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Asian Americans
Keith Osajima
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osajima
keith osajima
Introduction
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This article builds upon and extends the existing literature. Based on
interviews with 30 Asian Americans who professed a pan-Asian American
critical consciousness and commitment to social action, the article looks
specifically at the process by which these respondents developed their
interests, a process to which Brazilian educator Paulo Freire refers as conscientization.10 The central purpose is to identify key factors, conditions,
and processes that contribute to their critical consciousness. The article
begins with a description of the research methods and analytic strategies.
The main body of the article presents the analyses of the interviews. The
article concludes with a discussion of how the research findings can inform
those activists and educators who work to bring new generations of Asian
Americans into the movement to replenish the ranks.
The Study
The studys focus on the process of Asian American conscientization
emerged, somewhat serendipitously, from a larger interview study of Asian
Americans in higher education that began in 1988. Between 1988 and
1992, I conducted fifty-three in-depth interviews with Asian American
college students. The goal was to collect general life stories that explored
the issues of family, identity, education, and racism. In that first group of
respondents, twelve students described themselves as having a strong panAsian American identity. They were involved in Asian American Studies
or student activities on campus. Though conscientization was not part of
my original research focus, their stories sparked an interest that I pursued
more directly in a second wave of interviews.
In 1998, I set out to follow up my interest in learning more about the
process of conscientization. Unlike the first set of interviews, where the
sampling goal was to produce as diverse a pool of respondents as possible,
in the second wave of interviews I was more purposeful in the development
of interview subjects.11 Interested in interviewing Asian Americans who
were actively involved in pan-Asian American activities, I identified several
respondents through contacts with Asian American cultural and resource
centers on college campuses in Southern California. Other subjects were
found through a snowball sampling method, where interviewees put me
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into contact with other people across the country whom they knew to be
involved in Asian American activism. A total of eighteen interviews were
conducted between 1998 and 2002.
Bringing the two sets of interviews together yields a sample of 30 Asian
Americans, representing a wide range of constituencies and involvement
in Asian American activities. A table presenting demographic characteristics of all respondents appears in the Appendix. Of the 30 respondents,
17 were female. There were 9 Koreans, 6 Chinese, 5 Japanese, 3 Filipinos,
1 Indian, and 3 respondents of mixed-heritage. Eight of the interviewees
were second-generation, born to immigrant parents. Six were born outside of the United States, and all had immigrated before the age of six.
Three were either third- or fourth-generation, and one had parents from
different generations.
The respondents were active in a number of Asian American related
activities, and were often involved in multiple activities. 12 All had taken
at least one Asian American Studies course. Four had majored in Asian
American Studies, and one had minored in the field. Five were in or had
completed a graduate program in Asian American Studies, or in another
discipline with a primary focus on Asian Americans. Seven respondents
were involved or worked in offices that provided social, cultural, and political programming on Asian American issues. Eighteen of the thirty were
involved in Asian American student organizations. Two had participated
in statewide or regional Asian American groups. Four respondents had
worked in an Asian American community-based organization.
Interviews with respondents lasted between one and three hours. I followed what Norman Denzin calls a nonstructured, scheduled interview
format.13 This method facilitates comparability across cases by defining
common areas of inquiry, but does not impose a fixed order to the questioning which may restrict responses. In each interview, general areas of
education, family, and race and racism were covered. When references
to conscientization surfaced in the interviews, follow-up questions were
asked to elicit more detailed information.
The overarching purpose of the study shaped the data analysis strategy. My goal was to understand the process by which respondents had
developed their critical consciousness. I wanted to identify the conditions,
influences, processes, and experiences that had contributed to conscienti-
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their lives, as Asian Americans, were shaped by larger historical and social
forces. In this way, the information had carried significant meaning and
relevance, helping them to understand their lives in new ways.
For Brian Kim, for example, conscientization had begun in an Asian
American history course. It really changed my view on how this society
works and where we fit in. He said, I just never thought of what our history is here or what my, say our ancestors came here for, the first generation. I just never knew. That first class had inspired Brian to switch out
of his pre-med studies and declare a major in Asian American Studies.
Echoing Cornell Wests notion of conversion, Brian says, So thats where
I am now. So you see Im a converted Asian.
An Asian American psychology class had exerted a transformative
impact on Margaret Eus thinking. Information about the Asian American
experience was meaningful because it had helped her to make sense of
experiences in her life and family. It had offered language and concepts
that explained why and how racism and sexism operated:
That was the first time that academically I was reading something that
was so relevant to my experience and my identity. . . .[E]verything made
so much sense. It was like somebody was explaining my life history, my
life pattern on paper, and in theory and in literature.19
David Tan echoes Margarets comments. Like many of his peers, David
Tan had not been interested in political activism when he graduated from
high school. He was all about having fun. When he had entered college,
he said, I was paying attention more to the women than to the professors.
But, information in an Asian American Studies class had resonated deeply
with David; his professor had offered insights that not only helped him to
understand his life experiences, but also inspired him to learn more:
He went into the issues of family relations, generational conflicts, the
model minority, anti-Asian violence. Just everything that happened in
my life, he explained it. Thats when I realized, this is what I want to do.
I need to learn more.20
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student group. The group had showed the movie, Who Killed Vincent
Chin, about the 1982 slaying of a Chinese American man by two unemployed, white auto workers. It had struck a deep nerve. As David had
watched Vincent Chins mother fight to win justice for her son, David had
thought of his grandmother and the struggles she faced as an immigrant,
non-English-speaker woman. Here, the content of the movie and articles
had intersected with Davids life and led him to make new connections:
Thats an example of that sort of connection, of seeing things and
knowing how race played a part and seeing how those kinds of elements
played itself out in my life and my familys life, especially for my
grandmother.21
Pearl Cruz had begun to change when a friend invited her to attend a
meeting to organize a campus protest. Watching and listening to powerful
and articulate women of color speak out about racism and sexism had
inspired Pearl:
I went home that summer and devoured every piece of feminist literature
I could get my hands on. So Im just sitting there reading like a maniac
all summer long, just digesting what had happened that year. . . . It was
really something, it hit me all at once.22
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It was like therapy, group therapy to sit around and swap stories
about when I was growing up. So that was great, sharing things that
everybody had experienced and thought they were the only ones who
had experienced.27
Non-Judgmental Support
Connections with others not only helped respondents to break through
isolation, but also provided important support for conscientization.
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Jennie Fongs story follows the common line of her peers. The one
distinguishing feature of Jennies conscientization is that it had happened
in a setting relatively devoid of Asians. Jennie had grown up in the Midwest in predominantly white neighborhoods. She had attended to a large
state university in the Midwest, where there were few Asian students and
no established Asian American Studies courses. A decision to live in an
alternative living-learning residence hall had been fortuitous. One of the
experimental courses offered in connection with the residence hall was on
Asian Americans. Jennie had done some important learning in this class.
Later, the Midwest Asian American Student Union had held a conference
on another campus, which Jennie attended. Contact with other Asian
American student activists was inspiring, and Jennie had returned to her
campus and helped to develop events for Asian American Heritage Month.
Later, she had become a resident advisor on a multi-racial womens hall,
an experience which had helped to broaden her understanding of race
relations. All of these activities had led Jennie to alter her goals, shifting
away from an interest in medicine to a pursuit of graduate degrees in
Asian American Studies and history.
Gloria Parks critical consciousness had first been sparked on her
Asian womens residence floor. An introductory course on feminism
had generated a profound impact on her. In that course she had written
poems and stories about her family, which had enabled her to make a
connection between the materials and issues in class, with the larger perspective of whats going on with the world or in my life. She later helped
to put on events for the Asian Pacific Heritage month, which honed her
organizing skills.
Gloria captures the interlocking, iterative process of conscientization
that applies to many of her peers in the following quote:
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Yeah, the whole holistic education thing. I had the classes to contextualize
real life. I had the living environment that was supportive, and then I
became active in an Asian Pacific Islander student group that gave me
the space to empower myself and to feel like I could do something about
what I was learning. From there it just snowballed. I became active in
a statewide student group and got involved in on-campus organizing
and programming.36
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training program, will be the main focus. In these cases, the study suggests
that the course or program should offer substantive content and concepts
to lay the cognitive foundation needed for people to see themselves in
relation to the world. It also should include social activities to break isolation and opportunities for people to share stories with each other in a
non-judgmental, safe environment.
On a broader level, the study suggests that there is a value in and need
to offer a range of experiences across campus and community to increase
the likelihood that students will combine, on their own, elements that
contribute to conscientization. Pressure to have one person, course, or
program that single-handedly transforms students lives subsides when we
recognize that the interrelated process of conscientization benefits from
contributions across diverse segments of the community.
The importance of combining influences also casts new light on how
different parts of the campus and community can work collaboratively
to raise critical consciousness. Breaking from binary constructions that
often pit academic programs against student life activities, or divide
academe from community, the study shows how conscientization arises
when people are exposed to and combine lessons learned from a variety
of sources. This process implies that increased appreciation for the work
done across campus and community, along with greater coordination of
influences, is an important dimension of conscientization.
Ethnicity
Parents Occupation
(where known)
F Father
M - Mother
Where Raised
Asian
American
Involvement
2nd gen
Filipino
F- Military
5 Paul Wu
3rd gen
Chinese
F Engineer
San Jose area AA studies
M teacher
courses
AA student
group
4 Lisa Veracruz
age 1
Filipino
F- Merchant Marine S.F. Bay Area AA student
M - CPA
group
Filipino
Student
group
M - clerical S.F Area AA minor
AA student
group
3 Steffi Castro
2 Pearl Cruz
2nd gen
Filipino
F - Architect S.F Area AA Major
AA womens
group
1
Brian Kim
age 6 Korean Small Business San Francisco AA Major
owners Area
U.S. Born/
Generation
Born Outside
U.S. Age
at Arrival
Pseudonym
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Ethnicity
Parents Occupation
(where known)
F Father
M - Mother
Where Raised
Asian
American
Involvement
12 William Kim
age 3 Korean Small business
Michigan AA student
group
Regional AA
student
group
10 Soon Park
age 1 Korean
F Chef Hawaii, AA student
San Jose area
group
9
Julie Pak
8
Rose Lee
age 1 Korean
F- Minister S.F area AA student
group
JAAS
7 Cheryl Hamada
4th gen
Japanese
F engineer S.F. area AA student
group
6 Joe Yamamoto
3rd gen
Japanese
F farmer
CA central valley AA Studies
major
U.S. Born/
Generation
Born Outside
U.S. Age
at Arrival
Pseudonym
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2nd gen
Filipino
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19 Frank Lim
F 1st gen
F Chinese
F Sales So. Calif AA grad
M 3rd gen
M - Japanese
M Teacher
program
AA com
munity org
18 Roger Mendoza
2nd gen
Filipino
Unknown So. Calif. AA resource
center
Student
government
17 Scott Kato
4th gen
Japanese
Unknown Hawaii AA resource
center
Student government
15 Kathy Rodriguez
programming office
14 Stacy Nakano
4th gen
Japanese
F Insurance LA AA grad
program
AA com
munity org
Filipino
F Postal Worker S.F. Area AA student
13 Paul Espinoza
2nd
org
Multi-racial
mens org
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Ethnicity
Parents Occupation
(where known)
F Father
M - Mother
Where Raised
Asian
American
Involvement
24 Ryan Suzuki
4th gen
Japanese
F teacher So. Calif AA resource
center
23 Pam Kim
2nd gen Korean
F Small Business So. Calif. AA grad
program,
AA com
munity org
22 Gloria Park
age 2 Korean
F Small Business L.A. AA student
org
AA program
ming
JAAS
21 Jennie Fong
2nd gen
Chinese
F Professor Indiana AA grad
program,
AA student
org
AA regional
student org
20 Margaret Eu
age 6 Korea
F Small business So. Calif. AA major, AA
student
affairs
U.S. Born/
Generation
Born Outside
U.S. Age
at Arrival
Pseudonym
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29 Kevin Man
2nd gen
Burmese
F Janitor S.F. area AA leader
Chinese
M data entry
ship
program,
AA student
group
28 Kristin Oh
age 5 Korean
F Small Business
Oregon AA student
group,
Korean
student
group
27 Raj Kapur
age 2 Indian
F Professor
Wash. D.C. AA student
org
AA student
programming
26 Thuy Vo
age 3
Vietnamese
F security guard
Florida Grad
Chinese
M technician So. Calif.
program
Indian
with AA
emphasis
25 David Tan
2nd gen
Chinese
F gas station S.F. Area AA student
owner
group
State-wide
AA student
group
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Notes
1. Karen Umemoto, On Strike! San Francisco State College Strike, 19681969:
The Role of Asian American Students, in Contemporary Asian AmericaA
Multidisciplinary Reader, ed. by Min Zhou and James Gatewood (New York:
New York University Press, 2000).
2. Glenn Omatsu, The Four Prisons and the Movements of Liberation: Asian
American Activism from the 1960s to the 1990s, in Contemporary Asian,
80.
3. Ibid., 80.
4. Amy Uyematsu, The Emergence of Yellow Power in America, in Roots: An
Asian American Reader, eds. Amy Tachiki, Eddie Wong, and Franklin Odo
(Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1971).
5. Cornel University Directory of Asian American Studies, www.aaastudies.
org/directory/aasprgrms_directory.html
6. See especially, Chapter 1, From Nothing, A Consciousness, in Helen Zia,
Asian American Dreams (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2000).
7. Diane Fujino, Unity of Theory and Practice: Integrating Feminist Pedagogy
into Asian American Studies, in Teaching Asian AmericanDiversity and
the Problem of Community, ed. by Lane Hirabayshi (Lanham, MD: Rowman
and Littlefield Publishers, 1998).
8. Nazli Kabria, Becoming Asian American (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 2002).
9. Ibid., 111.
10. Paulo Freire, The Politics of Education (South Hadley, MA: Bergin and Garvey,
1986).
11. Silverman says that purposive sampling allows us to choose a case because it
illustrates some feature or process in which we are interested. David Silverman, Interpreting Qualitative Data, 2nd edition (London: Sage, 2001), 250.
12. In this article, I take a broad view of what it means to be an Asian American
activist. The respondents were involved in a range of Asian American related
activities, mainly on their college campuses, with a few in the community
(see Appendix A). They were also involved in varying degrees, some fully
immersed and fully identified as activists, others less active by comparison.
Analytically, I am less concerned with the degree and nature of their activity
than I am with understanding how they developed an interest in pursuing
some involvement in Asian American activities.
13. Norman Denzin, The Research Act: A Theoretical Introduction to Sociological
Methods, 2nd edition (New York: McGraw Hill, 1978), 125
14. Michael Quinn Patton, Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods, 3rd edition
(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2002), 56.
15. Ibid., 57
16. Placing priority on identifying the general process of conscientization meant
that other avenues of inquiry were not pursued. For example, the two separate
waves of interviews suggest the possibility of a comparative analysis to see
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
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if Asian Americans, in different time periods, experienced similar or different processes of conscientization. I decided not to pursue this possibility, in
part because the data did not lend itself to such an analysis, and because my
main focus was to look for common patterns, across all thirty cases, to their
development of critical consciousness.
Note that the names of those interviewed have been changed to protect their
identities.
Cornel West, Race Matters (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1993), 18.
Brian Kim (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Berkeley, CA, January 4,
1989.
David Tan (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Claremont, CA, May 10,
2000.
Ibid.
Pearl Cruz (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Berkeley, CA, January 10,
1989.
Ryan Suzuki (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Claremont, CA, May 10,
2000.
Freire, The Politics of Education, 10607.
Ibid., 85.
Joe Yamamoto (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Santa Cruz, CA, January
11, 1989.
Pearl Cruz, January 10, 1989.
Soon Park (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Berkeley, CA, January 9,
1989.
Andrew Barlow, Between Fear and Hope Globalization and Race in the United
States (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers 2003), 109.
Cheryl Hamada (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Berkeley, CA, May 8,
1989.
Gloria Park (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Santa Cruz, CA, July 16,
1999.
Steffi Castro (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, Berkeley, CA, January 13,
1989.
Soon Park, January 9, 1989.
Kenyon Chan, Rethinking the Asian American Studies Project: Bridging the
Divide Between Campus and Community, Journal of Asian American Studies
3:1 (2000), 20.
Ryan Suzuki, May 10, 2000.
Gloria Park, July 16, 2000.
Pamela Kim (Pseudonym), Interview with Author, June 15, 1999.
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