GENDER AUDIT – 2003 ELECTION

And Issues In Women’s Political

Participation In Nigeria

Editors:
ABIOLA AKIYODE-AFOLABI (MS)
‘LANRE AROGUNDADE

WOMEN ADVOCATES
RESEARCH &
DOCUMENTATION CENTER Supported by
(WARDC) Heinrich Boell Foundation
“A major challenge for women is how to wield
power not as an instrument of dominance and
exclusion….
but as an instrument of liberation and
equity.”

Jacqueline Pita Guy (The NGO forum on

Women, Beijing, 1995)

ii
 GENDER AUDIT – 2003 ELECTION

And Issues In Women’s Political

Participation In Nigeria

A PUBLICATION OF WOMEN ADVOCATES RESEARCH

AND DOCUMENTATION CENTRE (WARDC)
DECEMBER 2003

SUPPORTED BY
HENRICH BOLL FOUNDATION
PROJECT CORDINATORS
ABIOLA AKIYODE AFOLABI
TITI SALAAM
 WOMEN ADVOCATES RESEARCH AND
DOCUMENTATION CENTRE (WARDC)

17/19, ALLEN AVENUE, OSHOPPEY PLAZA,

2ND FLOOR,
NEAR FORTUNE BANK ENTRANCE,
IKEJA, LAGOS-NIGERIA.

PUBLISHED BY:
WOMEN ADVOCATES RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATION
CENTRE DECEMBER 2003

ISBN 978-062-029-X

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of Women
Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC)

iv
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgement vi

Foreword vii

Research Methodology and Scope ix

Chapter One – The imperative of a Gender Audit 1

Chapter Two - A Challenge Dated in History

(1914 – 2003) 7

Chapter Three – Issues in Affirmative Action and

Women Participation 21

Chapter Four – Intricacies of Women Participation

in Party Politics 37

Chapter Five – Periscoping the Electoral Field 2003 63

Chapter Six - Analysis and Observations 93

Chapter Seven - Conclusion and Recommendations 105

Appendix 1 – BIO DATA 109

Appendix 2 – Questionnaire on Women and

Voters’ Attitude 120

v
 ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Women Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC) highly

commends the Henrich Boll Foundation for its support and particularly
thanks Dr. Axel Harneit Sievers and Ms Monika Imunna, whose gender
sensitivity helped to make this project a success.

WARDC also acknowledges the effort of Mallam Umar Farouk of the

Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, for providing relevant
resource materials such as the manifestoes and constitutions of the political
parties, which enhanced the quality of the research.

Special thanks also to the researchers: Raheemat Momodu, Tony Iyare,

Ada Agina-Ude, Nkechi Nwankwo, Lanre Akinola, Ibrahim Isa, and
Pastor Chukuma Akpasidelem, for being thorough, insightful and focused
in conducting the fieldwork and presenting the findings contained in this
book. We are grateful too to Professor Jadesola Akande for writing the
foreword to the book.

Equally deserving of commendation are the WARDC Staff in Lagos and

Zaria who managed the logistics demands of the project and exhibited
good humour even while working tirelessly and Lanre Arogundade for his
editorial skills.

WARDC is pleased to have the opportunity of contributing to the

participation of women in politics through an enduring collaboration with
the Heinrich Boll Foundation on participatory politics in Nigeria.

It is hoped that Nigerian policy makers and others who are concerned
about improving women’s political participation will find the output of this
research useful.

vi
 FOREWORD

It was Charles De Gaulle (France c’est moi) who said that politics is too
serious a business to be left for politicians alone. But what this book is
saying is that politics is too serious a business to be left for men alone.

Why is it necessary to have a Gender Audit of Nigerian Electoral process,

particularly, in relation to the 2003 elections? The initiators of this project
have seen the all-pervading dominance of the political terrain by men. A
dominance that should not really be, because of the almost equal proportion
of the two genders in the population.

The idea of a gender audit is welcome and necessary if we must move

from the dismal level of female representation of less than 2% in politics
and less that 5% in total governance. The United Nations had enjoined
Nation States to aspire to a minimum of 30% by the year 2000 AD!
Admittedly only a handful of Nations can boast of this achievement even
in the year 2003, but at least there is some movement. Whereas in Nigeria,
it seems we are all motion with little movement.

The contributors to this publication have dealt with most of the issues that
one would expect in a Gender Audit namely: the history of female
participation in politics; possible reasons for their poor showing; the slow
movement forward and possible strategies and their efficacy to accelerate
the movement. In this regard, it is of course relevant to discuss the
affirmative action principle much as there is still a lot of misunderstanding
and controversy over its implementation. Many countries that have used
the principle have found it a very useful tool for creating a level playing
field for female participation not only in electoral process but also in
democratic governance.

This book, though basic, is a beginning of necessary collection of data,

documentation and analysis of a very important component of

vii
democracy and good governance. It is a book which students of
contemporary politics and gender issue will find useful.

I commend the initiators of, as well as the contributors to, the publication.

Jadesola Akande Ph. D. OFR

Professor of Law and Executive Director
Women, Law and Development Centre (WLDCN).

viii
 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND SCOPE

This research offers a unique opportunity for the Nigerian people in general
and women in particular to be heard in a global forum, coming as it does
under Nigeria’s second democratically elected government in 15 years.

The project was executed over a six-month period from June to December
2003 commencing with the group meeting of the researchers each of whom
terms of reference was based on the general objective of the project as
endorsed by the sponsors.

With WARDC taking up the challenge of addressing the country’s extensive

and pervasive marginalisation of women, this study is an exploratory
research focusing on literature assessment and interview schedules
purposively conducted with some elected key informants in Lagos and
Abuja.

These key informants are politicians, professional and activist, irrespective

of sex from the dominant political parties. In analyzing the foregoing and
related issues, this book engages in the analysis of how women have been
empowered to realize their political leadership potentials in Nigeria within
their political parties.

The primary objective of the study is to document the situation of women’s

participation in politics. Existing literature was reviewed and structured
interviews were used to extract detailed accounts of experiences of targeted
groups.

The book is divided into three sections; the first discusses the historical
overview of women in Nigeria politics, while the second takes a look at
women political involvement, its features and characteristics. The final part
examines case studies, critical discussions, profiling and finally proffers
effective solutions to the marginalisation of women in politics.

ix
On the average 250 questionnaires were administered per state or territory
(Lagos and Abuja). These groups were selected from diverse ethnic
nationalities, geographical zones, sexes, ages etc. Field researchers assisted
the respondents in filling out the questionnaire upon request without altering
their views. It is therefore hoped that the results of this study will lead to a
consensual agreement on how to empower women and see to their
emergence as political leaders in Nigeria.

A major problem encountered during the research was that the secretariat
of most of the political parties had been abandoned without any clue as to
how to engage the staff in discussion. This made it very difficult to obtain
the exact data on the gender character of the membership. Despite this
unfortunate shortcoming, the in-house opinion is that the research
methodology was achieved.

Titi Salaam
Program Officer (WARDC)

x
 CHAPTER ONE

THE IMPERATIVE OF A GENDER AUDIT *

In spite of the fact that around the world today, democracy has become
the pillar upon which nations are building the hope of attaining sustainable
development, the definition of democracy remains elusive. Politics though
remains an integral part of democracy bearing the traditional definition,
which characterizes it as male dominated and excluding the women. But it
needs to be stressed that women’s political right remains an integral part
of human rights and women’s rights generally are necessary aspect of any
democratic framework.

If the definition of democracy allows for diversity of opinion and

participation of different groups, then it cannot thrive by excluding women,
which effectively constitute half of the world’s population and half of each
and every single national population. The fact that the constitution is
supposed to promote the evolution of the notion of the democratic process
is not in doubt, what seems debatable is whether the democratic process
can flourish in the current dispensation where constitutional guarantees for
women’s participation in politics are limited.

In Nigeria despite the significant roles of women before and after

independence, the development of corresponding economic, social and
political power is still wanting.1 The fact that the military ruled for years
helped to institutionalize violations of human rights that resulted in very
severe political, social and economic crises. These anomalies have impacted
negatively on the development of women’s rights, despite the many
international norms and institutions designed to advance the cause of
women.2

* This chapter was put together by Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, National Coordinator, WARDC.

1
Poverty, increased civil and religious conflicts, insecurity of life and property
have aided violence in Nigeria. Socio-cultural prejudices and inadequate
laws are also factors militating against the promotion of women’s rights in
Nigeria. The challenge of women’s participation in the political process in
Nigeria has gained additional significance, since the return of democracy.
The last election saw men taking over with their male-dominated model of
politics which often times leave women with the option of either rejecting
politics altogether or rejecting male-style politics.3

Women’s perception of politics as a dirty game and continued fright at the

thought of violence has further alienated them from mainstream politics. In
Nigeria there seems to be no critical understanding of the difference
between “ a visible agenda for women and an impacting agenda for
women4” While severally, emphasis is laid on women’s numerical strength,
translating such into the attainment of power has been difficult as women
are perceived as “supporters club, team of cheerers and clappers” in
contrast to their male counterparts.

Women’s aspiration to participate in governance is premised on the

following ground; that women in Nigeria represent half of the population
and hence should be allowed a fair share in decision-making and the
governance of the country. Secondly that all human beings are equal and
women possess the same rights as men to participate in governance and
public life.

The right to democratic governance is an entitlement conferred upon all

citizens by law.
The 1999 constitution by virtue of Section 40 states the following
“ Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate
with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to
any political party, trade union or any other association for
the protection of his interests:

Provided that the provisions of this section shall not derogate

from the powers conferred by this Constitution on the

2
 Independent National Electoral Commission with respect to
political parties to which that Commission does not accord
recognition”5
Section 42 of the same constitution states further that
(1) A citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic group,
place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not, by
reason only that he is such a person be subjected to any form
of discrimination.6
This further confirms that you can go to court to seek redress if as a
woman your franchise is violated and that the constitution as a whole
prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex.
The constitution also states:
S77 (1) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, every
Senatorial district or Federal constituency established in
accordance with the provisions of this Part of this Chapter shall
return a member who shall be directly elected to the Senate or
the House of Representatives in such manner as may be
prescribed by an act of the National Assembly.
(2) Every citizen of Nigeria, who has attained the age of
eighteen years residing in Nigeria at the time of the registration
of voters for purposes of election to a legislative house, shall
be entitled to be registered as a voter for that election.7
From the foregoing, it appears that there is nothing in the constitution,
which excludes the participation of women in politics in Nigeria. Yet when
it comes to actual practice, there is extensive discrimination.

Among the factors affecting women participation in politics in Nigeria are,

gender and cultural patterns, ideology, pre-determined social roles assigned
to women and men, male dominance and control, women’s lack of
confidence to run for elections, the way in which women are portrayed in
the mass media and women’s perception of politics as a dirty game. Others
are lack of funds and resources, poverty and unemployment, illiteracy and
limited access to education, the dual burden of domestic task and
professional obligation, ignorance, lack of confidence in other women,
lack of access to information and effects of violence against women.

3
Most, if not all, of these factors must have come into play in the Nigerian
2003 elections. The Parties’ programs and manifestoes hardly articulated
women issues while a gender analysis of the outcome of the election has
not shown any significant improvement in the position of women in politics
in Nigeria. This has happened despite the enlargement of the political space
in Nigeria that should have created more opportunities for the participation
of women in politics.

It has become imperative to determine the capacity of women to manage

incidence of politics because an equal society needs gender balancing in
order to maximize its development needs and objectives. Gender
development requires that attitudes, beliefs and customs must change. In
Nigeria and all over the world, this remains a challenge for women and
this constitutes the essence of this publication.

In undertaking to conduct and document a “GENDER AUDIT OF THE

2003 ELECTION” therefore, the Women Advocates Research and
Documentation Center (WARDC) seeks to achieve the following
objectives:
• To take stock, after four years of democracy, of the situation of
women in politics compared to previous elections.
• To critically analyse the structures and policies of political parties
and the election process in respect of equal opportunities/
affirmative action for women.
• To recommend to political parties new strategies and policies that
will facilitate active political participation of women.
• To learn from positive or negative experiences of female candidates
in the past elections and to encourage increased political
participation of women in the future.
• To create a databank of successful female politicians.

This book has seven chapters with each addressing issues and findings
critical to its focus of the gender audit of the 2003 elections. In the first
chapter Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi offers an insight into the conception of
the idea of the gender audit explaining that it was made imperative by the
observed decline in the political fortunes of women.

4
Nkechi Nwankwo, in the second chapter embarks on an historical
excursion of women political participation from the amalgamation of 1914
to the electoral contest of 2003. She submits that the situation of women
in Nigerian politics is a complex study of unending challenges. Following
that Ada Agina-Ude in the third chapter locates the issue of women
participation in politics within the context of the affirmative action as she
makes a comparative analysis of the countries implementing and not
implementing affirmative policies.

The intricacy of women involvement in party politics engages the attention

of Raheemat Momodu in the fourth chapter. There she makes a strong
case for the structural review of political party structure as well as the
entire electoral process to accommodate women’s demand for equal
political rights. Meanwhile, Tony Iyare in the fifth chapter assesses the
performance and experience of women by periscoping the 2003 electoral
field. Chapter six contains the main findings of the audit while chapter
seven provides the way forward in the hope that its broad charter of
change will be embraced by all who desire an elevated position for women
in Nigerian politics.

5
End notes

1. Babatunde Oluajo, A paper presented at a National Workshop

on Gender, Politics and Overcoming Barriers to the Emergence
of Women Political Leaders 2003.

2. Ihonvbere, J O (2000), Towards a New Constitutionalism in

AFRICA.

3. Orji Nkwachukwu 2003, State and Emergence of Women Political

leaders in Nigeria, Reflections of constrains and opportunities.

4. Nkoyo, 2002: 29 - “Women are looking for new partners for

empowerment” in community magazine CAPP Publication Vol. 5
No. 1.

5. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Obi, R (1998)- “ Women’s Participation at Executive Level in

Trade Unions in Nigeria, 1985-1990", Africa Development xx111
(314).

6
 CHAPTER TWO

WOMEN AND A CHALLENGE DATED IN

HISTORY (1914-2003) *

Background to Nigeria’s polity

Before Britain colonized, “pacified” and carved out Nigeria in the 1900’s,
the area was occupied by some 250 different ethnic groups and self-
governing kingdoms. Those kingdoms were grouped together as two
protectorates – Northern and Southern – in 1906. In 1914, Britain
amalgamated the two protectorates to form one country. That was when
Nigeria as a political entity came into being.1

Colonial rule in Nigeria effectively lasted from 1914 to 1960. In between

those dates, there were quite a few noteworthy events that would have a
lasting impact on the trend of the country’s development. One of such
was the 1922 creation of a legislative council with limited African
representation (of which there were no women). There was also the
formation of the first political party in 1923 – the National Democratic
Party; the formation of the Nigerian Youth Movement in 1938 and the
formation of the first truly national political party, the National Council of
Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC) in 1944.

Encouraged by the 1946 Richards Constitution that seemed to support

party formation, more political parties soon came on board. There was
the Action Group (AG) formed in 1948 that had its base in Yorubaland. It
was an offshoot of the cultural group, Egbe Omo Oduduwa. The Northern
Peoples Congress (NPC) came into being in 1951 and was also ethnically
based. The NPC came out of the Jamiyyar, based in the North. Later in
1951, another northern- based party, the Northern Elements Progressive
Union (NEPU) also came into existence.

*This chapter was put together by Nkechi Nwankwo, Executive Director, Women Leadership
Group.

7
In 1960, Nigeria got her independence from Britain. The government was
modeled after the British Parliamentary system. Under this system, there
was a ceremonial president and a parliament but major governmental
powers rested with the Prime Minister who was the leader of the majority
group and headed a cabinet2 . At the federal level there was the Senate
and House of Representatives. Membership of the Senate was by
nomination by the three regional governments. Each of the three regions
appointed 12 members to make up the 36-member Senate. Membership
of the 312 -member Federal House of Representatives was by election
but seats were apportioned to the Regions based on population. In each
of the Regions - North, East and West- there was the House of Assembly,
a strong Regional government and its cabinet.

The political arrangement soon had difficulties that turned violent in the
1964/65 elections season. The upheaval was to provide the excuse for
the military incursion into the political arena in 1966. From then on
successive military regimes occupied the Nigerian political space until 1999,
except for a brief period of civilian rule that lasted from 1979 to 1983.
Altogether, there were six military regimes that took over from one another
through violent or palace coups.

Eventually in May 1999, Nigeria returned to civil democracy that is

essentially still in transition. The current system of government is modeled
after the American Presidential system with three tiers of government –
Federal, State and Local government. At each level of government, there
are three arms- the executive, judiciary and legislature. At the federal level,
there are two legislative chambers – the Senate and House of
Representatives – that make up the National Assembly. Each of the 36
states that now make up the Federal Republic of Nigeria has a House of
Assembly as the legislative arm. Each of the 774 local governments in the
country also has a council of legislators whose jobs, curiously, seem to be
a merger of legislative and executive functions.

8
Women and Political Quest
Like their counterparts the world over, Nigerian women are poorly
represented in politics and decision- making positions. This is despite the
fact that women constitute roughly half of the current population projection
of 120 million based on the 1991 census. While the global average
representation of women in national politics is five per cent3 , in Nigeria the
figure has hardly ever been more than three per cent4 from the country’s
independence to 43 years after. From the pre-colonial, to colonial and
post-colonial periods, there have been various degrees of women’s
participation in politics and governance and varying sets of limiting factors
to equal gender participation. Some of the limitations are understandably
tied to the political development of the country.

The Pre-colonial Era

In the pre-colonial era, many of the 250 ethnic groups that made up Nigeria
were self-governing kingdoms. In most of those kingdoms and entities,
women were hardly part of the communal decision-making bodies.
However, some kingdoms and communities had dual political systems
that allowed women to participate in governance. That is, the women
decided the things that had to do with womenfolk. In a few pre- colonial
societies, women even occupied revered political positions, leading men
in communal decision-making and in warfare.

Oral tradition has it that women played prominent

roles in the political history and decision –making
processes of (some) traditional societies. The
legendary roles played by Princess Inikpi of Igala land
and Moremi of Ife as saviours of their societies during
warfare, to the extent of sacrificing their lives to ensure
victory, were remarkable. Other notable women of
valor who helped in directing the course of history of
their traditional societies in the pre-colonial era
included Queen Amina of Zaria (a formidable female
ruler who led military expeditions and expanded her
territory as far as River Niger, the Kwararafa empire
and Kano in the north), Queen Kambasa of Ijaw and
Queen Owari of Ilesa.5

9
In the pre-colonial communities with dual political systems, women
generally mobilized for theirs and their families’ welfare. The leaders of the
women usually got their position of authority and influence on merit. They
could articulate the views of women and had the financial wherewithal to
maintain their status. Among these were the Iyalode, Lobun, Arise of the
Yoruba, the Omu of Onitsha and Western Igbo.6

Women also had strong and powerful associations through which they
organized and acted politically. The associations enabled them to put up a
united front to express approval or disapproval to political situations.
Among the Igbo, there was also the institution of the Umu-Ada, the eldest
daughters of the village whose main role was peace- making in the
community. The Umu-Ada were usually feared because they often used
their enormous powers to intimidate family members, particularly the wives.

The Colonial Era

The colonial era that started in the 1900’s drastically changed the political
set up. Along with the abolition of the kingdoms, the colonial government
largely eroded the dual political systems. In the kingdoms where there
were women chiefs, they lost their power base and were no longer
reckoned with in the decision-making process. In the eventual redistribution
of positions and power, the colonial authorities ignored women. The British
authorities did not consider women in their appointments of local staff to
run the colonial government. Even in markets where women were used to
wielding power in the allocation of stalls and imposition of levies, the
government appointed men to take charge.

The sidelining of women during the colonial era was behind the earliest
mass protest movement by women in Eastern Nigeria, the
Nwaobiala movement in 19257 . The protests eventually culminated
in the 1929 Women’s War, (also known as the Aba Riots). The
Women’s War was both a political and economic protest against the
colonial authorities. The women’s grievances included a planned

10
taxation programme and the population census being conducted by the
British authorities.8 In Western Nigeria in 1946, the Abeokuta Women’s
Union, led by Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, also protested because of
taxation and the inherent high-handedness in taking away the powers
women had over the markets.

Market women in Lagos also had their fair share of protests during the
same period. Although in contrast to most other places in Nigeria, market
women in Lagos retained charge of the administration of their markets
and were very well organised, their market associations took sides in politics
and other related matters in the government. Between 1927 and 1941,
the Lagos market women organised several (but eventually abortive)
protests to ensure that women were not taxed.

A major highlight in the political development of women during the colonial

era was the formation of a Women’s Party in 1944. Spearheaded by Mrs.
Oyinkan Abayomi, the party was exclusively for women and had apparently
been formed out of the frustration the women felt with their lack of headway
in the then only political party, the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM).
However, Mba noted that:

Despite its name, the Women’s Party was never

organized as an active political party seeking to obtain
representation in government. It did contest the Lagos
Town Council elections in 1950 but that was its only
attempt to seek political power. It did not have a
political program as such, but its leaders shared
certain definite political views which were to lead them
to support another political party – the Action Group
– at a later stage9

When other political parties came on board – the NCNC in 1944, the
AG in 1948 and the NPC in 1951- women resorted to forming
Women’s Wings of the parties. In general, the parties related with
women through the Women’s Associations. However, some women stood
on their own merit as party members and won party elections

11
to attend conventions independent of the Women’s Associations. Some
of the women who achieved such feat included Mrs. Margaret Ekpo,
Mrs. Henrietta Lawson, Mrs. Keziah Fashina and Mrs. Mary Ededem10
– all four of the NCNC. Mrs. Ekpo was also later nominated to the Eastern
House of Assembly in 1953.

The structure of the AG did not give room for women to make much
individual achievements in terms of elections within the party. In 1951
however, the AG proposed the appointment of a non-partisan woman,
Mrs. Remi Aiyedun into the Western House of Assembly in 1953. Later in
1955, Mrs. Oyinkan Abayomi also joined her in the Western House of
Assembly. On the other hand, the NPC was opposed to the participation
of women in political activities.

One of the assignments the Women’s Party had given itself was canvassing
for the franchise for women. Its members informally lobbied government
officials. Subsequent women’s organizations during the colonial era also
had the attainment of franchise for women at the top of their agenda. For
instance, the Nigerian Women’s Union, the Federation of Nigerian
Women’s Societies and the Women’s Movement all pressured for women
to get the vote.

Both the NCNC and the AG were equally committed to the

enfranchisement of women. The only opposition came from the NPC.
Although the NPC was opposed to the enfranchisement of women, it
insisted on the enumeration of women in their region and on seats in the
federal parliament being apportioned to the regions based on the total
population rather than the number of voters. In other words, as Billy Dudley
observed:
The North was prepared to argue that representation
be based on the principle of “each to count for one
and no one to count for more than one” (but) it did
not apply that principle to the adult community in the
North itself: women were still denied the vote. On the
principle that NPC was expounding, representational
apportionment should have been on the eligible voting

12
 population and not on the total population. The NPC
would then have been forced either to franchise
women, or accept that the North’s representational
quota be halved.11

In a manner of speaking, the NPC- North ate its cake and still had it. In
spite of the North’s refusal to enfranchise its women it still got seats after
the 1959 Federal elections, based on the total number of population. Out
of 312 -member seat of the federal legislature, the North got 174, the
East got 73, the West 63, and Lagos 3. By 1959, Nigerian women in
other parts of country had won the vote, having been enfranchised in
stages through the 50’s. (Women in the North were not to get the vote
until some two decades later, in 1978).

Apart from the denial of franchise, women who attempted any political
activism in the North were subjected to untold harassment and branded
“prostitutes”. That applied to both Southern–born women residing in the
North as well as their Northern sisters who belonged to other parties
(Since NPC would not have women participate in their activities, anyway).
Many of such harassed women in the North showed great courage. A
classic example is Mallama Gambo Sawaba the leader of the Women’s
wing of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) who was
kidnapped, beaten and imprisoned several times. She was once deported
from Kano but in all of that she kept faith with the political struggle12 .

Along with the men, women clamoured for Nigeria’s independence. Two
women – Mrs. Margaret Ekpo and Mrs. Ekpo Young - were among the
delegation that attended some of the constitutional conferences between
British officials and Nigerian delegates in 1953 and 1958 in London to
prepare for Nigeria’s independence. Mrs. Young attended only in 1958
and both herself and Mrs. Ekpo who was in the two meetings attended
the conferences only as advisers. They therefore had no chance to speak
officially during the meetings.

13
Post-Colonial Era
At the point of independence in 1960, the 36-member Senate had only
one woman, Mrs. Wuraola Esan, nominated by the Western Region. The
312-member House of Representatives had no woman among them. The
Federal cabinet also had no woman. The three Regional governments had
no women ministers in their cabinets.

In the 1961 general elections, two women - Mrs. Margaret Ekpo and
Mrs. Janet Mokelu – won seats into the Eastern House of Assembly. A
third woman, Mrs. Ekpo Young also won through a bye-election into the
Eastern House in 1963. Women also fared a little better at the local
government level with many of them being appointed or elected in local
councils.

In 1964, another woman, Mrs. Benice Kerry joined Mrs. Esan at the
Senate. The newly created Mid-Western Region nominated Mrs. Kerry.
It needs to be said that Mrs. Esan was noted to have given an excellent
account of herself in the Senate through her numerous contributions and
activism especially with issues that had to do with women’ rights13 .

Meanwhile, there were disputations and violence following the 1964

elections. Things degenerated to very intolerable levels and seemed to
have provided the excuse for the first military incursion into Nigerian politics
in January 1966. There was a counter military coup in July 1966. The
violence and killings that followed culminated in the Nigeria Civil war,
which lasted from 1967 to 1970. Apart from bringing untold human suffering
and abuse of women, especially on the “Biafran” side, the war further
diminished women’s political space. The military continued in power at
the end of the war in 1970.

Altogether, the six military regimes in Nigeria lasted from 1966 to1999
with only a four- year civilian government interregnum between 1979
and 1983. The military occupation of the political space was not
helpful to the political development of women. For one thing there

14
were very few women in the military but even those belonged to service
sectors such as nursing. In other words, women were not highly placed
enough to be in the decision-making bodies of the military governments.
Even when the first military regime in 1966 involved some civilians in
government, there was no woman among them.

The second military regime (July 1966-July 1975) had Nigeria demarcated
into a 12- State structure. There was no woman at the Federal level. Two
of the twelve states- East Central and Lagos- appointed a woman each as
commissioner while a third state, Oyo, appointed two female
commissioners.14 The third military regime (1975- 1979) also had no
woman at the federal but it had an unofficial policy of appointing a female
commissioner in each state.

But most disappointingly, the third military regime (1975-1979) did not
consider any woman to be among the 50 persons chosen to draft the
constitution for the return of civil rule. Possibly in response to the criticisms
about the exclusion of women, five women were appointed to the 250-
member Constituent Assembly that reviewed the draft constitution. A major
contribution by the five women was to insert a clause in the constitution to
make sex discrimination illegal. That clause also automatically enfranchised
the women in Northern Nigeria in 1978.

When the ban on political activity was lifted in 1978, some 52 political
associations sought to be registered as parties. Among the associations
were two would-be women parties. Eventually, only five parties were
registered and none of the women parties was among them. During the
elections that ushered in civilian rule in 1979, a handful of women
contested at various levels except the presidency or gubernatorial seats
of the (then) 19 states.

Four (women) contested for seats in the 45-member

Senate but none won. A meagre three got into the (450
–member) Federal House of Representatives and only
five got seats in the State Houses of Assembly. The

15
 civilian government that was sworn in 1979 had three
female federal ministers and most states had at least
one female commissioner. 15

As far as women were concerned a most significant outcome of the next

election year in 1983 was that it produced the first elected female member
of the Senate in Nigeria, in the person of Ms. Franca Afegbua. She was
one out of the 45 members of the Senate. Their term lasted only three
months before the army struck again in December 1983.

The fourth military regime (1983-85) treated women just like the earlier
one: each state appointed a token one woman as commissioner. Beyond
that women were not in high decision-making bodies. The fifth military
regime (1985-93) followed the same pattern, except for the visibility of
the First Lady, Mrs. Maryam Babangida who had a pet project, the Better
Life Programme (BLP), which sought to enhance the living conditions of
rural dwellers and women in particular. The BLP and the fanfare associated
with it, gave women some visibility and its beneficiaries enjoyed enhanced
economic power.

The military promised to return the country to a civilian government in

1993. When the military government held preparatory local government
and gubernatorial elections in 1990, women won only 206 out of 1,297
local positions nationwide and none made it to any of the (then 30)
gubernatorial positions. In the 1992 elections to the National Assembly,
only one woman got into the 90–member Senate while 12 of them won
seats in the 638–member House of Representatives.

During the 1993 presidential election primaries that were supposed to

conclude the process, there was a female presidential aspirant in
the person of Mrs Sarah Jubril. However, her presidential aspiration
was cut short when she could not produce the five hundred thousand
naira (N500,000) required as non- refundable deposit by the National
Electoral Commission. In any case, after the election had been won and
lost by the men, the military government annulled the result

16
because it apparently did not want to hand over power. That annulment
took Nigeria to the brink. To get itself out of the quandary it created, the
military government appointed an Interim government of 32 members
among who was one woman, Otunba Bola Kuforiji-Olubi.

The Interim government lasted only a few months before another military
regime, the sixth, took power in November 1993. For women, the
significant thing about this sixth regime (1993- 1998) was that the Ministry
of Women Affairs was created in January 1995 to more closely address
issues to do with women. Also two women - Mrs. Mobolaji Osomo and
Mrs. Ada Adogu - were appointed into the Federal Executive as Minister
and junior Minister of Establishment and Agriculture respectively. That
was the highest appointment women had ever got in a military regime in
Nigeria. Regardless of that however, the sixth military regime took the
country on a torturous political and emotional roller- coaster. It took the
death of the military head of state, General Sani Abacha, to end that regime
and start the country on a process of civilian democracy again.

Elections were held in 1998 and Nigeria returned to civil democracy on

May 29, 1999. In the elections, women did not fare much better than in
the past. As a result, in the civilian government of 1999-2003, women
held less than three percent of elective positions. At the Federal level, the
President and Vice- President were both men. In the 109-member Senate,
there were only three women and in the 360-member House of
Representatives, there were just 12 women. Out of a total of 44 Ministers
and Special Advisers, there were nine women. 16

Of the 36 states, there was no female governor. Of the 36 deputy–

governors, there was only one woman, Senator Kofo Bucknor- Akerele.
Of the 36 speakers of the State Houses of Assembly, there was only one
woman, Mrs. Grace Icheen of Benue State who was later forced to resign.
The 36 State Houses of Assembly had a total of 990 members, (that is an
average of 28 members each) out of which there were 12 women, meaning
that most of them do not have any female members. So, a state like Lagos
that had two female members became a shining star.

17
At the local government level, women accounted for nine out of 774 local
government chairmen nation-wide. Of the 8,810 local government
councilors nationwide, there were 143 women.

2003 Elections – Any progress for women?

How do these figures compare with the results of the 2003 elections? Has
there been any improvement in the numbers of women in elective office?
The answer is yes, even though the increase was marginal.

With the widening of the political space as evidenced by the eventual

registration of 30 parties for the 2003 elections, more women than ever
before vied for various positions. At the end of the primaries, two women
won their parties’ nominations as presidential aspirants. These were Mrs
Sarah Jubril of Progressive Action Congress (PAC) and Major Mojisola
Obasanjo of the Masses Movement of Nigeria (MMN)17 . Two other
women – Hajia Mairo Habib and Hajia Asmau Mohammed of Justice
Party and African Renaissance Party respectively won vice-presidential
party nominations. Another two women won the gubernatorial nominations
of their parties. For the positions of Deputy governor in the 36 states, five
women got their parties’ nominations. Many more women won nominations
to various positions but most were with the newer and not- so- viable
parties.

When the national elections were held and the results announced, the
picture was not so great for women. Thus at the Federal level, the positions
of President and Vice-President are still occupied by two men. The 109-
member Senate still has just three females. However, there is an increase
in the number of women in the Lower House. The 360-member House of
representatives now has 21 female members as against 12 in the 1999-
2003 tenure.

At the Federal cabinet level, women account for six out of a total of
34 Ministers and 10 out of 35 Special Advisers. Also, compared to
the last administration, women have been placed in more key
ministries and advisory positions. For the first time ever in Nigeria

18
two women – Mrs. Ngozi Okonji-Iweala and Mrs. Esther Nenadi Usman-
are in charge of the Finance Ministry as Minister and Minister of State
respectively. A woman, Mrs. Mobolaji Osomo, is the Minister of Housing.
At the advisory level, two women –Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili and Mrs. Remi
Oyo -are handling budget and media, respectively.

Of the 36 States, there is still no female governor. Of the 36 Deputy

governor positions, women now occupy two, representing an increase
since there was just one in the 1999–2003 dispensation. The two female
Deputy governors- Alhaja Salimat Badru and Erelu Olusola Obada - are
those of Ogun and Osun states respectively. There are also two female
speakers of the State Houses of Assembly – Ogun and Anambra States-
Hon. Titi Sodunke-Oseni and Hon. Eucharia Azodo respectively (although
that of Anambra State has been impeached). That also represents an
increase from the one female Speaker we had in the 1999 to 2003 tenure.
(Ironically that lone female speaker also did not finish her tenure).

While the current figures fall far short of the expectations of many people
and the goals of those working to achieve gender parity in governance,
they need to be acknowledged as some progress. Of course, there is still
a long way to go in the journey to equal participation of women in politics
and governance. It calls for all hands to be on deck and for extra measures
to speed up the process in the next few years.

In summary, in all of Nigeria’s political history including the previous

attempts at democratic rule, women were severely side-lined in terms of
representation in government. Although they constitute 50 per cent of the
population and 51 per cent of voters in elections, women have never had
more than three per cent representation in national government. With military
governments, women have been virtually non-existent in governance in
Nigeria. In the civilian regimes, numerous factors have constituted obstacles
for them.

19
For the emerging democracy in Nigeria to be sustainable, all groups within
the population must be actively involved in governance. Women’s voice
need to be heard and their experiences and expertise utilized for the optimal
growth and development of the country. The empowerment of women
and their involvement in governance will contribute to the development
and deepening of the democratic system.

Endnotes

1. Nkechi Nwankwo, (1996), Gender Equality in Nigeria Politics,

Deutchez, Lagos. P. 7
2. JHU, (1997), Nigeria Press Briefing Kit: Democracy and
Governance, P. 9
3. O’ Barr in Hay, M. and Stitcher, S. (eds), (1984) African Women:
South of the Sahara, P. 154
4. UNIFEM (1999) Status of Nigerian Women and Men, P. 60
5. JHU, (1997), Nigeria Press Briefing Kit: Democracy and
Governance, P. 12
6. JHU (1997) P.12
7. Nina Mba, (1982), Nigerian Women Moblized, P. 68
8. JHU, (1997), Democracy and Governance, P.14
9. Mba, (1982), Nigerian Women Mobilized, P. 224
10. Mba, (1982), Nigerian Women Mobilized, P. 236
11. Billy Dudley, (1982), Introduction to Nigerian Government and
Politics, London, Macmillian, P.58
12. Mba, (1982), Nigerian Women Mobilized, P. 255
13. See Mba (1982) P. 273
14. Nkechi Nwankwo, (1996), Gender Equality in Nigeria Politics,
Deutchez, Lagos. P.17
15. Nkechi Nwankwo, (1996), Gender Equality in Nigeria Politics,
Deutchez, Lagos. P.18
16. UNIFEM (1999) Status of Nigerian Women and Men, P. 60
17. CLO (2003), Democracy Review, P.6

20
 CHAPTER THREE

ISSUES IN AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AND

WOMEN PARTICIPATION *

“Adoption by States Parties of temporary special measures

aimed at accelerating de facto equality between men and
women shall not be considered discrimination as defined in
the present Convention, but shall in no way entail as a
consequence the maintenance of unequal or separate
standards; these measures shall be discontinued when the
objectives of equality of opportunity and treatment have been
achieved”.
-CEDAW, Article four1

Preamble
After decades of alternating civilian rule and military dictatorships, many
Nigerians may not easily determine which of the two systems of government
has been more beneficial in terms of infrastructure development. But the
palpable disappointment with civilian administrations for their inability so
far to provide efficient systems and adequate social amenities has not
changed the overwhelming preference for democratic government
compared with military regime.

With the usual benefit of hindsight Nigerians have come to appreciate the
space for freedom of expression and association that the democratic system
offers them. Civil rule creates the enabling environment for intellectual
engagement and healthy criticisms giving various interest groups the window
of opportunity to articulate there positions on issues and actualize their
aspirations through equal access to political power. Evidence of this is the
quest of some states and various ethnic nationalities to ensure an equitable
spread of both economic and political power.

*This chapter was put together by Ada Agina-Ude, Director, Gender and Development Ac-
tion (GADA).

21
This pursuit that is generally regarded as legitimate reflects an attitude that
fair representation will make for better cohesion and advancement of a
pluralistic society, which is held to be the key to accelerated development
in a heterogeneous society. Equal representation is so pivotal in the
management of Nigeria’s socio-cultural diversity that it formed the basis
of the federal character principle entrenched in the constitution2 .

The rationale for these provisions is to ensure that

“the composition of the government of the federation or any of
its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out
in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria
and the need to promote national unity, and also command
loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance
of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other
sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies.”3

By the same token there can hardly be a stronger argument for gender-
based affirmative action than equal representation in a country where
women who constitute about half of the population have been continuously
sidelined in public life to the extent that they have never held more than
15% of both appointive and elective offices.

Introduction
Although the Nigerian state is beginning to appreciate the importance of
gender mainstreaming in national planning, Affirmative Action as a means
of closing gender gaps in sectoral development remains largely a contentious
issue. For example, the opponents of special measures argue that it will
lead to a lowering of standards apart from being patronizing. Among the
opponents of Affirmative Action in politics and public life are those who
question the basis for 30% minimum representation and call for higher or
lower targets.

Such is the level of misgivings about Affirmative Action that even

among its proponents there is a preference for reservation of appointive
positions over elective offices4 which tends to reflect the notion that certain
types of affirmative action are unfair, unjust and even

22
discriminatory especially in the light of the principle of equality before the
law. Some of the disputes over special measures did end up in lawsuits
and litigations arising from the perceived injustice in the implementation of
labour–focused Affirmative Action especially in the United States. They
however aided the development and growth of the concept of Affirmative
Action.

However those favouring the choice of Affirmative Action for the redress
of gender disparities that exist in human development and particularly in
the area of politics and public decision - making are not unmindful of these
arguments for and against. Article four of CEDAW that obligates states
parties to introduce the necessary remedial measure prescribes them as
temporary and devoid of “separate standards”. It is however noteworthy
that the arguments against gender based affirmative action begin to pale in
the light of the successes that hold it up as the best option so far for
achieving any significant increase in women’s representation in parliaments.

Definition of Concept
Most of the earliest references to the concept of Affirmative Action were
in the 1960s when the government of the United Sates introduced special
measures to redress racial disparities that exit in that society despite
constitutional guarantees of equality and non discrimination. But the phrase
“Affirmative Action” was first noticed in the New Deal Wagner Act of
1935 that sought to address unfair labour practices.

Affirmative Action, sometimes confused with discrimination, is

usually a measure intended to supplement non-discrimination; it is a
broad term encompassing a host of policies that seek to support weak
groups in society. They include policies such as dissemination of
information; consciousness-raising, faith-based efforts to recruit
women, training programs, school desegregation, and the more
extreme form that is reverse discrimination. Reverse discrimination
occurs in work context (hiring, promotion, and layoffs) in education
(admission) with regards to state contracts or funding offered to private

23
business and in other setting such as access to broadcasting slots or unions,
etc, where deliberate action is used to stop discrimination.

A policy process of this kind allows for rules that have the objective of
enhancing equal opportunity for individuals and the improvement in the
situation of marginalized groups. It is not the use of Affirmative Action that
seems to be the problem but the practical effects and its linkage to
fundamental ideas of fairness and justice.

Two countries, the United States and Germany, have interesting experiences
with Affirmative Action. In the United States, much of the work in the area
has been with preferential admissions into higher institutions, hiring and
subcontracting by the state and to a lesser extent in the incorporation of
more women. In Germany, the scope is less pervasive. What exists is
related to the use of legal measures to ensure factually equal positions for
women and men in professional life. Similarly, the practice has been in
use in the US for decades but there is no constitutional guarantee for it.

In Nigeria different forms of Affirmative Action have been practiced since

colonial times, one of the earliest being the step taken in the 1930s to
encourage indigenous exporters. The Nigerian Enterprises Promotion
Decrees of the 1970s were enacted to put more businesses under the
control of Nigerians instead of foreigners. In colonial times owing to the
domination of the civil service by expatriates, the colonial administration
embarked on a deliberate policy of Nigerianisation. The Northernisation
policy of the Northern People’s Congress and the Federal character
principle are all forms of affirmative action.

Strategies for preference gender-based affirmative action include a

number of practices such as the use of quotas. Quota system implies
that a certain number or percentage of members of a body or candidate
list, committee or parliament must be women. This measure aims at
ensuring that at least 30 to 40 percent of women get into positions
instead of the system of tokenism entailing the picking of one or two

24
women on the assumption that they represent all women. Quota has been
justified on the grounds that it aims at increasing women’s representation
especially because it addresses the under representation of women given
the fact that women constitute 50 percent of the population of most
countries. Although a favoured system, quota remains a much-debated
option for Affirmative Action.

Faced with the charge that it is undemocratic the proponents of the system
argue that women have a right to equal representation and that any practice
or concept that excludes them is equally undemocratic. They maintain that
quotas actually compensate for the often-glaring barriers that prevent
women from holding public office. It is worthy of note that some of the
countries that have achieved significant increase in women’s representation
did so through the entrenchment of quotas in their constitutions or legal
systems. In Uganda a parliamentary seat is reserved for women in the 39
districts, and in Argentina the electoral law established a compulsory 30
percent quota for women for elective posts. Other places where quotas
have succeeded in increasing numbers include India, Bangladesh and
Eritrea.

Apart from quotas, other systems for the implementation of Affirmative

Action include set asides, weighing gender as a plus factor or priority rule
and setting time goals for the attainment of equal female participation.
Political parties and governments could apply any or all of these options
to enhance women’s political empowerment. However Affirmative Action
under any constitution must comply with the equal protection clause for it
to be legitimate and credible. In using any form of Affirmative Action, it
must address two key concerns; that the plan has a legitimate purpose
and secondly, that it does not infringe on the rights of the dis-preferred
person or persons.

The Focus on Women

The first major Affirmative Action in favour of women universally
was taken in 1946 when the United Nations set up a Commission on
the Status of Women and since then and especially in the last 24

25
years there have been progressive efforts in that direction. In 1975 during
the International Women’s Year, the UN General Assembly launched the
UN Decade for Women (1976 – 1985) with a view to creating greater
global awareness on the status of women and the girl child. One of the
major activities for the year was the World Conference on Women that
took place in Mexico City. The following year, 1976 it established the
Voluntary Fund for the UN Decade for Women to implement the objectives
of the Decade. But in 1985 the General Assembly gave the Organisation
an expanded mandate to join the UN group of agencies as the United
Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) with the mission to
promote the economic and political empowerment of women in developing
countries.

A year later, the UN General Assembly proclaimed the right to development

by which countries and individuals are required to make conscious efforts
towards socio-cultural advancement, economic expansion and
technological progress; not just for higher standard of living but also to
achieve a friendly environment where every individual realizes his or her
full potential as a human being. By this instrument nations are to guarantee
an equal distribution of rights and obligations particularly between men
and women. Thus the UN elevated the issues of child rights, women’s
rights and gender equality.

Consequently various theories have been espoused on how to rapidly

integrate women in sustainable development. The Women and
Development (WAD) approach addresses women’s economic
oppression in class structures, and promotes the idea that women’s
empowerment will come through the elimination of all structures of
class oppression. On the other hand Gender and Development (GAD)
is concerned with the relationship between women and men, and with
understanding why women are consistently assigned secondary or
inferior roles to men in the society. Women in Development (WID)
theory, which favours the provision of separate “catch up” projects
for women, has been criticized for the likelihood to create the chance

26
for women’s projects to be marginalized. However current thinking tends
to weigh heavily in favour of a combination of the three approaches.

CEDAW As A Special Measure

The Commission on the Status of Women helped to identify the areas of
discrimination against women and gender inequality. As a result the status
of women received special attention with the declaration of 1975 as the
International Women’s year. The first World Conference on women that
held in Mexico City the same year linked, for the first time, the role of
women on a global scale to pressing political, social and development
issues. Four years later, in 1979 the United Nations General Assembly
adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW), which became effective in 1981 after twenty
countries ratified it.

This convention has variously been described as the “Bible of women

empowerment” and “Women’s International Bill of Rights.” Since its
adoption it has become a reference point for the women’s movement in
the demand for gender equality. The Convention “reflects the depth of the
exclusion and restriction practiced against women solely on the basis of
their sex by calling for equal rights for women, regardless of their marital
status in all fields – political, economic, social, cultural and civil. It calls for
national legislations to ban discrimination, recommends temporary special
measures to speed equality in fact between men and women”5 . Articles 7
and 8 deal with women’s right to participate in politics, formulate
government policies, hold public office and represent their governments at
international levels. Anticipating the likely misinterpretation of the special
measures, Article 4, clarifies the position of the principles set forth in the
Convention in relation to the uniformity of standards.

Although Nigeria ratified CEDAW in 1985, it has not become a

domestic law because of constitutional bottlenecks. The defunct 1979
constitution had provided that an act of parliament would be required
for the purpose of making international agreements enforceable in

27
1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, nothing has been
done. Meanwhile since the military regimes ruled without a parliament for
many years, they too did not domesticate the instrument.

Affirmative Action and the Beijing Declaration and PFA

As at 1995, the year the 4th International Conference on Women took
place, high rate of gender inequality in most spheres of life existed in many
countries despite CEDAW and other international instruments. Even though
women had gained some grounds in a few areas of life, progress had been
slow owing to various constraints that included internal and global conflicts,
harmful traditional practices, illiteracy, poverty and violence to mention a
few. The Beijing Declaration that was adopted by participating governments
at the world conference on September 15, 1995 admits inter alia that:
“The status of women has advanced in some
important respects in the past decade but that progress
has been uneven, inequalities between women and men
have persisted and major obstacles remain with
serious consequences for the well- being of all
people”.6

In the Platform for Action (PFA), Paragraph 28 and 29 of the Global

Framework, which expounds the basis of remedial actions to be taken,
capture the gross under representation of the world’s women in decision-
making and power relations within the family in the various countries of
the United Nations. This is further explained in the preamble for the Strategic
Objectives and Actions for the enhancement of women’s access to power
and decision-making thus:
“Despite widespread democratization in most countries, women
are largely underrepresented at most levels of government
especially in ministerial and other executive bodies or in
achieving the target endorsed by the Economic and Social
Council of having 30% women in positions of decision making
levels by 1995”.

28
Governments that are signatories to the agreements are bound to take
specific measures to “ensure women’s equal access to full participation in
power structures and decision making.”
Notably, the actions that should be taken by governments include
“measures to substantially increase the number of
women with a view to achieving equal representation
of women and men, if necessary through Positive
Action, in all governmental and public administration
positions” 7

Governments are also to work toward gender balance in the list of national
candidates nominated for election or appointment to United Nations bodies,
specialized agencies etc. Political parties on their part are to
“examine party structures and procedures to remove
all barriers that directly or indirectly discriminate
against the participation of women”.8
They are to consider initiatives that allow women to hold positions within
the party, to be extended to party primaries and nominations. In addition
to the direct actions expected of government and political parties, they are
to support the efforts of non-governmental organizations and the private
sector in trying to enhance women’s political participation.

At the Beijing Conference the demand for concrete actions on the listed
twelve critical areas of concern were in tandem with the provisions of
CEDAW and other international legal instruments. Since most countries
had failed to achieve the 30% target by 1995, it became part of the concrete
actions demanded by women at the Beijing Conference. And 30 per
cent, it should be noted was only a starting point towards achieving the 50
per cent desirable, equitable and ultimate target supported and promoted
by the United Nations.

Nigeria and the Implementation of Affirmative Action

Concerned about the little progress made in the area of adequate
representation in 1999 following the return to civilian rule, the

29
National Committee on Affirmative Action met at Ijebu Ode under the
auspices of the Centre for Development and Population Activities
(CEDPA). The purpose of the meeting was to review women’s efforts on
Affirmative Action and adopt new strategies for its application at various
levels of national decision-making. Realizing the need for a working
definition of the concept of Affirmative Action and also to give the then
on-going debate a proper focus, the Committee agreed to define it as
“deliberate corrective action for adjusting imbalances in society”, thereby
stressing that Affirmative Action is neither an arbitrary action nor an irrational
decision since it was carefully considered before adoption.

The Committee was unequivocal in calling on the government to implement

the 30% affirmative action in all subsequent appointments by the executive
and the demand for a reorganization of the political structures to equitably
accommodate independent candidates. Monetisation of politics was viewed
with serious concern, as it was fast becoming a major impediment to fair
electioneering. In order to address this, the committee recommended the
pegging of individual contributions to political parties by moneybags who
hijacked the political machinery and process. Government was also
enjoined to take steps to sensitize the entire populace on the provisions of
CEDAW and the Beijing Declaration and the PFA.

Nigeria’s lapses in the implementation of Affirmative Action became glaring

at the special session of the UN General Assembly that was held between
June 4th - 9 th , 2000 to review the progress that had been made five years
after Beijing and to draw up strategies for further advancement of women.
At that session 178 governments reviewed the commitment to the goals of
gender equality and women empowerment made at the Beijing Conference.
The then Hon. Minister of Women Affairs and Youth Development Hajia
Aisha Ismail and some women activists led the Nigerian government
delegation. The NGOs were also well represented and their presence
and liaison with the government groups facilitated discussions on the critical
issues. However the shadow report on CEDAW prepared by the NGOs

30
in 1999 which they took to New York, indicted the government for the
inability
“to ensure proper representation of women in political parties,
internal government appointments and international
appointments”. 9

Nigeria had been in a peculiar situation caused by the incursion of the

military into governance and its protracted stay in power. However the
perception that democracy would automatically boost gender equality in
political participation has not been validated after five years of return to
civilian rule. Nigerian women’s low representation and participation at the
higher levels of political activity and decision-making despite the return of
democracy have been attributed to obstacles many of which have defied
all manner of solutions. The focus on Affirmative Action is based on the
belief that only remedial action can offset the setback suffered by women
as a result of many years of marginalization.

It was however observed by the Committee on Affirmative Action that the

same obstacles that had held women down are also working against the
implementation of Affirmative Action. They identified some of the major
hindrances to the implementation of Affirmative Action in Nigeria, which
have linkages with the age-old constraints that keep women down in all
the other sectors.

Foremost among the barriers is ignorance; few people understand the

issues involved in Affirmative Action and this is further compounded by
the pervasive belief that politics and decision-making is a man’s domain.
This is not helped by the fact that both Christianity and Islam, the major
religions in the country, preach subservience of women to men and the
restriction of women to certain disciplines. But the greater burden is for
women themselves to accept the principle that their equal representation
in positions of power would promote their collective interests.

31
The Constitution As A Restraint
Unlike the constitutions of some African Countries notably South Africa
and Uganda the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria takes no
cognizance of the disadvantaged position of women and has no provision
for gender equality and equity. Apart from the general reference to non-
discrimination on the basis of sex etc, there is nothing in the constitution
that is aimed at redressing the disparities that exist along gender lines in
Nigeria. Even though Nigeria ratified CEDAW in 1985 and is a signatory
to the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the constitution does
not recognize the enormous disparities along gender lines that prompted
the United Nations to call for special actions for women’s advancement.
It does not provide any form of positive measure for accelerated redress
of gender imbalance.

On the other, the Federal Character Principle, which is meant to ensure

equitable representation of states and ethnic groups in national
appointments, actually places women at additional disadvantage by implying
that they can only represent their states of origin. Where culture does not
permit a woman to represent her place of birth, she loses a golden
opportunity. There have been many cases where a woman’s state of
origin disallows her appointment and the husband’s state also refuses to
endorse her. In many of these instances the government plays safe by
appointing a man instead. Because of these flaws the National Committee
on Affirmative Action has recommended establishment of an Equal
Opportunities Commission to take care of gender inequality and all
disadvantaged groups in the society.

Apparently the lack of enthusiasm on the part of government to implement

CEDAW is exacerbated by Section 21 of the 1999 Constitution, which
states that international treaties cannot be enforced unless an act of the
National Assembly says it can. As long as CEDAW and the Beijing
Declaration and Platform for Action have not become domestic laws efforts
to bring government to implement Affirmative Action will continue to meet
serious challenges.

32
Political Parties
The political parties have so far not demonstrated any inclination to
introduce mechanisms for equal representation within the party executives
as required by the Platform for Action. Besides the creation of the post of
the Women Leader, most parties have not adopted any other system to
increase the number of women holding party offices. The experiences of
women during the 1998/99 and 2003 elections as documented elsewhere
in this publication show that the political parties seem to have unwritten
policies against female aspirants. There were cases of women who won
in the parties’ primaries but were supplanted with men or were asked to
step down for men. Even though the parties tried to hide the actual reason
for the injustice behind some oblique references to the women’s lifestyle,
they later admitted that fear that the women would lose in the final elections
was the real motive. Such fears however might not have been unfounded
as the Nigeria electorate is still largely biased against women.

The various maneuvers against women clearly flout section 191 (b) of the
Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action which require political parties
to
‘remove all barriers that directly or indirectly discriminate
against the participation of women’
in elective and electoral nominating processes in compliance with article 7
of the Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW). The Nordic countries, Denmark, Norway and
Sweden that are well known for as high as 40 percent representation of
women in politics achieved it through positive actions taken by political
parties. For instance as far back as 1983 the Norwegian Labour party
decided that both sexes must be represented by at least 40 percent at all
elections and in 1988, the Danish Social Democratic Party took a similar
decision. Political parties in the United Kingdom took a decisive step in
1997 to create women-only parliamentary seats, while the Labour party
had taken an initiative to increase the number of women in executive
positions in reaction to a research finding showing that women regarded
the party as male dominated.

33
Political Will
It is pertinent to mention at this point that one of the greatest obstacles to
the implementation of Affirmative Action is the lack of political will on the
part of the Nigerian leadership. Apart from using tokenism in appointments
to score cheap political points the Nigerian leadership has never really
given equal representation of women the attention it deserves in terms of
sustainable policies. Nothing stops the president for instance from
nominating a sizeable number of women for appointment to make up for
the short fall in elective posts.

Opportunities for implementation

A wonderful opportunity for the implementation of affirmative action was
created in 2002 with the adoption of the National Policy on Women, a
document that is commendable for identifying sectoral gender imbalances.
It also contains broad –based actions to be taken for closing the gender
gap including the implementation of the 30% Affirmative Action. The
publication and yearly review of a special diary of appointable women will
render untenable the often repeated excuse that there is a dearth of qualified
women to appoint into public office.

Conclusion
In Nigeria, political participation especially at the level of seeking elective
and appointive posts is related to economic empowerment and education.
In conformity with the principle of Federal character, women must be
assisted to gain greater control over economic resources through special
schemes and enhance their representation in public office through
constitutional and legislative reforms that favour Affirmative Action. NGOs
should intensify their social advocacy towards changing negative attitudes
and wrong perception of women in public life or leadership positions.
They should also be unrelenting in their bid for legal reforms especially
aimed at removing all vestiges of discrimination against women in all spheres
of life.

34
End Notes

1 UNESCO, Unit for the Promotion of the Status of Women and

gender Equality (1999) Passport to Equality. Paris, Page 13

2 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Federal Republic

of Nigeria Official Gazette Lagos 5th May 1999 (Sections 147
(3), 171 (5), 153 (c), Part 3 Schedule 3

3 Ibid

4 Citizens Forum for Constitutional Reforms, (2002), Contentious

Issues in the Review of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. Lagos, Pages 13,119
5 UNESCO, Unit for the Promotion of the Status of Women and
Gender Equality (1999), Passport to Equality. Paris,
Page 6.

6 United Nations, Department of Public Information, (1996), Fourth

World Conference on Women Beijing, China 4th– 15th September
1995, Platform for Action and Beijing Declaration. New York,
Page 7

7 Ibid Page 112

8 Ibid Page 113

9 Nigerian NGOs Coalition for a Shadow Report on CEDAW,

NGO CEDAW, (1999), Report for Nigeria. Lagos, Page 2

35
 CHAPTER FOUR

INTRICACIES OF WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION

IN PARTY POLITICS *

“Man is capable of justice, hence democracy is

possible but man is inclined to injustice, therefore
democracy is necessary”1

This correct assertion underscores the imperativeness of women

participation in democratic governance. As an addition, it is obvious that it
is because man (as in the male gender) has gone beyond inclination, but
has from time-to-time dished out unbelievable doses of injustice to the
female gender all in the name of representative governance, that women
must be part of the process that dictates their well-being, welfare, the
direction and content of their entire lives.

Politics is too important for people and women in particular to be left

totally to men, who can hardly understand women’s concerns and quest
to participate in decision-making. Moreover, democracy, put
mathematically and in the form of equation, is Mass Participation plus
Representation
Democracy = Mass Participation + Representation
That is: Dem = MP + Rep

Thus, democracy is not complete when both conditions of MP and

Rep are absence. Also, it will be wrong to equate mass participation
with elections or Electoral Democracy. Representation through
election is not enough to ensure mass participation while election is
just a medium or mechanism to get representation. Participation of
voters or citizens should therefore not end there. There are other

* This chapter was put together by Raheemat Momodu, Gender analyst and former Chair-
person, Lagos Chapter of Nigeria Association of Women Journalists, NAWOJ.

37
channels and platforms of participation, especially when an election process
is fraught with so much fraud that representation ceases to be a true
reflection of voters’ choice.

Beyond the above however, there is also the point that representation in
democracy refers to representation that reflects or captures the diversity
and character of the populace. In this case, true democratic representation,
that will promote mass and popular participation, should reflect the different
interests, including gender, race, caste, ethnic, religious, age, class and
other identities in the proportions they exist in a society. This implies that
ideally a truly democratic government of Nigeria should at least have 40%
of women since the last population census in 1991 put women at about
49%.

Meanwhile, many reasons have been advanced for the low participation
and representation of women in Nigerian politics. But perhaps drawing
from the last two general elections (1999 and 2003 respectively), especially
from the latest one, the greatest challenge today to women political
participation and representation is the party system. The reason for this is
not far fetched. This is because the political party is the engine of democracy
as it drives the political process.

Global Overview of Women Political Participation

“Without the active participation of women and the
incorporation of women’s perspectives in all levels of
decision-making, the goals of equality, development
and peace cannot be achieved”2

In spite of the clamor for women’s political empowerment by many

international organizations, which has been championed by the United
Nations and its agencies, women representation in government and
other public decision making position is still very low; the world
over. Although there are regional differences, a situational analysis

38
still points to one fact, there is a huge gender gap between women and
men representation in political leadership as in other aspects of public life.

The issue of women’s political participation and representation in politics

and governance should be seen from four perspectives- Access,
Participation, Representation and Transformation. Access to political
institutions, participation (which includes control of power within such
institutions), quantitative and qualitative representation and the end result
will be social and political transformation in the polity.

Women participation and representation are critical for the consolidation

of democracy. Since democracy is all about mass participation and
representative leadership, the low participation and representation of
women are undemocratic and undermine sustainable development. So
says the UNDP Human Development Report 2002;
• Of the 81 new democracies, only 47 are fully democratic. Others
do not seem to be in transition to democracy or have lapsed into
authoritarianism or conflict.
• Only 82 countries, with 57% of the world’s people, are fully
democratic.
• Worldwide, only 14% of parliamentarians are women and in 10
countries, none are women.

This statistics speak volumes of women’s political state vis-à-vis their

general development. The situation is even worse in non-democratic and
authoritarian states, where in some cases women live in social seclusion
and are denied their fundamental human rights all in the name of religion,
tradition and culture.Although statistics above captures only elective
positions in the legislative arm of government, the story is the same if not
worse in appointment or other elective positions in the executive. In fact,
it appears that women find it easier to get elected into the legislative arm
than get executive appointments.

39
Regional averages are as follows: (3)

REGIONAL SINGLE HOUSE UPPER HOUSE BOTH HOUSES

AVERAGES OR LOWER OR SENATE COMBINED
HOUSE
Nordic
countries 39.7% —— 39.7%
Americas 18.4% 17.2% 18.2%
Europe OSCE
member
Countries
including
Nordic countries 17.7% 15.2% 17.2%
Europe OSCE
members
Excluding Nordic
countries 15.6% 15.2% 15.5%
Asia 15.5% 13.8% 15.45
Sub-Sahara Africa 14.1% 15.6% 14.35
Pacific 12.1% 25.9% 13.6%
Arab States 6.0% 4.1% 5.6% 3

The Sub-Saharan average of 14.3% is the 3rd among the lowest and is a
true reflection of the slow rate of progress in the struggle to increase
women’s political participation and representation. It is pertinent to observe,
however, that within the African Continent, there are national differences
with huge gaps. For instance, two countries, South Africa and Uganda
stand out in their advancement of women political participation and
representation in governance.

The sad situation in Africa prompted the African Parliamentary Union

(APU), at its 25th Conference on the 24th of October 2002, in Khartoum,
Sudan to pass “Resolution 107\25\02 on the Role of Women in Decision
Making’’. Starting with a strongly worded preamble, the resolution gave
the following prescriptions:

40
 • URGES Parliaments to adopt legislative means aimed at creating
a propitious environment for the extension of decision-making
power of women.
• INVITES governments to effectively apply instruments and
conventions relating to the rights of women, which they have freely
ratified and approved.
• ACKNOWLEDGES that a positive discrimination is practiced in
the educational program in order to make it possible for women
to acquire the capacity and competence needed for their integration
at all levels of decision-making.
• REQUESTS that national strategies and program of action are
put in place in all countries which aim at real participation of women
in the rural communities in decision-making
• URGES governments to set up mechanisms for financing
remunerating activities of women.
• RECOMMENDS that the electoral codes, the basic instrument
of political parties and the financing of political parties and electoral
campaigns be re-adapted and encourage gender parity in the
executive and legislative institutions.
• INVITES the General Secretariat of APU to study the ways and
means for the institution of a Parliamentarian Women Committee
within the Union.4

Although the resolution is a good step in the right direction, it is unclear if

APU is pushing it to individual African parliaments and governments. It is
also very doubtful if APU has the political will to ensure the implementation
of the resolution. And lastly, since it was passed just a year ago, it may
very well not have been widely disseminated, not to mention acted upon
by any government and even the APU itself. At least in Nigeria the resolution
is not well known and the government including the executive and the
legislature has not acted on it.

This is very sad because such a resolution, passed by parliamentarians,

should easily be translated into local laws by the legislators from the
different countries, if they were indeed serious. The yawning gap

41
between words and action characterizes pronouncements and declarations
made by governments on women development, especially in Africa.

It always amounts to rhetoric’s, no resolve and no follow up action.

Otherwise, going by the preamble of the resolution, which demonstrates a
deep understanding and appreciation of the reasons for the struggle for
women development, all APU needs to do is to instruct member parliaments
to domesticate CEDAW for a start. And in addition, institutionalize a
cocktail of affirmative actions for promoting increased women participation
and representation in parties and government.

Part of the preamble reads thus: (5)

• Recalling its (APU) Resolution on Women and Development in
Africa (Brazzaville, April 1988):
• Mindful of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;
• Referring to the Conclusion of the Beijing Conference in 1995;
• Recalling the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of
Discriminations in respect of women (CEDAW).

The lack of political will, sincerity and commitment on the part of

government, local and regional organizations like APU have been the bane
of the promotion of women development in Africa, compared to other
parts of the world.

Nigerian Women Participation in Party Politics

“Political parties are the heart and soul of
democracies. In the post-Cold War era, democracy
has become the form of government widely considered
best able to resolve internal conflicts of interest
peacefully. Respect the human rights of citizens and
provide the conditions for social and economic
development and the reduction of poverty”5

42
The pivotal/facilitating role of political parties in the political advancement
of women is generally acknowledged the world over. This is because parties
serve as the singular most important arena, avenue and medium for political
participation everywhere in the world. Thus, political participation must
be channeled through the parties to access power and be part of
government. And this in most cases has been the missing link in women’s
political participation globally. Nigeria is not an exception.

Indeed political party is the door and the key to political participation and
so the engine room of democracy. This implies that to enjoy the benefits of
democracy as stated above, one must actively and meaningful engage in
party politics. Parties must be seen as the main theatre and stage of politics
and as such it determines the direction, content and context of political
development of the different stakeholders and interest groups. The relatively
low participation of women in party politics the world over is perhaps
responsible for the equally low participation and representation of women
in governance and other public decision making positions.

Since the commencement of local/indigenous politics in the mid 1950s,

just before independence, one marked feature of Nigerian politics and
general polity has been the near total absence of women in parties,
especially in party leadership. Although there has been improvement over
the years, the situation today leaves much to be desired. After 43years of
self-rule, Nigerian women’s political participation/activism in party politics
is abysmal. The same can be said of political parties’ gender sensitivity. To
say the least, the gender sensitivity of parties has been cosmetic.

While women’s membership in parties has greatly improved from

the days of the 1st Republic (1960-65), their positioning within the
party hierarchy and influence over party decisions are minimal. This
became very evident during the last general elections (2003), when
in spite of the unprecedented number of female aspirants and the

43
heightened local mobilization amongst the generality of women; only a
handful of women were nominated.

The reason for this is not far fetched. Nigerian political parties are
traditionally and intrinsically male-dominated. This trait and the trend of
women’s marginalization in party politics, which runs throughout the political
history of Nigeria, is perhaps the most critical factor in the political
underdevelopment of Nigerian women. Almost all political parties, since
the start of local politics, have at best paid lips service to women’s political
development.

The main features and landmarks of Nigerian women’s involvement in

party politics are the granting of universal franchise to Southern women in
the mid 1950s and Northern women in 1975; and the creation and banning
of women’s wings respectively. The evolution of women’s participation in
party politics presents a pattern, where women are often pushed to certain
positions that are in reality practically and strategically redundant.

The impact/role of parties in the gender outcome of the last military transition
to democratic rule and the last general elections exposed the fact that
women are still very much ‘outsiders’ in the game of party politics. All the
30 registered parties ignored women’s gender concerns in their manifestos
or in there actions, only a very few paid lip service to promoting women
political development.

The political parties were virtually oblivious of women’s political needs/

concerns and their agitations. For them, it was business as usual, business
without women. Cases were reported where women politicians were
cheated out of been nominated as party candidates. The big question is
‘why have Nigerian women still not been able to break through and into
the party machinery?’

Perhaps the main reason is the fact that the parties are consciously
male-biased, formed and run/operated based on male fraternal
connections and relationships. Essentially, all the political parties are

44
run as ‘old boy’ networks, which leave little room for women to come in.
This traditional trend and pattern of gender insensitivity is across party
lines. Even the so-called progressive parties are equally guilty. The parties’
efforts at presenting a gender agenda, through public pronouncements at
campaign rallies and references to women political development in their
manifestos, are just gimmicks to woo women votes.

Starting from their manifestos, these parties, like their predecessors, display
a blatant disregard for women’s political contributions and their gender
concerns. There are only a few women in the national executives of all the
parties. And most of them hold welfare, social organizer and ex-officio
portfolios that in reality are politically redundant positions.

Many analysts have argued that generally formal institutions are male-
dominated and intrinsically male biased. This is apparently true of political
parties in Nigeria. Right from the commencement of local politics in the
mid 1950s, political parties in Nigeria without an exception have been
almost entirely a male affair.

The report of a survey\workshop organized by Gender Action Team (GAT)

in collaboration with Friedrich Ebert Foundation on the heels of party
primaries aptly demonstrates the situation of women in party politics.
Although the survey workshop focused on Kaduna State, its findings
represent the situation all over the country.

The participants\respondents, both male and female, were a good mix of

failed and successful aspirants, party leaders and civil society actors
engaged in promoting women political participation. The consensus was
that the following were the major obstacles and challenges to women’s
meaningful participation in party politics and the general polity.

-Godfatherism: This entails a kind of mentoring of younger or new

politicians by the older one. But in the Nigerian parlance, this is done

45
 in exclusion of other more logical issues. The cub politician hardly has any
say. The godfather, who often sponsors the new politician’s campaign,
decides everything including choosing his or her cabinet.
-Money Politics\ Pay Off Syndrome: It is very common for the
moneybags and godfathers in the parties to buy off contestants to give
way to their own candidates. They will therefore do everything possible to
make sure their candidates win including paying off the entire party
executive.
-Personality Politics: Persons, attitudes and behavior not ideas are often
the bone of contention. As such to win party elections one has to identify
with certain personalities.
-Issue of Indigeneship: A woman is often accepted as being an indigene
of her state of origin or that of her husband, depending on what the issues
of contention are. Where they are largesse to be shared, her husband’s
people will claim her but if it is a matter of sharing political office, she will
be declared a non-indigene.
-Intra party conflict and divisions constitute a constant in Nigerian politics
often distracting attention from important issues of government. Women
are of course the losers in all these as “ they can hardly stand in the over
heated kitchen or polity’’.
-Rigging: A permanent feature of election is often accompanied by
violence, which most will readily flee from.
-Cross Carpeting: People move from party to party looking for better
deals
-High Registration fees militate against women in this country “ where
poverty wears a woman’s face.’’
-Sabotage\ Pull down Syndrome by other women, socialized by men to
believe that women are not good enough to hold political positions.
- Incessant Cancellation of Primaries. The process is repeated several
times until “the owners of the parties’’ are satisfied with the results.
-Security; Women often fall prey to election violence and unless they are
sure of their security, they will not venture into the political arena.
-Financial Constraints: Few women have enough funds and those who
do, do not willingly invest in politics.

46
-Male Dominated Executive: The cash and carry nature’’ of the political
parties ensures that men buy executive positions for themselves. Women
consequently rank very low in a pegging order of executive ladder because
they do not contribute much to party coffers.
-Undemocratic Political Parties: Women have proved to be more honest
than men. This means that they are often uncomfortable with the
undemocratic and abnormal ways of decision-making.

The survey observed that the state of women in politics was a reflection of
what was happening in the general society. And that politics was male
dominated in its content and character. It was a general consensus that
traditional belief\culture, male dominated political system, socio-economic
factors and the mass media’s negative portrayal and stereotyping of women
further undermined women’s political participation.

Of special mention was the use or better still the misuse of religion to deter
women. It was revealed that some male opponents used religious leaders
to apply pressure, when they were afraid of strong female opposition. The
arbitrary changing of the rules of the game and withholding of relevant
information was discussed as some of the fraudulent ways women were
cheated during the party primaries. Some women recounted how times
and venues of elections were changed just hours to election and information
of such a change not communicated to them.

On the flip side, women have been accused of some political

miscalculations. That rather than building themselves politically by engaging
the party structure constructively, they engage in distracting as well as
destructive behaviors and actions.
• Struggling to get positions without knowing the requirements of
such offices.
• Vying for positions that exceed their basic educational qualifications.

47
 • Vying for positions that they know they will not win but just for the
purpose of using them to get appointed positions.
• Contesting to help block the chance for the right woman and for
the purpose of helping a male to win.
• Contesting but expecting other people to foot the bills.
• Contesting because other women who they feel superior to have
entered the race.
• Disregarding the advice of older women who have been long in
the game.

Women politicians have been said not to be dogged or competitive because

they do opt for ‘cheaper’ parties, where it is easier for them to get party
tickets.

The workshop suggested the following as the way forward;

• Elected women politicians should serve as role models and mentors
to younger ones.
• Issue oriented politics should be encouraged. Only parties devoid
of issues to discourage money politics
• Late night meetings should be abolished since women are purposely
denied access to such meetings.
• Women should make women their constituency and be accountable
to them.
• Women should take advantage of organizations that offer free legal
services when in distress.
• There are some gender-sensitive men and they form a critical link
for women as entry point. They will also make good advocates to
other men.

Election Process And Equal Opportunities

“The lack of transparency in the electoral process in
Nigeria has been identified as the single most
important factor inhibiting any effort at dealing with
generalized exclusion… Inaccessibility to appropriate
information has restricted women’s ability to exercise
their fundamental democratic rights. Without political

48
 consciousness in terms of knowledge of the process,
civil culture and ethics, democratic norms, awareness
about the institutions of governance and politics,
women can only participate at certain levels.’’ 6

Generally speaking, the highly corrupt and monetized electoral process

from party formation, membership, participation, party primaries, dealing
with the electoral body, intra party and general public campaigns to the
election proper, all put women at a greater disadvantage than the men,.
This is not to say that all male politicians are rich, privileged and at an
advantage.

But in general terms, the number of male politicians who have the kind of
money that is required to win any election from ward to presidency far
outweighs the women. Consequently, in an electoral system like Nigeria,
where the entire system is not transparent, where electoral victory is cash
and carry and where the election process and procedures are shrouded in
secrecy, comparatively the women are a minority and overwhelmingly
disadvantaged.

Another factor, which works against women, is the relatively low level of
political consciousness of both women politicians and women in general.
While the men realistically speaking have always been in government,
whether military and civilian, the women on the other hand only have
opportunity to participate under the very short time of civilian administration.
Thus, the men have had much longer time of practice at governance or
mis-governance.

The lack of transparency and access to the right information and near total
absence of formal political structures and institutions worsens the low
political consciousness of women vis-à-vis men. As has been stated
repeatedly in this chapter, unarguably the party is the most crucial formal
political structure that determines the level of women participation in politics
and therefore the level of women’s development.

49
Like the political parties, the Nigerian electoral process and the entire
system are run by men Perhaps only a very few men of same interest
determine the direction and content of the process. The Governor Ngige
and Chris Mba of Anambra State saga points to this fact. And since women
do not belong to or even have access to the workings of these political
mafias, kingmakers or godfathers, they will find it very difficult to be
mainstream (or is it ‘male stream’ ) players in the election process of their
parties and the state.

From the foregoing, it is very clear that women do not have equal
opportunities and access to the various structures and institutions in the
electoral process, at party or general level. This is why there is a dire need
for institutions of political processes and special mechanisms. The demand
of the institutionalization of definite special mechanisms, better known as
Affirmative Action, appears to be the quickest and most effective way to
bridge the yawning political gap between men and women and to accelerate
sustainable development.

It is pertinent to note here that the call for affirmative action for women to
enhance women’s political participation is not unreasonable and
unprecedented. In fact, the call is very much in line with the popular Nigerian
government culture of solving problems with task forces and creating special
agencies to take special actions. Some of these Affirmative Actions are
the “ mother of all’’ Federal Character, Educational Quota System, Power
Shift Policy, Party Zoning System, Petroleum Trust Fund, Niger Delta
Development Commission and of course Public Office Zoning that dictates
for instance that Senate President must come from South East, Speaker
from North West etc.

Thus the question is why can’t there be gender character in federal character
and in power shift. Why can’t there be Women Political Trust Fund, why
can’t there be gender zoning within the party zoning system and of course
women reserved seats within the public office zoning so that for instance,
for starters, the Vice President must be a woman from South West. Such
an affirmative action will not upset

50
the present zoning system in terms of federal character but will only add
the much needed gender value to the polity.

Gender Analysis of Party Constitutions and Manifestoes

It is no news that Nigerian political parties are bereft of ideological direction,
are built on the selfish shared economic interest of just a few men, who run
the parties like extension of their family businesses. All political parties in
Nigeria today strictly speaking are not fit to be called political institutions.
They are just loose platforms for people to contest elections and no more.

This is why parties in Nigeria only come alive a few months to general
elections and go to sleep in between elections except for the ruling party,
which is barely kept alive because of the politics of patronage from those
in government, who reward party faithful with underserved public
appointments, ghost and inflated contracts,

A clear manifestation of the non-institutional nature and the non-ideological

character of political parties is the way and magnitude and wave of cross
carpeting before and after party nominations. This means that party loyalty
is very low and so it will be difficult for a party to grow or develop by
cultivating and developing its own unique ideologies, culture, conduct,
ethics, etc in the true nature of political institutions and pillars of democracy.

It is not therefore surprising that these parties almost without exception do

not have formal structures, policies to talk of; most of their
constitutions\manifestoes are disappointing especially in terms of gender
sensitivity and sincerity to address women concerns and interests.

Only a few of the 30 constitutions\manifestoes analyzed and read

appear to understand gender issues and willingly addressed them
seriously and effectively. Starting from their gender bias language,
using he and not he\she to the cosmetic treatment of their plan for
women development, Nigerian parties have demonstrated a gross lack

51
of understanding and willingness to promote greater women participation
in politics.

The few parties that showed some level of understanding and appreciation
of women concerns and who at least have serious recommendations are:

National Conscience Party (NCP)

It attempted to mainstream women concerns in the following areas:
Health care , promising visits to the sick, the aged, pregnant women and
the disabled in their residences by medical personnel on the ground of
inability of such categories of people to transport themselves to public
hospitals (page 34) and “extension of paid maternity leave period for
pregnant women” (page 35).
Education;”Guarantee the right of education irrespective of ethnic, gender,
religions or age differences” (page 45) and “Establish an affirmative action
program to address, regional and gender imbalances in education” There
was no reference to or mention of women in the introduction and conclusion,
the treatment of women as quoted above fall into two areas- Health and
Education.

Democratic Alternative (DA)

The party emblem or logo is a clenched fist of a man and a woman shooting
out of a mass of people (page 4). This depicts women and men in equal
partnership. Its aims and objective (6.13) reads “To struggle for gender
equality, the redress and elimination of past and present injustices against
women” (page 5). Through out the constitution, he\she was used. Section
13.8 makes provision for secretary for women, whose duties include in
summary:
• Implementing programs at empowering women and redressing
entrenched prejudices.
• Ensures programs reach and benefit rural and urban women and
• Mobilizing women for political participation and economic
independence (page 13).

52
In section 22.6 captioned “Geographical Spread and Gender,’’ it reads
“In electing or appointing members into office or committees, special
consideration shall be given to geography and gender without compromising
merit.(page 220). Lastly, the secretary of women is part of the executive
from national to ward levels.

Alliance for Democracy (AD)

The 18th aim and objective in its constitution is “Creation of opportunities
for, and encouragement of the full development of the political, social,
cultural and economic potentials of Nigerian women” (page 18). There is
no specification of a woman’s position like women leader or some other
form of affirmative action in the composition of the party’s leadership at
various levels.

National Democratic Party (NDP)

Its chapter 20 on “Women Policy” the party promises to take active,
practical and concrete steps to empower women and facilitate them to
various organs of the party. Those women will be encouraged to contest
elective party and public political posts and that as a matter of policy;
women will be given their fare share of appointments. It says, it accepts
the equality of men and women.
The strategies for implementing NDP Women Policy include:
• Enactment of a national policy for women
• Establishment of data bank to store information of the status and
position of women in Nigeria Public life.
• Special educational Affirmative Actions for girls and women.
• Deliberate efforts to appoint women to critical public offices
• A commission will be set up to undertake a comprehensive review
of existing laws to repeal negative ones and update others.

In addition, one of the 3 objectives of the party is to field competent

and able men and women of proven leadership quality for elective
offices. The deliberate mention of men and women shows some level

53
in the following chapters, 6-Agricultural Policy and 7-Rural Development
and Poverty Eradication.

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)

The ruling party has been accused of gender insensitive in words and in
deeds. In Article 6 of the party’s constitution under “The character of the
party”, it says it shall be a non-tribal, non-religious and non-sexist
democratic organization (section 6.1) and shall promote the emancipation
of women by encouraging their representation at all levels and combat
sexism (6.5).

In the party hierarchy\leadership structure, although there is the position

of Women leader from ward to national even to senatorial level, there’s no
provision for women in the caucuses at different levels. We all know that
the engine of the party is the caucus. But there is special provision for
women in the composition of the National Executive Committee. In section
16: A: xxix, it reads
“ Three (3) elected members, at least one of whom shall be a
woman from each of the six geo-political zones.

The outlined duties of the National Women leader reveal the fact that PDP
is not really serious about concrete political development of women. The
duties are;
• Be responsible for women mobilization and organization
• Initiate and implement strategic programs and policies aimed at
endearing the party to Nigerian women
• Co-ordinate activities of the zonal and state women leaders

Lastly, for a party that believes strongly in the principles of power-shift,

power sharing, rotation of key political offices (Preamble iii) and federal
character (19: C), it is curious that it does not believe in Affirmative Action
for women. If it was serious and sincere about women’s interests and
development, it should work out a power shift, power sharing and rotation
of key offices that ensures a specific percentage (more than 30%) for
women. PDP should put gender in the federal character like the ANC did
and that is the surest way of endearing women to the party.

54
All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA)
In the preamble of Chapter 16: “Policy on Women”, it gives a brief but
incisive analysis of gender discrimination of women. It says in the spirit of
Beijing and for the achievement of gender purity and more inclusive
democracy, APGA will undertake special measures. However the use of
“Fair sex” exposes the insincerity and non-appreciation of gender issues.
It proposes to do the following;
• Fight gender inequality and insensitivities in all aspects of our
national life through public enlightenment.
• Promote Affirmative Action in employment
• Promote girl child education and compulsory education for girls
until age 16. Provide scholarships and special grants to girls and
women
• Review credit guidelines in favor of women in agriculture and the
informal sector.
• Sponsor legislation forbidding marriage before age 18
• Review labor laws that are insensitive to the special position of
women as mothers and homebuilders.
• Encourage sports women
• Encourage women to seek elective positions
• Give women senior political appointments

Justice Party (JP)

One of its objectives is to “empower our womenfolk politically,
educationally and economically” (Objective f). It will provide adult
education for girls and provide adult education facilities. In its “Women in
National Development’ section, the party promises to “remove all barriers
placed in the path of advancement of women”. To give practical impetus
to the women policy it says, it “shall reserve 25% of all political
appointments for women”. Although just 1\4 and not 1\3 as recommended
by Beijing Platform for Action, but it is the only party that promised a
quota affirmative action. With this JP is not just a party of generational
change, but also a change to include power sharing with women.

55
It is obvious from the foregoing that the gender factor is gradually becoming
a contending political issue. The parties discussed above and others tried
with degrees of success to address the issue of women under-development.
Although most of their pronouncements and promises are more rhetoric
than real, the intention speaks of the level of political consciousness in
terms of women issues.

Best Practice/ Peer Influence

One of the paradigm shifts in development practice is the use or
encouragement of the replication of successful strategies in other areas.
This is often referred to as the ‘best practice’ approach. This simply means
that if a particular strategy has been found effective in addressing a problem,
other places with similar problems and with similar context are advised to
adopt such a strategy, adapting if necessary to suit their own unique
environment. In this case, a comparative analysis of the Nigerian and South
African experience presents a very interesting scenario.

South Africa is one of the leading countries in the world and definitely the
most advanced in Africa in terms of women political participation and
representation. This is in sharp contrast to Nigeria, the giant of Africa,
who boasts of ‘midget’ percentage of women political participation and
representation. Thus, in line with the new burning spirit of NEPAD (New
Partnership for Africa Development) and the African Union (AU), where
peer monitoring, which effectively translates to peer pressure or influence
is one of its central pillars, Nigeria should learn from the South African
success story.

It is interesting to know that the secret of South Africa success story

is just one organization, the ruling African National Congress (ANC).
The ANC, which was formed in 1912, did not accept women as
members at the time. It was only in 1931 that the Bantu Women’s
League (BWL) was recognized as the women’s branch of the ANC.
Although in 1943 women were formally admitted as ANC members
and in 1948 the African National Congress Women League (ANCWL)

56
was formed, women were still discriminated against. They were used for
catering and voters’ mobilization as is currently the case in Nigeria. However
it was in 1984 that ANC took a giant step, accepting the attribute of
“non-sexist” in its vision for South Africa. And this set the stage for the
adoption of a one-third-quota affirmative action policy.

According to the historical narration of the growth of ANCWL titled

“Women’s League: 50 years of Struggle” by Malibongwe Igama
Lamakhosikazi. (10)
“The continuous struggle by the ANC Women’s League
against all forms of discrimination and gender
imbalance subsequently led to the ANC resolution that
one third of its representatives in parliament should
be women, which had a far-reaching effect in
transforming the newly-elected democratic
Parliament of South Africa” 7

Today, the writer continued, South Africa is seventh world wide in terms
of representation of women in the legislature. The high representative of
women is not limited to the legislature alone; it is spread to other appointive
positions. This is a commendable practice that Nigeria’s ruling party, the
People’s Democratic Party (PDP) can emulate. The PDP should not give
the excuse of its young age compared to the ANC because there is a
saying that “it is better to learn from other people’s experience and
mistakes”.

So the PDP and other parties for that matter should not wait to make the
same mistakes or continue to marginalize and discriminate against women.
An African proverb also that says
‘when a father rebukes his son, the boy without a father listens too’.
Nigeria should listen and learn about how another African country
addressed the problem of women’s low political representation.

Perhaps it is pertinent to add that the transformation that followed

the implementation of the one-third affirmative action quota was not

57
just in the increase in the actual number of women in government as it
manifested in many other ways. In April 1999, in the discussion titled
“Delivery to the Women; A Document for the ANC Women’s League”
the following were listed as the ANC government deliverables to women;
• Signature and ratification of CEDAW (The Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women)
• Creating a National gender machinery to ensure the focus in the
end of all forms of discrimination against women. These include
the office of the status of women and the commission on gender
equality.
• 25% of lawmakers at both the national and provincial levels are
women
• 30% of our ministers and deputy ministers are women.
• Laws that have discriminated against women are being repealed
and replaced with laws and policies that will actively promote
gender equality.
• A target has been set at 30% women in senior management
positions in government departments by the year 2000.

In addition to these, according to the document, there were other

deliverables to women in the form of internal achievements within line
ministries and government departments. These deliverables were in the
following areas within each ministry and department, where applicable
• Policy and Legislation
• Personnel
• Programs and Activities
• Budget Allocations

It suffices to add that South Africa is blazing the trail in the relatively new
area of gender budgeting as well. Nigeria and indeed the rest of Africa
need to emulate it especially for the economic development of women
and the de-feminization of poverty in Africa.

58
Conclusion
The political party is the midwife of democracy. It ensures the safe delivery
or stillbirth of democracy. Consequently, the political party is the most
important and influential political institution in a democracy. Invariably the
“the state of health” level of development of a democracy is determined
by the level of development of mostly the political parties within the system.
In the case of Nigeria, as analyzed in this chapter, the underdevelopment
and the corruptive ways of the parties have ensured the low participation
and representation of women in public leadership.

The underdevelopment of Nigerian parties and the lack of formal internal

party structures promote corruption in the party processes, and this
manifests in many ways. One of which is the undemocratic administration
of the party. The so-called “sponsors” hijack in most cases, the party
leaderships. Thus in reality, Nigerian parties operate as undemocratic
institutions and it will be therefore wishful thinking to expect them to deliver
true democracy. It is a simple natural law, “you cannot give what you do
not have.”

Secondly, the general “genderuptcy” (as in bankruptcy) in the parties further

works against greater women political participation and representation.
There is a “male stream” culture generally that does not like political power
in the hands of women. This culture is upheld by weak intra-party policies
and structures that do not intend or have the capacity to address the issues
of gender and women’s interests in the short or long term.

Thirdly, the little gain of women in terms of elective and appointive posts
cannot be sustained and consolidated in 2007 if political parties continue
with the culture of business as usual. The parties must be convinced to
“democratize” their operations. There must be concerted efforts from
women in and outside the party fold to “blackmail” the parties if necessary
to truly mainstream gender in all aspects of its operations. The gender
mainstreaming should of course start from the constitution and manifestos.

59
The issue of women’s access to information is also very crucial. Nigerian
parties do not see the need to disseminate information about their operations
because a few individuals, who consistently demonstrate gross disregard
for stated party processes and policies, run them. The deliberate shortage
of information also serves the purpose of frustrating the process of
monitoring the level of accountability. The discovery that only the AD
(Alliance for Democracy) and NCP (National Conscience Party) had
websites in the course of this research was a great surprise. But the sites
have not been updated for a long time. It means most of the information in
these sites are stale and in some cases incorrect. Political parties in other
African countries meanwhile have active and regularly updated websites.

Gender studies and audits like this effort have helped to identify structural
factors in the party and electoral system, as discussed above, as promoting
under representation of women. Since structural defects are difficult to
change in the short term, perhaps the short cut to redressing the situation
is the institution of affirmative and special actions at all levels. Parties are
vote-seeking organizations, so women voters can pressurize them in
general.

Special mechanisms and affirmative action, especially quotas is widely

used by political parties worldwide. According to the Inter-Parliamentary
Union (IPU), there are at least 56 political parties in 24 countries that
recognize the use of quota system. Nordic countries have among the highest
level of political representation of women in the world. As at 1998 Sweden
had 40% women members of parliament, Finland and Denmark had 34%,
Norway had 35% and Iceland had 25% (Women Parliament Beyond
Numbers, 1998). In Africa, South Africa, Uganda and Eritrea stand out
as success stories of quota affirmative action.

The following assertion further strengthens the case for Nigerian parties to
adopt quotas if they are genuinely desirous to promote political participation
and representation as they often claim.

60
 “… it is the quota system that works directly to open
the political arena to more, equally competent women.
… experiences of countries that use quotas suggest
the positive - that quotas work to make women visible
in the political arena, in Parliaments and in political
parties. This is crucial first steps towards the creation
of a critical mass of women able to influence policy
and decision-making effectively. 8

It is hoped that such an exposition will inform the reconsideration of old

methods, behaviors and practices of political mobilization of Nigerian
women and a rethink of the entire Nigerian electoral and political
regime\system to be more gender sensitive. In particular it is hoped that
the findings of the gender audit would influence parties to adopt more
gender sensitive and equitable postures in their operations and agendas. It
is obvious that women across party lines and other women voters must
come together to demand for gender sensitive changes. It is the only way
to go and a formidable Women’s Voters League is highly recommended.

End Notes

1 Reinhold Niebuhr (www.nimd.org)

2 Beijing Platform of Action
3 (www.ipi.org\wmn-e\world.htm)
4 (www.uafpar\.org\story)
5 (www.nimd.org)
6 IDEA Democracy in Nigeria: Continuing (9) Dialogue(s) for Nation
Building 2001 (pg 120&121)
7 (www.anc.org.za\wl\docs\50years)
8 "Women Around the World” April 200 Volume 1, No. 3
(http://www.cld.org/waw5.htm)

61
 CHAPTER FIVE

PERISCOPING THE ELECTORAL FIELD 2003 *

Introduction
A lot of women and civil society groups were sent to the drawing board
following the abysmal performance of women in the 1999 election. Of the
11,881 available positions throughout the country in that year, women
contested only 631. Out of these, a total of 181 positions were won by
women, which came to a mere 1.62% of the total contested positions.1

The apparent poor performance in the 1999 election formed a major

background to a national summit for all women politicians held in Abuja
on June 28, 2002. It was resolved that to stem the poor electoral tide,
women needed to:
l Present a united front, share information and experiences that will
enhance the participation of women in politics.
l Strive to participate more actively in the political process, as political
power determines all other facets of life (economy, religion, education,
etc.) and therefore cannot be left to only one section of society.
l Ensure that their participation in politics will contribute to the
transformation of society in a way that will lead to economic growth,
balanced development and the eradication of poverty.
l Resist the temptation of acquiring money through corrupt means but
instead seek support from individuals, groups, unions and political
parties and establish a Women Political Participation Development
Fund (WOPOPADEF)
l Support female aspirants irrespective of party affiliations and where
there are no female aspirants, support male candidates on the condition
that women will be appointed into positions on his assumption of office.2

This chapter was put together by Tony Iyare, public affairs analyst and stringer,
New York Times.

63
The summit which was organised by the International Human Rights Law
Group, Centre for Development and Population Activities (CEDPA) and
Gender and Development Action (GADA), also called on the political
parties to address the problem of violence as this constitutes a hindrance
to women’s participation in politics.

Despite this and other efforts, the outcome of the 2003 election
unfortunately, did not bear significant fruit to ensure that women’s
intervention in politics in Nigeria is on the upswing. Although two women
candidates ran for presidency while three others were running mates, a
product of the liberal political space that led to the registration of more
parties, the total picture was not too cheery. Three senators were elected
just like 1999 while the election of only three more women pushed the
female membership of the House of Representatives from 12 in 1999 to
21 in 2003. No woman governor was elected, as was the case in 1999
while the number of female deputy-governors shot up to two. Two women
speakers of the state Houses of Assembly were also elected. Only one
woman each was elected as deputy governor, deputy speaker and speaker
of the state House of Assembly in 1999.
In attempting to unravel the mystery behind the continuous poor
performance, Okeke Anya notes that the outcome of the primaries seriously
affected the performance of women in the general election of 2003. In his
view,
These manoeuvres against women clearly flout section
191 (b) of the Beijing Declaration and platform for
Action which require parties to remove all barriers,
that directly or indirectly, discriminate against the
participation of women in elective and electoral
nominating processes in compliance with article 7 of
the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).3

Meanwhile, women representation in other areas of government since

the return of civil rule on May 29, 1999 has not been particularly
encouraging, 4 though the government of President Olusegun

64
Obasanjo, which won a second term ticket has tried to increase the number
of women ministers to six.

Women’s Experience in 2003 Election

Not many conceive the need to evolve a new Republic of Nigeria in the
frame of Susan Anthony who contends that the true Republic should be
founded on
“ men, their rights and nothing more; women, their
rights and nothing less”.5

We prefer to perceive the dictum more in the breach here and build a
society that increasingly creates hurdle for the womenfolk. Even among
organisations whose adherents claim to abhor gender discriminations and
support women’s rights like the National Conscience Party (NCP), the
cause of women does not seem to have faired better. The party’s list of
candidates for the last election does not give the impression that it is gender
friendly. For instance out of the 33 governorship candidates presented by
the party in 2003 election, only Ms. Lorretta Aniagolu who contested in
Enugu state is a woman.6

Although the arguments from chieftains of the party was that not many
women showed sufficient interest in the gubernatorial position in the states,
it was the responsibility of such a professed mass based party to galvanise
such interest and provide for same through affirmative action. A party
peopled with members whose background is firmly rooted in mass agitation,
could not have been short of women to present for front line roles. The
case of Mrs Teju Abiola, 39 who emerged running mate to Mr Lateef
Abassi, governorship candidate of the NCP in Lagos State during the
2003 election is often cited as a problem of a society far from being warm
to a front role for women in the polity. Teju along with Mrs Dupe Abiola
are two vocal wives of acclaimed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential
election, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola. They seem to have stepped
into the shoes of Kudirat who was shot by agents of the Abacha regime
on June 4, 1996.

65
Even with what was perceived as a more promising political prospect
than Abassi, a virtual new comer to the pro-democracy fold, many members
in the party felt it was still not time to present a woman gubernatorial
candidate in Lagos. Outside the party, the choice of Abassi, whose name
could not be located in a sustained history of popular struggle in the country,
was trailed with “Mr Who”? With a more critical disposition and a sharper
understanding of issues, Teju, should have presented the NCP the
opportunity to make a difference and rally the female votes behind her. It
is however simplistic to blame the poor showing of the party, which had
about two months to campaign and was confronted with paucity of funds,
largely on this. Leading party members also say that Teju was never
pressurised to abandon her Governorship ambition if she indeed had it.

Massive rigging, money politics and tainting of the electoral process, largely
stage managed by the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party PDP was a big
hurdle for the NCP and other parties. But in committing this tactical blunder,
the NCP also squandered the opportunity to reap bountifully from the
gains of the post annulment struggle by presenting Abiola’s wife. But Mrs
Abiola who is chief executive of Karlat Construction Nigeria Limited prefers
to blame her non-emergence as governorship candidate on “limited time”.
She says:
I belong to a party where there were no gender
discriminations. We had very limited time. That I’m
sure affected the women…one of the challenges as a
woman was that it was very difficult getting people
to donate to your campaign. Even at the last minute
some kept asking whether I was serious with my
ambition. They will call you and say madam, you mean
you are really serious about it. People still find it hard
entrusting women with their funds. The general
perception is that politics is for men. It’s not a normal
thing for a woman to do.7

66
Shrugging off the charge that her party, NCP is not gender friendly, Mrs
Abiola says she went through the thick and thin of it all and never suffered
any exclusion on the ground of gender. She says,.
I attended all meetings and caucuses. I did not take
the back seat while the men were doing the strategising
and permutations.8

According to her,
I survived all the caucuses. I was not an unwilling
candidate. I had prepared my mind. But I was fortunate
to belong to a party that did not shove women aside.
I did not experience men attending meetings and
handing out orders. I attended all caucuses.9

Even in Enugu State where the NCP finally summoned the courage to
present a woman as gubernatorial candidate, many thought she must be
out of her mind gunning for the highest political seat in the state. But only a
woman gubernatorial candidate and three running mates out of 33 stares
is not a particularly good record for the NCP, an organisation whose history
is largely rooted in prolonged popular struggles in Nigeria.

It is the view that some women do not appear to have the staying power
to sustain their ambitions. Even when the stakes were very high for some
women, they chose to take the back seat. The decision of Mrs Abiola
Obadan to settle for the position of second fiddle in Osun State in the last
election surprised many of her party supporters. In spite of her very high
rating, which almost surpassed that of Senator Iyiola Omisore, now standing
trial for the assassination of former Attorney General and Minister of Justice,
Chief Bola Ige, she still opted to be deputy governor, bowing to pressure
that a woman was not ripe for the chief executive of a state.

In the last election, the experiences of many women who contested

were awry. Many could not survive the behind the scene manoeuvring,
deals and backslapping that attended the primaries. Even when they

67
got the party’s ticket, some were taunted and harangued at campaign
grounds by a populace that was not warm to women candidacy. According
to Chief Titi Sodunke-Oseni, Speaker, Ogun State House of Assembly,
When I went out on campaigns, some politicians
and area boys harassed me. They asked with
disdain, “You a woman, what do you want?”10

The experience of Mrs Nkoyo Toyo, who contested for PDP primary for
a House of Representatives seat in Calabar/Uduakpani Federal
Constituency in Cross River State, was quite pathetic. In spite of her
resolve to contest the primary in the face of wanton malpractices, it soon
became evident that there were no clear rules for the game. Toyo, executive
director of Gender and Development Action GADA also found out that
some people had a larger than life image and could not be hamstrung by
any party rule. They conducted themselves in a way that gives the
impression that the party was in their pockets. They also would not brook
any challenge from those considered as outsiders in the party. 11 Toyo, a
human rights activist says,
Some people behaved as though they owned the party
and spent much effort and time making sure that those
they considered as outsiders should not penetrate
either in terms of getting information or even getting
a fair chance to contest.12

Popular Nigerian Artiste, Onyeka Onwenu who also sought the

chairmanship ticket for Ideato Local Government of Imo State had this to
say,

The intrigues were many as you have candidates who

brought money to the field and were distributing, you
have candidates who sent buses to get underage school
children to vote for them, you had candidates who
when they were through with this ward, they would
get their supporters transported to another ward to

68
 stand on the line and vote for them, you had paid
officials…13

Although Princess Pat Ajudua started her political career by pitching camp
with the PDP in 2000, she soon found out it was not a place that considered
women issues very seriously. She later dumped the party to team up with
the All Nigeria People’s Party ANPP where she got the ticket to contest
the House of Representatives from Eleme/Tai/Oyigbo Federal Constituency
in Rivers State. The PDP got back its pound of flesh, exploiting state
machinery to massively rig the election and denying her of victory. Angered
by the outcome of the obviously sham election, Mrs Ajudua has gone to
the election tribunal to reclaim her victory.

For some women however, it’s been a smooth sail. Hajia Fatima Talba
who contested the Potiskum/Fika Federal Constituency in Yobe State
under the ANPP dusted two male candidates including the incumbent in
the primary, to pick the ticket into the House of Representatives. Talba, a
former permanent secretary and director-general achieved a feat, walking
through a labyrinth of a sharia state to victory. She perceives this as a
miracle.
Yobe is a sharia practising state and for them to have
even chosen me to come and represent them at the
House of Representatives is miracle enough
Initially there was the problem of being a woman
contesting election in a sharia state. According to some
of the men, where I belong as a woman should always
be in the kitchen.14

Hajia Talba has the women in her constituency to thank for making the
election less cumbersome for her. She says,
The womenfolk gave me tremendous support. It was
the first experience in that state and the women took
it as a challenge and came out en mass to vote for the
first women ever to contest election at this level from
the state.15

69
She wants other women to take a cue from her victory and come out to
pitch their political gauntlet against men.
If Yobe, a sharia state can produce a woman to
represent them, I think it is an eye opener. We were
thinking that men don’t support women but we have
discovered that it was largely our fault for refusing to
come out and participate. When I came out both men
and women gave me tremendous support. So I will
enjoin more women to show interest first and all other
things will follow. They should muster the courage to
take the bold steps and see whether they will be left
outside alone. I believe that they should think along
this direction.16

For Mrs Yetunde Sanni, who was a foundation member of the PDP in
Lagos State, it was easier for a Camel to pass through the eye of a needle
than for her to secure the party’s ticket in Ifako Ijaiye into the House of
Representatives. According to her,
When the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was
introduced to us in Ifako-Ijaiye Local Government
area of Lagos State in 1998, no politician was ready
to associate with this party. Even those men who now
parade themselves as leaders of the party in the state
were not ready to host PDP meetings in their houses.
I volunteered to use my house as the venue for the
party’s meeting. That was why I was elected un-
opposed in 1998 to compete for the chairmanship
position for Ifako-Ijaiye on the platform of PDP in
1998. I lost that time not because people were not
ready to vote for me but for the propaganda by the
opposition party that PDP people killed Abiola and
voting for the party was as good as a vote for the
enslavement of the Yoruba race.17

She says it is difficult for any female candidate to make a meaningful

headway in politics. Such a woman would need to have several

70
millions of Naira to dole out, even if all she is eyeing is a council chairmanship
position. Continuing, Mrs Sanni, a former secretary of Nigerian Union of
Teachers NUT says,
The implication of this is that even if a woman belongs
to a group, the position given to that group would be
contested for mostly by men.. So, a woman who does
not have money to throw around should think twice
before embarking on the race for any elective post
either at state or federal level. Even if you have so
much money you feel you could afford throwing
around, you need to be watchful because most of these
leaders are eager to live on you.18

A member of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and Democratic

Party of Nigeria (DPN), one of the parties which contested election under
the regime of late dictator, General Sani Abacha, Mrs Sanni is of the view
that

The leaders of the party at local government level

and the state (referring to Lagos) are self-centred. They
are not interested in people who are capable of making
some difference in the system or people with
experience. What they are after is money! Money!
Money! When an aspirant comes forward, they charge
him or her between N100,000 and N300,000. Some
people paid this money, yet they were barred from
taking part in the primary elections or they simply
organised a kangaroo meeting where a new candidate
not known in the area would be put forward as the
party’s choice.
For example, I was victimised by the so-called leaders
for not giving them the required money demanded by
them to enable me become the party’s candidate for
the House of Representatives..19

71
The 58-year-old politician admitted that money plays a vital role in Nigerian
politics and warns that any female politician seeking elective position ought
to be on the lookout for political profiteers, who she said are mostly men.

Honourable Eva Hart who was a senatorial candidate of the National

Democratic Party NDP, is not new to politics. In the truncated Third
Republic, she was deputy majority leader in the Rivers State House of
Assembly, under the banner of the now defunct National Republican
Convention (NRC). There were just two women in that law making body
then. Her visibility and what she regarded as brilliant performance at that
parliament had made her assume that getting elected in the same
constituency would not prove a difficult task. Her first contact with a
different kind of reality than the one she had imagined occurred during the
regime of late General Sani Abacha’s experiments in political transition.
The chartered accountant had sought election into the office of chairman
of Bonny Local Government in Rivers State. The interest shown in the
same post by another female contestant perhaps made it easy for the only
male candidate in the contest to secure the seat.

Her next attempt at political office was at the 2003 election when she
made a shot at the Senate. She did not want to take anything for granted
and therefore mapped out what she assumed was a foolproof strategy.
Her first step was to get herself into the leadership structure of her party,
National Democratic Party (NDP), by becoming the party’s national deputy
women leader. When it was time for party nominations, she indicated
interest in running for the Rivers West Senatorial ticket. The first hurdle
she had to cross was the scheming within the party to knock off her
candidacy. She had to resort to her previous experience in intra-party
tussle to break the opposition. She says
It was not easy. At first there were attempts here and
there to frustrate me but I was more determined this
time to secure the party’s ticket and I had worked hard
enough for the party. 20

72
One strategy she employed as part of the efforts at overwhelming her
opponents then was to shift the battleground to the nation’s capital, Abuja
where the party’s national secretariat is located. She still had to keep
commuting between Abuja and Rivers State though, to ensure that nothing
funny happened while she was on flight. She eventually got the Senate
ticket of the party.

Ahead of the general elections, Eva Hart now NDP senatorial candidate
drew up a programme that she believed would enhance the lives of the
people of her constituency. Apart from that, she also put together an
economic endowment fund from which money can be raised to fund grants,
scholarships and some sort of pension for the elderly. To also put the need
of her people in proper perspective, she commenced collection of data.
Her vision had been to use her enviable position to the state’s interest.
I had planned to use the influence acquired over the
years from my career and politics to ensure that needy
projects from the state are worked into the national
budget and see also that the state government spreads
projects to this district.

Unfortunately, the ambiguities inherent in the Electoral Act and the resulting
protests from some of the newly registered political parties made the May
12, elections a one-sided race. Apart from the incumbency factor, Mrs.
Hart lamented the conscious out scheming of women by party officials
and the lean financial strength of women politicians.
You could see a deliberate attempt by the party officials
to sideline women candidates. As a woman leader
contesting for elective position, such should be
mentioned at our campaigns. But even in my
constituency, they simply presented the men.

In Anambra State where PDP kingpins and moneybags, Emeka Offor

and Chris Uba were outdoing themselves in the line up of their
candidates, a bitter taste was waiting for Mrs Joy Emordi who

73
contested the Anambra North senatorial seat. It presented some
abracadabra show as these party bigwigs merely produced result sheets
showing their hirelings as victors. The first day of primary was said to be
inconclusive and the candidates were asked to come the following day for
the conclusion of nominations. By the second day, supporters of aspirants
claiming to have been victorious in the primary were agog, displaying a
result sheet. They taunted and made fun of other party members who
came to cast their votes.

A different list of candidates, which included Emordi, Nicholas Ukachukwu

and Ben Obi eventually contested the election and were duly declared
winners by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
However, on the prompting of the power brokers, INEC withdrew the
certificates already issued to the victors and went ahead to declare three
others, Ikechukwu Abana, Ugochukwu Uba and Emmanuel Anosike as
winners of the election. Piqued by what they saw as brazen robbery of
their mandates from the electorates, Emordi, Ukachukwu and Obi went
to court. Ukachukwu and Obi won their suits to regain their seats at the
Election Tribunal while the case involving Emordi and Abana is still on.

Mrs Oluremi Adiukwu-Bakare, now Commissioner for Local Government

and Chieftaincy Affiars in Lagos State also had a raw deal. Adiukwu-
Bakare who vied for the gubernatorial ticket under the platform of the
PDP was asked at short notice to proceed to Akure, Ondo State for
clearance before the primary. While she was away those who plotted and
schemed for a particular candidate, Funsho Williams fixed the governorship
primary for the next day. She left Akure at 2am and had to drive for four
hours in the wee hours of the morning to keep a date with the primary. By
the time she got to the venue, the contest was virtually completed. Adiukwu-
Bakare was so bitter about the episode that she decided to leave the PDP
and go back to the Alliance of Democracy AD.

Mrs Betty Nnadi who indicated interest in the governorship contest

under the platform of the PDP in Imo State also got a bitter pill. For

74
daring to eye the highest position in the state, she got mired in violence,
which had the visible hands of some kingpin of the party. She eventually
could not take part in the primary.

The outcome of the 2003 election still leaves women largely marginalised
from governance and the political process. In a state like Imo, which had
no female member in its House of Assembly elected in 1999, the picture
in 2003 was not particularly different.
The governorship and senate contests in the state were male dominated
as no woman was presented by any of the parties.

Out of 101 candidates from the various parties fielded for the House of
Representatives, only four were women. These four were presented by
the PDP, which had two, leaving one each to the National Democratic
Party NDP and United Nigeria People’s Party UNPP. Of the 290
candidates who ran for the House of Assembly elections, only 16 were
women. The Movement for Democracy and Justice MDJ led the pack
with 12 candidates while the Justice Party JP, Progressive Action Congress
PAC, United Nigeria People’s Party UNPP and the PDP had one each. 21

Although 21 women as opposed to 12 in 1999 secured the tickets to

the 360 member House of Representatives in 2003 election, the
number of senators still remains three like it was in 1999. Of the 108
senators, only Mrs Daisy Danjuma, Mrs Gbemisola Saraki-Fowora
and Mrs Iyabo Anishulowo won their Senate seats under the PDP in
Edo South, Kwara Central and Ogun senatorial constituencies
respectively. The three women senators elected in 1999, Mrs Ita Giwa,
Hajia Khairat Gwadabe and Mrs Stella Omu could not scale the
primaries. Two women speakers of the House of Assembly in Ogun
and Anambra states were elected in 2003. With the removal of the
woman speaker of the Anambra state House of Assembly, who got
mired in the political crisis leading to the abduction of the Governor,
Dr Chris Ngige, the stake is back to 1999 when one woman got elected
as speaker in Benue State House of Assembly. She eventually resigned

75
complaining of pressure, intimidation and lack of support from the male
dominated Assembly.

No woman governor was elected in 2003 just like 1999. Two women
deputy governors however emerged in 2003 as opposed to one, in Ogun
and Osun states, both located in the South-West of Nigeria. Significantly,
two women candidates, Mrs Sarah Jibril and Major Mojisola Adekunle
Obasanjo ran for presidency under the platform of Progressive Action
Congress (PAC) and Masses Movement of Nigeria (MMN) respectively.
Three women, Hajia Mairo Baturiya Habib, Hajia Asmau Aliyu
Mohammed and Hajia Maimunatu Lata Tombai also ran as presidential
running mates under the Justice Party JP, Africa Renaissance Party, ARP
and Nigerian Advance Party, NAP. Unfortunately Mrs Jibril and Major
Obasanjo who scored 157,560 votes (0.40%) and 3,757 votes (0.01%)
respectively out of total votes of 39,480,489, did not make any major
impact on the presidential race.

A review by the Centre for Development, Constitutionalism and Peace

Advocacy puts it succinctly when it concluded in its report titled Women
and Politics in Nigeria Today that nothing has changed between 1999
and 2003. According to the organisation which is based in Owerri, Imo
State,
…many well qualified women who indicated interest
to contest for certain elective posts under their parties
this year were brutally intimidated out, and some were
asked to withdraw. Many of those who contested were
officially rigged out in preference to male
contestants.22

That is why Mrs Tolani Akintunde Aderounmu , an actress and producer

says though we are seeing more of women but they are still not enough.
According to her,
Lets look at the National Assembly, its still far from
being a voice for women. We have only three women
out of 109 senators. How many of them are

76
 chairpersons of committees? When women are in
charge things happen unlike the men. Because women
do take the jobs personal, as something they are
supposed to do and not what the party leaders want.23

Impediments on Women’s Participation in Politics

Although it can be argued that both colonialism, culture and protracted
military rule contributed largely to smouldering women’s participation in
politics, the polity in Nigeria does not seem to be moving away from one
that deliberately frustrates women. Okeke Anya argues that
“colonialism, feudalism, imported religions,
patriarchy, and military rule destroyed the spirit of
heroism, patriotic radicalism, and progressive
vibrancy of Nigerian womanhood in the struggles for
woman rights, women development and national
development”24

Colonialism, according to Anya discriminated against women in all spheres

of life- property acquisition, commerce, corporate management, access
to (bank) credit etc. Feudalism also suppressed women’s interest and
values. This in his view was further assisted by the imported religions,
which preached total subjugation of women to men, thereby confining
their role to the kitchen and making babies.

This setting, which took place in June, 2002, exactly 10 months to the
2003 election, provides a vivid example of how an inspiring political thrust
by women could be stultified by prohibitive cultural factors. The women
of Ugborodo, an Itsekiri homestead located on the Escravos river in Delta
state decided they have had enough from the exploitation by the oil
companies. In a swift political response, the women organisation mobilised
their folk in neighbouring communities of Madangho, Ogidigben and others
to take over the nearby expansive Chevron/Texaco oil platform that
morning.

The move by the Itsekiri women evoked reminiscences of the 1929

Aba Women’s Protest and the revolt of the 1947 Egba women.

77
Galvanised by the Abeokuta Women’s Union, under the leadership of
Mrs Funmilayo Ransome Kuti, the protest of the Egba women against
prohibitive taxes and lack of political representation for women, led to the
abdication of Alake Ademola.

The revolt by the women of Ugborodo also gave fillip to the women at
Abiteye and other nearby Ijaw communities to also overrun the Chevron/
Texaco facility in their area. The women had taken the nation by storm
and opened anew the whole debate about the debilitating living conditions
in the oil rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria, responsible for providing a
great chunk of the country’s resources.

The action of the women had been spurned on by what they interpreted
as the failure of their men to win concessions from the oil companies,
which make million of dollars by prospecting oil in the area but give only a
trickle in return. Chevron/Texaco for instance drills about 400,000 barrels,
which is close to a quarter of the countries’ annual oil production put at 2
million barrels. At the end, the women’s struggle which attracted a lot of
international attention saw Chevron /Texaco signing a memorandum of
understanding with the community, opening the floodgates for more jobs,
scholarship grants and other mouth watering benefits for the people.

Unfortunately this significant move could not be consummated for political

leadership. Although the women of Ugborodo did not embark on this
action solely to improve the lives of the womenfolk, the negotiations and
deals that took place thereafter have been largely expropriated and hijacked
by the elders and leaders of the youth organisations, who are mostly men.
In the face of mounting pressure by the women, now buoyed by their
onslaught on the Chevron/Texaco Tank Farm to take front line roles in the
society, the men resorted to blackmail by asking the women to come
along to the community’s ancestral shrine if they had the guts. Since only
men are allowed to visit the shrine, the women had to abandon their hard
stance. The women’s bravado had to be sacrificed on the altar of cultural

78
imperatives that is not gender sensitive. According to Victor Omunu,
secretary of the Ugborodo Youth Development Association,
“When the women started clamouring to be
represented in different levels of community
organisation, the men retorted and said, then you must
also follow us to the shrine. Since it was heresy for a
woman to go to the shrine, they had to back off”.25

It is also the view that the male dominated military state reflected the
larger values of Nigerian society in patriarchal context and norms.
Such norms and values rendered women’s struggle to
engender politics an uphill and complicated task, as
the “opponents” to the gender agenda tended to be
in the most dominant institutions of power. 26

In several societies in Nigeria, prevalent culture seem to have conspired

with colonialism and military rule in a ‘trinity of evil’ to hold back the thrust
of women in politics.

Women are usually called upon in almost every struggle to fight for
freedom, change and democracy
But seldom are the fruits of battle shared equally.
Women do not tend to get positions of power and
responsibility in the new system.27

The biggest hurdle against the participation of women in politics is the

increasing monetisation of political contest and the resort to violence through
the use of thugs. Political contest in Nigeria is also dialectically linked to
the process of primitive accumulation. The inherent survival and sustenance
of the elite is tied to this. Therefore only those willing to put themselves
through a grindstone to oil this process would succeed.

The Centre for Development, Constitutionalism and Peace Advocacy

in the repo rt prepared by Wisdom Dureke, puts it this way,

79
 Our national experience shows that party politics is a
huge commercial investment in the country; it is the
true poverty eradication project. It gives the
contractor politicians access to our common wealth
for looting. So these contractors want their candidates
and their parties to win at all cost. Only those who
are ready to win at all cost get party tickets at all cost
too. Here lies the real headache for female aspirants.28

The female candidate is generally considered unusable because of the fact

that they are not amenable to violence
The truth of the matter is that many political parties
in the country consider female candidacy a risk on
the ground that female politicians are not usually keen
on doing violence. Political violence, we must
acknowledge, has remained one of the best strategies
by politicians in the country for electoral victories.
Otherwise, how can you explain the increasing
incidence of political violence in the country today?
Candidates and political parties in different guises
recruit thugs and show them off.29

In the South East of Nigeria, the political kingpins and their thugs are on
rampage. The big power brokers even have the temerity to let loose their
thugs on senior state officials who administer only at their behest. The
abduction of Anambra State Governor, Dr Chris Ngige last July by thugs
and hired security outfit led by Assistant Inspector General of Police, Mr
Raphael Ige, who were alleged to be acting under the instigation of a
money bag and power broker, Chris Uba is a relevant example.

Ifeyinwa Ofong isolated three main issues militating against the full
participation of women in politics in Nigeria. These, according to
her, include culture, economic empowerment and persistence and
aggressiveness.30 She argues that the traditional Nigerian attitude,

80
belief and norm say that a woman should stay at home and care for the
children.
She is not expected to participate in politics, which is
regarded as a male subject/ occupation. This cultural
limitation has further constrained the full participation
of women in politics. The few women that have dared
to seek for elective positions in their political parties
have been booed and rigged out by their male
counterparts.31

Continuing further, Ofong contends that women, unlike their male

counterparts are not likely to receive positive reinforcement from their
society for participation in politics.
The brand of politics being practised in Nigeria has
not helped the matters, as a political aspirant would
recruit the services of thugs, praise singers and
bodyguards32

If politics were to be a game of share numbers in Nigeria, then women are

bound to occupy the major political positions available, Ofong says. This
in her view is because women make up at least 40% of the nation’s
population. Veering on the line of political economy, she says
However we know that those who control the economy
of the state also control the politics. Thus those who
control state power in Nigeria use it to divert all kinds
of resources, including state funds. Women lack access
to state resources and are handicapped financially to
fund the Nigerian brand of politics.33

She says that due to the constraining influence stated above, some of
the women who have been involved in politics do not last long in the
game. Some that are not able to stand the dirty tactics of the men bow
out. Ofong says they lack the spirit of persistence and give up easily.
Some claim they do not want their image tarnished or called names just
because of politics. Some are easily “settled” out of the race with

81
little promises or pressure. In some cases, family reasons have also pushed
the woman out of the political race. But success in electoral politics in
Nigeria according to her is
Associated with aggressiveness and dominance.
Women in Nigeria have been socialised not to
exemplify those characteristics in their relationship
with men. These same characteristics that are however
exemplified by males are rewarded in politics.34

Bolaji Adebiyi on his part isolated certain socio stereotypes arising from
age long cultural beliefs which have hindered women’s access to politics.
He says,
Most political activities of consequence occur at night
and as such places as hotels and even social clubs. A
lot of people, including women would find it
irresponsible for a woman to be outside her home at
that time of the day or in such “ungodly” places.35

The Other Dimensions

The drawback for many women is that whatever happens in the domestic
arena is translated to what is generally perceived as the public space.
Charmaine Pereira contends that the citizenship crisis besetting the country
negates women’s foray in politics. According to her,
Women who have successfully contested and won entry
into politics have been faced with concerted public
denial of their right to contest. This has been the case
for women who contested in states in which their
husbands were indigenes as much as it has applied to
women who contested in states where their fathers
were indigenes. The contradiction faced by married
women in public life, undermine the notion that
citizenship is primarily about the relations between
individuals and the state. Male contestants generally
do not have their citizenship questioned on marital
grounds.36

82
Contending that the Nigerian Constitution is discriminatory and fails to
protect women from such unfair practices, Pereira identifies the first culprit
as its language. She says.
The use of exclusively masculine language implies that the
norm is masculine and therefore the women are not full citizens
of their own right.37

Secondly the ease to transfer citizenship by registration is conferred only

on Nigerian men. While section 26.2a provides for Nigerian men to confer
citizenship by registration to their non-Nigerian wives, there is no such
provision for Nigerian women. Thirdly, marriage confers adulthood on
women, which is not applicable to men. The provisions of section 29.1,
states that any citizen of full age who wishes to renounce their citizenship
can do so. Section 29.4b also states that married women are considered
to be adults of full age. These provisions are injurious to women. According
to Pereira,
Since young girls are often married off as early as
twelve years of age, this means that girls who are too
young to vote may decide to be coerced into
renouncing their citizenship.38

Religious and customary laws have also been reprehensible in violating

women’s rights and denying them citizenship. This was particularly brought
to the fore with the implementation of the hudud aspect of sharia, which
saw the enforcement of the criminal punishment like caning, stoning,
amputation and so on. Zamfara state blazed the trail, with Sokoto, Niger
Kebbi, Kano, Katsina, Jigawa, Bornu, Yobe, Bauchi, Kaduna and Gombe
states following this path. While punishment such as amputation, flogging
and death by stoning may be used against men as well as women, Pereira
says,
Women are likely to be criminalized in circumstances
involving sexual relations. Muslim men have
succeeded in using provisions intended to protect
women, in pursuit of the criminalization of certain
categories of Muslim women.

83
The most celebrated case is that of Safiyatu Hussaini, a divorcee who was
sentenced to death for adultery on October 2001 by a sharia court in
Sokoto state.. She had been raped three times by a man called Yakubu
Abubakar after she left her husband. She later became pregnant which
was used to charge her for adultery. The man in the centre of the pregnancy,
Abubakar was discharged while Safiyatu was condemned to death by
stoning. This provoked both local and international outcry against the
decision. The sentence, was eventually quashed by the sharia appeal court.
Another court in Bakori, Katsina state also sentenced another woman,
Amina Lawal Kurami to death by stoning after she was found guilty of
adultery. The man charged with her, Yahaya Mohammed was also
discharged after he refuted the allegation.

Why the Emergence of Male Dominated Parties?

The reasons why the political landscape in Nigeria is replete with the history
of male dominated parties are legion. Some will be discussed here. The
first observation is that this is largely underscored by the patriarchal nature
of the Nigerian society or what some prefer to call the masculine model of
politics. In almost every part of the Nigerian society, men are perceived as
superior to women. Lineage is therefore traced to men. According to
Okeke Anya,
Rulership from this perspective is also seen as a male
affair. This thus gives room for what has been termed
masculine model of politics. In this system, men
dominate the political arena: men formulate the rules
of the game: and men define the standards for
evaluation. The existence of this male-dominated
model results in either women rejecting politics
altogether or rejecting male style politics.39

Most of the political parties have no definite policy on women. They prefer
to relegate women and use them only as supporters in the male dominated
parties.

84
 Women continue to play “cheer leaders” role for male
dominated political actors. Party officials would
rather share uniforms and flags to women than engage
them in activities that will uplift their political status.
This comes to question the power of the so-called
women leaders of the political parties.40

Religion and cultural practices inherent in our society is also culpable in

making fiddlesticks of women’s intervention in politics. Most of these
practices confine women to the background. Even when they seized the
initiative to hijack the front row as was the case in Ugborodo, cultural
practices still acted as a break. Anya says,
The greatest danger to this practice is the
internalisation of these belief systems, which make
women see politics as something out of their sphere.
Women that go into politics are seen as rebels and
prostitutes. This stereotypical attitude deters women
from participation in politics.41

For instance, Hajia Gambo Sawaba, leader of the women’s wing of the
radical leaning Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) was virtually
demonised and criminalised for daring to galvanize the women in Northern
Nigeria to resist the policies that tend to discriminate against women.

The rise in the role of money or what is derisively called Ghana must go
in the politics of the country is a setback for women’s participation.
Although some political parties gave waiver for female aspirants in the
payment of nomination fees, this was like a tiny drop in the ocean as huge
resources is still required to transport and entertain supporters, hire thugs,
and bribe party and security officials. Frustrated by the antics of the male
dominated parties, some women resorted to crystallising women only
parties.

Even when the women have formed their own parties, their resilience in
forging ahead with these gender biased political organisations have

85
not been sustained. For instance Mrs Funmilayo Ransome Kuti who was
reputed for spearheading the agitation for women enfranchisement in the
country formed a party, the Common People’s Party. This was later
subsumed when she teamed up with the National Council of Nigerian
Citizens (NCNC). There was also the formation of a Women’s Party in
1944 whose creation was informed by women’s anger with the Nigerian
Youth Movement NYM, then the country’s only political party. Led by
Mrs Oyinkan Abayomi, the party also got enmeshed in the Action Group.
Nena Mba argues that
Despite its name, the Women’s Party was never
organised as an active political party seeking to obtain
representation in government. It did contest the Lagos
town Council election in 1950 but that was its only
attempt to seek political power. It did not have a
political programme as such, but its leaders shared
certain definite political views, which were to lead
them to support another political party- the Action
Group.42

The Structures/Caucuses of Parties

The structures and caucuses of the political parties are mostly male
dominated. They are therefore inevitably tilted to the promotion of the
interest of men. Scaling the hurdle of the parties whose web is anti-women
and not gender friendly, is a hard nut. For instance, of the 14 sub groups
within the PDP, a woman heads only one. Mrs Yetunde Sanni says,
“With the structure on ground now, where there are
so many sub-groups that are in themselves power-
blocks, within a political party, I doubt if a woman
could effectively win a post. For example, the PDP
has 14 such groups with a popular politician heading
each of them. Positions are shared in order to
accommodate all these groups. And you won’t believe
it, out of the 14 groups in PDP, only one is headed by

86
 a woman, Chief Onikepo Oshodi who founded Women
Empowerment Group, WEG

The parties as a matter of routine, also conduct their meetings at odd

hours that may not be gender sensitive. It is not friendly to women who
have to nurse their babies. It is also not friendly to those who have to help
their children with their homework. Mrs Teju Abiola relives her experience.
Most times when I come home in the wee hours of the
night, my children are asleep. It was really not fun for
me. I wonder whether if my husband were alive he
would have tolerated my being out at that time of the
night.43

Perhaps that is why those making it in politics in Mrs Abiola’s view are
either widows, divorcees, single parents or those women whose children
who are grown up.

Scaling the Hurdle

Since the welfare of women has been better advanced under civilian
democracy, women and other civil society groups that seek to champion
the cause of women should ensure the sustenance of democracy as it is
inextricably linked to their struggle. As Anya puts it,
The prospects for women and politics remain bright
in a democratic atmosphere. Everything must be done
to nurture democracy as it gives room for engaging
stakeholders to uplift the political status of women.44

The first place to start is the 1999 Constitution, which should be

reviewed to make it gender sensitive. The socio-economic rights of
the citizenry must be made justiciable to help in empowering women.
The issue of citizenship rights, which has put many women in jeopardy
on their constituency status, should also be resolved. Since women,
according to Anya remain a marginalised and disadvantaged group,

87
the affirmative action clause should be entrenched in the constitution to
create a leeway for more women in decision-making positions. He also
wants the reform of the Electoral law to create a level playing field for men
and women. This is also in addition to removing all the harmful cultural
practices in the way of women’s participation in politics.

Bolaji Adebiyi who has cut his professional teeth as a political

correspondent, says that the women must be prepared to roughen it out
like anybody else in order to make a fundamental mark. In his words,
The women need to be more assertive in their political
pursuit and brace up to dig in and break into all the
caucuses like the men.45

In a paper he presented at a forum to address women’s poor performance

in politics in Abuja, Adebiyi argues that
Politics is a power game that gives access to many
opportunities. The quest for power cannot be achieved
on a platter of gold. The women need to situate their
struggle within the contest of the general struggle for
power. Just as the younger generation are struggling
to push out the older generation, so are the women
struggling for space in the political space. They will
have to fight within the political space and refuse to
be bogged down by problems, which in most cases
are applicable to many other sections of the society. 46

Sodunke-Oseni, 39 and the only female member of Ogun State House of

Assembly advise women not to allow men bully them out of politics. She
counsel that
Women should be bold. They can excel in politics, if
they are focused. As a politician, some people may
want to drag you down, you have to be focused. Don’t
be discouraged.47

88
Hart also believes that women must not give in because of the present
difficulties.
it is definitely difficult for more women to contest and
win when money and violence dominate the political
scene but we must not give up. I have a vision which
I intend to pursue but we must call for some measure
of sanity to be re-introduced into politics for it was
never like this.

She argues that the women ministry and the non-governmental organisations
promoting women participation in politics must go beyond the rhetoric
and develop a workable plan of action that will assist women financially.
She says,
I must tell you that most of what I did was without
female support. Men operate in cliques and support
one another. We must emulate that. In addition, the
ministry of Women Affairs and women NGOs must
work out an effective plan for putting money into the
hands of women seeking elective position.48

End Notes

1 Statement and Declaration at the National Summit for All Women

Politicians held in Abuja, June 28, 2002. Pp 2.

2 Op. Cit. Pp 3.

3 Anya, Okeke, Women and Politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

in The Constitution: A Journal Of Constitutional Development
(Centre For Constitutionalism and Demilitarisation (CENCOD)
2003) Panaf Press, Lagos. Pp. 71

4 Some Appointments Made By the Civilian Governments at

the Federal and State Levels Between May 29, 1999 Up to

89
the End of the Term in May 2003, cited in Anya, Okeke, Op. Cit. Pp.
80-85.

5 Geddes & Grosset: Dictionary of Quotations (David dale House,

New Lanark ML 11 9DJ, Scotland, 1994) pp. 189.

6 National Conscience Party (NCP) List of Governorship

Candidates for the 2003 election.

7 Interview with Abiola, Teju.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid.

10 The Punch, Wednesday, November 19, 2003. Pp. 14.

11 Anya, Okeke Op. Cit. Pp. 70.

12 Ibid.

13 Ibid.

14 Interview conducted by Gender and Development Action

(GADA).

15 Ibid.

16 Ibid.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid.

90
20 Ibid.
21 Women in Politics in Nigeria Today (Centre for Development,
Constitutionalism and Peace Advocacy, Owerri) February 2003
pp 1-2.

22 Op. Cit. Pp.1

23 Interview with Akintunde Aderounmu, Tolani

24 Anya, Okeke, Op. Cit. pp 64.

25 Onishi, Norimitsu, As Oil Riches Flow, Poor Village Cries Out,

The New York Times, December 22, 2002. Pp. 1.

26 Democracy In Nigeria: Continuing Dialogue(s) for Nation Building,

International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance
IDEA 2001. Pp.112.

27 Op. Cit. Pp. 107

28 Centre for Development, Constitutionalism and Peace Advocacy

Op. Cit pp3.

29 Ibid.

30 Ofong, Ifeyinwa, Women’s Participation in Politics in Nigeria (A

Paper Presented at the 8th International Women’s World Congress
in Kampala, Uganda, July 21-26, 2002) Pp 4.

31 Ibid.

32 Ibid.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid.

91
35 Adebiyi, Bolaji, Women and the 2003 Election: Prospect and
Challenges. Pp. 4.

36 Pereira, Charmaine, Understanding Women’s Experiences of

Citizenship In Nigeria: From Advocacy to Research Pp 1.

37 Pereira,Charmaine, Op. Cit. Pp3.

38 Ibid. Pp. 3.

39 Ibid. Pp. 73.

40 Ibid. Pp. 74.

41 Ibid. Pp. 75.

42 Mba, Nena, Nigerian Women Mobilised, 1982 Pp. 224.

43 Interview with Abiola, Teju.

44 Anya, Okeke, Op Cit. Pp.75.

45 Interview with Adebiyi, Bolaji, Assistant Editor of The Punch

46 Adebiyi, Bolaji, Op. Cit. Pp. 7.

47 The Punch, Op Cit.

48 Interview conducted by GADA

92
 CHAPTER SIX

ANALYSIS AND OBSERVATIONS *

Few and almost insignificant number of women were elected into various
posts in the last general elections held in the country between April and
May 2003. Against this background, the essence of this project is to find
out why we have few women occupying various elective posts across the
country. Also, it is to find out if the election of few women was based on
voters’ objectivity or voters’ gender attitude, prejudices and biases. The
result of the survey shows that 39.02% of the respondents were female
while 60.98% were male.

The result of the survey shows that no woman was elected as governor of
any state in the federation. We only had few women as members of Houses
of Assembly across the country and as members of the upper house
(Senate) and lower house (House of Representative) of the National
Assembly. The result of the survey shows a poor representation of women
in the last general elections. In states like Adamawa, Cross River, Ebonyi,
Jigawa, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Nasarawa, Oyo, Sokoto, Yobe and
Zamfara, no woman was elected as member of the State House of
Assembly. In states where women were elected as members of House of
Assembly, they were very few.

The table below shows the percentage of women elected into House of
Assembly in thirty-six (36) states of the federation.

* This chapter was put together by Titi Salaam, Programme Officer, WARDC, Lanre Akinola,
Accounts Officer, International Press Center, Lagos.

93
TABLE 1: SUMMARY OF WOMEN ELECTED INTO STATE
HOUSES ASSEMBLY IN 2003

S/N States Number of Number of Percentage

Constituencies Women (%) of
elected elected
1 Abia 24 2 8.33
2 Akwa-Ibom 26 2 7.69
3 Anambra 30 4 13.33
4 Bauchi 31 1 3.23
5 Bayelsa 24 1 4.17
6 Benue 29 5 17.24
7 Borno 28 1 3.57
8 Delta 29 2 6.90
9 Edo 24 2 8.33
10 Ekiti 26 1 3.85
11 Enugu 24 1 4.17
12 Gombe 24 1 4.17
13 Imo 27 1 3.70
14 Kaduna 34 1 2.94
15 Kogi 25 2 8.00
16 Kwara 24 1 4.17
17 Lagos 40 2 5.00
18 Niger 27 1 3.70
19 Ogun 26 1 3.85
20 Ondo 26 1 3.85
21 Osun 26 1 3.85
22 Plateau 24 2 8.33
23 Rivers 32 1 3.13
24 Taraba 24 1 4.17
25 Adamawa 25 0 0
26 Cross River 25 0 0
27 Ebonyi 24 0 0
28 Jigawa 30 0 0
29 Kano 40 0 0
30 Katsina 34 0 0

94
31 Kebbi 24 0 0
32 Nasarawa 24 0 0
33 Oyo 32 0 0
34 Sokoto 30 0 0
35 Yobe 24 0 0
36 Zamfara 24 0 0

From the above TABLE 1, Benue state has the highest percentage
(17.24%) of women elected into House of Assembly, while Kaduna state
has the least (2.94%).

Similarly, the number of women elected into the National Assembly was
also few. The table below shows the number/percentage of women who
got elected into both the upper (Senate) and lower (House of
Representative) legislative chambers.

TABLE 2: SUMMARY OF WOMEN ELECTED INTO

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY IN 2003

S/N Houses Total Number of Percentage

Number Elected Women (%) of
Elected Women Elected
1 Senate 109 3 2.75
2 House of 360 21 5.83
Representatives

From the above TABLE 2, the percentage of women elected into the
House of Representatives was more than that of Senate. The percentage
of women elected into the House of Representatives was 5.83% while
that of the Senate was 2.75%.

95
TABLE 3: COMPARISM OF WOMEN REPRESENTATION IN
1999 AND 2003 GENERAL ELECTIONS

S/N Position No of Available No of women No of Women

Seats Elected & % of Elected & %
Total in 1999 Total in 2003
1. Presidency 1 - 0% - 0%
2. Senate 109 3 2.75% 3 2.75%
3. House of
Representatives 360 12 3.33% 21 5.83%
4. Governorship 36 - 0% - 0%
5. State Houses of
Assembly 990 12 1.21% 38 3.84%

From TABLE 3 above, more women were elected into the House of
Representatives and State Houses of Assembly in the 2003 general
elections than in 1999, which shows a greater representation of women in
elective posts in 2003 when compared with that of 1999. In 1999, 12
women were elected into the House of Representative compared with
that 21 women elected into the same house in 2003. Also, in 1999, 12
women were elected into the Houses of Assembly throughout the country,
while in 2003 the number increased to 38. Significantly, however, no woman
was elected as president or governor both in 1999 and 2003.
Having shown the representation (in terms of number elected into various
posts) of the women in the last general elections, the next thing the survey
focused on were the reasons why few women were elected into various
offices.

Thus, for this purpose, a set of questions was administered to collate the
views of Nigerians (those who voted during the last general elections) in
Abuja and Lagos on the reason(s) for low number of women in elective
posts as regards the 2003 general elections. The questionnaire was meant
to find out if the poor performance of women at the last general elections
could be related to voters’ gender attitude, prejudices and biases or
objectivity.

96
The respondents cut across sex, profession, ethnic group, political
divide and religion. Among the questions asked the each respondent
were:
• Whether or not the respondent voted for a woman during the last
election
• Main reasons for not voting a woman.
• Whether or not the respondent will support a constitutional
amendment that will make it mandatory for the political parties to
reserve at least 30% of elective offices for women.
• Whether or not the respondent is convinced that if women are
voted into elective posts, there will be accountability and
transparency, good governance and fairness, implementation of
promises made to the electorates.

TABLE 4: SUMMARY OF RESPONSES ON WHETHER OR

NOT THE RESPONDENT VOTED FOR A WOMAN DURING
THE LAST ELECTION

Cities Yes (%) No (%)

Abuja 23.3 76.7
Lagos 31.2 68.8

From the above TABLE 4, in Abuja, 23.3% of the respondents voted

for women during the last general elections while 76.7% of the respondents
did not vote for women. In Lagos only 31.2% voted for women while
68.8% did not vote for women.

TABLE 5: SUMMARY OF RESPONSES ON MAIN REASONS

FOR NOT VOTING A WOMAN DURING THE LAST
ELECTION.

Cities Gender attitude, prejudices and Objectivity (%)

biases (%)
Abuja 75.5 24.5
Lagos 64.9 35.1

97
As shown in TABLE 5 above, in Abuja, out of the voters who did not
vote for women in the last election, 75.5% did so because of gender
attitude, prejudices and biases while only 24.5% did not vote women
based on objectivity i.e. the reason for not voting women was not because
of gender attitude, prejudices and biases but they believed the candidates
they voted could perform better in office. Similarly, in Lagos, 64.9% of
the respondents voted the way they did because of gender attitude,
prejudices and biases while 35.1% of the respondents voted based on
objectivity.

From the above, it can be reasonably concluded that if most voters had
voted based on the objectivity, it could have been possible to have more
women elected into various offices during the last general elections.

TABLE 6: SUMMARY OF RESPONSES ON WHETHER OR

NOT THE RESPONDENT WILL SUPPORT A
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT THAT WILL MAKE IT
MANDATORY FOR THE POLITICAL PARTIES TO RESERVE
AT LEAST 30% OF ELECTIVE OFFICES FOR WOMEN.

Cities Yes (%) No (%)

Abuja 45.9 54.1
Lagos 40.7 59.3

As shown in TABLE 6, in Abuja, 45.9% of the respondents supported a

constitutional amendment that will make it mandatory for the political parties
to reserve at least 30% of elective offices for women, while 54.1% opposed
it. In Lagos, however, 40.7% supported a constitutional amendment that
will make it mandatory for the political parties to reserve at least 30% of
elective offices for women while 59.3% opposed it.

98
TABLE 7: SUMMARY OF RESPONSES ON WHETHER OR
NOT THE RESPONDENT IS CONVINCED THAT IF WOMEN
ARE VOTED INTO ELECTIVE POSTS, THERE WOULD BE
ACCOUNTABILITY AND TRANSPARENCY, GOOD
GOVERNANCE AND FAIRNESS, IMPLEMENTATION OF
PROMISES MADE TO THE ELECTORATES

Cities Yes (%) No (%)

Abuja 64.8 35.2
Lagos 65.1 34.9

TABLE 7 shows that in Abuja, 64.8% of the respondents were convinced

that if women were voted into elective posts, there would be accountability
and transparency, good governance and fairness, implementation of
promises made to the electorates, while 35.2% were not convinced. In
Lagos, however, 65.1% were convinced that if women were voted into
elective posts, there would be accountability and transparency, good
governance and fairness, implementation of promises made to the
electorates while 34.9% were not convinced.

The survey was also meant to find out from the leadership of the political
parties the following among others:
• The percentage of female membership
• Number of women that sought party’s ticket to contest the last
elections.
• Party’s policy on women.

Unfortunately, however, the information provided in the questionnaires by

the representatives of political parties was not sufficient enough for any
reasonable analysis and conclusions to be made. We observed that many
political parties did not have accurate records of their membership – both
male and female while some gave outrageous figures of their membership.
Also, many political parties did not have any policy on women.

99
 FEMALE MEMBERS FEDERAL HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

S/NO NAME OF ELECTED STATE CONSTITUENCY COMMITTEE PARTY

MEMBER
1. HON. FAKEYE ENIOLA 0SUN ATAKUNMOSA/ EAST PDP
& WEST ILESA
2. “ MERCY ALMONA-ISEI DELTA NDOKWA / UKWUANI CHAIRMAN PDP
3. “ NINIMOH IQUO AKWA IBOM IKONO / INI DEPUTY PDP
CHAIRPERSON
POLICE
AFFAIRS
4. “ MAIMUNAT U. ADAJI KWARA BARUTEN KAIAMA ANPP
5. “ DABIRI ABIKE KAFAYAT LAGOS IKORODU CHAIRMAN AD

100
6. “ FATIMA S. TALBA YOBE NANGERE / POTISKUN ANPP
7. “ SAUDATU SANI KADUNA LERE CHAIRMAN PDP
8. “ OGODO U. PATIENCE EBONYI OHAUKWU / EBONYI DEPUTY
CHAIRMAN PDP
9. “ PATRICIA O. O. ETEH OSUN AYEDAADE / IREWOLE LEADER PDP
/ ISOKAN
10. “ AZUMI NAMADI BEBEJI KANO KIRU / BEBEJI ANPP
11. “ ABIOLA EDEWOR LAGOS APAPA DEPUTY AD
OMOLARA CHAIRMAN
12. “ AONDONA DABO BENUE VANDEIKYA / UNPP
ANZUANA C. KAONHISHA
13. “ JUMOKE THOMAS LAGOS LAGOS ISLAND I AD
 14. “ TEMI HARRIMAN DELTA WARRI PDP
15. “ PATRICIA AKWASHIKI NASARAWA NASARAWA NORTH PDP
16. “ BINTA KOJI KADUNA KADUNA SOUTH ANPP
17. “ FANTA BABA SHEHU BORNO KAGI / GUBIO /
MAGUMORI CHAIRMAN PDP
18. “ NKECHI NWAOGU ABIA OBINWA / ANPP
UGUMNAGBO /
OSISIOMA
19. “ JESSE U. BELONWU ANAMBRA ONITSHA NORTH DEPUTY PDP
SOUTH CHAIRMAN
20. “ RUTH JUMAI ANGO KADUNA ZANGON / KATAF / JABA ANPP
21. “ TITILAYO AKINFADAUNSI EKITI EKITI SOUTH I PDP

101
SENATORS

S/NO. NAME OF ELECTED MEMBER STATE PARTY

1. SENATOR DAISY U. EHANIRE-DANJUMAN EDO SOUTH PDP

2. “ GBEMISOLA SARAKI-FOWORA KWARA CENTRAL PDP
3. “ VERONICA I. A. ANISULOWO OGUN WEST PDP
 WOMEN IN THE STATE HOUSES OF ASSEMBLY, 2003

S/N STATE STATE NAMES OF PARTY

CONSTITUENCY ELECTED MEMBER
1. Abia Aba North Hon. Blessing Azuru
Ukwa West Hon. Gold Nwaogugu PDP

2. Akwa Ibom Etinam Orkanam Mabel Etim Udongwo PDP

Eshiet I. Eneobong

3. Anambra Aguata I Eucharia Anazodo PDP

Onitsha South II Hon. Tabaisi Anthonia PDP
Okoye
Njikoka Bridget Chkwuka PDP
Ogbaru I Bar. Njideka-Ezeigwe PDP

4. Bauchi Barazo Hon. Habiba Sabo PDP

5. Bayelsa

6. Benue Gwer East Maria Aikola Amedu PDP

Gwer West Hon. V. N. Gajir PDP
Ohimini Hon. Christy Adokwo PDP
Okpokwu Dewa Cecilia N. T. PDP
Misho Elizabeth Fina PDP

7. Borno Gwoza Hon. Asabe Villita Bashir PDP

8. Delta Oshimili South Hon. C. M. Olanrewaju PDP

Oshimili North Hon. Felia Nwaeze PDP

9. Edo Oredo West Hon. Esohe Jacobs PDP

Egor-Edo Hon. Elizabeth Ighodaro PDP

10. Ekiti Efon Ekiti Hon. Oluwafemi

Christiana (Mrs.) PDP

11. Enugu Udi South Hon. Ene Chika PDP

12. Gombe Kaltungo East Hon. Zainab Abubakar

Alman PDP

102
13. Imo Owerri Municipa Mrs. Anthonia Ngoka PDP

14. Kaduna Chkuna Hon. Maria Dogo PDP

15. Kogi Omala Koogi Hon. Rosemary Moman PDP

Adavi kogi Hon. Nana Ojebu PDP

16. Kwara Sao /Essa Hon. Banke Gbadamosi PDP

17. Lagos Mushin 1 Funmi Tejuosho Smith AD

Amuwo Odofin Bola Badmus AD

18. Niger Munya Fati Tasala Ibrahim PDP

19. Ogun Abeokuta South Titi Sodunke Oseni PDP

20. Ondo Ondo West II Hon. Princess Titi

Akinmade PDP

21. Osun Ifedayo Hon. Dr. Mrs. Funmilayo

Olaseinde Mustpaha PDP

22. Plateau Langtang Central Hon. Tina Lar PDP

Mangu North East Hon. Rohilar Baleri PDP

23. Rivers Akuku-Toru I Mrs. Anthonia Membere PDP

24. Taraba Karim Lamido II Hon. Virginia Baba PDP

25. Adamawa No Female Legislator

26. Cross River No Female Legislator

27. Ebonyi No Female Legislator

28. Jigawa No Female Legislator

29. Kano No Female Legislator

30. Katsina No Female Legislator

31. Kebbi No Female Legislator

32. Nasarawa No Female Legislator

103
33. Oyo No Female Legislator

34. Sokoto No Female Legislator

35. Yobe No Female Legislator

36. Zamfara No Female Legislator

1. 6 Women Ministers

2. 9 Presidential Assistants

3. 2 Presidential Advisers

4. 3 Women in a 109 Member Senate

5. 21 Women in 360 Members

6. 38 Women in the State Constituency

104
 CHAPTER SEVEN

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION*

The journey seems rather long and the task appears daunting but there is
no alternative to using all means legal, lawful and political to emphasize the
imperativeness of increased women participation in decision-making
process as a major key to the development of society.

Globally, it would seem progress has been slow, if one compares the fact
that only few countries like Norway, Sweden, and South Africa have given
appreciable meaning to increased women representation through affirmative
policies. But when viewed against where the journey commenced – a
world where women once did not even have voting right not to talk of
being elected – then it would be understandable if it is suggested that there
has also been some progress.

What must be properly understood in fighting for women rights is that no

single country will achieve a hundred percent goal if there is no universal
embrace of the ideals of equality between men and women. In this regard
a uniting platform has been offered by the United Nation’s adoption of
thirty percent representation as the minimum proportion of women, in
public life. As is well known, this is intended to serve the purpose of
increasing women’s decision making power, changing practices and culture
and ensuring that the situation improves and normalize over time.

The real challenge of course is to translate theory into practice. After

all in almost all countries, theoretically, women have the right to vote,
are eligible for elections, appointment into public offices and the
exercise of public functions on equal terms with men at local, national
and international levels. However in reality, women’s representation

* This chapter was put together by Ms. Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi - National Coordinator
WARDC.

105
in public life is abysmally low due to factors that range from the socio-
cultural to the religious, the social and the political.

For women in Nigeria, the traditional informal control mechanism and the
tripartite legal system raise the need for women’s empowerment. Hence
the task of strategizing towards evolving a new system, which transcends
traditional gender biases and incorporates social equity.

The need for equal participation and representation is not only a demand
for justice but also an imperative for the development of any nation. Hence
our attitude to the issue is that it is a matter of right and not privilege.

The research has shown that various barriers and obstacles, prominent
amongst which are the constitutional/systemic, the political and the social,
often affect women politicians. Further more, that there is a need to improve
the constitutional framework to incorporate the needs of women. The
federal character principle in the constitution is not adequate to address
women’s concerns, thus new strategies must be developed to assist women
to gain greater control over economic resources through constitutional
and legislative reforms that favour affirmative action.

Also it is obvious from the research that the combination of electoral system
with party politics reduced greatly the chances of women. The male-
dominated party structures continue to sideline women and because of
that both party characteristics and procedure have succeeded in frustrating
women aspirations.

Other constraints of women are social obstacles, fewer resources; being

poorer than men, stereotypes, family responsibilities and multiple roles at
home and in the society.

Women who are in politics must begin to demand for a radical action
for change. There is a need for a road map; women must begin to

106
develop strategy on how to mainstream gender issues. There is a need for
a minimum agenda across political parties. Politics is a game of numbers
and women should start to effectively use their numerical strength to get to
the corridors of power. We therefore need an agenda, which we must
place before our different parties as a platform for action.

It is also necessary to begin to look beyond the question of numbers to

enhancing the quality and effectiveness of women politicians. Women
need support to be able to counter the opposing male politicians. We
need to build informal networks and also take steps at local and national
levels to facilitate institutional political participation.

In order to increase the participation of women in politics women should

use the present dispensation to vote and be voted for. There should be a
campaign to promote women’s issues on the political platforms and
generate support, so that more women can campaign for public office at
the grass roots, state, national and regional levels. From maintaining rosters
of qualified women for positions and circulating it within a network to
collection of data and publicize of women’s participation in high-level
decision-making, there is a lot that can be done to promote qualified women
to positions of power at every level with the goal of achieving parity with
men. Meanwhile women in power should be encouraged to serve as
mentors to others and advocates for affirmative action within the parties.

Women should concentrate on building alliances, solidarity and networks

through information, education and sensitization. There is the need to
build a critical mass of women.

Nobody wants a woman president for women but a president who is

a woman and can also solve the problems affecting everybody
irrespective of your gender or coloration. Then it is important to
properly situate the issue of gender within the social political context.

107
However we need to understand the basic principle that women
empowerment cannot be achieved without making men critical partners in
the attainment of the above stated goals.

In conclusion, the government of Nigeria must as a matter of priority commit

resources towards women’s empowerment and development.
The Recommendations
• Setting a firm timetable to end all manner of legal discrimination against
women along the line of CEDAW and Beijing Platform of Action.
• Establishing a framework to promote legal equality.
• Campaigning to promote women’s issues on political platforms.
• Encouraging women in power to serve as mentors and otherwise
support qualified women candidates in their career development.
• Setting an agenda to increase the number of women in leadership
positions in public and private enterprises to at least 30% with the
view of achieving future parity with men.
• Striving to eliminate feminization of poverty through provisions of basic
amenities of life and access to employment because women are not
only mothers and wives but also agents of change.
• Radio programming in some local languages in addition to English for
political education of both men and women.
• Mobilizing public opinion through debates on women’s political
involvement before, during and after elections.
• Reforming religious institutions so that there will be less bias when it
comes to women involvement in politics.
• Forming a powerful women’s voters league to further enhance women’s
political participation.
• Adopting more gender sensitive and equitable policies in the agenda
and operations of the political parties.
• Emphasizing the importance of the collective struggle of both sexes as
a means of overcoming societal prejudices.
• Unrelenting bid by civil society groups for legal reforms especially
those aimed at removing all vestiges of discrimination against women
in all spheres of life.

108
 Appendix 1

BIO DATA OF WOMEN IN THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

NAME OF HONOURABLE: Temi Harriman

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY: Delta State

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:
Justice, Petroleum, Defence

DATE OF BIRTH: Nil

PLACE OF BIRTH: Delta State
MARITAL STATUS: -
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION:
PROFESSION: Lawyer
E-MAIL: temiharriman@hyperia.com

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Barr. Iquo Inyang

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Ikono/Ini Fed. Constituency

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES: Deputy Chairman, Police

Affairs Committee NDDC,
Sports, Marine Transport, Aviation

DATE OF BIRTH: 28th Sept. 1965

PLACE OF BIRTH: Anua Nigeria
MARITAL STATUS: Separated
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: LLB BL. NBA
PROFESSION: Legal Practitioner
TELEPHONE: 08033117167
E-MAIL: iquoInyang@yahoo.com

109
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Hajia Maimunat U. Adaji

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Baruten/Kaiama Fed. Constituency

POLITICAL PARTY: ANPP

COMMITTEES:
House Services, Works, Women Affairs & Youth Development, Internal Affairs,
Inter-parliamentary Relations and Anti-Corruption, National Ethics and Values

DATE OF BIRTH: 17th July, 1950

PLACE OF BIRTH: Kaiama, Kwara State
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: Grade II, NCE (Advanced Eng)
PROFESSION: Legislature
TELEPHONE: 08035978552
E-MAIL: maidaji@yahoo.com

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Mercy Almona-Isei

FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY: Ndokwa/Ukwani

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:
Chair, House Committee on Gas Resources,
Member: Water Resources, Environment,
Petroleum Refineries/ProductMarketing,
Special Duties, Women Affairs & Youth Development, Nation Security &
Intelligence

DATE OF BIRTH: August 24, 1951

PLACE OF BIRTH: Obiaruku, Delta State
MARITAL STATUS: Not Applicable
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: Mass Communication Graduate
PROFESSION: Journalist
TELEPHONE: 08037017274, 09-2341379
E-MAIL: mercy@legislator.com

110
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Azumi N. Bebeji

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY: Kiru/Bebeji

POLITICAL PARTY: A N P P

COMMITTEES: Aviation, Public Service,

Education Inter-parliamentary Solid Mineral

DATE OF BIRTH: 1950

PLACE OF BIRTH: Bebeji
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: BSc Political Science, and lot of
other courses
PROFESSION: Business / Politic
TELEPHONE: 08033155968
E-MAIL: Nil

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Abike Dabiri

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY: Ikorodu Fed

POLITICAL PARTY: A D

COMMITTEES:
Chairman Committee on Media and Public Affairs

DATE OF BIRTH: Oct. 11

PLACE OF BIRTH: Jos
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: MSC, PGD BA
PROPFESSION: Legislator /Journalist
TELEPHONE: 09-2341127
E-MAIL: abikedabiri@hotmail.com

111
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Ruth Jummai Ango

SENATORIAL ZONE / FEDERAL

CONSTITUENCY: Zango Kaiaf/Jaba

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:
Chairman Sub Committees on Rural
Electrification / NAFDAC, Petroleum Resources,
Information, Women Affairs Special Duties

DATE OF BIRTH: 19th April, 1966

PLACE OF BIRTH: Kaduna
MARITAL STATUS: Single
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: Staff Nurse/Midwife LLB Law
PROPFESSION: Nursing
TELEPHONE: 08033111295
E-MAIL: Rumaza1965@yahoo.com

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Fanta Baba Shehu

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Gubio, Magumeri, Kaga Fed
Constituency Borno State

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:
Chairman House Committee on Poverty Alleviation

DATE OF BIRTH: 1966

PLACE OF BIRTH: Gubio
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: MBA (Management)
PROPFESSION: Housewife
TELEPHONE: 08033528329

112
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Saudatu Sani

FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY: LERE

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:
Chairman House Committee on Women Affairs
Member House Committee on education

DATE OF BIRTH: 11/05/54

PLACE OF BIRTH: Malunfajhi
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: HND Nutrition
PROPFESSION: Legislature
TELEPHONE: 062-2484848
E-MAIL: saudatu54@yahoo.com

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Fatima Taliba

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Nangere/Potiskum – Yobe State

POLITICAL PARTY: ANPP

COMMITTEES:
Women Affairs, Transport Oil & Gas Media &
Publicity Environment Poverty Alleviation

DATE OF BIRTH: 30/6/1959

PLACE OF BIRTH: Tikau
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: S/N S/M Public Officer
PROFESSION: Legislature
TELEPHONE: 0803589799, 08042164469

113
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Binta K. Garba

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Kaduna South

POLITICAL PARTY: ANPP

COMMITTEES: Appropriation Foreign Affairs

Women Affairs

DATE OF BIRTH: 17th April 1967

PLACE OF BIRTH: Kaduna
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: HND Marketing
PROFESSION: Marketing
TELEPHONE: 08037041354
E-MAIL: honbinta@yahoo.com

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Patrician Naomi Akwashiki

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Akwanga/Wambbi Nasarawa Eggon

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:
Banking & Currency, Sports, Transport,
Women & Youth, House Service, Habitat

DATE OF BIRTH: 2-11-1953

PLACE OF BIRTH: Jos - Plateau State
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: BA, Education
PROFESSION: Banking - Politician
TELEPHONE: 08033153990, 08044180148

114
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Etteh Patricia Olubunmi

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Ayedaade /Isokan/Irewole

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES: Deputy Chief Whip

DATE OF BIRTH: 17th August 1953

PLACE OF BIRTH: Ikire
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: Diploma in Law
PROFESSION: Legislator
TELEPHONE: 08033036672
E-MAIL: patriciaetteh@yahoo.com

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Akindahunsi Titilayo Melodia

FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Ekiti South Fed. Const. II, Ekiti State

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:
Agric, Women Affairs & Youth Development
Public Petition, Education, Peace & National
Reconciliation

DATE OF BIRTH: 29th November 1940

PLACE OF BIRTH: Ogbomoso
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: B A (Ed)
PROFESSION: Retired Teacher
TELEPHONE: 08033599535

115
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Edewor Abiola Omolola

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:

POLITICAL PARTY: AD

COMMITTEES: Member Petroleum Resources

DATE OF BIRTH: 19 – 05 – 61
PLACE OF BIRTH: Apapa
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: MBA Marketing
PROPFESSION: Insurance Broker
TELEPHONE: 09 – 2310453, 01-5452950

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Ogodo Uwa Patience

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:

DATE OF BIRTH: 18 – 11 – 58
PLACE OF BIRTH: Ohankwu
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: NCE
PROFESSION: House wife
TELEPHONE: 09-2310177

116
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Aondona Dabo Adzuana

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Benue

POLITICAL PARTY: UNPP

COMMITTEES:
Poverty Alleviation, Foreign Affairs, Sports,
FCT, Women Affairs, Inter Parliamentary Affairs

TELEPHONE: 08033000626

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Jumoke Okoya Thomas

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Lagos Island I

POLITICAL PARTY: AD

COMMITTEES: Chairman Sub Committee on

Prison

TELEPHONE: 08033226121

NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Fakeye Eniola

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Atakunmosa East & West Ilesa

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES: Women Affairs,

117
NAME OF HONOURABLE:
Hon. Nkechi Nwaogu

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Obinwa Ugumnagbo Osisioma

POLITICAL PARTY: ANPP

COMMITTEES: Women Affairs

NAME OF SENATOR:
Fawora Gbemisola S.

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES:

DATE OF BIRTH: 3 – 05 – 65
PLACE OF BIRTH: Ilorin
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: Bsc Economics
PROFESSION: Insurance Broker
TELEPHONE: 09-2310223, 031-220141

118
NAME OF SENATOR:
Senator Daisy Danjuma

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Edo South

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES: Women Affairs

DATE OF BIRTH: -
PLACE OF BIRTH: -
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: -
PROFESSION: Lawyer
TELEPHONE: -

NAME OF SENATOR:
Iyabode Anike Anisulowo

SENATORIAL ZONE /
FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY:
Ogun West

POLITICAL PARTY: PDP

COMMITTEES: Industry (Ag Ch, Vice Ch.)

DATE OF BIRTH: 21-3-51

PLACE OF BIRTH: Lagos
MARITAL STATUS: Married
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION:
PROFESSION:
TELEPHONE: 08034714352
E-MAIL: anisulowo@yahoo.com

119
 Appendix 2

WOMEN ADVOCATES RESEARCH AND

DOCUMENTATION CENTRE (WARDC)

QUESTIONNAIRE ON WOMEN AND VOTERS’ ATTITUDE

Introduction and explanation:

This questionnaire is being administered to assist an on-going process

to conduct and publish a gender audit of the 2003 elections. It is
being suggested that while there might be the problem of a small
percentage of women contesting elections, there is perhaps a greater
problem with the electorate who usually only vote few out of the
small number of women running in elections. It is considered necessary
to know from voters who voted women why they did and those who
didn’t why they failed to do so.
The key question is: Could the poor performance of women at the
polls be related to voters’ gender attitude, prejudices and biases?
Your answers to these questions, which shall be treated in full
confidentiality, will go a long way in helping the gender audit to
succeed.

Part 1 - elected

1. How did you emerge as the presidential/governorship/deputy-

governorship/senatorial/house of representative/house of assembly
candidate of your party?

2. Did your party constitution or rules/guidelines make it easy for

you to emerge as a candidate?

3. Did you face any form of discrimination or bias in trying to seek

the support of your party members during your party primaries?

120
4. How much support did you receive from your party after being
selected as a candidate?

5. Was the bulk of your campaign team drawn from among women
or men?

6. Do you think the fact of your being a woman contributed

significantly to your being elected?

7. What was the attitude of the electorate towards you during

campaigns? Do you think it was influenced by your gender?

8. hat measures would you suggest to encourage parties to select

more women candidates and for the electorate to vote more
women into offices?

9. In general or specific terms what problems did you face as a female

candidate?

10. How optimistic are you that in future Nigeria will have a female
President and Vice-President, and more Senators, more
Representatives and more assembly-women?

121
 WOMEN ADVOCATES RESEARCH AND
DOCUMENTATION CENTRE (WARDC)

QUESTIONNAIRE ON WOMEN AND VOTERS’ ATTITUDE

Introduction and explanation:

This questionnaire is being administered to assist an on-going process

to conduct and publish a gender audit of the 2003 elections. It is
being suggested that while there might be the problem of a small
percentage of women contesting elections, there is perhaps a greater
problem with the electorate who usually only vote few out of the
small number of women running in elections. It is considered necessary
to know from voters who voted women why they did and those who
didn’t why they failed to do so.

The key question is: Could the poor performance of women at the
polls be related to voters’ gender attitude, prejudices and biases?
Your answers to these questions, which shall be treated in full
confidentiality, will go a long way in helping the gender audit to
succeed.

Part 2 – not elected

1. How did you emerge as the presidential/governorship/deputy-

governorship/senatorial/house of representative/house of assembly
candidate of your party?

2. Did your party constitution or rules/guidelines make it easy for

you to emerge as a candidate?

3. Did you face any form of discrimination or bias in trying to seek

the support of your party members during your party primaries?

122
4. How much support did you receive from your party after being
selected as a candidate?

5. Was the bulk of your campaign team drawn from among women
or men?

6. Do you think the fact of your being a woman contributed

significantly to your Not being elected?

7. What was the attitude of the electorate towards you during

campaigns? Do you think it was influenced by your gender?

8. What measures would you suggest to encourage parties to select

more women candidates and for the electorate to vote more
women into offices?

9. In general or specific terms what problems did you face as a female

candidate?

10. How optimistic are you that in future Nigeria will have a female
President and Vice-President, and more Senators, more
Representatives and more assembly-women?

123
 Appendix 3

Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against

Women General recommendation No 23 (1997)
(articles 7 and 8) (1997) Article 7 (political and public
life)
States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate
discrimination against women in the political and public life of the
country and, in particular, shall ensure to women, on equal terms
with men, the right:

(a) To vote in all elections and public referenda and to be eligible

for election to all publicly elected bodies;

(b) To participate in the formulation of government policy and

the implementation thereof and to hold public office and
perform all public functions at all levels of government;

(c) To participate in non-governmental organizations and

associations concerned with the public and political life of
the country.

Background

1. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination

against Women places special importance on the participation of
women in the public life of their countries. The preamble to the
Convention states in part:

“Recalling that discrimination against women violates

the principles of equality of rights and respect for
human dignity, is an obstacle to the participation of
women, on equal terms with men, in the political,
social, economic and cultural life of their countries,
hampers the growth of the prosperity of society and
the family and makes more difficult the full
development of the potentialities of women in the
service of their countries and of humanity”.
124
2. The Convention further reiterates in its preamble the importance
of women’s participation in decision-making as follows:

“Convinced that the full and complete development of a

country, the welfare of the world and the cause of peace
require the maximum participation of women on equal
terms with men in all fields”.

3. Moreover, in article 1 of the Convention, the term “discrimination

against women” is interpreted to mean:

“Any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the

basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of
impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or
exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status,
on a basis of equality of men and women, of human
rights and fundamental freedoms in the political,
economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field”.

4. Other conventions, declarations and international analyses place

great importance on the participation of women in public life and
have set a framework of international standards of equality. These
include the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1 the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 2 the
Convention on the Political Rights of Women,3 the Vienna
Declaration,4 paragraph 13 of the Beijing Declaration and Platform
for Action, 5 general recommendations 5 and 8 under the
Convention,6 general comment 25 adopted by the Human Rights
Committee,7 the recommendation adopted by the Council of the
European Union on balanced participation of women and men in
the decision-making process8 and the European Commission’s
“How to Create a Gender Balance in Political Decision-making”.9

125
5. Article 7 obliges States parties to take all appropriate measures
to eliminate discrimination against women in political and public
life and to ensure that they enjoy equality with men in political and
public life. The obligation specified in article 7 extends to all areas
of public and political life and is not limited to those areas specified
in subparagraphs (a), (b) and (c). The political and public life of a
country is a broad concept. It refers to the exercise of political
power, in particular the exercise of legislative, judicial, executive
and administrative powers. The term covers all aspects of public
administration and the formulation and implementation of policy
at the international, national, regional and local levels. The concept
also includes many aspects of civil society, including public boards
and local councils and the activities of organizations such as political
parties, trade unions, professional or industry associations,
women’s organizations, community-based organizations and other
organizations concerned with public and political life.

6. The Convention envisages that, to be effective, this equality must

be achieved within the framework of a political system in which
each citizen enjoys the right to vote and be elected at genuine
periodic elections held on the basis of universal suffrage and by
secret ballot, in such a way as to guarantee the free expression of
the will of the electorate, as provided for under international human
rights instruments, such as article 21 of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights and article 25 of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights.

7. The Convention’s emphasis on the importance of equality of

opportunity and of participation in public life and decision-making
has led the Committee to review article 7 and to suggest to States
parties that in reviewing their laws and policies and in reporting
under the Convention, they should take into account the comments
and recommendations set out below.

126
Comments

8. Public and private spheres of human activity have always been

considered distinct, and have been regulated accordingly.
Invariably, women have been assigned to the private or domestic
sphere, associated with reproduction and the raising of children,
and in all societies these activities have been treated as inferior.
By contrast, public life, which is respected and honoured, extends
to a broad range of activity outside the private and domestic sphere.
Men historically have both dominated public life and exercised
the power to confine and subordinate women within the private
sphere.

9. Despite women’s central role in sustaining the family and society

and their contribution to development, they have been excluded
from political life and the decision-making process, which
nonetheless determine the pattern of their daily lives and the future
of societies. Particularly in times of crisis, this exclusion has silenced
women’s voices and rendered invisible their contribution and
experiences.

10. In all nations, the most significant factors inhibiting women’s ability
to participate in public life have been the cultural framework of
values and religious beliefs, the lack of services and men’s failure
to share the tasks associated with the organization of the household
and with the care and raising of children. In all nations, cultural
traditions and religious beliefs have played a part in confining
women to the private spheres of activity and excluding them from
active participation in public life.

11. Relieving women of some of the burdens of domestic work would

allow them to engage more fully in the life of their communities.
Women’s economic dependence on men often prevents them from
making important political decisions and from participating actively
in public life. Their double burden of work and their economic
dependence, coupled with the

127
 long or inflexible hours of both public and political work, prevent
women from being more active.

12. Stereotyping, including that perpetrated by the media, confines

women in political life to issues such as the environment, children
and health, and excludes them from responsibility for finance,
budgetary control and conflict resolution. The low involvement of
women in the professions from which politicians are recruited can
create another obstacle. In countries where women leaders do
assume power this can be the result of the influence of their fathers,
husbands or male relatives rather than electoral success in their
own right.

Political systems

13. The principle of equality of women and men has been affirmed in
the constitutions and laws of most countries and in all international
instruments. Nonetheless, in the last 50 years, women have not
achieved equality, and their inequality has been reinforced by their
low level of participation in public and political life. Policies
developed and decisions made by men alone reflect only part of
human experience and potential. The just and effective organization
of society demands the inclusion and participation of all its
members.

14. No political system has conferred on women both the right to

and the benefit of full and equal participation. While
democratic systems have improved women’s opportunities
for involvement in political life, the many economic, social
and cultural barriers they continue to face have seriously
limited their participation. Even historically stable
democracies have failed to integrate fully and equally the
opinions and interests of the female half of the population.
Societies in which women are excluded from public life and
decision-making cannot be described as democratic. The
concept of democracy will have real and dynamic meaning
and lasting effect only when political decision-making is

128
 shared by women and men and takes equal account of the interests
of both. The examination of States parties’ reports shows that
where there is full and equal participation of women in public life
and decision- making, the implementation of their rights and
compliance with the Convention improves.

Temporary special measures

15. While removal of de jure barriers is necessary, it is not sufficient.

Failure to achieve full and equal participation of women can be
unintentional and the result of outmoded practices and procedures
which inadvertently promote men. Under article 4, the Convention
encourages the use of temporary special measures in order to
give full effect to articles 7 and 8. Where countries have developed
effective temporary strategies in an attempt to achieve equality of
participation, a wide range of measures has been implemented,
including recruiting, financially assisting and training women
candidates, amending electoral procedures, developing campaigns
directed at equal participation, setting numerical goals and quotas
and targeting women for appointment to public positions such as
the judiciary or other professional groups that play an essential
part in the everyday life of all societies. The formal removal of
barriers and the introduction of temporary special measures to
encourage the equal participation of both men and women in the
public life of their societies are essential prerequisites to true equality
in political life. In order, however, to overcome centuries of male
domination of the public sphere, women also require the
encouragement and support of all sectors of society to achieve
full and effective participation, encouragement which must be led
by States parties to the Convention, as well as by political parties
and public officials. States parties have an obligation to ensure
that temporary special measures are clearly designed to support
the principle of equality and therefore comply with constitutional
principles, which guarantee equality to all citizens.

129
Summary

16. The critical issue, emphasized in the Beijing Platform for Action,5
is the gap between the de jure and de facto, or the right as against
the reality of women’s participation in politics and public life
generally. Research demonstrates that if women’s participation
reaches 30 to 35 per cent (generally termed a “critical mass”),
there is a real impact on political style and the content of decisions,
and political life is revitalized.

17. In order to achieve broad representation in public life, women

must have full equality in the exercise of political and economic
power; they must be fully and equally involved in decision-making
at all levels, both nationally and internationally, so that they may
make their contribution to the goals of equality, development and
the achievement of peace. A gender perspective is critical if these
goals are to be met and if true democracy is to be assured. For
these reasons, it is essential to involve women in public life to take
advantage of their contribution, to assure their interests are
protected and to fulfill the guarantee that the enjoyment of human
rights is for all people regardless of gender. Women’s full
participation is essential not only for their empowerment but also
for the advancement of society as a whole.

The right to vote and to be elected (article 7, para. (a))

18. The Convention obliges States parties in constitutions or

legislation to take appropriate steps to ensure that women, on
the basis of equality with men, enjoy the right to vote in all
elections and referendums, and to be elected. These rights
must be enjoyed both de jure and de facto. 19. The examination
of the reports of States parties demonstrates that, while almost
all have adopted constitutional or other legal provisions that

130
 grant to both women and men the equal right to vote in all elections
and public referendums, in many nations women continue to
experience difficulties in exercising this right.
19. Factors, which impede these rights, include the following:

(a) Women frequently have less access than men to information about
candidates and about party political platforms and voting
procedures, information which Governments and political parties
have failed to provide. Other important factors that inhibit women’s
full and equal exercise of their right to vote include their illiteracy,
their lack of knowledge and understanding of political systems or
about the impact that political initiatives and policies will have upon
their lives. Failure to understand the rights, responsibilities and
opportunities for change conferred by franchise also means that
women are not always registered to vote;

(b) Women’s double burden of work, as well as financial constraints,

will limit women’s time or opportunity to follow electoral campaigns
and to have the full freedom to exercise their vote;

(c) In many nations, traditions and social and cultural stereotypes

discourage women from exercising their right to vote. Many men
influence or control the votes of women by persuasion or direct
action, including voting on their behalf. Any such practices should
be prevented;2

(d) Other factors that in some countries inhibit women’s involvement

in the public or political lives of their communities include restrictions
on their freedom of movement or right to participate, prevailing
negative attitudes towards women’s political participation, or a
lack of confidence in and support for female candidates by the
electorate. In addition, some women consider involvement in
politics to be distasteful and avoid participation in political
campaigns.

131
21. These factors at least partially explain the paradox that women,
who represent half of all electorates, do not wield their political
power or form blocs, which would promote their interests or
change government, or eliminate discriminatory policies.

22. The system of balloting, the distribution of seats in Parliament, the

choice of district, all have a significant impact on the proportion of
women elected to Parliament. Political parties must embrace the
principles of equal opportunity and democracy and endeavour to
balance the number of male and female candidates.

23. The enjoyment of the right to vote by women should not be subject
to restrictions or conditions that do not apply to men or that have
a disproportionate impact on women. For example, limiting the
right to vote to persons who have a specified level of education,
who possess a minimum property qualification or who are literate
is not only unreasonable, it may violate the universal guarantee of
human rights. It is also likely to have a disproportionate impact on
women, thereby contravening the provisions of the Convention.

The right to participate in formulation of government policy (article

7, para. (b))

24. The participation of women in government at the policy level

continues to be low in general. Although significant progress has
been made and in some countries equality has been achieved, in
many countries women’s participation has actually been reduced.

25. Article 7 (b) also requires States parties to ensure that women
have the right to participate fully in and be represented in public
policy formulation in all sectors and at all levels. This would facilitate
the mainstreaming of gender issues and contribute a gender
perspective to public policy-making.

132
26. States parties have a responsibility, where it is within their control,
both to appoint women to senior decision-making roles and, as a
matter of course, to consult and incorporate the advice of groups
which are broadly representative of women’s views and interests.

27. States parties have a further obligation to ensure that barriers to

women’s full participation in the formulation of government policy
are identified and overcome. These barriers include complacency
when token women are appointed, and traditional and customary
attitudes that discourage women’s participation. When women
are not broadly represented in the senior levels of government or
are inadequately or not consulted at all, government policy will
not be comprehensive and effective.

28. While States parties generally hold the power to appoint women
to senior cabinet and administrative positions, political parties also
have a responsibility to ensure that women are included in party
lists and nominated for election in areas where they have a
likelihood of electoral success. States parties should also endeavour
to ensure that women are appointed to government advisory bodies
on an equal basis with men and that these bodies take into account,
as appropriate, the views of representative women’s groups. It is
the Government’s fundamental responsibility to encourage these
initiatives to lead and guide public opinion and change attitudes
that discriminate against women or discourage women’s
involvement in political and public life.

29. Measures that have been adopted by a number of States parties

in order to ensure equal participation by women in senior
cabinet and administrative positions and as members of
government advisory bodies include: adoption of a rule
whereby, when potential appointees are equally qualified,
preference will be given to a woman nominee; the adoption

133
 of a rule that neither sex should constitute less than 40 per cent of
the members of a public body; a quota for women members of
cabinet and for appointment to public office; and consultation with
women’s organizations to ensure that qualified women are
nominated for membership in public bodies and offices and the
development and maintenance of registers of such women in order
to facilitate the nomination of women for appointment to public
bodies and posts. Where members are appointed to advisory
bodies upon the nomination of private organizations, States parties
should encourage these organizations to nominate qualified and
suitable women for membership in these bodies.

The right to hold public office and to perform all public functions
(article 7, para. (b))

30. The examination of the reports of States parties demonstrates that

women are excluded from top-ranking positions in cabinets, the
civil service and in public administration, in the judiciary and in
justice systems. Women are rarely appointed to these senior or
influential positions and while their numbers may in some States
be increasing at the lower levels and in posts usually associated
with the home or the family, they form only a tiny minority in
decision-making positions concerned with economic policy or
development, political affairs, defence, peacemaking missions,
conflict resolution or constitutional interpretation and determination.

31. Examination of the reports of States parties also demonstrates

that in certain cases the law excludes women from exercising
royal powers, from serving as judges in religious or traditional
tribunals vested with jurisdiction on behalf of the State or
from full participation in the military. These provisions
discriminate against women, deny to society the advantages
of their involvement and skills in these areas of the life of
their communities and contravene the principles of the

134
 Convention. The right to participate in non-governmental and public
and political organizations (article 7, para. (c))

32. An examination of the reports of States parties demonstrates that,

on the few occasions when information concerning political parties
is provided, women are under-represented or concentrated in less
influential roles than men. As political parties are an important
vehicle in decision-making roles, Governments should encourage
political parties to examine the extent to which women are full and
equal participants in their activities and, where this is not the case,
should identify the reasons for this. Political parties should be
encouraged to adopt effective measures, including the provision
of information, financial and other resources, to overcome
obstacles to women’s full participation and representation and
ensure that women have an equal opportunity in practice to serve
as party officials and to be nominated as candidates for election.

33. Measures that have been adopted by some political parties include
setting aside for women a certain minimum number or percentage
of positions on their executive bodies, ensuring that there is a
balance between the number of male and female candidates
nominated for election, and ensuring that women are not
consistently assigned to less favourable constituencies or to the
least advantageous positions on a party list. States parties should
ensure that such temporary special measures are specifically
permitted under anti-discrimination legislation or other constitutional
guarantees of equality.

34. Other organizations such as trade unions and political parties

have an obligation to demonstrate their commitment to the
principle of gender equality in their constitutions, in the
application of those rules and in the composition of their
memberships with gender-balanced representation on their
executive boards so that these bodies may benefit from the

135
 full and equal participation of all sectors of society and from
contributions made by both sexes. These organizations also provide
a valuable training ground for women in political skills, participation
and leadership, as do non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

Article 8 (international level)

States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to

ensure to women, on equal terms with men and without
any discrimination, the opportunity to represent their
Governments at the international level and to
participate in the work of international organizations.

Comments

35. Under article 8, Governments are obliged to ensure the presence

of women at all levels and in all areas of international affairs. This
requires that they be included in economic and military matters, in
both multilateral and bilateral diplomacy, and in official delegations
to international and regional conferences.

36. From an examination of the reports of States parties, it is evident

that women are grossly under-represented in the diplomatic and
foreign services of most Governments, and particularly at the
highest ranks. Women tend to be assigned to embassies of lesser
importance to the country’s foreign relations and in some cases
women are discriminated against in terms of their appointments
by restrictions pertaining to their marital status. In other instances
spousal and family benefits accorded to male diplomats are not
available to women in parallel positions. Opportunities for women
to engage in international work are often denied because of
assumptions about their domestic responsibilities, including that
the care of family dependants will prevent them accepting
appointment.

136
37. Many permanent missions to the United Nations and to other
international organizations have no women among their diplomats
and very few at senior levels. The situation is similar at expert
meetings and conferences that establish international and global
goals, agendas and priorities. Organizations of the United Nations
system and various economic, political and military structures at
the regional level have become important international public
employers, but here, too, women have remained a minority
concentrated in lower-level positions.

38. There are few opportunities for women and men, on equal terms,
to represent Governments at the international level and to
participate in the work of international organizations. This is
frequently the result of an absence of objective criteria and
processes for appointment and promotion to relevant positions
and official delegations.

39. The globalization of the contemporary world makes the inclusion

of women and their participation in international organizations, on
equal terms with men, increasingly important. The integration of a
gender perspective and women’s human rights into the agenda of
all international bodies is a government imperative. Many crucial
decisions on global issues, such as peacemaking and conflict
resolution, military expenditure and nuclear disarmament,
development and the environment, foreign aid and economic
restructuring, are taken with limited participation of women. This
is in stark contrast to their participation in these areas at the non-
governmental level.

40. The inclusion of a critical mass of women in international

negotiations, peacekeeping activities, all levels of preventive
diplomacy, mediation, humanitarian assistance, social
reconciliation, peace negotiations and the international
criminal justice system will make a difference. In addressing
armed or other conflicts, a gender perspective and analysis is

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 necessary to understand their differing effects on women and
men.1010/

RECOMMENDATIONS

Articles 7 and 8

41. States parties should ensure that their constitutions and legislation
comply with the principles of the Convention, and in particular
with articles 7 and 8.

42. States parties are under an obligation to take all appropriate

measures, including the enactment of appropriate legislation that
complies with their Constitution, to ensure that organizations such
as political parties and trade unions, which may not be subject
directly to obligations under the Convention, do not discriminate
against women and respect the principles contained in articles 7
and 8.

43. States parties should identify and implement temporary special

measures to ensure the equal representation of women in all fields
covered by articles 7 and 8.

44. States parties should explain the reason for, and effect of, any
reservations to articles 7 or 8 and indicate where the reservations
reflect traditional, customary or stereotyped attitudes towards
women’s roles in society, as well as the steps being taken by the
States parties to change those attitudes. States parties should keep
the necessity for such reservations under close review and in their
reports include a timetable for their removal.

Article 7

45. Measures that should be identified, implemented and monitored

for effectiveness include, under article 7, paragraph (a), those
designed to:

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 (a) Achieve a balance between women and men holding publicly
elected positions;

(b) Ensure that women understand their right to vote, the importance
of this right and how to exercise it;

(c) Ensure that barriers to equality are overcome, including those

resulting from illiteracy, language, poverty and impediments to
women’s freedom of movement;

(d) (d) Assist women experiencing such disadvantages to exercise

their right to vote and to be elected.

46. Under article 7, paragraph (b), such measures include those

designed to ensure:

(a) Equality of representation of women in the formulation of

government policy;

(b) Women’s enjoyment in practice of the equal right to hold public

office;

(c) Recruiting processes directed at women that are open and subject
to appeal.

47. Under article 7, paragraph (c), such measures include those

designed to:

(a) Ensure that effective legislation is enacted prohibiting discrimination

against women;

(b) Encourage non-governmental organizations and public and political

associations to adopt strategies that encourage women’s
representation and participation in their work.

48. When reporting under article 7, States parties should:

(a) Describe the legal provisions that give effect to the rights contained
in article 7;

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 (b) Provide details of any restrictions to those rights, whether arising
from legal provisions or from traditional, religious or cultural
practices;

(c) Describe the measures introduced and designed to overcome

barriers to the exercise of those rights;

(d) Include statistical data, disaggregated by sex, showing the

percentage of women relative to men who enjoy those rights;

(e) Describe the types of policy formulation, including that associated

with development programmes, in which women participate and
the level and extent of their participation;

(f) Under article 7, paragraph (c), describe the extent to which women
participate in non-governmental organizations in their countries,
including in women’s organizations;

(g) Analyse the extent to which the State party ensures that those
organizations are consulted and the impact of their advice on all
levels of government policy formulation and implementation;

(h) Provide information concerning, and analyse factors contributing

to, the under-representation of women as members and officials
of political parties, trade unions, employers organizations and
professional associations.

Article 8

49. Measures which should be identified, implemented and monitored

for effectiveness include those designed to ensure a better gender
balance in membership of all United Nations bodies, including the
Main Committees of the General Assembly, the Economic and
Social Council and expert bodies, including treaty bodies, and in
appointments to independent working groups or as country or
special rapporteurs.

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50. When reporting under article 8, States parties should:

(a) Provide statistics, disaggregated by sex, showing the percentage

of women in their foreign service or regularly engaged in
international representation or in work on behalf of the State,
including membership in government delegations to international
conferences and nominations for peacekeeping or conflict
resolution roles, and their seniority in the relevant sector;

(b) Describe efforts to establish objective criteria and processes for

appointment and promotion of women to relevant positions and
official delegations;

(c) Describe steps taken to disseminate widely information on the

Government’s international commitments affecting women and
official documents issued by multilateral forums, in particular, to
both governmental and non-governmental bodies responsible for
the advancement of women;

(d) Provide information concerning discrimination against women

because of their political activities, whether as individuals or as
members of women’s or other organizations.

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