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Journal

Issue Date

Type

MI-USAGE: Its Morphological, Syntactic, and Semantic

Properties (Historical Linguistics)

Motohashi, Tatsushi

Sophia linguistica : working papers in linguistics, (57)

2009

/Departmental Bulletin Paper

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http://repository.cc.sophia.ac.jp/dspace/handle/123456789/268
52

MI-USAGE: Its Morphological, Syntactic, and Semantic

Properties

Tatsushi Motohashi

Summary
This paper investigates the morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties
of Mi-Usage of early classical Japanese. The following proposals are made:
a) Following Motohashi (1989, 1992), the subject of the adjective is non-overtly
marked (unmarked) or wo-marked (marked) in terms of morphological
ergativity, that is, non-overt marking and wo-marking is a case of
absolutive case marking.
b) Mi-Usage consists of an adjectival phrase followed by the [-tense] suffix mi.
c) The meaning of Mi-Usage is non-grammatically derived by the function of
an adjunct to the main clause.

0. Introduction
In early classical Japanese literature such as Kojiki Kayo and
Manyoshu the so-called Mi-Usage has attracted many
Japanese philologists and linguists attention:

a. 
1

78
Making rice-fields on the mountain, making hidden conduits run
on account of the mountains height,

b. 

107
Because the Princes mind is dull, he stands outside unable
to enter the eight-fold brush wood fence.

In (1a) the adjectival stem taka high (undergoing Rendaku) is followed

by mi, expressing the reason for making hidden conduits. In (1b) the

283

284
adjectival stem yura dull is followed by mi, expressing the reason
for standing outside. The main interest in Mi-Usage is in what
immediately precedes this structure: In (1a) the semantic subject of the
adjective taka high is yama mountain. Yama daka-mi means because
the mountain (is) high. The semantic subject yama mountain is nonovertly marked. In (1b) the semantic subject of the adjective is kokoro
mind, heart. (Ofo-kimi-no) kokoro-wo yura-mi means because the
great lords mind (is) dull. The semantic subject kokoro mind, heart is
wo-marked. The main problem of Mi-Usage then is why the semantic
subject of the adjective is wo-marked as well as non-overtly marked. In
this paper I would like to support the claim made in Motohashi (1989
and 1992) that wo-marking and non-overt making of the adjectival
subject is the result of morphological ergativity seen in early classical
Japanese, discussing some issues of the morphological, syntactic, and
semantic nature of Mi-Usage.

1. Morphological Ergativity and Early Classical Japanese

Dixon (1994, 9) explains morphological ergativity as:
nominative

ergative

nominative

absolutive

accusative

absolutive

where A: the subject of the transitive verb, S: the subject of the

intransitive verb, and O: the object of the transitive verb. In the
nominative-accusative case system the subjects of intransitive and
transitive verbs are marked the same but the object of the transitive
verb is marked differently. Modern Japanese has the nominativeaccusative case system: ga is the nominative, marking the subject of
both the intransitive and transitive verbs, while o is the accusative,
marking the object of the transitive verb. In the ergative-absolutive
case system such as Dyirbal (north-east Australian aboriginal
language), non-overt making is absolutive: non-overtly marked
nominals appear as the subject of the intransitive verb banaga return
as well as the object of the transitive verb bura see. The subject of the
transitive verb, however, is marked by gu (ergative marker). See
Dixon (1994, 10) for example.
In this light early classical Japanese case particle wo can be

285
regarded as the absolutive equivalent (since absolutive is commonly
realized as non-overt marking) if it marks the subject of the intransitive
predicates as well as the object of the transitive verbs.

2
a. 

3292
I will wait for you at home purifying myself, wishing you would
live long in this world (to come home)

b.


It is not that a mountain and sea separate us, so why are our

689
meetings and exchanges of words this scarce?

In (2a) inoti life, the subject of nagaku-ari-koso (adjective)long.(copula)

be.(pseudo-auxiliary)wish, is marked by wo. In (2b) me-koto meeting
and exchanges of words, the subject of the adjectival predicate tomosiki
scarce, is again marked by wo.
The object of a transitive verb (O) is wo-marked in (1), which is
repeated as (3) below:


3

78
Making rice-fields on the mountain, making hidden conduits run
on account of the mountains height,

As is well-known, Classical Japanese S and O are typically nonovertly marked:

a.
4

1790
I hope that my child, whom I think dearly of, will come back
safe and sound.

b.


290
The light of the moon that comes out late at night is dim
perhaps because the mountain in Kurahashi is high.

In (4a) a-ga ko my child, the subject of the intransitive ma-sakiku arikoso (prefix) truly. (adjective) safe and sound. (copula) be. (pseudoauxiliary) wish, is non-overtly marked. In (4b) tuki-no fikari moonlight,

286
the subject of the adjectival predicate tomosiki scarce, is non-overtly
marked. In (5) ifo hut, the object of the transitive tukuri make, is
non-overtly marked.

3886
5

They say our great lord summons the reed crab that hides himself
by building a hut and living in the inlet of Naniwa

We will discuss the issue of the difference between non-overt marking

and wo-marking of S and O in the next section.
Given the existence of morphological ergativity in early classical
Japanese, non-overt and wo-marking of the subject of the adjective in
1
Mi-Usage is a natural consequence of the absolutive case marking. We
therefore need no special device to explain why the subject of the
adjective is marked by the case particle wo.

2. Morphological, Syntactic, and Semantic Properties of Mi-Usage

Now let us look into Mi-Usage in detail. Mi-Usage is a structure
that consists of mi and the adjectival stem. Here we try to clarify the
morphological, syntactic and semantic properties of Mi-Usage. What
combines with mi? What is the nature or category of mi? Where does
the meaning of reason come from?

2.1. Morphological Properties of Mi-Usage

Adjectival stems, both ku-conjugated and siku-conjugated, can combine
with mi.

a.

6

4198

Though someone said that I left him heartlessly, I have been

thinking of things because there have been many days I didnt
see him.

b.


Because it is such a pity, I pulled the wisteria flowers off and

4192
put them in my sleeve, not caring whether it would get stained.

In (6a) ku-conjugated adjectival stem mane(-ku) many combines

with mi. In (6b) siku-conjugated adjectival stem natukasi(-ku) dear,

287
precious combines with mi. What is interesting is that the so-called
auxiliary be(-si) should, be certain to can combine with mi.


7
2290

For fear the autumn bush clovers scatter, I have broken off a twig and
looked at it in my hand, but I feel the lonelier because it is not you.

As Tanabe (1976, 321) points out, the fact that be(-si) combines
with mi argues against the analysis that mi is the continuative
form of a (quadrigrade) verb, because a verb cannot follow the socalled auxiliaries. However, it seems that be(-si) is the only auxiliary
(interestingly no instance of ra(-si) seem, which conjugates like an
adjective, combining with mi is found). Kindaichi (1974, 956) also
points out that mi cannot be the continuative form of a verb based on
the accentual patterns of Heian Period Japanese: the accentual pattern
of the continuative and conclusive form of the verb nikumu hate
is different from the accentual pattern of Mi-Usage niku-mi(-su)
. The accentual pattern of niku(-mi) is the same as the accentual

pattern of the adjectival form niku(-si) hateful. Therefore, mi must be

a suffix that attaches to an adjectival conjugational word. We postpone
the discussion of the nature of this suffix to the next section, where we
look into the syntactic property of Mi-Usage.
As (1) has shown, the adjectival stem undergoes Rendaku. (1a) is
repeated as (8) below.

8
78
Making rice-fields on the mountain, making hidden conduits run
on account of the mountains height,

In (8) daka is the Rendaku (Sequential Voicing) form of taka high.

Compare (8) with (9):


9
3957
Having come far away on the road with mountains and rivers
intervening, I have spent long days missing home

In (8) dofo is the Rendaku form of tofo far. The prefix ta- induces
Rendaku to apply to tofo and change it to dofo. What this suggests

288
seems to be that the subject of the adjectival predicate yama mountain
in (8) is a part of the adjective taka. It seems that there are two ways to
make the noun yama mountain a part of the adjective: compounding
and incorporation. It seems that incorporation is an appropriate
analysis in order to distinguish (10) from the Rendaku affected form in
(9).

10 

4006
The east wind was blowing so hard that white waves rose high in
the mouth of the river and birds were noisy calling their wives on
the waterside.

In (10) the adjectival stem taka high does not undergo Rendaku even
though the non-overtly marked nominal sira-nami white waves precede
it. We can distinguish the two by the application of incorporation: if the
subject of the adjectival predicate is incorporated, Rendaku occurs. If
not, Rendaku does not apply.
Furthermore, it seems that the adjectival phrase projection headed
by the adjectival stem survives even after mi-suffixation. In the
following examples degree expressions modify the adjective.

11 a. 

382

If I go on a journey without seeing Mt. Tsukuba because it is

not yet time for sightseeing (in a winter forest), I will miss it
the more, so I am trudging on the thawing mountain way to
visit it.

b. 

Though the spring rain keeps falling day after day, the plum

c.


786
flowers have not come out, and are they still too young?

3978
Because there is nothing I can do since we have not seen each
other till the old year is gone and the new year has come and
spring flowers fade away,

d. 

4387

289

She was so young and tender like arbor vitae in the field of
Chiba that I came far away leaving her behind untouched.

In (11a) the degree expression masite the more modifies kofisi miss
rather than the entire Mi-Usage because the degree is not about the
reason but the degree of missing. In (11b) the degree word ito very
modifies the adjective waka young rather than the entire waka-mi
because (it) is young. In (11c) the degree phrase ita-mo very.emphatic
particle modifies the adjective na non-existent rather than na-mi
because there is no (way). (11d) the degree phrase aya-ni strangely
modifies kanasi dear, heart-moving rather than kanasi-mi because
(she) was heart-moving. It seems that at the level where the degree
expressions are interpreted the adjective phrasal projection must exist.
2
Compare the Modern Japanese *totemo yasu-sa *very cheapness.
Now let us consider the relation between non-overtly and womarked nominals and the adjectival phrase. Tanabe (1967, 322) points
out apparent cases of the subject of the adjectival predicate marked by
ga and no.

12 a. 

2627

My dear girl, who is dressing up her hair, is so young that she

b.


I wish you will come visiting me without any stagnation like

smiles and gets angry untying her belt.

119
the water of River Yoshino running so swiftly.

, p. 233, points out that the ga

3
in (12a) should be wo. However, considering the meaning of the poem,
it seems that imo-ga my darling girl is the subject of the main clause
predicate fimo toku untie the string. This ga-marking of the subject
followed by the conclusive form predicate is exceptional. There seems to
be only one more example where the ga-marked subject is followed by
the conclusive form predicate in early classical Japanese. See Motohashi
(2009, 69-70). In (12b) faya-mi the swift place is not a case of Mi-Usage,
as pointed out by 1
, p. 94. Fayami the swift place is a noun preceded by the genitive se-no the currents,
which functions as an adjunct meaning like the currents swift place. For
similar examples, see Manyoshu 3969, 3971, and 4207.

290
We may conclude at this point that the subject of the adjective in
Mi-Usage cannot be marked by ga or no. We can explain the reason
for not marking the subject by ga or no by saying that the adjectival
predicate in Mi-Usage lacks tense. See Motohashi (2009).
In addition to the degree expressions we saw in (11) and the nonovertly marked or wo-marked subject, it seems that only emphatic
particles such as mo and si(mo) can appear in the adjectival predicate of
Mi-Usage.

13 a. 

3969

Because there is no way of sending a messenger, having come

far away on the road with a mountain intervening, I cant send
a letter telling how I feel

b. 

4006
Because even that was very attractive, we were having a good
time feasting and admiring them,

The following diagram represents the internal structure of Mi-Usage:

Diagram (1)
?
DegP
NP(-wo)-simo/mo
Deg

mi
DegP

AP

ito/ita/aya-ni
NP-wo
NP-

AP
A

We will discuss the categorical status of mi in the next section.

2.2. Syntactic Properties of Mi-Usage

Here we consider the syntactic behaviors of Mi-Usage, that is, how MiUsage behaves to the elements outside. We have already seen that the

291
genitive modifiers cannot precede Mi-Usage in (12). Furthermore, it
seems that the so-called case particles such as no, -ga, -wo, and so on
cannot follow Mi-Usage. These seem to suggest that Mi-Usage is not a
noun phrase. However, the kakari particles can follow Mi-Usage.

14 a. 106

Because the master carpenter was unskillful, the eaves have

tilted.

b. 

Because it is so nice to be this way, I want my short life to be

c.


T he light of the moon that comes out late at night is dim

d.


Is it because people are noisy about us that you will just long to

975
long.

290
perhaps because the mountain in Kurahashi is high.

685
see me without visiting from the house next to mine?

Since kakari particles can follow any major constituent, it is not clear
what categorical status Mi-Usage holds. To determine the categorical
status of Mi-Usage it is interesting to observe that Mi-Usage can be
followed by such transitive verbs as omofu think and su do.

15 a. 

46

I now think dearly of Kohadaotome at the far end of the way

b. 

who slept without any struggle.

4009
I will offer you gifts, the gods of the road. Please take good
care of my dear master.

At first sight these two examples may suggest that Mi-Usage is the
object of these transitive verbs. However, a closer look shows that in
(15a) urufasi-mi dear, lovely is a secondary predicate predicating of the
object ne-si-ku having slept. In (15b) the light verb su is synonymous

292
with omofu think according to Omodaka (1967). Here again natukasimi appealing, dear predicates of the object kimi master. Notice that
the meaning of Mi-Usage in (15) is not that of reason but predicative
modifiers. We will return the meaning of Mi-Usage in the next section.
In this light the fact that Mi-Usage is followed by the particle to (the
so-called quotative to) can be explained quite naturally.

16 

69

(Ladder-like) Mt. Kurahashi being steep, she takes my hand,

failing to hold on to the rocks!

The so-called quotative to is used to introduce a (tenseless) predicate.

Its function is quite similar to the English preposition with, which
introduces a circumstantial situation in She slept with the window open.
Incidentally, the fact that to follows mi of Mi-Usage argues against the
analysis that mi is the continuative form of a verb, because a verb must
be in the conclusive form before to.
As we have seen in (14c), Mi-Usage with the meaning of reason can
be directly followed by the kakari particle ka. However, in the following
example the particle ni follows Mi-Usage, which may be used to argue
for mi being a noun-forming suffix.

17 

3684

Is it because the autumn night is long? Why is it so hard to go to

sleep? Is it because I am lying alone in the bed?

It seems that Mi-Usage as a predicate cannot be followed by the

main predicate (-ka) ara-mu probably because the main predicate is
associated with the tense. Compare the following with (17):

18 

786
Though the spring rain keeps falling day after day, the plum
flowers have not come out, and are they still too young?

In (18) Mi-Usage appears sentence-finally as a main predicate. It

means Are they still too young? This main predicate seems to
correspond to the copular predicate aru. However, in early classical

293
Japanese the copula need not appear to make a nominal (or an
adjective) a predicate. These considerations seem to suggest that ni
in (17) is necessary to combine Mi-Usage with the (tensed) predicate.
Compare (17) with (19):

19 a. 

1459

Since this world is impermanent, the cherry flowers in my

b.


You do this and that as you want to, but is this world such?

garden have begun scattering.

800

A temporal noun tune permanence and deictic sika so cannot be

combined with negative zu not or zi will not so that the copula is
inserted. However, tune or sika cannot be a part of the predicate unless
ni follows it.
The following examples may be considered as supporting the
analysis that mi is after all the continuative form of a verb because
conjunctive particles te and and tutu while follow it.

18 a.
102

I will serve loyally

b. 

Feeling sad with farewell-taking, saying, Why dont we enjoy

4408
talking with each other while we can see each other today?

There is not a verb kasiko-mu. Kasiko-mi in (18a) is clearly a case of

Mi-Usage. Then why does the conjunctive particle te follows mi if it
is not the continuative form of a verb? I propose that mi-te is derived
from mi-si-te by deleting si. Compare (18a) with (19).

19 

3215

I am lodging at the Beach of Aratsu because it is so hard to part

from her (white sleeves).

However, in (18b), wosimi is the continuative form of a verb wosimu grudge.

So the conjunctive particle tutu naturally follows the continuative form of

294
the verb.

2.3. Semantic Properties of Mi-Usage

We have observed that Mi-Usage has not only the meaning of reason
because but also the function of a secondary predicate. It seems
that Mi-Usage has the meaning of reason when it is adjoined to the
higher clause. (10) is repeated as (20a) and (15a) is repeated as (20b).

20 a 

4006

The east wind is blowing so hard that white waves rise high in
the mouth of the river and birds are noisy calling their wives
on the waterside.

b.


I now think dearly of Kohadaotome at the far end of the way

46
who slept without any struggle.

In (20a) Mi-Usage is adjoined to the main clause su-dori-fa sawaku

sea birds are noisy and Mi-Usage has the meaning of reason because
white waves rise high. In (20b) urufasi-mi being dear is a secondary
predicate predicating of the object ne-si-ku having slept of omofu think
and the meaning of Mi-Usage is not that of reason. In (21) Mi-Usage is
coordinated with the adjectival predicate, which clearly shows that the
meaning of reason is not lexically specified for the suffix mi.

21 324

The old capital of Asuka has high mountains and wide rivers.

Then where does the meaning of reason come from?

I propose that the meaning of reason is one of the meanings of an
adjunct. The semantic relations of a adjunct to the main (or higher)
clause are intricate but it seems that the meaning is deduced in terms
of common knowledge interpreting the relations of the two sets of
actions, events, or states. In (20a) given the two situations, the state of
the white waves being high, and the event of sea birds making a fuss,
the former situation is interpreted as the cause of the latter situation.3
Adjectival adjuncts seem to be interpreted similarly to the verbal
adjuncts, though lacking tense they may fail to be interpreted as a
condition or precedence. For example, in (22) there is no cause and

295
effect relation between the capital being far away and the Asuka wind
blows in vain but the relation between the two situations is an
attendant situation to the main situation.

22 
51

The Asuka wind blows in vain because the capital is so far away
that it cant blow over the sleeves of court waitresses.

The above considerations may be interpreted as suggesting that the

suffix mi is a [-tense] suffix similar to the English ing. Then [-tense] mi
contrasts with [+tense] adjectival suffix si (as in the case of tofo-si far).
In this sense, mi is similar to ku (eg. tofo-ku) in that both are [-tense].
The difference may be attributed to the different word formation
properties: the adjectival phrasal is projected in spite of mi-suffixation
for Mi-Usage while no phrasal projection in case of ku suffixation.
Tense

Phrasal Projection

si

mi

ku

Incorporating these considerations into the structure of Mi-Usage, we

obtain the following diagram:
Diagram 2
Tense/Aspect
DegP
NP(-wo)-simo/mo

mi
[-tense]
DegP

Deg
ito/ita/aya-ni

AP
NP-wo
NP-

AP
A

296
The aspectual component of the top category Tense/Aspect seems to be
necessary to explain that the aspectual ke can be directly followed by
the modal mu will or the conjunctive particle ba because, when in (23).

23 a. 
50

Will the person quick at handling the ferry pole join us as our

b.


Because it is a long way, there is no way to send a messenger,

companion to cross Uji River?

3969
so I cannot tell what I am thinking.

In (23a) faya-ke fast is generally called the imperfective form,

expressing the non-perfective aspect. In (23b) tofo-ke far is called the
perfective form, expressing the perfective aspect.

Notes
1

The following examples seem to suggest that ni in (ia) is an ergative case marker.

(i) a.


3181
I too will tie your white underbelt today for the day we will see each other.

b.
 723
Because I have been making long sighs, even my sleeves got wet.

c.


1738
The man next door, divorcing his wife in advance, gives her even a key
without being asked to.
In (i) safe is an adverbial particle meaning too, even. Notice that in (ia) safe attaches
to the subject of the transitive verb musubu tie and ni appears on this subject
phrase. In (ib) safe attaches to the subject of the intransitive verb nuru become
wet and in (ic) safe attaches to the object of the transitive verb maturu give and ni
does not appear on the subject or the object. It seems that ergative case marker was
on the way to disappearing in early classical Japanese and appears only in limited
contexts or fixed expressions.
However, the situation may be different in early classical Japanese, because we can
find the following example:

(ii) 4254

How precious this prosperous age is when we are celebrating the Emperor
with a feast!
where the degree expression ayani strangely, extremely appears modifying the
following nominal tafuto-sa preciousness. It seems that the noun-forming suffix

297

attaches to an adjectival phrase rather than a simple adjectival stem.

3

In traditional English grammar the semantic relations between the situation

expressed by an verbal adjunct (commonly called an absolute participial construction)
and the situation expressed by the main (or higher) clause are categorized roughly
into the five relations: i) cause and effect (reason) because , ii) attendant situation
to the main situation, iii) a condition (apodosis) to the main situation (protasis) if
, iv) precedence to the main (or higher) clause when , and v) a concession to the
main situation though .

Works Cited

Kojiki Kayo
1997. 1
Nihonshoki Kayo
1994.1-3
2-4
Manyoshu

1994.1-4
6-9

References

1994.
1976.319-334
1967.
Dixon, R.M.W. 1994. Ergativity. Cambridge University Press.
Motohashi, Tatsushi. 1989. Case Theory and the History of the Japanese Language. Ph. D.
diss., University of Arizona.
Motohashi, Tatsushi. 1992. On Wo-Marking of Subjects in Old Japanese, in Proceedings
of SLS, 97-118, Sophia University.
Motohashi, Tatsushi. 2009. On Conjugational Forms of Early Classical Japanese, in
Sophia International Review 31, 33-74, Sophia University.