FEATURE ARTICLES

Colorizing Educational Research: African American Life

and Schooling as an Exemplar
Carla R. Monroe1

Although previous authors have offered persuasive arguments about the salience of race in the scholastic enterprise,
colorism remains a relatively underexplored concept. This article augments considerations of social forces by exploring
how color classifications within racial arrangements frame pathways for communities of color and, therefore, must inform
educational inquiries. Consistent with the rich tradition of ethnic studies, I draw on sources in the humanities, legal profession, and social sciences to demonstrate how colorism surfaces in lived experiences. The African American community is
used as an exemplar for illustrating historical foundations of color bias, discussing implications of complexion difference,
and offering suggestions for scholarship that advances educational research agendas.

Keywords:

Black education; cultural analysis; diversity; race

ace doggedly frames educational outcomes and experiences, such as the achievement gap (Ferguson, 2007),
disciplinary disparities (Civil Rights Project, 2000), special education placements (Harry & Klingner, 2006), and dropout rates (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES],
2011). Yet, despite the influence of skin tone on life outcomes,
particularly in communities of color (Hall, 2010; Russell,
Wilson, Hall, 1992), educational researchers generally do not
conceptualize or construct inquiries to attend to nuances within
the same racial group. As educators labor to promote equity,
studies that tackle intersectionality across multiple forms of difference offer the greatest promise for uncovering fresh insights
and identifying practical steps to remedy old challenges.
The current article offers a case for increasing the prominence
of colorism in educational investigations because, as I will demonstrate, fixing a traditional racial lens on social problems is
grossly limited and prevents researchers from substantially
advancing the research frontier. Long-standing methodologies
generally fail to capture the implications of skin color variation
among African Americans with meaningful precision. As a consequence, existing conclusions tend to rest on a light-dark
binarya crude distinction that may foreground propositions
that are specific to individuals whose coloring resides at the
extreme ends of the pigmentation continuum. Educational
researchers know relatively little about how prior conclusions
may shift if sound gradations were infused (e.g., descriptions of
very light, light, medium, dark, very dark complexions).
Interrupting traditional binary approaches, in fact, has uncovered valuable insights in colorist studies of Blacks from other

disciplines (see Goldsmith, Hamilton, & Darity, 2007; Wilder &

Cain, 2011) and with other communities of color (Rondilla &
Spickard, 2007). Educational researchers would be wise to use
such models as a guide for their own work.
Situating educational phenomena within the interlocking
frameworks of racial constructions, racism, and color bias will
place theories, policies, and data-based patterns in the appropriate
sociohistorical context, help unravel the complexity of enduring
problems, and disrupt simplistic perceptions that diminish the
influence of the color complex. Certainly, findings on gender issues
(Griffin & Reddick, 2011), globalization (Waters, 1999), workplace dynamics (Brockenbrough, 2012), queer identity
(Brockenbrough, 2011), and interracial marriages (Pew Research
Center, 2012), among other areas, support the need to further
investigate the richness of Black experiences and generate empirical
findings that speak to race-related operatives. For instance, as
Lareaus (2003) study on Black and White families demonstrates,
child-rearing practices for middle-class Black children may harmonize with experiences among middle-class White youth to a greater
degree than they mirror the upbringing of low-income Black children. Examples include trends in language development, structured versus unstructured recreation time, and responses to adult
authority (Lareau, 2002). While studies, such as Lareaus (2002)
work, illustrate connections between race and social class,
they spark additional questions about correlations between race,
socioeconomic status, and skin color, as light-complexioned
African Americans often benefit from discriminatory practices that
Alliance Legal, Washington, DC

Educational Researcher, Vol. 42 No. 1, pp. 919

DOI: 10.3102/0013189X12469998
2013 AERA. http://er.aera.net
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position them to become middle class (Allen, Telles, & Hunter,

2000; Hill, 2000; M. Hunter, 2005, 2007) especially as related to
hiring and promotion decisions (Harrison & Thomas, 2009). For
example, Keith and Herring (1991) documented that personal
incomes among very light Blacks were nearly 65% higher than
those among very dark Blacks in their study of intraracial stratification. Elevated incomes also corresponded with more prestigious occupations and advanced levels of education among
light-complected participants. Because such outcomes proceed
from African Americans social history (Frazier, 1957/1962;
Hoschild, 2006; Seltzer & Smith, 1991), excising studies from colorist analyses detaches scholarship from its proper (and necessary)
context.
The present article addresses several concerns. First, I operationalize colorism and discuss the constructs iterations among
African Americans in the United States. While the concept is
hardly confined to African Americans or U.S. borders (see Fergus,
2012; Gomez, 2000; Perry, 2006), African Americans in the
United States are a useful prototype for elucidating conscious and
unconscious bias between and within racial categories. Second, I
synthesize historical and contemporary research to provide a
foundational understanding of how colorism surfaces and
becomes consequential in African American life. Illustrations are
drawn from a wide range of disciplines to illuminate the farreaching effects of color-struck proclivities and to support the call
for subsequent recommendations in educational research. Third,
I outline the interest convergence principle, an element of critical
race theory (CRT). Although CRT is an invaluable means of
understanding African Americans experiences in the United
States, the framework should be revisited to include additional
clarity on how racial nuances operate. Next, I present several specific areas for research that will enhance knowledge about Black
populations. The concluding remarks include additional suggestions for applying the articles propositions.
In selecting African Americans as a model, it is not my intention to target communal perceptions or practices for special
reproach; in fact, fallacious claims that light skin is better than
dark skin exist globally. Skin whitening and bleaching products,
for instance, are a lucrative segment of the beauty industry
domestically and abroad (Puri, 2007; Rondilla & Spickard,
2007).1 The longevity of color as a legal and social mediator for
African Americans, however, positions the community as an ideal
archetype for grasping how color representations shape critical
issues in research.
Operationalizing Colorism
Colorism existed for decades as a well-known but unnamedat
least in scholarly termsphenomenon in the African American
community. From a social science standpoint, colorism is a system of prejudice that is generally mediated by skin tone (Maddox
& Gray, 2002; Russell et al., 1992), although the construct may
also encompass characteristics such as hair texture, hair color,
nose shape, eye color, lip width, body type, and vocal expression
(e.g., voice tone, language, cadence). Additionally, color-based
leanings may be uni- or multidirectional (Hoschild, 2006),
although scholars generally note that colorism typically privileges
light-complexioned people (M. Hunter, 2007; Wilder & Cain,
2011). As Jones (2000) writes,
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EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER

intraracial colorism occurs when a member of one racial group

makes a distinction based upon skin color between members of
her own race. Thus, when elite Black social clubs denied membership to applicants who were too dark in the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, they were practicing intraracial colorism.
Interracial colorism occurs when a member of one racial group
makes a distinction based upon skin color between members of
another racial group. For example, a White Hollywood producer
might make casting choices between Whoopi Goldberg and
Halle Berry on the basis of skin color. (pp. 1498-1499)

The color complex differs from other exhibitions of discrimination, such as racism, because prejudiced conduct and partiality
exists between, as well as within, racial and ethnic groups.2 (For a
succinct overview of skin color discrimination in America, see
Hall, 2010).
Artistic representations frequently serve as the vehicle for capturing colorist activity, as movies (e.g., Pinky [Zanuck, 1949],
School Daze [Lee & Blake, Jones, Lee, & Ross, 1988]), documentaries (e.g., Dark Girls [Berry & Berry & Duke, 2011], Street
Fight [Curry, 2005]), literary works (e.g., Tar Baby; Morrison,
1981; Their Eyes Were Watching God; Hurston, 1937), sitcoms
(e.g., A Different World; Berenbeim & Allen, 1991; The Game;
Akil, 2011), comedy (e.g., Robinson, 1967; Savali, 2012), memoirs (e.g., Graham, 2000; Haizlip, 1995), and popular music
(e.g., Free Your Mind, performed by En Vogue; Foster &
McElroy, 1992; Redbone Girl, performed by Eric Benet featuring Lil Wayne; Carter et al., 2012) offer a sampling of how the
Black skin color taxonomy is represented in the public mind.
Sarah Jane Johnson in the movie Imitation of Life (R. Hunter,
1959) and Pecola Breedlove in Toni Morrisons (1970) The Bluest
Eye exemplify how colorist activity confronts African American
females specifically. Sarah Jane, an extremely fair-skinned Black
female, spends years battling the ways in which her outward
appearance as a White person intersects with restrictive options
for African Americans during legalized segregation, her browncomplexioned mothers determination for her daughter to
embrace her Black heritage, and White Americans rejection and
hostility after her true racial identity is unmasked. A striking
example unfolds when a teenage Sarah Jane, who is subversively
passing for White, sneaks out of her home to meet a young
White male whom she is dating. Having heard speculation that
she is, in fact, Black, the young man resentfully questions her
about the rumors and cruelly beats her, demanding that Sarah
Jane admit the truth.
At the opposite end of the spectrum, Morrison (1970) develops the Pecola character as a tormented figure whom readers initially meet as a young girl who longs to have blue eyes, as beauty
and being loved are synonymous with Whiteness in the childs
mind. Throughout Pecolas challenging life, classmates ridicule
her dark skin, menincluding her own fathersexually abuse
her, and the anguish of losing a child pushes her toward mental
instability. Dynamics of colorism are captured in provocations
launched by Maureen, one of Pecolas light-skinned peers, as an
afternoon of socializing intensifies into an argument:
CLAUDIA: Stop talking about her daddy.
MAUREEN: What do I care about her old black daddy?
CLAUDIA: Oh no she didnt.

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FRIEDA: Oh yes she did.

CLAUDIA: Who are you calling black?
MAUREEN: You.
CLAUDIA: You think youre so cute.
(CLAUDIA swings, but misses and accidentally hits PECOLA.
FRIEDA joins the fray, PECOLA simply stands, near tears.
MAUREEN puts up a good fight and manages to run away.
Chase takes place through the house.)
MAUREEN: I am cute. And you are ugly. All of you are ugly
ugly blackeee-mos. I am cute. (p. 45)
Maureens decision to racialize the dialogue by deliberately commenting on Pecolas old black daddy [italics added] signals the
strength of colorist markers among African Americans and establishes Blackness as a paradoxical insult given that Maureen is also
Black. Because Maureen is a light-skinned African American
character, readers may conclude that the girls in Morrisons novel
are cognizant of how value-based distinctions are traditionally
ascribed to dark and light pigmentation levels. Evidence for this
assertion comes not only from the insinuation that dark-complexioned Black people are pejoratively demarcated but also
Claudias accusation that Maureen must simultaneously believe
she is cuteostensibly because of her light appearance, given
the color-charged theme of the dialogue. The escalation to a
physical confrontation, as well as Pecolas emotional response,
highlights how skin color variations may tap deep-seated feelings
and rankle interpersonal relationships among Black females.
Despite battling dissimilar trials, the Sarah Jane and Pecola
characters accent several cardinal truths. First, the countrys antiBlack legacy forces all African Americans to grapple with White
racism and its bitter reprisals regardless of skin tone. Fair complexions do not steer light-complected African Americans from
marginalization; rather, Whites racialization of Blacks as the
Other imposes a certain universal identity for African Americans,
at least historically. Second, racial identity has the potential to be
situational in the Black community as some African Americans
may believably pass as members of White society, opt to reveal
(or conceal) their Black heritage at will, or present themselves as
racially ambiguous. Anthonys (1995) study of passing among
Black Creoles, for example, reveals that Blacks who participated
in racial crossovers often lived dual lives where they masqueraded
as White for employment or religious purposes but otherwise
resumed their original identity. Finally, notions stemming from
White racism continually inform Black experiences in a way that
preserves White advantage. A telling contemporary example
resides with the nations first president of color, Barack Obama.
In their 2010 book Game Change, John Heilemann and Mark
Halperin discuss senator Harry Reids motives for encouraging
thenSenator Obama to pursue the presidency. Reid, according
to Halperin and Heilemann, believed the markers of White preference that Obama embodied, such as his lack of Negro dialect,
unless he wanted to have one and light complexion, would
appeal to voters and help Democrats claim victory (Heilemann
& Halperin, 2010, p. 36). Coupled with Obamas other symbolic
forms of Whiteness (e.g., Ivy League education, faculty position
at the University of Chicago), Reids remarks appear to corroborate the general truism that White Americans favor African
Americans who are presumably most like them, that is, who seem

less Black and more White. Since his first inauguration,

President Obamas initiatives have, in some respects, upheld the
existing racial order as his initiatives harmonize with the nations
movement toward new racism, or seemingly nonracial practices
and policies that actually maintain the status quo (Ray & BonillaSilva, 2009). For instance, his emphasis on science, technology,
engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education may do little
to redress racial inequities in those fields because Whites are statistically more likely to receive STEM degrees than people of
color (U.S. Department of Education, 2011). Disaggregating the
385,842 STEM awards that were conferred by Title IV institutions for the 2000-2001 academic year, for example, reveals that
Whites were the overwhelming majority of recipients (2,457
American Indian or Alaska Native; 35,753 Asian, Native
Hawaiian, or other Pacific Islander; 31,341 Black; 23,891
Hispanic or Latino; 236,169 White; 15,460 no race specified;
40,771 nonresident alien). Unfortunately, empirical studies generally do not include skin color as a key demographic variable,
thus leaving unanswered questions about Black pathways in
education.
Colorism: Historical Foundations and
Contemporary Practices
Limited attention to colorism in contemporary educational studies involving African Americans is striking, and modern omissions prompt historical perspectives and evidence from other
disciplines to fashion the prevailing narrative. The subsections
that follow provide a short synopsis of findings that capture general implications of phenotypic variation among African
Americans in educational and social domains. Although academics have established that socially constructed racial hierarchies
usually benefit light-skinned African Americans and disenfranchise dark-skinned African Americans (M. Hunter, 2007), sparse,
yet compelling, work punctuates social story lines with important caveats that should not be overlooked.

Historical Perspectives
The interplay of skin color and race has governed African
American positionality throughout the nations labor, legal, educational, and civic histories. Indeed, roots of colorism were
seeded during the colonial period as skin tone became entwined
with a prejudicial hierarchy that was stimulated by White racism.
Thus from the slave era through legal segregation, the historical
record chronicles relative advantages for light-complected Blacks
as compared to dark-complected Blacks (Frazier, 1957/1962;
Hall, 2010). Within the slave system, light-skinned Blacks often
worked as house servants, foreman, or were trained as artisans
rather than forced to endure grueling field labor (Bodenhorn &
Ruebeck, 2007; Lacy, 2007; Patillo-McCoy, 1999).3 Slave narratives also suggest that house slaves had more desirable clothing
(Brown, 1847), were given a rudimentary education as children
(Douglass, 1845/1988), and were periodically promised their
freedom, although manumission was inconsistently granted
(African American Lives, 2006) and frequently mediated by parentage (Bodenhorn, 2002b). Social scientists speculate that slave
masters actions may have sprung from a variety of motives, such
as racist beliefs that light-skinned slaves were closer to being
White and therefore more intelligent and less threatening

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than dark-skinned individuals. Archival evidence further indicates that White slaves may have garnered special sympathy
from wealthy Northerners (Cadet, 2012) and privileges from
slave owners who acknowledged their offspring (M. Harris, Bell,
& Lennon, 2003). Mulattoes also appear to have received better
nutrition (Bodenhorn, 2002a) and steadily accumulated wealth
faster than their Black counterparts (Bodenhorn & Ruebeck,
2007) among the free population.4
Basic prejudices notwithstanding, working in the big house
placed many light-skinned Blacks in close and regular proximity
with Whites, thereby enabling house slaves to learn White ways
and become fluent in some forms of White cultural capital, such
as slaveholders speech patterns, while field slaves often retained
remnants of their African dialect (Frazier, 1957/1962). The totality of former house slaves experiences, coupled with ongoing
biases favoring Whiteness and lightness, likely helped such individuals gain some forms of social mobility during Reconstruction.
For example, Bennett (1961/1993), Frazier (1957/1962), and
others note that Blacks who entered Negro colleges as well as
those who became proprietors, landowners, politicians, and community leaders were overwhelmingly from mixed racial backgrounds and relatively light-complexioned (e.g., Frances Harper).
Historical advantages accrued to light-complected Blacks surely
had a long reach, as African Americans who built some degree of
wealth through land purchases, home ownership, and the accumulation of other assets likely set the course for family well-being
generationally. Moreover, because light-skinned Blacks often
married Blacks who mirrored their racial aesthetics and/or social
standing, economic growth likely multiplied within a set range of
the Black population. A notable exception is when light-skinned
Blacks married high-status dark spouses. As African Americans
carved post-Emancipation lives, colorist discrimination was
maintained through Greek letter organizations, blue vein societies, Negro fraternal orders, and societies that restricted membership, such as through brown-bag and pencil tests. Fair-skinned
African Americans further had the flexibility of passing into
White society to circumvent employment, housing, travel, and
other restrictions erected against Blacks (Drake & Cayton,
1945/1962). As Anthonys (1995) study of passing among Black
Creoles demonstrates, participation in racial masquerades was
often economically motivated and, thus, contributed to intragroup economic stratification, as fair-skinned Blacks used their
outwardly White appearance to secure better-paying and
higher-status occupations than what was available to most Blacks.
Hochschild and Weavers (2007) review of census data since
1890 also documents how race mixing created a foundational
basis for alternate legal recognition. According to their work,
with the exception of the 1900 census, the government distinguished between Negroes, mulattoes, quadroons, and octoroons
into the early 20th century, thereby setting the stage for alternative standings, as the court case State v. Treadaway (1910) emphasized.5 Specifically, Octave Treadaway, who belonged to the
White caste, and his companion, a woman who belonged to the
colored caste, were charged with violating a 1908 Louisiana act
that banned racial admixture. Although most Southern states
restricted interactions between racial groups until 1967, the
Treadaway case became noteworthy for the earnest effort to
determine whether the colored woman was considered Negro.
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EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER

The presiding judges conclusion that colored people were not

Negro and, therefore, not bound by the same racial constraints
ultimately became the basis for the couples acquittal. Although
privileged legal status for mixed-race people tended to be an
exception rather than a rule (Hochschild & Weaver, 2007), cases
such as the Treadaway affair reified the power of being more or
less Black in the segregated South. Within the colorist domain,
the historical record clearly illustrates how African American lives
were affected by privilege and impingement based on racial
codes and widely accepted assumptions.

Contemporary Perspectives
Although official racial classifications steadily moved toward
global categories during the early 20th century, the effects of skin
color discrimination have persisted into the current century.
Marginalization surfaces as a general theme when colorism is narrowed to experiences among dark-complected African Americans.
In mainstream society, people with dark pigmentation tend to
encounter exclusion and particularly harsh treatment if they are
more African looking, as Blair, Judd, and Chapleaus (2004)
research makes visible. After collecting a random sample of data
on 216 male inmates from the Florida Department of Corrections,
they explored whether sentences varied on the basis of how
African looking the defendant was. After comparing Black and
White inmates with equivalent criminal histories, Blair and her
colleagues concluded that sentences did not reflect systematic
racial bias; that is, Black defendants did not receive harsher punishments than White defendants with similar backgrounds.
When turning attention to in-group differences, however, Blair
et al. found that being more African looking was correlated
with longer prison sentences. In real time, having Afrocentric
features amounted to a prison sentence that was approximately 7
to 8 months longer than the average for other Black or White
inmates, respectively. Burch (2005); Viglione, Hannon, and
DeFina (2011); and others have reached similar conclusions.
In education-related areas, social scientists regularly unmask
gendered dimensions of colorism. Using data from the National
Survey of Black Americans, for example, Thompson and Keith
(2001) found, in part, that skin hue predicted perceived selfefficacy among Black men, as dark men ranked lower on indicators of self-efficacy than light men.6 Careful consideration of
related research suggests that color prejudice may inform such
results. Certainly in the workplace, a traditional source for male
effort and accomplishments, employers have been shown to favor
light applicants as documented by Harrison and Thomas (2009).
They write,
The mean ratings (both for recommendation and hiring) given to
applicants in this study seem to suggest that darker skinned
Blacks (particularly males) can have more educational background, prior work experience, and perceived competence and
still not be as highly recommended or more likely to be hired over
someone with lighter skin and noticeably less skill.
This finding is possibly a result of the common belief that
fair-skinned Blacks probably have more similarities with Whites
than do dark-skinned Blacks, which, in turn, makes Whites feel
more comfortable around them (Williams, 2002). (p. 155)

As a result, dark Black mens rankings on self-efficacy may be

motivated by the unfortunate reality that color bias may frustrate

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their goals. Likewise, the social sciences and humanities are

replete with examples of how dark-skinned women are excluded
from depictions of beauty, attractiveness, and femininity in
mainstream society and heterosexual relationships (Bond &
Cash, 1992; Ross, 1997). For instance, M. Hunter (2008) notes
the value of light skin on the marriage market particularly among
women, a theme poignantly reverberated in other studies (e.g.,
Hill, 2002b) as well as popular media (e.g., Spike Lees (1991)
Jungle Fever).
Despite the real ways in which skin hue intrudes on Black life,
conversations about race largely obscure colorism and mute
scholarly engagement with the constructions implications for
research access, data collection, interpretive analyses, and databased applications. Yet if educational researchers are to conduct
and relate authentic Black stories, they must interrogate how colorist propositions shade investigations, particularly, qualitative
inquiries in which participants articulate their own insights. Such
a body of research would accelerate calls to improve research
experiences and evade unanticipated and underexplored dangers
of scholastic investigation (see Milner, 2007, for an analysis of
cultural processes related to researching African American communities). Moving beyond racial classifications to the colorist
realm is an empirical challenge but one that must, nevertheless,
be confronted methodologically. Because skin tone difference is
a relative concept and likely to provoke disagreement based on
individual backgrounds and spheres of exposure,7 researchers
must be wary of extrapolating findings across racial taxonomies
and create spaces in which participants enunciate their own interpretations.

Summary and Caveats

Colorism mobilizes both inter- and intraracial skin tone bias for
Blacks. White racism seeded initial color consciousness as racist
notions that light-complexioned African Americans were closer
to being White and, therefore, more intelligent, trustworthy, and
desirable than their dark brethren became popular. The historical
narrative unveils an undeniable legacy of light-skin preference by
Whites from slavery onward. As previously established, lightcomplected Blacks were more likely to work as maids, cooks,
butlers, artisans, and coachmen rather than as field hands. House
servants physical positioning also gave them more ready access to
literacy and work training. The disproportionately large share
of the free Black population that light-skinned Blacks composed
also enabled them to acquire wealth and carve successful lives
by several measures (e.g., educational attainment, property
ownership).
As the nation lumbered into the modern era, antebellum
biases continued to cast a long shadow on widely held perceptions and corresponding action. The result for Black America has
been a dual system of racial stratification. On one level, African
Americans, regardless of their skin tone, grapple with the implications of discrimination, such as segregation and redlining
(Darling-Hammond, 2012). On a second level, skin-tone privilege has helped light-skinned Blacks to power ahead of their peers
in areas such as wealth accumulation and occupational status
(Keith & Herring, 1991). As previously articulated, both realities
preserve White advantage in society at large because (a) Black
advancement tends to be mediated by White decision makers

preferences and (b) ramifications of skin-tone difference within

the Black community do not disrupt overarching Black-White
disparities.
Although the previous sections outline broad understandings
that encircle inter- and intraracial color lines, researchers should
receive the information with several caveats in mind. First, despite
skin color variations, individuals with Black ancestry were (and
are) generally faithful to an overarching Black identity. Even during legalized segregation, individuals who stood to benefit from
colorism pushed for democratic inclusion among African
Americans. The Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) Supreme Court case is
an iconic example, as Homer Plessy, who was one eighth Black
and seven eighths White, was not permitted to sit in the Whiteonly section of a train traveling through Louisiana. Incensed by
the requirement that he be seated in the trains colored section,
Plessy sued the railway company. Given his attempt to dismantle
a segregated system, Plessys actions were plausibly an act of racial
solidarity with other Black Americans and perhaps indicative of
a desire to better accommodations for people with African ancestry. Other examples include Walter Whites and Ben Jealouss
activism through the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP) and Adam Clayton Powells and
Cory Bookers accomplishments as elected officials. While historians correctly criticize the regrettable role that light-skinned
African Americans played in upholding color prejudice, the
Plessy, White, Booker, Jealous, and Powell cases are high-profile
models of individual exceptionalism that force researchers to
temper unyielding portraits of light-skinned Blacks as an exclusionary bloc that stubbornly upholds self-interest over racial
justice.
Second, some work stresses racial aggressions that light-complected Blacks face (Piper, 1992). Examples include chronic challenges to their racial identity, particularly denouncements
that they are not authentically Black and expressions of resentment from other Blacks regarding real or perceived advantages.
M. Hunters (2008) synthesis poignantly captures such sentiments and is worth quoting at length. She writes,
The task of proving oneself to be a legitimate or authentic
member of an ethnic community is a significant burden for the
light-skinned in Latino, African American, and Asian American
communities. For many people of color, authenticity is the vehicle through which darker-skinned people take back their power
from lighter-skinned people. . . . One common way they regain
their sense of power and pride is to accuse light-skinned Blacks of
not being Black enough. . . . Not being Black enough, or
authentically ethnic enough, in any ethnic community, is a serious insult to many. It implies that they do not identify with their
fellow co-ethnics, that they do not care about them, that they
think they are better than their co-ethnics, or in extreme cases,
that they wish they were White. . . . Light-skinned men and
women are typically not regarded as legitimate members of the
African American or Mexican American communities. They may
be excluded from or made to feel unwelcome in community
events and organizations. (pp. 70-72)

The Interest Convergence Principle: Theoretical

Considerations
Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) are credited with introducing
critical race theory (CRT) to the field of education, and numerous

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social scientists have clarified the theorys application to educational research (e.g., Donnor, 2005; Duncan, 2002; Howard,
2008; Solrzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Stefancic & Delgado,
2001). Although CRT is anchored by several propositions
(Ladson-Billings, 1998), this article focuses on one tenet: the
interest convergence principle. Although CRT is a helpful way to
interrogate race independently, a colorist perspective enables
researchers to drill into racism and race relations more comprehensively.

The Interest Convergence Principle

According to Bell (1992), actions that enhance African Americans
social standing and/or move racial progress forward are catalyzed
by contextual factors that ultimately serve White interests as well.
Because the abiding effect that racial justice strategies and battles
have on Whites ultimately mediates outcomes, long-term success
or failure is foreseeable and predicted by the degree to which
African American goals harmonize with the aims of White
America. Across time and location, the principles hardiness is
reinforced by two conditions: (a) Promoting Black aims does
not require Whites to abandon their own interests, and (b) existing power relationships remain intact.
Once celebrated as a decisive victory for Black democratic
inclusion, the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision has
been recast by many as a clear illustration of the interest convergence principle. Writings by the late civil rights attorney Derrick
Bell (2005) capture the asceticism of this stark truth. Relying
heavily on C. Harriss (2003) scholarship, Bell argues that the
Brown verdict aided state and national interests, such as by reinforcing the tradition of states rights. Most plainly, state and local
segregationist governments were allowed to determine how integration efforts would be handled. As a consequence, high-quality
Black institutions were closed, Black educators were dismissed
and demoted, and schools were simply resegregated en mass.
Simultaneously, the United States international image and
ostensible dedication to equality were bolstered, thereby countering global criticism and pressure to uphold birthrights for all
citizens. Ultimately, such motives, among other causes, led Bell
to conclude that
Brown was not a revolutionary decision. Rather, it is the definitive example that the interest of blacks in achieving racial justice
is accommodated only when and for so long as policymakers find
that the interest of blacks converges with the political and economic interests of whites. (Bell, 2005, p. 1056)

When considering how colorism meshes with the interest

convergence principle, Palmers (2010) study of a dual-language
program in a racially integrated setting highlights the need to
mature CRTs analysis of race. Based on interview and observational data from a yearlong study in California, the author found
that two-way immersion (TWI) classes were largely populated by
Latino and White children despite the fact that the student body
was fairly evenly distributed among Blacks, Whites, and Latinos.8
Given that the program was designed to promote equity and
help children bridge cultural and linguistic differences, the
author questioned why Black youngsters were generally excluded
(Palmer, 2010, p. 95). She ultimately faulted deficit orientations
toward Black students, middle-class Whites power to exclude
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others, and seemingly color-blind admissions processes as primary reasons for low African American participation rates.
Although Palmers (2010) study sheds insight into why most
Black students were obstructed from entering the program, unanswered questions are raised about the small percentage of Black
students who were selected for admission. Given current knowledge about light-skin privilege in the Black community, querying
the backgrounds of Black TWI students would help unravel how
colorism operates in school settings. What impressions did teachers hold of Black TWI pupils? Did the instructors perceptions
resonate with prevailing color biases? When researchers adhere
strictly to race, they miss opportunities to disaggregate nuanced
content of Black racialization, such as skin-tone bias.
Since Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) published their seminal
article, researchers have steadily built on the call to enhance racial
conceptualizations and expose educational constraints in the lives
of students of color. Yet within this rich body of work, few voices
acknowledge that colorism nurtures asymmetries within racial
groups. As a result, there remains a great deal to learn about how
African Americans negotiate and are affected by tenets of CRT
within their own race as well as in society at large.
Future Directions
Published research is saturated with calls for increased awareness
of and sensitivity to cultural norms, particularly as related to
divides between researchers and participants, such as racial, gender, and social class differences (Milner, 2007; Rist, 2000).
Mistaken conclusions about African American life have left damaging effects by inviting unwarranted stereotypes, injurious public policy decisions, and oversights that ignore the richness of
Black traditions. Yet, essentializing African American communities through the omission or diminishment of colorist analyses may
yield equally erroneous or dangerous conclusions; acquiring total
insight into racial influences demands a dual race-color lens. This
section presents a sampling of recommendations for future
empirical and conceptual work.

Mentoring
Given that Whites compose the top tier of U.S. racial stratification, social stereotypes place individuals with dark coloring at a
disadvantage because they are (a) the most distant from desirable
characteristics associated with Whiteness and (b) the closest to
disparaging traits that are linked to Blackness. Such impulses are
translated into the academic terrain, as racist beliefs and practices
wrongly position African Americans as being less intelligent
than Whites (Jensen, 1969) and incrementally smarter than
other Blacks on the basis of the percentage of White genes in
their biological makeup (Lynn, 2002).9 Because light-complexioned Blacks tend to have higher levels of educational attainment
than dark-skinned Blacks (Allen et al., 2000), learning more
about how colorism informs steps associated with educational
completion rates is worthwhile.
The critical role that educators expectations play for K-12
students is particularly important, as Black students exhibit
strong academic performance when professionals adhere to high
expectations (Lewis, James, Hancock, & Hill-Jackson, 2008) and
provide quality instructional experiences (Ladson-Billings,
1994). Additionally the relationships that teachers and other

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individuals forge with Black youths are especially meaningful in

helping youngsters develop educational goals and make the
transition from high school to postsecondary education and
future careers (Wimberly, 2002, p. 9). To date, however, relatively little is known about the mentoring relationships that exist
between educators and phenotypically different Black students.
Similarly, there is a dearth of research that systematically narrows
attention to Black educators who represent a range of Black visual
images.
Scholars are encouraged to systematically investigate professional mentoring activity among teachers, administrators, counselors, paraprofessionals, and other stakeholders (e.g., academic
coaches) to shed insight into whether and why interactions vary
along colorist boundaries. For example, what types of classes and
academic tracks are Black students encouraged to pursue? Are
educators equally receptive to Black students presence and contributions in their classes? How does skin tone relate to Black
students perceptions of the educational figures in their lives?
Unfortunately, minimal scholarship on colorism in PreK-12 settings suffocates insights to these questions.

Professional Experiences
In addition to examining educator-student relationships, colorism may also surface in professional experiences. While not a
study of colorism, the teachers comments in Milners (2005)
study of Dr. Wilson, a Black educator in a predominately White
suburban setting, illustrates how African American teachers
negotiate both race and color in the workplace. Reflecting on
student learning through the implicit curriculum, the study participant remarked,
I keep my hair cut short because I want my kids to see a dark
skinned Black woman with short hair. For many of them, Rich,
they have never seen this. And yes, there are lessons in that. And,
yes, I plan this. I am aware of what Im doing. I want them to see
a Black woman with Black features and how yes, I am OK, and I
am smart, a reader, successful, you see? I tell them how Ive traveled the world, and they look at me in awe. . . . Their interactions
with me and their acceptance of me will help them to take the
time to be accepting of other people who may not look like them
or have the same kinds of experiences. (p. 411)

As enunciated in the excerpted quote, perceptions of Black educators are inherently catalyzed by their race and color. As a consequence, Black educators may grapple with stereotypes that are
color specific and live out Blackness differently on the basis of
their physical appearance and the school social composition. As
alluded to by Dr. Wilson, dark-complected Black teachers may
be particularly motivated to challenge assumptions about Black
intellect, while light-complected Black teachers may be moved to
dismantle preconceived ideas about who is authentically Black.
While the overarching narrative of Black educators documents a
common commitment to excellence (Foster, 1997; Mitchell,
1998), researchers slow movement to chronicle Black phenotypes in contemporary studies relegates a critical dimension of
Black teachers professional lives to the realm of conjecture.
Other professional experiences that should be investigated
include employment practices, such as hiring, promotion, and
evaluation decisions; mentoring relationships; interactions with
students families; and exchanges with colleagues. While evidence

exists that light-skinned Blacks benefit from preferential hiring

decisions in the general marketplace (Harrison & Thomas,
2009), relatively few researchers have investigated whether such
tendencies hold true in educational contexts specifically. In a
related vein, the degree to which skin tone influences career
advancement, job-based recommendations, and professional
evaluations is unclear. Given the steady increase in Black-onBlack grievances that are filed through the legal system and
administrative agencies (Valbrun, 2003), questioning the role of
skin tone in perceptions and claims of unfair treatment is a ripe
area of study. Investigating such matters through a CRT lens
would also stimulate new questions about the degree to which
segments of the Black community benefit from progressive hiring
practices as compared to other historically underrepresented
groups such as White women.

School Discipline
Researchers have documented racial disparities in school discipline since mass desegregation and highlighted how Black children are affected at a disproportionately high rate (Childrens
Defense Fund, 1975; Skiba, Michael, Nardo, & Peterson, 2000;
Taylor & Foster, 1986). The regularity with which males are
menaced in school settings has focused attention on gendering
patterns (Monroe, 2005); however, insights about color bias are
severely wanting. Interrogating colorism as related to behavioral
perceptions and disciplinary moments will help clarify connections between race, gender, and discipline, as researchers will
acquire a firmer understanding of differential perceptions that
frame inequities. Determining whether Black students have qualitatively different interactions with teachers, administrators,
campus resource officers, or other school officials on the basis of
complexion will be a major step toward refining conceptual
understanding of culturally grounded classroom management
frameworks and formulating reform plans. If dark-skinned Black
males do, in fact, have the most troublesome encounters, as tends
to be the case in the criminal justice system, theorists will have a
fuller understanding of how discipline intersects with overarching sociopolitical forces in the nation (see Weinstein, TomlinsonClarke, & Curran, 2004, for an articulation of a culturally
focused classroom management model). More importantly, the
field can depart from mundane portrayals of Black students that
fail to acknowledge color lines from an intraracial standpoint.

CRT
More than 20 years ago, Bell (1990) urged the nation to Get
Real about race and the persistence of racism in America
(p. 393). His compelling body of scholarship became a foremast
that demonstrably moved social analysts to apply the pillars of
CRT to the field of education and amplify the role of racism in
structural challenges. While African Americans historically
express concerns about tackling prejudice, the ferocity and
effects of racial bias do not affect all segments of the community
the same way. Critical race theorists should revisit the framework and interrogate how colorism intersects with racism in
both structural and personal opportunities for bias in educational settings. While extant research suggests that the consequences of racism may fall particularly heavily on
dark-complexioned African Americans, empirical insights are

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15

constrained. On one level, educational researchers do not tend

to explicitly foreground colorism in empirical endeavorsat
least in contemporary studies. Rather, racial descriptions for
study participants, settings, and researchers largely rest with
global categories, such as Black or African American. On a
second level, scholars who do comment on skin color tend to
limit descriptions to binary labels that crudely denote individuals as light or dark. As a consequence, knowledge about colorism frequently proceeds from fields such as sociology and
psychology and does not always deliberately address educational
factors. Substantial benefits would emerge from critical race
theorists decision to make colorism a basic component of their
interpretive framework. By the same token, scholars should
abandon monotheme or dualistic approaches to data collection
and analysis. Educational research, rather, needs studies that
attend to the continuum of skin tones that exist in the African
American community, as colorist asymmetry admits varied and
relative forms of discrimination to the lived experience.
Moving color analysis from the margins of academic discourse
to the center of educational research may further elucidate how
basic tenets of White advantage mediate the comparatively better
standing that light-complexioned African Americans hold in
society at large in relation to dark-complexioned African
Americansat least by several traditional measures (Allen et al.,
2000; M. Hunter, 2005). Thus, critical race theorists stand to
learn a great deal about the tenacity of colorism as well as racism
and how color bias sustains the interest convergence principle.
For instance, does the tendency to hire and promote light-complexioned African Americans, as documented in other fields
(Harrison & Thomas, 2009), also hold true in education? How
do teachers perceive Black students as related to youngsters academic and social identities? And how do Black students interpret
popular ideas, such as acting White (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986),
racelessness (Fordham, 1988), and oppositional identity development (Ogbu, 2003)? Foregrounding physical appearance as
related to race, especially via a broad color continuum, will help
liberate findings that are stifled by generalized labels.

Applications to Additional Communities

Researchers are encouraged to grow educators understanding by
investigating how the construct operates in other communities
particularly as related to intersectionality. Telles and Ortizs
(2008) study of Mexican incorporation into U.S. society provides
a foundation for how colorism may be examined among Mexican
Americans. Their study traces Mexican Americans experiences
across four to five generations, and they conclude that such families slowly enter the working and lower-middle classes with a
large share of the community living in or near the poverty line.
The authors proceed to challenge assimilation theory on the
grounds that their evidence is a marked departure from findings
among European Americans, who tend to become middle class
by the third generation.
Although Telles and Ortizs (2008) study was not designed
to query colorism, questions that arise from their work resonate
with the call of the present article. In light of current knowledge
about colorism as a social barrier, educators would benefit
from sustained efforts to expand understanding of intragroup
experiences. Namely, did racialized barriers that Telles and Ortiz
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cite, such as stereotyping, mediate intragroup socioeconomic

stratification? As evidenced by Ferguss (2004) study of Mexican
and Puerto Rican youth, skin color may be linked with important
responses to discrimination. Among the participants in his work,
Fergus found that so-called Mexican or Hispanic-looking students and Black or biracial-looking students tended to acknowledge race, ethnicity, gender, skin color, and language as factors
that influence success or failure. White-looking males, however, did not attribute inequities to race or skin color. These types
of basic differences in student perceptions may spur trajectories
that partially explain core beliefs that guide individuals future
pathways. Unfortunately, as reiterated throughout the current
article, too few researchers recognize how skin complexion
defines difference within racial groups, thus resulting in a body
of educational research that generally overlooks a powerful operative in communities of color. Ferguss findings, alongside Telles
and Ortizs thorough research, further highlight the need to
investigate how colorism complicates race. Completing studies
with Latino, Asian, and indigenous communities also allows educators to engage questions related to immigration, citizenship,
colonization, and languagearenas that will facilitate valuable
comparisons and contrasts to the African American narrative.
Concluding Thoughts
Previous researchers have demonstrated that colorism plays a
critical role in mediating the educational, economic, political,
and social opportunities available to African Americans. Although
educators routinely investigate racial concerns, few contemporary investigators probe how skin color informs studies, thus leaving colorism as a common blind spot. Scholars, study participants,
and research consumers bring ideas about colorism to investigative inquiries, thus making it essential to filter through colorist
notions, such as by questioning whether and how Black study
participants are affected by racial impulses, and evaluating
whether an authentic study has transpired. In the drive to refine
scholarship and sharpen analytical insights, colorismspecifically enlisting ways to account for its organic presenceshould
be at the vanguard of education research. Additionally, hair texture, eye color, the prominence of Black African or White
European facial features, hair color, and stylistic choices (e.g.,
clothing, hairstyle) are demarcations that have implications for
latent assumptions, the degree of comfort participants have with
researchers, and their subsequent willingness to be fully invested
during a study.
In practice, social scientists are encouraged to use frameworks
provided by Alridge (2003) and Milner (2007) as starting points
for building self-awareness about researcher positionality. In
addition to analyzing race, social class, sexual orientation, and
gender, researchers should sift through complexion questions
that are embedded in racial classifications. How successfully possible barriers are removed, minimized, or at least addressed from
a methodological standpoint, of course, is an empirical question
that requires data-driven answers. Contemporary researchers
who complete investigations with Black populations are encouraged to document how they disclose their orientation(s) about
colorist impulses and personal racial identity (or identities) as
well as study participants responses. Continuously reflecting on
and analyzing this type of data will shed insight into how

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nuances of race may propel studies in certain directions with

regard to data collection and analytical conclusions. More
importantly, these steps will challenge monolithic portrayals of
Blackness and honor the realities, contradictions, nuances, and
shades of distinction that define African American life and educational research.
NOTES

The author thanks the editors, anonymous reviewers, Howard

Bodenhorn, Marybeth Gasman, Jacqueline Irvine, and Christine Sleeter
for their feedback on this work.
1For a comprehensive consideration of beauty images, see Wolf
(1991).
2Hall (2010) terms discrimination based on skin color as victimism
when the actions proceed from victim groups, such as people of color.
3Slave accounts provide evidence that house slaves were not exempt
from physical punishment or their masters scrutiny (Jacobs, 1861/2000;
M. Harris, Bell, & Lennon, 2003).
4Male privilege appeared to nullify colorist privilege as Bodenhorns
(2002a) findings reveal that Black men acquired more wealth than
mulatto women.
5
Racial distinctions sometimes unfolded differently in the upper
South and lower South. Although Southern states recognized the validity of the proverbial one-drop rule (Davis, 1991), states in the lower
South often drew additional distinctions among the Black population
based on the percentage of White ancestry that an individual had
(Bowdenhorn, 2002b).
6
The researchers did not find that skin color predicted perceived selfefficacy among women.
7
Hills (2002a) work on race and perception provides an example of
how interviewers may hold alternative views of participants skin tone.
8
Fifty percent of two-way immersion students were Latino, 45%
were White, and 5% were Black.
9
I am aware that race is a social and not biological category as documented by Omi and Winant (1994).
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AUTHOR

CARLA R. MONROE is a visiting scholar at Alliance Legal, P.O. Box

43150, Washington, DC 20010; cm@alliance-legal.com. Her research
focuses on social foundations of education.

Manuscript received May 19, 2011

Revisions received June 14, 2012, and November 1, 2012
Accepted November 2, 2012

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