knowledge. The current weavers themselves claim that all that they know about the weaving
techniques is due to the years of practice. Over the years the techniques have been passed on in the
family through oral traditions. Hence, the true knowledge has been altered and re-altered time and
again. When asked one of the weavers Rahulbhai said, When the loom calls out to my soul, my
hands automatically start working on the Sari. Apart from the passion of the man, this clearly
indicates how this technique is almost inborn into these weavers.
We also observed that sadly, though these weavers are well-known and revered amongst the various
artisan guilds, and have been felicitated by the Indian government a number of times over the years,
they are unhappy about the current situation of the art. Economically, they claim to have no
problems. But, their greatest concern remains that the government has not done enough for ensuring
the restoration of the art which is clearly waning. So that led us to our primary research question: Is
Patola weaving a dying art? It is very difficult to come to a conclusion as we observed that the
question is viewed differently by the weavers and the people who buy Patolas as also most of the
Designers and experts on the subject. Each and every expert we spoke to termed Patola weaving as
the dying art. The famous designer Sabyasachi Mukherji also opines the same. So do the buyers of
Patola. The surprise came in the form of the weavers who do not believe that their art is on a
decline. Rahulbhai Salvi explains that in its original art form, the Patola weaving will not die out for
at least four more decades. He broke the common myth amongst the people further explaining that
71
though the weaver have greatly declined in number, and the production of the Saris have
consequently reduced, the art will continue to live as long as the weavers exist, however less in
numbers.
Other interesting observation made in Patan was the advent of the imitation Patolas in the local
market. Surprisingly, the Salvis claim that they have always been ready for it. In fact, the businesses
of these fake imitations of Patola have come into being through one of their own apprentices.
Apparently, at one point the Salvis, out of fear of the decline of the weavers, had decided to teach
the techniques to weavers outside of their caste. Sadly, one of their apprentices moved away from
them after learning a few techniques and started his business. Naturally the quality would never
match the original weaving. The Salvis, though, have come to terms with the fact that there are
cheaper imitations available in market. One of the chief reasons being that the imitations had
whatsoever no effect on their business. It continued to thrive. In fact, the Salvis themselves have
started weaving imitations for a certain target audience since they believe that who else could copy
their art better than themselves.
The tradition thus continues. The Salvis have adapted to the various changes that have taken place
around them through time. But originally ever so they will always remain the ancient weavers who
were once claimed to possess magical powers and weave a magical cloth so auspicious and revered
in design.
And as far as the question about it being a dying art is concerned, we vaguely remember Savanbhai
Salvi casually commenting with a smirk on his face,
72
Group Picture 1
73
As a rule the terms relate to the patterning of the main field, that section of the fabric which we, too,
considered decisive in our examination of patolu types. But the same names are often used for other
parts, too-for the patterning of the border stripes, frame, and end panels and even for individual
motifs. Thus, it is not rare to find motif type designations in the literature that are confusing because
they do not refer to the main field but to those other patterned parts. What is worse is the fact that
on occasion names for types have been confounded or ascribed to forms which they could not
possibly apply to. In the following section we will provide Buhlers classification of motifs and a
brief summary of the few important ones.
Terms used for Motif Types
MT1
PAN BHAT
MT2
PAN BHAT
MT 3-10
MT 4/5
MT 6
MT 7
MT 8
FUL BHAT
MT9
FUL BHAT
MT 10
FUL BHAT
MT 11/12
CHHABADI BHAT
MT 13
MT 14/15
MT 16
MT 17/18
VAGH BHAT
MT 19
MT 20-22
HATHI BHAT
75
MT 23
MT 24
MT 25
MT 26
MT 27
CHOKADI BHAT
MT 28
MT 29
MT 30
MT 31
BOR JALI
MT 32
MT 33
MT 34
MT 35
DADA BHAT
MT 36-37
MT 38-41
CHIR
MT 42
MT 43
KANCHELI
MT 44
RAS BHAT
MT 45-53
Akhrot Bhat
Probably commonly used for certain forms of motif types MT 3 10, possibly for MT 6 in particular.
AKHROT means walnut, BHAT (as in the following designations) design.
76
A completely accurate definition of this name is not possible; but the word certainly refers to a
motif with flowering shrubs in lozenges as the main field pattern.
According to Gulati, G. U. Patel termed the pattern OKHAR BHAT (water crest design). This
name has been taken over by Mehta, R.J. But according to inquiries made in Patan the correct term
is AKHROT BHAT (Walnut design).
Gulati does not provide a description of the pattern.
Mehta, R.N. does not give detailed information either. He simply lists AKHROT BHAT (walnut
motif) as a rare type of FUL BHAT.
Majumdar mentions AKHROTA BHATA as walnut motif.
A patolu corresponding to our motif type MT 6 was termed AKHROT BHAT in Ahmadabad in
1967. Buhler translated the term as apricot motif.
Bor jail
Standard for motif type MT 31
According to Mehta, R. N, The term is supposed to mean berry and trellis work. The author
comments as follows: A design with trellis work and flowers might go back to the period after the
16th century. In its general outline this design has affinities with the motif known as Bor JAL (berry
and trellis work) which depicts even stylized flowers inside a trellis pattern. Also the North-Indian
BHL_BUL chasm motif can be classified in the same group.
The drawing Mehta uses adds further elucidation of the motif shows a lozenge composed of four
lancet-shaped leaves and containing a cross-blossom. But these forms in no way correspond to our
motif type.
77
Patel (1949) describes the pattern he calls CHABDI BHAT NA PHUL (circle of basket containing
flowers) as baskets of pomegranates, arranged in rows.
But Gulati, following G.U. Patel, writes: CHABBRI BHAT or basket design. Here each enclosure
containing an elephant (!) is made up of four quadrants which look as if forming a basket, when two
of them are taken together.
In keeping with this he refers to a picture of a patolu (with monochrome body!) with elephants in
rectangles in the patterning of the border stripes and end panels.
The description and picture found in Mehta, R.N in connection with the designation of the motif
type is rather more suitable: CHHABADI BHAT (basket design): This design has circular outline
filled-in with geometrical and floral elements. Why he then goes on to call the main field pattern
GAL vali bhat (also gali vali bhat, galo valo bhat)
Open space design.
The term probably refers to main fields either not patterned at all or not patterned in double ikat,
thus indicating Patola which are also called CHIR or CHIR PATOLA (MT 36-39). In Patan in 1964
we were also given the name NUR LINJAR for such forms.
In the times of India annual (1960: 74) a plain sari, i.e. a cloth with monochrome main field, is
called GALO.
The Ahmadabad catalogue contains the designation GALA VARO BHAT (open space design) and
GALO ANE NARI KUNJAR KINAR (GALO with NARI KUNJAR border stripes).
Nari kunjar popat ful bhat, nari kunjar bhat, popat kunjar bhat
Term for motif types MT 13-16.
NARI means girl, doll. KUNJAR means elephant, POPAT parrot and FUL flower, blossom.
The two first terms refer to Patola with all four of the motifs mentioned above in the main field (MT
13, 16) the third term is used for forms in which the girl is lacking (MT 14,15).
FUL is often left out although the floral design is always there; the same holds true for POPAT.
The oldest term of this kind known for this to us comes from Baroda.
78
Patel (1949) describes the pattern as if it had neither parrots nor flowers: diamond-shaped
constructions are composed of diagonal lines, inside there are dolls and on either side of them
elephants on a slant. He says that NARI means doll and Kunjar elephant.
Gulati calls the pattern nari-kunjar bhat or dancing girl and elephant design. He says that is
always includes parrots: but here, too, the floral motif is not mentioned. The illustration does not
show a patolu of the MT 13 group but a fabric of the MT 1 type with four different individual
motifs in the border stripes.
Mehta, R. N makes detailed comments on this pattern: THE NARI KUNJAR (woman and
elephant) design consists of diapers in which are enclosed elephants with drivers, women and
parrots. The animal and the woman are always highly stylized. The wide skirt and dangling-down
hair-tresses of the woman stand very near to the feminine costume and coiffure style of Gujarat
after the 6th century such as we know it from miniature paintings of the period. It seems, therefore,
that this design was introduced in the Patola manufacture later in 16th century.
79
Survey Tables:
Ahmedabad
Name
Age
Profession
Religion
sari's
Rajvi Shah
32
Hairstylist
Jain
Yes
Yes
Afsana
41
Homemaker
Islam
Yes
Yes
23
Student
Hindu
No
Yes
Preshita bhadra 29
Employee
Hindu
Yes
No
vaishali Patel
46
Social Worker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Rupali Shah
32
professor
Jain
Yes
yes
Mansi Jain
26
Employee
Jain
yes
No
Shabina. Iman
42
Shopowner
Islam
Yes
Yes
Sneha .agrawal 21
Student
Hindu
yes
Yes
Priyanshi.
34
dentist
Jain
Yes
No
Rupa. Panchal
38
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Tanya.shah
22
Student
Jain
Yes
Yes
Ria.
37
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
No
28
Fashion
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Zariwala
Pooja Metha
Shah
Sandhniwala
Priya. Gandhi
Desugner
rajeshwari.
57
Homemaker
Hindu
yes
Yes
32
Architect
Jain
Yes
Yes
Parnika. Doshi
21
Student
Hindu
Yes
No
Urvi.shah
48
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Rima.Patel
65
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
tasneeb.
33
Employee
Islam
No
Yes
34
professor
Hindu
yes
Yes
Patel
Neena
Sanghavi
Gabajiwala
Krishna.Patel
80
Shaital.Parikh
42
Fashion
Jain
Yes
Yes
Desugner
Seema. Dave
38
doctor
Hindu
yes
No
Mamta.Modi
63
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
neeta Rathod
29
Travel Agent
Hindu
Yes
Yes
smita kamani
31
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
No
Avisha jhaveri
21
Student
Hindu
no
No
Kokila Varma
65
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Nandita Shah
61
Social Worker
Jain
yes
No
Ramila.
52
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Sunita Jain
32
Employee
Jain
yes
No
Shekina
40
professor
Islam
yes
Yes
29
designer
Islam
Yes
Yes
Rinku Panchal
38
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
No
Neema.
28
Shopowner
Jain
No
Yes
35
Businesswome
Islam
Yes
Yes
Tandan
Kadiwala
Rukhshaya
Shekh
Shethiya
Zarina Mehta
n
Arpita Sharma
43
homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Meena Seth
47
Employee
Hindu
Yes
No
Geetika Jain
21
Student
Jain
Yes
No
Sunaina Singh
24
Student
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Name
Age
Profession
Religion
Original/Imitation)
Rajvi Shah
32
Hairstylist
Jain
Yes
Yes, Imitation
Afsana
41
Homemaker
Islam
No
No
Pooja Metha
23
Student
Hindu
No
Yes, Imitation
vaishali Patel
46
Social Worker
Hindu
Yes
Yes, Imitation
Zariwala
81
Rupali Shah
32
professor
Jain
Yes
Yes, Imitation
Shabina. Iman 42
Shopowner
Islam
Yes
No
Sneha
Student
Hindu
No
No
Rupa. Panchal 38
Homemaker
Hindu
No
No
Tanya.shah
22
Student
Jain
No
No
Priya. Gandhi
28
Fashion
Hindu
No
No
21
.agrawal
Desugner
rajeshwari.
57
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes, Original
32
Architect
Jain
Yes
Yes, Imitation
Urvi.shah
48
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Yes, Original
Rima.Patel
65
Homemaker
Hindu
No
Yes, Imitation
tasneeb.
33
Employee
Islam
No
No
Krishna.Patel
34
professor
Hindu
Yes
No
Shaital.Parikh
42
Fashion
Jain
No
Yes, Imitation
Patel
Neena
Sanghavi
Gabajiwala
Desugner
Mamta.Modi
63
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
No
neeta Rathod
29
Travel Agent
Hindu
No
No
Kokila Varma
65
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes, Original
Ramila.
52
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes, Original
40
Professor
Islam
Yes
Yes, Imitation
29
Designer
Islam
No
No
28
Shopowner
Jain
Yes
Yes, Imitation
35
Businesswomen Islam
Yes
No
Arpita Sharma 43
homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes, Original
Sunaina Singh 24
Student
Hindu
Yes
No
Tandan
Shekina
Kadiwala
Rukhshaya
Shekh
Neema.
Shethiya
Zarina Mehta
82
Name
Age
Profession
Religion
Rajvi Shah
32
Hairstylist
Jain
Yes
Afsana Zariwala
41
Homemaker
Islam
No
Pooja Metha
23
Student
Hindu
Yes
vaishali Patel
46
Social Worker
Hindu
Yes
Rupali Shah
32
professor
Jain
Yes
Shabina. Iman
42
Shopowner
Islam
Yes
Sneha .agrawal
21
Student
Hindu
Yes
Rupa. Panchal
38
Homemaker
Hindu
No
Tanya.shah
22
Student
Jain
Yes
Priya. Gandhi
28
Fashion Desugner
Hindu
No
rajeshwari. Patel
57
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
83
Neena Sanghavi
32
Architect
Jain
No
Urvi.shah
48
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Rima.Patel
65
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
tasneeb.
33
Employee
Islam
Yes
Krishna.Patel
34
professor
Hindu
Yes
Shaital.Parikh
42
Fashion Desugner
Jain
No
Mamta.Modi
63
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
neeta Rathod
29
Travel Agent
Hindu
Yes
Kokila Varma
65
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Ramila. Tandan
52
Homemaker
Hindu
No
Shekina
40
professor
Islam
No
29
designer
Islam
Yes
Shopowner
jain
Yes
Gabajiwala
Kadiwala
Rukhshaya
Shekh
Neema. Shethiya 28
84
Zarina Mehta
35
Businesswomen
Islam
Yes
Arpita Sharma
43
homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Sunaina Singh
24
Student
Hindu
Yes
Patan
Do you wear a
Name
Age
Profession
Religion
sari?
sari/s
Sunita Jain
38
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Rani Patel
39
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Kanika Parikh
27
Employee
Hindu
No
Yes
Kusum Patel
53
Employee
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Hansa Shah
42
Social Worker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Reena Mehta
29
professor
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Aasma Sheikh
38
Homemaker
Islam
No
Yes
Kavita Panich
48
Social Worker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Vaishali Jain
37
Mashroo Weaver
Jain
yes
Yes
Gajni Vanand
37
Mashroo Weaver
Jain
Yes
No
Hansa Thakker
35
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Hetal Modi
37
Mashroo Weaver
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Jyotika Shatiya
45
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Ami Salvi
32
Tailor
Jain
Yes
Yes
Manju Vadilal
65
Shopkeeper
Hindu
yes
Yes
Jankna Patel
33
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Saraswati Patel
27
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Meena Modi
34
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Reshma Malik
21
Homemaker
Hindu
No
No
85
Asma Chaki
23
Student
Islam
No
Yes
Pujwana Masuri
20
Houseworker
Hindu
No
Yes
Smita Ganatia
39
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Asmita Siyami
46
Teacher
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Minakshi Amin
50
Homemaker
Hindu
No
Yes
Sonal Patel
31
Teacher
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Rdhika Shah
41
Teacher
Jain
Yes
Yes
Sheela Waghela
35
Doctor
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Premila Bhataya
56
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Abha Negi
42
Social Worker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Vidhi Jain
27
Professor
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Vibha Ganghani
33
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Rajuben Mistri
48
Homemaker
Islam
Yes
Yes
Yesimi Shah
42
Homemaker
Islam
Yes
Yes
Vrvi Gala
31
Insurance Agent
Jain
Yes
Yes
Pamita Chavdar
38
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Komal Najapati
26
Homemaker
Islam
Yes
Yes
Alpa Gala
38
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Kajal Salvi
29
Tailor
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Kalpana Sanghavi
29
Shopkeeper
Jain
Yes
Yes
Varsha Kataria
30
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Vimla Patel
30
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Pooja Ganatra
48
Family Business
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Kokila Popat
52
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Chunchanand
42
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Kafin Shah
22
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Rina Ghomes
32
Homemaker
Catholic
No
Yes
Payal Salvi
58
Homemaker
Jain
Yes
Yes
Kirit Modi
50
Employee
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Chhaya Modi
38
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Saroj Kumar
40
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Naina Darji
30
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Rani Modi
36
Tailor
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Pshina Sheikh
23
Student
Islam
No
No
Shaiki Dave
24
Student
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Nirmala
86
Asha Modi
29
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Asmita Bhati
40
Employee
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Aparashebe Modi
38
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Meena Bhanushali
34
Doctor
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Angali Mathur
44
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
Sarju Patel
79
Homemaker
Hindu
Yes
Yes
87
Bibliography
1. Books
1.
Lynton, Linda. "Chapter 2: The Western Region." The Sari: Styles, Patterns, History,
Ranjan, M. P., and Aditi Ranjan. Handmade in India. New Delhi: Council of Handicraft
Crill, Rosemary. Indian Ikat Textiles. London: V & A Publications, 1998. Print.
4.
Meller, Susan, and Joost Elffers. Textile Designs: 200 Years of Patterns for Printed Fabrics
Arranged by Motif, Colour, Period and Design. London: Thames & Hudson, 2003. Print.
5.
Gillow, John, and Ncholas Barnard. "Chapter 4: The West, Patola." Traditional Indian
Cooper, Ilay, John Gillow, and Barry Dawson. "Chapter 5: Silk, Satin and Cotton." Arts and
Crafts of India. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1996. Pgs 90, 93. Print.
7.
Cooper, Ilay, John Gillow, and Barry Dawson. Arts and Crafts of India. New York: Thames
Bhler, Alfred. The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India. Vol. 1. Basle, Switzerland:
Das, Sukla. "Patola." Fabric Art: Heritage of India. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications,
1992. Print.
10.
Ghosh, G. K., and Shukla Ghosh. " The Patola of Gujarat, Chapter 2 to Chapter 33." Ikat
Desai, Anjali H., and Vivek Khadpekar. India Guide Gujarat. Ahmedabad: India Guide
Trivedi, R.K. Census of India 1961, Volume V Part VII-A, Selected Crafts of
88
13.
Gilfoy, Peggy Stoltz. Fabrics in Celebration from the Collection. Indianapolis, IN:
Balaram, S. Thinking Design. New Delhi, India: SAGE, 2011. 129. Print.
15.
Ghosh, G. K., and Shukla Ghosh. "The Patola of Gujarat, Ch-35 to Ch-39." Ikat Textiles of
Sarabhai, Mrinalini. Patolas and Resist-dyed Fabrics of India. Ahmedabad: Mapin Pub.,
Maznah, Mohamad. The Malay Handloom Weavers: A Study of the Rise and Decline of
Traditional Manufacture. Singapore: Regional Social and Cultural Studies, Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, 1996. 87. Print.
18.
Jessup, Helen Ibbitson. Court Arts of Indonesia. New York: Asia Society Galleries in
Warming, Wanda, and Michael Gaworski. The World of Indonesian Textiles. Tokyo: Kodansha
2. Jstor Articles
1.
The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art , Vol. 13, No. 2 (Feb., 1926), pp. 34, 36, 39 Published
by: Cleveland Museum of Art .Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25136903
2.
G, U. "A Collection of East Indian Textiles." The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art
Barnes, Ruth. "Michigan Indian Textiles for Island Taste: Gujarati Cloth in Eastern
Indonesia Author." Ars Orientalis 34 (2004): 134-49. J-Stor. Web. 1 Dec. 2011.
<http://www.jstor.org/stable/4629611.>.
4.
Upton, Joseph M. "Indian and Indonesian Textiles and Metalwork." The Metropolitan
Museum of Art Bulletin Part 1 25.No. 11 (Nov. 1930): 244-45. JStor. Web. 11 Dec. 2011.
<http://www.jstor.org/stable/3255654.>.
5.
Concurrent Exhibitions and Lentz Center for Asian Culture, "Color and Pattern: Tribal and
Contemporary Ikats of India and Laos" (2010). Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings.
Paper 74.
6.
http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf/74
89
7.
Mankodi, Kirit. "The Queen's Stepwell at Patan." Artibus Asiae 53.No. 3/4 (1993): 496-98.
Barnes, Ruth. "Indian Textiles for Island Taste: Gujarati Cloth in Eastern Indonesia." Arss Orientalis
3. Newspaper articles
1.
Meitei, Dayandana. "NID Aims to Arrest Gujarat Handicrafts Slide into Oblivion." DNA 18
Vasudev, Shefalee. "Who Will Marry a Weaver?" Indian Express [New Delhi] 19 Sept.
4. Internet resources
1.
National Innovation Foundation. Adding life to a centuries old dyeing art - Patan. n.d. 18
Ranjan,
Aditi.
"IGNCA
INVENTORY
ON
THE
INTANGIBLE
HERITAGE." Inventory. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, n.d.
90
CULTURAL
Synopsis
Eight students.
One mentor.
A journey.
An ancient fortified town.
A much ancient guild of weavers.
And a more ancient art of weaving.
With miles of journey under our heels, we travel to the somnolent little town of Patan, in Gujarat to
discover more about the art of Patola weaving.
Solitudes in Silk is a comprehensive documentation of the weaving techniques and the ancient Patola
weavers.
91