Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Michael J. Ryan
Binghamton University
C
2011 Southeastern Council on Latin American Studies and Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
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Only recently has the popular culture of the working class and rural
people of Latin America been the object of scholarly interest.5 Since this
turn to the popular classes began, many aspects of these cultures are still
obscured or hid by ethnographers who feel their presentation on the world
stage would only confirm derogatory or harmful preexisting stereotypes
of them.6 In order to understand the role that the popular classes have
played in the development of Latin America, it is important to appreciate
the reasons why so many these people have continued to perfect their skills
in unarmed and armed combat. The intensive investment of time required
to master these practices becomes especially curious as over the last one
hundred years as the technological advances of firearms have made these
bodies of knowledge obsolete. Instead of disappearing as Modernity took
hold in Latin America as many scholars once predicted; many of these
combative traditions continue to be practiced encamera, while other such
as Capoeira and Brazilian Vale Tudo have undergone a re-vitalization and
global popularity. The persistence of these combative traditions demonstrates the relevance of these arts for those communities who continue to
cherish and protect their cultural knowledge.
Ryan
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Garrote in Venezuela
By the time the first accounts of garrote appear in the early 19th century,
fighting with a walking-stick had already attained a sophisticated level of
development among the civilian population. Succeeding sparse accounts
suggest that fighting with a walking stick was part of larger constellation
of civilian combative traditions drawing on a variety of occupational tools
from cuchillos, punales, peinillas, and machetes to mandadores, garrochas or
dejarretaderas.17 In addition to these tools, a number of civilian and military
weaponry such as differing lengths of staves, small-swords, sabers, the
lance and the bayonet also seem to have played an important role in
conflicts up through the early 20th century. Speaking of garrote as it is
primarily thought of and practiced today, a garrote or palo refers to a
fire-hardened, oiled, hard-wood walking stick that was once part of the
every day dress of Venezuelan men. At present terms such as Garrote de
Lara, Garrote Larense or Garrote Tocuyano are recently coined terms for
what were once innumerable local styles of fighting practiced throughout
the country.18 These names merely reflect the area where the majority of
research on this art has been conducted so far, and ties into the view of local
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garroteros that garrote arose out of conditions in the Tocuyo valley and
spread throughout Venezuela. This view is hard to sustain as myself and
other local investigators have identified and studied local stick fighting
styles that have no link with the Tocuyo valley. The existence of a number
of traditions of garrote showing no links to the Tocuyo valley, suggests
that garrote developed independently over the years through different
patterns of diffusion and independent development at different sites.
Some practioners of garrote have developed colorful names to identify
their particular style of garrote such as The Bloody Stick, The Cock-Crow
style, or The Seven Methods style. Others however have no name for their
style of stick fighting. For example, early in the 20th century a chain of
events began with a man by the name of Sablon
Vasquez fleeing an assault
charge in the neighboring state Falcon.
Moving south to the sugar-cane village of La Riconada in the state of Lara, he taught a method of stick fighting
to his friends and new family.19 During this time a student of his remembered only as El Pecho Peludo in turn, escaping from an impending assault
charge built a new life for himself near the sugar cane fields of Cabudare
approximately 50 miles away.20 Here, during the 1930s, he taught his
style of stick fighting to a Gualberto Castillo who proceeded to teach a few
relatives and friends of his village this art. Coming down to the present
as La Rina con Palo or fighting with sticks; the matter-offact descriptive
name for this stick-fencing suggests there was a general lack of interest in
identifying these traditions outside their obvious function.21 In a way this
attitude is very similar to how many people today would not pay to much
attention to distinguishing between different kinds of cooking pots.
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was racked by endemic political violence led by local politicians, businessmen and landowners. 23 As one newspaper editor remembered:
Venezuelans are accustomed to the revolutionary uprisings
called in criollo slang a leap from the woods or assault in which an
unquiet Senor,
a rancher or owner of a coffee, cacao, or other agri
cultural; hacienda, gave the cry on his property and took to the
bush accompanied by 400 peons, armed with chopping machetes or
even ancient blunderbusses 24
Supported by their extended family, laborers or clients; local strongmen or
caudillos attempted to augment their holdings by intimidating or forcing
indigenous communities and small farmers off their lands. Other times
caudillo leaders fought against each other or the reigning governments in
Caracas to increase their influence, or make a claim for supreme power.
These men, as one author described them:
Were chiefs, heads of clans, great landowners, like Diego Colina
who could at a word call out the cane cutters of the southern sierras
of Coro. Or like General Ramon
Castillo who could draft a thousand
men from his family properties, or like the Telleras who through
family connections occupied of most of the higher and many of the
middle and lower posts of state government could use the resources
25
of the state of Falcon.
From the time of independence in 1825 until 1929, the southern half of the
Segovia highlands has been the site of over 68 armed conflicts in addition
to years of enduring low-level guerrilla activity.26 The Segovia highlands
have traditionally served as a boundary between conservative and liberal
spheres of influences, turning the area into a prime battle ground over the
years. During the 19th and early 20th centuries privately raised militia units
regularly advanced and retreated across the area in support of regional
caudillos, living off what they could take from the farms and ranches they
came across.27 The end result of this was an almost total destruction of the
regions infrastructure resulting in this area being reduced to an economic
backwater. By the 1940s when many Venezuelans were enjoying a renewed prosperity due to the global demand for coffee and petroleum; half
of the sugar-cane grown in this area was still processed by water-powered
mills and used wood burning furnaces to produce papelon
geared towards
local consumption. At the same time, the urban population of Lara was
increasingly turning to the importation of a refined Cuban sugar for daily
use further marginalizing the areas economic base. The return to civilian
rule in 1958, after 60 years of military dictatorships led to a number of limited land reforms and some increases in public spending for infrastructural
improvements and public education. The majority of state funding though
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has gone to helping large plantations shift from a labor intensive farming
system based on a type of debtslavery, to a capital-intensive production
relying on a seasonal wage-earning force. The results of this uneven development fuelled an already strong rural to urban migration that has
fundamentally transformed the face of Venezuela from a primarily rural
nation to a predominantly urban population today.28
After almost a century of endemic political conflict, the groundwork to
build a modern Venezuelan state began to take shape by the 1890s when
elite factions began struggling over who was going to be the next president. Unable to tolerate being on the losing political side one more time,
General Cypriano Castro and his Chief of Staff Juan V. Gomez
began their
bid for supreme power from exile in neighboring Colombia in 1899. Accompanied by 60 men armed with Mauser rifles and machetes, they raised
the standard of revolt under the name of Restoration Revolution.29 Moving from victory to victory, this small band of men continued to attract
followers as they progressed down the mountains into the Segovia Highlands, avoiding the caudillo armies sent after them. Successfully entering
an abandoned Caracas, Castro began to negotiate with, co-opt or defeat any
remaining political opponents, and initiated a number of policies to modernize the country. At first Castro and then his successor Juan V. Gomez
drew on the profits from coffee and then petroleum to recruit, arm and
train a modern army. With their new found wealth they also began to build
a nation wide infrastructure to facilitate the transport of coffee to the coast
and to move their newly armed and trained army to move throughout the
country army to repress any signs of dissent. As it occurred in the Segovia
Highlands, those elites that proved loyal to the government or those that
could be co-opted into supporting them were awarded with indigenous or
state lands in the surrounding hill country. For centuries these lands had
been occupied by small farmers and indigenous communities who had
been able to avoid the innumerable attempts to dispossess them of their
holdings and turn them into rural proletarians.30 With this fencingoff of
the commons, families were reduced to a state of debt-peonage on their
former lands, or were forced to relocate to the growing cities of Carora
and Barquisimeto to become day-laborers where many of them took part
in the labor struggles of the 1930s. Additionally, as part of a policy ensure
his rule President Gomez,
ended the caudillo system of governing in part
sight of drunken men armed with walking sticks and knives fighting in
the streets to see who was the better man. Does anybody here want to
fight yelled one man into the darkness of a street late one night. No
not really, but if you care to take a swing at me. . .33 These attitudes of
masculine bravado and violence once led to the necessity as one garrotero
put it that every man have some knowledge of garrote just to survive.34
Once ubiquitous throughout the area, these behaviors and attitudes were
all too often forgotten or remembered with an embarrassed shrug of the
shoulders and an explanation that this was all in the past.
North Atlantic Military and Civil Combative Traditions
Available data suggests the combative traditions found in the Segovia
Highlands today are best treated as part of a larger constellation of civilian
combative traditions found throughout Latin American and the Caribbean,
whose roots lie in the military and civilian combative traditions once current throughout Europe and Africa.35 As garrote is practiced today by
those who began to learn in the 1930s and 1940s, the art evinces strong
European influences seen in the way these men hold and move their bodies in comparison to other African and Afro-Caribbean stick fighting styles
that I have seen or learned. These impressions are supported by archival
research showing the majority of immigrants before World War II originated from Spain.36 Investigating possible Spanish roots for these combative traditions, a number of scholars who have only seen garrote as part of
the religious ritual dedicated to Saint Anthony where two men mock-duel
with palos claim its origins lie in the many sword dances found throughout
Europe.37 One problem with these theories is that they ignore the accounts
of the garroteros themselves who have said that garrote was always a distinct art from the religious rites; and that the two were only joined some
time during the early 20th century.38
Investigating the existence of armed combative traditions of Western
Europe in the modern era shows that sword, knife and stick fighting traditions were once common until the beginning of the 20th century. Within
Spain itself, the sophistication and efficacy of Spanish combative systems
can be seen through a review of existing historical accounts and the few
remaining practioners of what must have been a very diverse set of combative practices developed by different populations inhabiting the Iberian
Peninsula.39 Outside of military influences, there are a number of fragmentary sources that suggest a wealth of civilian combative arts revolving
around the use of agricultural; herding and craftsmen tools that were once
widespread in Western Europe. Nevertheless, it was the knife, the machete
and the stick that became the principal weapons associated with much of
Latin American combative traditions. Up through the present stories of
highly skilled knife fighters are still talked about from Argentina and
Uruguay all the way north into Mexico and Puerto Rico.40 What makes
Venezuela unique in this Luso-Hispanic valorization of the blade is the
preference for the walking stick as both a symbol of being a gentleman, as
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well as serving as a fearsome weapon.41 One likely source for the popularity of stick fighting in Venezuela dates back to the mid 18th century when
the carrying of a walking stick was a part of the everyday dress among
European males.42 At this time as many cities became safer and there was
a decreasing tolerance for men dueling or brawling in the streets in honor
contests, both the elite and urban merchants had begun to replace the carrying of rapiers and other thrusting types of swords in public with walking
sticks, sword canes, and weighted sticks. A process Norbert Elias identified
as part of a Civilizing Process.43 However, these developments among
the elite and the expanding merchant class should not occlude the continued existence of armed and unarmed combative arts continued among
the popular classes in Europe.44 The persistence of combative traditions
practiced as methods of self-defense or as a recreational pastime among
the European popular classes hints at the diversity, sophistication and
ubiquity of combative traditions among them, and a number of possible
avenues of transmission into Latin America.45
Garrote Larense and African Combative Traditions
Islenos or immigrants and their descendants from the Canary Islands
have contributed to most every major event in Venezuela history. In the
oral histories of garrote collected around the Tocuyo valley, the role of
immigrants from Canary Islands have influenced at least two contemporary stick fighting styles that developed during the late 19th and early 20th
centuries. One problem with trying to understand the demographic impact
of Canary Islanders in Venezuela is that after lodging passenger manifests
with the authorities at their port of departure in Spain, many ships then
stopped at the Canary Islands, picking up additional passengers destined
for Venezuela, leaving no paper trail.46 Over the last 20 years researchers
from the Canary Islands have explored and documented the wealth of
stick-fighting and wrestling styles that on the island chain.47 Many times
only a few families on each island continued to practice these traditions. Investigators from the Canary Islands have also gone to Cuba and Venezuela
searching for the existence of a Canarian form of stick fighting done with
a walking size stick known as El palo chico or small stick.48 At present
there are two schools of garrote that claim a strong Canarian influence in
the Tocuyo valley. Moving to a little house near the banks of the Tocuyo
River near the barrio of Los Hornos in the early 20th century, a Canarian
immigrant known as Temere Pacheco is remembered as being the teacher
of one of the most renowned garroteros in the city of El Tocuyo; Juan Cartorce Yepez.49 Maestro Temere is remembered for his Juego Pachuquero,
where an operator holds a walking stick by one hand in the middle and
thrusts either end at an opponent.50 A few miles away up in the foothills
above the Tocuyo valley, the Siete Lineas style owes its development to
the son of a Canarian immigrant. From 18841891 Leon
Valera was taught
a version of Canary Island stick fighting and Spanish saber techniques
while accompanying his father as a traveling merchant on his trips to Lake
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As late as 1929 the use of peasant militias armed with machetes attacking opposing forces was still employed successfully, although, the spread
of repeating rifles from the late 19th century reduced the frequency of this
tactic. Taking a closer view of the laborers and farmers who took part in
armed actions during this time, it is important to stress that accounts of
machete charges cannot be dismissed as a chaotic rush of ignorant farmers. Within these stressed induced activities, previous training in learning
how to fight becomes apparent in the ability to advance or to stand your
ground while deliberately and correctly targeting vital body-targets of an
opponent. Many scholars today do not have the background in fighting to
understand the skills this type of behavior calls upon. For instance, in combat heavier weapons are necessary calling on a different set of muscles and
body-mechanics then when fencing in more formal duels or participating
in sport fencing. The differences between battlefield and civilian combat
traditions and dueling or agonistic combative traditions are clearly seen in
accounts of sword versus machete fighting in the Mexican Caste War of the
mid 19th century. At this time Mexican officers soon learned that hours of
cut, thrust and parrying with light rebated weapons in an indoor salle did
little to prepare a man to respond effectively to an opponent jumping out
at you from behind a tree swinging a 23 pound machete at your head.62
Wielding a machete of this type requires the use of molinetes or fully swung
cuts originating from the shoulder and hip to generate the necessary power
to cleave open a skull or cut through the flesh and bone of a limb; these
being the only effective ways of eliminating an opponent.63 In addition to
developing the physical knowledge to eliminate an opponent, cultivating
the commitment to charge a group of men armed with rifles or machetes
or withstand such a charge calls for an emotional investment that must be
similarly cultivated. Many times militia units were composed of friends,
neighbors and relatives who already possessed some degree of trust that
could contribute to a units cohesiveness in the face of a machete melee.
Alongside these pre-existing bonds, accounts from Venezuelan garroteros
and Filipino machete units during World War Two, suggest further bonds
of unity developed during times of training with live blades. In these cases
it can be seen how garrote or disciplined physical training could prove to
be a key factor in building relationships. Here is a rare account of training
in El Tocuyo during the 19th century illustrating the presence of mind, as
well as feelings of trust and community cultivated and entailed in this type
of environment:
Daily, in order to drill his officers; they were under standing orders
to attack him with their swords, all the while taking precautions
about their attacks. Those who hit him with the point or the edge of
their blade he warned would have the same done to them. Therefore
all concerned would have to be alert and agile. He would then step in
front of the door of the barracks he was going to defend. Then three
or four officers would unsheathe their swords for the assault. This
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in this area. Ritual male hierarchical contests are acts where two men
seek to learn where they rank against each other in an activity they both
decide is the best way to determine who is the better man. A majority
of these contests were fought for public recognition, the love of fighting
and a chance to test ones skills.68 One element that stands out in the story
above and many like it still told today are the number of hyperaggressive
individuals swaggering down the street carrying a big heavy walking
stick looking for any excuse to issue a challenge. Writing of late Imperial
Germany, the historian Norbert Elias noted that in certain types of social
worlds where honor and violence are linked, and state control is weak,
specific types of physically strong or skilled men come to the fore that
enjoy challenging and physically defeating men in physical contests to gain
respect and honor.69 Referring back to the story about Manuel Teran and
men like him, it can be seen there were an unspoken but generally agreed
upon set of rules governing these types of matches. Moreover, the public
nature of these kinds of honor contests supports the idea that ones public
reputation was often treated as a scarce and ephemeral commodity that
had to be defended almost on a daily basis.70 The way the potential lethality
of the match escalated through the choosing of weapons suggests that
simple challenge matches could easily escalate beyond anybody control.
For reasons unknown Manuel was once ambushed by 5 men armed with
sticks and knives. Defending himself Manuel ended up killing a man with
a blow of his palo that ruptured one of his assailants liver for which he
spent 6 months in jail. Similar accounts also tell of the unpredictable nature
of the public in these types of honor contests. Bystanders could stand by
and let the conflict play out, or intervene and try to deescalate the situation.
Alternatively, they could join one side, or each take different sides leading
to all-out melees. The ideal scenario for male hierarchical contests as I was
told many times was for two men to go of somewhere private and duel.
I think this was in part due to the volatile nature of bystanders and the
reticence of many men to risk their well-being or their reputation on the
outcome of a friendly fight. Alone, both men could have it out to the bitter
end, or they could talk it out, and then unharmed latter tell a convincing
story that put the narrator in a good light. A review of the literature
on combat has shown that many times men are more concerned with
staying alive and unharmed then inflicting an injury on others and those
combatants do not always appreciate bystanders escalating potentially
incendiary situations. 71
One element of these types of contests that many old garroteros stressed
to me was the fact that the aim of garrote was not to kill a man but
to accrue or maintain respect.72 This becomes evident in the use of the
walking stick as the communally agreed upon weapon of choice in these
types of matches. The non-lethal character of garrote is also reflected in the
principal techniques men relied upon. Asking a garrotero today to show a
few basic moves he would be most likely to deliver a low rising uppercut
type of strike. Known alternately as a barrecampo, barrajuste, baseado or
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huevero depending on the area where he lives. The targets for this type
of blow are the ankle, the inside of the knee, or the groin and sometimes
underneath the jaw. A blow of this sort is meant to drop an opponent
to the ground literally lowering the man so as to look up at the victor,
physically embodying his lower status. The non-lethal intent of garrote
contests and brawls is reflected in the 1270 court cases examined by the
historian Mathias Assunc a o. Among the cases looked at, the palo used
alone was involved in 15% of all deaths from assaults. Bladed weapons
on the other hand were responsible for 50% of fatalities and the use of
revolvers accounted for the remaining 35% of remaining deaths.73
I wrote how earlier how Venezuela underwent a civilizing processes in
the early 20th century where older forms of sociality and ideas of violence
became stigmatized and marginalized. However, as Elias noted changing
ones habitus is not as easy as changing ones clothes.74 The persistence
of a restricted number of the younger generation who actively seek out
and treasure these older forms of traditional knowledge can be seen in the
number of younger garroteros who participate in challenge matches both
for the adventure and the desire to test their skills. Back in the 1980s, one
of my teachers, Saul Teran and a friend would roam the streets looking for
other young men to test their combat skills in both armed and unarmed
matches. Sauls friend quit these types of matches after being repeatedly
stabbed in the stomach with a sharpened screwdriver, while Saul claimed
he aged out of such behavior. Outside of Barquisimeto, on occasion, a
couple of men from neighboring styles will meet informally in friendly
matches that often turn out to be full-contact bouts, that end with one
of them lying on the ground unable to continue. Up in the hill above El
Tocuyo there is a well-known agronomist who wanders around the coffee
fincas with a coupe of palos strapped across his back ready to engage any
willing farmer in a quick friendly stickfight. Oftentimes listening to people speak of garrote in the past during the time of the dictatorships, the
ambivalent and sometime contradictory opinions and feelings about garrote and garroteros become apparent. At the same time as the aggressive
and ruthless character of people remembered as guapos or caudillos are
disparaged or criticized, the determination, cunningness and strength of
character of these men are also admired and seen to lacking or in danger
of disappearing in the younger generation. For many older rural men and
women the learning of garrote is still seen by many as able to instill in
young men these important character traits that allow men to withstand
the vagaries of the world. For example, the mother of one of my garrote
teachers Danys Burgos had a neighbor teach her son garrote to counteract
his tendencies to hang out with his friends and loaf around after school.
Every afternoon after school, Danys hiked up a heavily forested hill near
his house and trained garrote with a man who learned the neighborhood
style of garrote that Danys grandfather brought the area 60 years earlier.
Training in secret, Danys was repeatedly advised never show this art to
anybody until the moment you are attacked.
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preliminary stalking of each other drew the attention of a few men who
appreciated the sight of an oldfashioned match between two skilled men.
Most of the crowd were oblivious or could care less about what was occurring only a few feet away. After a few minutes of circling each other
and trading heavy blows that left deep bruises on both mens forearms,
stomach and ribs, the mayor and a few friends managed to trade their
palos for a couple of beers and they went off arms around each others
shoulders to continue drinking and laughing. The pain from the blows
would come latter.
This disjuncture between garrote as a combative art and a performance
art occurring in the Tamunangue today is also reflected by some garroteros
today who divide garrote into three modes of the mock dance or La batalla,
El Juego or the techniques and tactics of stick fighting and La Rina or the
dirty tricks or finishing moves. Speaking of this division the late garrotero
and musician Natividad Alvarado who for decades led the Tamunangue
folkloric group Araguaney around Barquisimeto had this to say about
these developments76 :
La batalla is the same as the rina,
what happens is that in La batalla
one strikes a blow to the head and the other avoids it. But in the
rina
one attacks with a blow to really strike and one avoids it. This
is called floreo, for example one strikes a blow to the head and the
other avoids it, he also moves his leg out of the way. One must move
the body so the strike hits the ground. It is done in an exchange. We
make a juego, but the strikes are hard. The strikes in the juego are
the same as the rina
status as men without honor as well as adding another tool to their arsenal
for self-defense.77 The wealth of military and civilian combative traditions
in Europe and Africa that existed at a time when soldiers and immigrants
came to Venezuela suggests that men brought with them and shared
with their families and descendents the techniques, tactics and weapons
that they had picked up over the years and served them well.78 For this
reason, garrote is best treated as a set of sedimented body-techniques
that have been successfully tested in specific combative contexts; passed
down and refined by each succeeding generation over the years to meet
specific needs.79 Identifying garrote as a collection of body-techniques
does not mean they are set responses to objective conditions; rather
they are a form of practical understanding occurring at the level of the
body, allowing the trained body to make adjustments in their habitual
responses, or come up with new responses to contingent conditions,
without recourse to conscious thought.80 If successful these moves are
added to a communitys traditional repertoire of techniques, if not the
moves are forgotten or discarded. This would account for the variation
found among garroteros. A review of the different contexts where garrote
took place suggests all forms of combat are not geared towards the
same ends and therefore ways of cultivating habitual and perceptual
attributes also vary across sites. The way a man would train who is
being prepared to fight as part of a hastily thrown together militia unit
would be different then a man trained as professional soldier. Likewise
in the civilian sphere, where combative encounters could entail diverse
scenarios such as feuds, vendettas and assaults or an alcohol fueled, good
natured male hierarchical ritual fight. Within these different modes of
combat there was always a chance that increasingly lethal weapons could
be introduced, or restraints against causing major damage to others could
be loosed, or groups of bystanders might decide to involve themselves.
These contingencies meant that any man calling himself a garrotero had
better be prepared to train to fight under a variety of incelmnetal or
disadvantageous environmental conditions. Finally garrote was trained
purely for recreational or for spiritual psycho-spiritual goal such as is
often done today during the fiesta de San Antonio. In each case the body
is trained to perceive situation in unique way and react accordingly. If a
man was not trained to deal with extreme acts of violent aggression but
only had been exposed to recreational training, the results could be bad.
Because body-techniques are only transmitted in social networks both
symbolic meanings such as ideas of honor or ways of belonging as well
as practical responses to environmental events are transmitted through
the incorporation of proper movements.81 This sedimented nature of
subject-formation would account for the persistence of garrote in as a
combative art as conditions changed. At a time when men habitually went
about armed, many young men would have an interest in re-producing
the forms and practices of masculinity they were exposed to. This meant
that a younger generation would legitimate and re -produce traditional
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ways of looking at, moving through and judging the world. Latter on
as a result of the institutionalization of a modern centralized state, a
wave of post WWII immigration from Europe and a shift from Venezuela
as a rural to predominantly urban country, ideas of proper masculine
comportment and ways of sociality underwent a great deal of change.
However, in spite of these fundamental changes in the country, many
older forms of sociality and ways of looking at, evaluating and being in the
world are still valued and transmitted reflecting the conservative nature
of the body techniques that make up individuals habitus and can be
seen if one knows what to look for. Traveling through Venezuela, visitors
can see signs of an adherence to older forms of sociality such as a bus
driver or taxi-driver keeping a short thick club known as a guapo-manso or
bully-tamer near their seats to deal with any potential trouble or rural men
riding bicycles through the countryside with a braided handled walking
stick tied underneath the frame of their bicycles. Looking at garrote as a
series of body-techniques that develop and change in conjunction in the
context of prevalent political-economic structures allows an investigator
to develop a deeper more inclusive definition of culture accounting for
the different ways individuals come to learn how to use their bodys
and use them to evaluate, feel and move through and belong to a world.
Notes
Robert Farris Thompson, Black Martial Arts of the Caribbean. Review
of Latin Literature and Arts, Vol. 37 (1987), pp. 4447.
2
Richard Francis Burton, The History of the Sword. (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, 1995); Bronislaw Malinowski, 1920 War and Weapons
among the Trobriand Islanders. Man, Vol. 20 (1920), pp. 1012; Marcel Mauss, Sociology and Psychology: Essays. B. Brewster, transl. (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979); A. Lane-Fox Pit-Rivers, The Evolution of
Culture and Other Essays. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1906).
3
Chacon, Richard and Reuben Mendoza (eds) Latin American Indigenous
Warfare and Ritual Violence. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2007),
pp. 116141; Loc J. Wacquant, Pugs at Work: Bodily Capital and Bodily
Labor among Professional Boxers. Body and Society Vol.1 No.1 (1995),
pp.6594.
4
Recent works on African arts include Matthias Rohring
Assunc a o,
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Sanoja who himself learned his style of garrote from Mercedes Perez, a
student of Don Gualberto.
22
Interview with Ricardo Colmenares 29 May 2005 Los Humacaros.
23
See Judith Ewell, Venezuela: a century of change. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984); Gilmore. 1964; John V. Lombardy, Venezuela the Search
for Order/the Dream for Progress. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982);
Guillermo Moron
A History of Venezuela. (London: George Allen & Unwin
LTD, 1965).
24
Gilmore, p.7879
25
Gilmore, p. 5253.
26
Rafael Domingo Silva Uzcategui, Enciclopedia Larense. Tomo II (Espana:
87
Venezuela: En Los siglos xvi, xvii, xviii Tomo I, II (Caracas: 1999), pp.
114233.
37
Isabel Aretz, El Tamuanangue. (Barquisimeto: Universidad Centro Occidental, 1970); David M. Guss, The Festive State: Race, Ethnicity and Nationalism as Cultural Performance. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000);
Rafael Domingo Silva Uzcategui, Barquisimeto. Historia Privada, Alma y
Fisonoma del Barquisimeto de Ayer (Caracas: 1959).
38
For a similar process incorporating the Cebuano stick fighting arts
of Arnis into the Sinulog festival see Sally Ann Ness, Body Movement and Culture: Kinesthetic and Visual Symbolism in a Philippine Community (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press. 1992),
pp.16263.
39
In urban Andalusia see Mary Elizabeth Perry, Crime and Society in Early
Modern Seville. (Dartmouth NH:University of New Hampshire Press, 1980)
James Loriega, Sevillian Steel: The Traditional Knife-Fighting Arts of Spain
(Boulder, Co: Paladin Press, 1999); In rural Andalusia see Charles Julian
Bishko, The Peninsular Background of Latin American Cattle Rounding. Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 32 No. 4 (1953), pp.419
515. There still exists a strong wrestling tradition in Northeastern Spain
and Northern Portugal. I am familiar with the Federacion
de Lucha
Leonesa and a number of small Galhofa wrestling academies in Braganc a,
Portugal
88
Ryan
40
Ryan
60
trained killers This reticence to kill others in these types of contests were
stressed to me over and over by men who took part regularly in these
matches.
73
The most complete set of court records available in the archives at the
Archivo de Registro Principal de Barquisimeto in Barquisimeto begins in
1890. From 1898 the number of deaths from palos fell from a high of 42 to
a low of 11 in 1929 suggesting a civilizing process. Assunc a o. 1999 p. 87.
74
Elias, 1991 p.222.
75
See Isabel Aretz, 1970; Eduardo Lira Espejo, El Tamunangue El Universal, February 19,1941; David Guss, 2000; Pedro Pablo Lnarez, Sones de
Negroes (Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela 1990); Juan Liscano,
Folklore del Estado Lara: El Tamunangue. (Caracas 1951); Alcides Losada,
El Tamuangue: Son de Negro Diario El Tocuyo (1922).
76
Maestro Natividad Alvarado was a student of the famed garrotero Ishmael Colmenares who served as policemen and led a well-known Tamunangue folkloric group in the mid 20th century.
77
Lilliam Arvelo, Change and Persistence in Aboriginal Settlement
Patterns in the Qubor Valley, Northwestern Venezuela (Sixteenth to
Nineteenth Centuries) Ethnohistory, Vol. 7 No. 34 (2000), pp. 683. Drawing on archeological and ethno historical sources this article supports the
idea of the population of Segovia highlands consisting of a number of
de-tribalized and indigenous peoples.
78
See Cacoy Boy Hernandez, Balisong, Iron Butterfly (Van Nuys CA:
Unique Publications, 1984). In his autobiography Sr. Hernandez tell of
picking up combative moves from a number of different people while
working as a midshipman traveling the Pacific.
79
See Downey 2005; Ian Hunter and David Sanders, Walks of Life Mauss
on the Human Gymnasium. Body & Society Vol. 1 No. 2 (1995), pp.6581.
80
Merleau-Ponty, 1962; Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992; Crossley, 2001.
81
Nick Crossley, The Networked Body and the Question of Reflexivity.
In Dennis Waskul and Phillip Vannini. eds. Body/Embodiment: Symbolic
Interaction and the Sociology of the Body. (Burlington VT. Ashgate, 2007),
pp.:88; Downey 2005; 131.
92