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FOREWOIiiD

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INSTJTUTEOf SIKH STUDIES

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The renewed interest in these

epistles of Guru Gobind Singh . called

'Proclamation of total Conquest' ,
Fatehnama, and 'Notification of
complete success and victory ',
Zafarnama, springs not from mere
h isto rical curiosit y but is rooted in
the current mood of sensitive sikhs
who instinctively feel that the current

situation in wrucb tbey find themselves in is, in some way, remini sce nt

of tbe phase of the Guru 's career

a de Javu, tbe feeling tbat it has
happened before, where defeat and
fru stration was overcome through
defiance and courage, convictio n and

higb sense of commitment that led

to victory and glory, self-fulfilment
and panoply of power.
S. Devinder Singh Duggal M.A.
has rendered tbese letters into
Englisb free verse and he has done
it well, preserving the content and

the spirit of the original as best as

be could .

-Sirdar ~apu.r SUHlh

I.C.S .-Ex.
National Professor of Sikhism

Rs. 6S

Fa.1#ehll1a...... a.
a.lI1d .
Z a. a.lPlI1 a.. . . a.

by

Devinder Singh Duggal

FOREWORD

Sir dar 5t.apur Sil1\1h

C)'latiol1al cpro/e""or 01 Sikhi"Ht

INSTITUTE OF SIKH STUDIES

JU LLU N Q.. UR

INSTITUTE OF SIKH STUDIES

1'4.Udham Singh N ar. Jullundu,.,

First Edition 1980

6Ji

Price ; Rs .

PubU.hed by An>a.deep Singh

&he In.&l&u.t;e 01 Sikh Btudle_,
1.94.-Udh.un Singh. Naga.., JuUund",.
and pZ't:n:ted by HaUlda.rd Pre ,

~or

Jullundur.

those sacred souls who, in the true

traditions of Sikhism, preferred
to be dismembered alive,
skinned alive, broken on
the wheels alive, boiled
alive, sawed alive and
scalped alive, rather
than bow to the
brutal will of
the tyrants.

CONTENTS
Foreword by Sirdar Kapur Singb
(i)-(x)

Prefae. by tb. autbor

(xi)-(xiv)

PART

Life of Guru Gobind Singh

I. From Patna to Paonta

3-8

II.

Baptism in Warfare
9-13

III. Tile Crowning

14-20
IV.

Achi~vement

Escalation of Conflict
21-3.6
V.

End of tbe Journey

37-41
VI. Epilogue
42-58

PART II
VII .

Fatebnama & Zaf.rnama

61 - 70

Texts an d Translat ions

F.teboama
71-84
Zafarnama
85-140
Notes & References
141--':156
Index
157-160
-,-0 -

FOREWORD
(By Bhai Sahib Sirdar Kapur Singh,
M.A. (Punjab), M.A. (Cantab), Ex. ICS, Ex M.P.,
National Professor of Sikhism.)
Recently, I have been requested more than once, by young
"Sikh ,wliters to say a few words to introduce their composltiolll;
referring to the two lellers Guru Gobind Singh (1666470&)
~rote to Emperor Aurangzib (1626-1706), One called Fatelinamtt
(December, 1704) and the otber Zafarnama (May, 1705); ~,:rhjj;
renewed interest in these documents, apparently, springs ' not
from liiere historical curiosity but is rooted in the current "moOli
of sensitive Sikhs wbo instinctively feel that tbe current sitUatiQh
in which tbey find themselves is, in some way, reminisedlt, ct
the phase of the Guru's career a de j u; tbe feeling that 'it- hils
bappened before 0 wbere defeat and frustration wasovercomle
througb defiance and courage, conviction and higb sense ,df
commitment that led to victory and glory, self-fulfilment and
panoply of power.
2. Fatehnama and Zafarnama are the titles not iDtcgdl
to these communications of tbe Guru, but are mere generic
tags wbicb oriental tradition and courtesy attaches to docoments
issued by or on behalf of a sovereign to his leige. Gueu Gobind
'Singh was the True King, .acca padisbab, while Aueangzib" a
mere mortal pretender to sovereignty over men, in the Sikh
- estimlltion, and, therefore, the Sikhs feel justified c,Uiing these
epistles of Guru Gobind Singh as, 'Proclamation ' of total
Conquest, 'Faleh-nama', and as the 'Notification of-complete
.Succ,e~s and Victory', 'Zafaroamah'.

(ii)

3. S. Devinder Singh Duggal, M.A. has rendered these

Letters into English free verse and be has done it well, preserving
tbe content and the spirit of the original as hest as he could, and
the result is a readable rendition.
4. As a backdrop, S.Devinder Singh bas prefaced his rendition
witb a Iife-sketcb of Guru Gobind Singb, bringing out tbe
salient points of tbe Guru's traditional bistory, so that his
renditions of tbe GUTU'S communications to the ,Emperor migbt
be prop~fy appreciated.
S. Tbe traditions I history of Sikh chroniclers states that tbe
first-letter, Fat,haama, that tbe Guru wrote at village Machhiwara
in the Ludbiana district of the Punjab, was smuggled out of
tbe 'c1ose military vigilance by tbe Guru himself as he escaped to
ffeYiMt mto the Bhatinda desert, in the disguise of a renowned
M1IIIIft holy man-Pir-I-Ucea-and tben it was .forwarded
'iIiI'til tII'e far South in Deccan where Aurangzib was busy 'in
,.ttr~s military operations against the Sbia Muslim States.
The-dironiclers tell us that the Guru affected his escape with tbe
'arid :lwo of bis Patban devotees, wbile in disguise, and at one
~illf\ when detained by a military post for proper identification,
was 'helped out by sayyid witness wbo swore a solemn
and 9O.jurous oatb on the boly Koran to the effect, tbat tbe
luspected and detained person was 1I0t Guru Gobind Singb_
6. Tbe aames of these Patban helpers and the aayyid
perjurer are known, and for bundreds of years, tbeir descendants
have been receiving generous gifts and comforts from pious,
am'lent Sikhs as a token of appreciation and gratituoe for their
services rendered to the Guru.
7. These descendants, right from the early 18th century,
down to the mIddle of the 20th century, wben India was
partitbned into two <'Ountries, Hindu India and Muslim India,
renderiog the Sikh identity as an infruetuous irritant, bave carried
with tbem 'testimonial.', huklm-Dam.bs, claimed to have been
authenticated by Guru Gobind Singh himself, certifying tbat
tbe -historical facts are. as ihe Chroniclers say, they are, and no
body bas cared or dared to doubt their genuineness till tbe

'(iii)

thirties of the 20tb century, wben the Sikb savant, Bhai Vir
Singh sensed the intrinsic improbability and blemisb of the
story a~out Guru Gobind Singh escaping in disguis~ and said so.

8. II was at tbis stage tbat I wro' e, in SOme vernacular

journal that (I) Guru Gobind Sinih never escaped in disguise 8S
Pir.I,Urea, out of the official vigilance ring operating in tbe area
of Cbamkaur-Machbiwara, and (2) lbat it was Bbai Daye Siogh
Pyl'. wbo, in tbe disguise of a Muslim Holyman smu ~ gl.d the
letter Fateutima out of Punjab and then conveyed it to
Aurangzib in tbe far ofl' Deccan. This is tbe basis of Devinder
Singb Dugg':I's statement in bis book, that
'n ACCording 'to Sfrdar Kapur Singh
~lIai Daya SIngh was entrusted
with'l'he task bf delivering tbe
letter perstinaily to Auran'g zib".
,~, Now a critical analysis of the evidence available in the
ferm of chronioles and historical nLrratives that clearly leads to
lOch a conclUSion, is now brielly given below.
I (). A piece of historical evidence cannot be properly
evaluated uolees its enviroomental baCk-drop arid cultural
~ra~ter 'is precisely determined
first Perceptions and
~erti6ns are'tlOt made in a void or segregated sitlation; they
iDevit-ably arc integrated to the cultural and mental loc sand
season of tbe period. Our Hindu idea of yoga 'tbe age', is based
OD this seminal insigbt and concept wbich postulates tbat, in a
given Jleriod, men are compulsively motivated -find oriented in
~rdance with broad fixed psychomeotal trends. It is to tbis
idea, originally of anoient Upanisadic insight. that Guru Nanak
refers in Asa dl Var, kali jug ratth agllD ka kud aega rotba.lbo:
'ln tbe Kali-age, men arc motivated by passion and driven by
falsebood', A.N. Whitebead in his: 'Science and the Modern
World' has given us a phrase to e"press tbis phenomenon,'o,eDlal
climate', The 'mental climate' of a period consists of those
fundamental assumptions which are current in tbat period and
which are accepted as self-evident and wbich form the common
ground~of attitudes.and deeds of men during tb.t period. Such

(iv)
presumptions arc not expressed and eXp'lained a.s explicjt
philosophi but nonetheless they form the b~sis of p~iiosophits
formulated, things said and done, and attitudes adopted'; during
that period. The chronicles and stories about the de~patcb ' of
tbe FalehDom. and tbe episode of Pir,i.Utea, cannot be an
exception.
.
.
.
.

II. In confronting and dealing Wiih tbe ruli';i'g Muslim

. class, Ihe ':turks" of Sikb phraseology, the Guru si~ply could
not and would not take recourse to a disguise to escape from
danger or 10 conceal bis credal idenlity. He would not simulate
or evade avowal of his identity, nO matter hc!w m(lrtal the
danger facing him or bow compelling tbe claims 'of expi:diency,
for, to do so, would belie his own teachings,lhe behests of
God Almighty-Kabio prabbu so bhakh hUll; ~abio prabhu so
maio karoo, and to fear nothing, no man except God, is Ibe
bed rock of Ihese teachings. It must be remembered th'at only
a day or so carlier, in his predicament al Cbamltaur, tlie Guru
bad stoutly refused to leave Ibe defensive mud 'walls .i!lto open
saf_ty without first throwing clear challeng. to thousands of his
enemies beleaguering bim, trumpeting the dC'fiance ;' : "The
Spiritual King of India and the Paracelele of Hiildus n(jW 'comes
fortb from bebind tbe mud fortificalion and let bim who cares
and dares to obstruct his progress, advance and rry" ; paul bind
nikasio javal ghero lum main jo balwan. It may not be lissumed
tbat less tban forty eigbt bours afterwards he would bellave and
act differently. The Guru was nol a cyclotbymic personality
inclined 10 alternation of bigb and low spirits, wavering will and
vacillating creed and conviction, of infirm cbaracter. Again, to
assume the disgUise of PirjUeta soon after compl5sing Ihe
deatb,defying Fatebnama to the migbty Aurangzlb, would make
tbe Guru look ridiculous and contemptible in Ibe eyes of
Aurangzib, tbe stauncb Sunol Muslim, wbo regarded Ihe
. doctrine of Dissimulation and Disguise, taqqieb, as cowardly
and un,koranic. Tbe taqqieh, faise disavowal of faitb,
pretention in religion, prudence in face of extreme danger, is the
doctrine of Shia Muslims,-on ,tbe autbority of Koran (16.107j

(v)

wherein he who is 'coerced to disbelieve, whilc his heart fiods

peace in the faith' is deemed as not blameable. Tbe Korao
(3 : 8) speaks of two \ciods of "erses in it, the clear ones,
mobakmataba and tbe obscure'ooes and multivocal, mutshabihatu,
and Sunni Muslims, therefore,
interpret tbis taqqieh
doctrine "erse, differently. The Sunui Muslims believ tbat
wheo 'extreme and mortal danger confronts, that is the
momen'! that lays an uncompromising obligation on a believer
to avow ' openly his laith and through death confirm his faith ,
sbahadat. This is precisely the Sikh doctrioe also . The test of
authenticity in Sikhism is unwaverin~, steadfast altegianee and
adhereoce to truth, truth of thougbt, word and deed : jujb
..araoll laa sac pallj.1. The Guru, therefore, would oever
pretend to be pr acquiesce io being represented as Piri-Ueea,
ander any circumstances whatsoever.
12. We have considered three reasoot, so far, that militate
against the literal acceptance of the chroniclers story, that the
Guru escaped in disguise by pretending to be the Pir-i-Ucea;
(1) the true structure of his firm, welt-integrated noncyclothymal
haracter (2) the ceotral doctrioe of Sikhism tbat enjoios open,
tinfalteriog av,?wal of faitb aod (3) extreme uolikelibood of a
Proud', self-regarding persooality actiog in a maoner that
degrades him in the . estimatiuo of his adversa,'Y. Tbere is a
fourth reasoo which is equally conclusive io tbe matter. We
have Guru's own unambiguous declaratioo that bis mission as
COinmaoded by God, is to educate aod persuade maokiod to
follow 'the right way of life', the panth, the way of Dharma and
Righteousoess. In the yaksbaprashoa of tbe Mahabharat, the
"pallth" is explained as "the path traversed by good and true
inen i o the days gooe hy" mahajaoa yena gal.b soh pantbab. 10
Islam, 'tbere is the concept, sulin.b, of more or less, tbe same
import. Literally it meaos, "tlle well-trodden path", but io
Islamic terminology it signifies "the example set by the
Propbet'\ aod tbus has ariseo an abundance of tradition
hadilb, attributed to the Prophet Mohammad. Tbat wha;
Mohammad did is its owo ethical validity and signification of

(vi}
bigb propriety. Tbe presuppositions tba.! support tbe> cQ,llcepl'
of pIIDtb and sanna constitute and determine Ibe meo~al
climate of Islamic world outlook: and the Sikb wellaocbauung.
Jf. Ih"efore, the Guru bad escaped' io disguise to a',oid mortal
danger or had disavowed directly or indirectly bis t<ue faith,
there would have been no Sl~h martyres submitting to being
scalped alive, broken on tbe wheels or cut up liob by limb
ratber tban buying safety throu~b disavo"al and dissimulation.
Yd, tllere is no! a single instance known in Sikh history wbere
a true Sikh adopted dissimulation or disavowal to save his life.
Tbere are numerous true stories of Sikhs in receot times, the
Ghadarlte Sikhs including, wbo spurned suggestions of falsification of their appearances by casting away their Sikh symbols
in order 10 evade police IIpprehension as unsikhlike. 8hagat
Siogh is called" tbe Great Martyre" by political Hindus beca~
he succumbe.d to sucb suggestions of cowardly prudence, but
Shagat lIingh himself, duriog his lasl days on earth, was,
sincerely repenteot of bis unsikblike conduct. There is
,bundant evidence in tbe earlier Sikh history alSl> showjng that
tbe contiogent conduct of the Guru was accepted as providing
guid~lines of absolute Sikh rectitude not to be disregarded in
an.y case. For instance, when Gur,! Gobind Singh ~rmly
declined at Chamkaur (Dec . .1~G4) to ~ve his own two SODS
from being killed in the bl!ttlefield, as long as other Sikhs were
\bere to go out to battle, it became. a firm precedent of
catelloric.1 imperative never to regard safety of oDe's OWO
family or kinsmen as a matter of pri,ority or preference wbere
Ibere was a question Of pantbic integrity or image involved. As '
Rattan Singh Shangoo tells us in his Panth Parkash (Sakhl
Jaml/er : 29) martyre Subeg Singh stoutly declined to save the
life of hi. son, Sbahbaz Singh, simply to keep his own family
line g"ing. His reply was: "the Guru did oot care to keep his
own family line going, bow can I, a mere Sikh, do .o? Ham
taran gur tolbe ,avai, baua kal thoD kavan )'adai? About
Jassa Singb Ahluwalia. we are told, (S,thi Wadda Gbalugbara:
86) tbal be refused to move his horse at a quicker pace in face

(vii)
of overwbelming danger, as Guru Gobind Singh had refused to
do so when similarly situated during his progress towards the
present Mukatsar (Jan ., 1705). This contingent conduct of Ibe
Guru bas had the force of a categorical imperative for tbe
Sikhs, not to panic or show signs of fear, no matter bow
overpowering the odds. Jassa Singh Abluwalia's response was
(1762) : "If 1 now quicken tbe pace in our tactical retreat,l sball
be looked down upon by all true Sikhs for running away from
danger and death in panic and fear" : .. ra Pa.tb karelo Italtba,
gbota bbaJai Jas.. Singb nttba. It was precisely this baditb,
tradition or ' paatb of the Guru whicb a handful of 21 Sikbs at
Sangarhi (1897) followed wben tbey fougbt wilh eight thousand
Orakzai Pathans ror seven hours, to the last man, witbout
.iarrendering. The story IU related by tbe cbroniclers, tberefore,
about tbe PirlVcca episode simply cannot be accepted as
in its literality, and was fact, never accepted true by tbe firm
consensus of tbe Sikhs of the contemporary era and of the days
of yore.
13. There is yet another, the fiftb supportive reison
extracted from the Islamic Jurisprudence, Islamic Law of
Evidence and Islamic Penal Code. The Piri-Veea chronicle
states that the two Pathan devotees of tbe Guru, Gbani Kban
and Nabi Khan, aided the escape of tbe Guru in disgu ise and a
sayyid of liigb 'respectability of the I~ality , Qazi Pir Mohammad'
of village Saloh, testified falsely by a solemn oatb on Koran that
the Guru disguised as the Pirj Ve ;a, waS certainly not Guru '
Gobind Singh. Even tbe ' A short Hi,tory Of the Sikhs' by
Teja Singh and Ganda Singb (I, 74) naively swallows tbis
story. Tbis testimony was absolutely conclusive and credible,
both according to Islamic Law Of Evidence as well as when
Viewed in the light of rules of evidentiary interpretation. The
. Islamic Law is called 'Shariah', wbicb lerm literally means "tbe
pl.lh lead ing to watering place", in other words, ' tbe source of
life', Tbis Shariah has four root., the Koran, Ihe Sunnah, the
Qiyas (analogical reasoning) and the Jjma, the communal
conscosus, that i. on what the generality of Muslims agree.

(viii)
These are the sources of the corpus of Islamic Law. In the
matter of Proe, dure and Evidence, the Islamic Law requires
two witnes$es to testify orally to their direct knowledie
of tbe truth of their statemen~s. hut in exceptional cases, this
testimony shahadab, could be of one person only in order to be
conclusive , Al hough democratic equality of Islam is its mmt
outstanding characferic:.tic. in the case of sayyids. there is a
concession , The descendants of the Prophet and his relatives
form a 'pecial cia .. , held in social reverenCe and high status
carefully guarded and accepted . The Koran (4 ; 116, enjoins
upon believers "to be witnesses for Allah even though it be
against your~elves". and not ~ to conceal the truth or evade it".
SaYYld Pir Mohammad of Salah gave such a test'mony, by
placing his bands solemnly on the holy Koran and he also bad
been a tutor of Pasi.n of Guru Gobind .)ingh and thus could
speak conclusively in the matter "f identification of tbe Guru,
Thus il waS that lhe person styled as tbe Pirj-Uee. was proved
as not Guru Gobind Singh in person.
14. In lhe Islamic Penal Code, for six specific crimes the
punishment is fixed. hadd, , and punishment for apostasy, .... hich
on the b!Sis of qiyyas, includes false oath on the Koran by a
sayyid, is death In this thero i" no discretion, Again to abet,
concealment and .scape of a rebel against the State, who had
deci"red war on the Is'amic au,hority of tbe D,lhi Mugbal
throne, mara juz b shamshir ksre. na maad, was and is an act of
high treason for which the punishment is Jealh, without discretion , Sayyid Pir Mohammad by doing what he did, according to Sikh chronUes, had earn~d instant dealb at tbe hands of
tbe Mughal authorities, in the year 170;, and yet, by all
accounts, he survived without harm or molestalion and enjoyed
a natural span of life. The two Pathans, Nabi Kban "nd
Ghani Khan, likewise did not attract the attention of the State
aurhorities th0ugh they were clearly guilty of high treason on
account of luvinl! aided the escape of a dangerous and powerful enemy of the Stale. ThaI the Mughal and Muslim populace
rose in wild anJ angry insurgency against all tbose suspected of

(ix)
being sympatbisers of the Guru, at tbis time, is recorded in contemporary records; tbe entire family of Sled Pir Badruddin of
Sadhaura was killed and his family properties destroyed.
15. It is obvious to tbe critical understanding tbat the
Mugbal authorities as well as tbe politically semilive Muslim
populace were well aware lhat in the Pir-i-UeeR episoQe, Syed
Pir Mohammad had truly testified that lhere was no such
occurance as Guru Gobind Singh's escape in disguise and the
two Pathans were not iustrunlenlal in aiding tbe Guru to escape
in disguise.
16. Tbus it becomes evident that it was the messenger
of the Guru, Bha; Dya Singb, who assumed the disgui5e of a
holy man and who was helped to escape local miliiary vigilance
in a manner, normal and honourable in such a situation, and
that Syed Pir Mohammad had rendered lrue testimony as
enjoined by the Koran, when he wlemoly teslified that Bhai Daya
Singh was not Guru Gobind Singh.
17. Guru Gobind Singh's own testimony on the point also
is clear and conclusive. In hi. second letter to Aurangzib
the Guru tells tbe Emperor tbat during his progress from
Chamkaur (Dec., 1704) to Bhatinda desert (May, 1705), he "met
with no impediment or harm whatsoever", n3 pfcideb moe na
uujldeb tan. This sixtb and the last reasoning c1incbes tbe issue
in the matter of this Pir-I-Ueea episode showing that although
tbe Sikh chroniclers are correct in givi ng almost all the material
details they have given, tbey have erred in equating the
Plr-; Ueca person with the Guru.
1~. The crux of the objectivity in history is that the Facts
of history ('annot be purely objective. since they become facts of
history only in virtue of the significance attached to tbem by tbe
historians. Objectivity in history cannot be objectivity of fact,
il is not simply getting one's facts rigbt but an objectivity of
relation between fact and inter;>retation, between past, present
and future. Tbe absolute in history is Dot something in tbe
past from wbich we start; it is not something in tbe present,
since a\1 present thinking is necessarily relative. It is something

(x)

still incomplete and in the process of becoming somelhing in

future towards whicb we move, wbich begins to take 'hape only
as we move towards it and in the light of wbich we move
forward , and as we thus move, we gradually shape our
interpretation of tbe past. Tbe bistorian of the past can make
an approach towards objectivity only as be approaches towards
tbe understanding of tb. future. Our chroniclers and our modern
Sikh historians said wbat they saw or heard, but they lacked Ihe
skill of critical appraisal, the art of interpreting through
relating the past, througb .he Present with the future. and the
result has beeo sorry confus ion in and serious damage to the
o~jectivity and quality of Sikh history. To restore the Sikh
history 10 its vue peJestal and stadium is the real task before
Sikh hi.toria!! tod~y.
Kapur Singh
707/XI.Chandigarh
13tilAPRlL, 1980.

Nalional Professor of Sikhism

PREFACE
For a long time last and more particularly in recent years,
tbe relevance and the validity of all moral and ethical values is
being challenged. Tbeir contents and tbeir scope ba ve been
cbanging like clouds before the wind. Hooe.ty and inte~rity,
, chaStity and mode~ty. gallantry and chivalry have fallen into low
' repute aDd, to-day. vice is masquerading as virtue, perfidy as
probity and trickery as trmh. In tbis coDtext George Barnard
Sbaw's observation that 'Good has become evil in our eyes aDd
is being undone in the Dame of progress', appears to be more
valid to day tban ever before. There is now a growing
acceptance of Nietzscbe's assertion tbat 'It is a mistake to regard
it as Ii duty to aim at the victory of good and the annihilation of
evil' .
Wbile the changing pattern of tbe social, economic and
, international relations. as a consequence of the Industr,al
Revolution and the rise and growtb of National States, have
caused a shift in these values, the failure of tbe Custod!a~s of tbe
socia-spiritual
etbics to guard tbe treasures of humanity,
, '
scrupulously. bas also led to their defacement and defilement.
Macbi~vellism aDd Marxism have contributed further to detbrone
tbem by eulogizing the virtues of Materialism as against tbe
morality 9f meaDS. Man is, to-day. involved in a mad race for
m~~aiDs. the unlimited prospects of which have been
."'!:'s~~ wit bin his easY ,reacb through pheDomenal progress in
~~~'Jle)d of science. However, the growing degeneration on tbe
_<, ', etbieo-moral plane has
made it increasingly difficult for tbe
-"--modem Man to enjoy tbe fruits of his own material achievements.

(xii)
More than ever before, he is lying in constant fear of total
annibilation, alongwith all li ving species and all that be has been
able to creale througb bis efforts extending t vor tbousands of
years. The majesty of materialism has. grown al the expense of
the sanctity and stability of the Soul and bence the present
predicament of the modern Man . Common irreligion. to day,
therefore, threatens to destroy Man and bis civilization and a
common religion only can save them .
To escape from this predicament. Man is, today, groping
for a workable and viable International socia-politicalOrder,
based upon a minimum of mutuallY agreed principles. Some
International agencies, for such a purpose, have taken shape,
hul, as yet, they are 100 precariously perched to be able [0 hold
out aoy real hope to Man. The all too conspicuous emphasis on
the parochial and sectarian interests as against, and not IInof[en,
even at the expense of universally valid moral values has not, so
far, allowed these bodies to make mucb of an impact On the
course of tbe ultimate destiny of man. The prospects for his safe
and secure future continue to be as bleak as ever before, if not
actually more. Unless and until the need and validity of some
universal code of etb ics, governing the relations between man
and man as also the man and the state is not recognized, tbe
threat of tOlal destruction would continue to hang over bis bead
liKe tbe proverbial sword.
Realizing tbe need of combating the dangers of such crises
in tbe affairs of man, Guru Gohind Singh, about three bundred
years before, laid particular stre~s on tbe importance of persuing
ethical activity, notwitbstanding any compUlsions or contingencics
which, according to him, is closely [elated to tbe rise and fan of
the people and civilisations. It is in this context Ihat in tbe daily
Congregati onal Prayer, formulated by Guru Gobind Singb himself,
the Sikhs inVOke tbe blessings of tbe lord thus: 'May tbe
disposlIions of tbe Sikhs remain under the control of the etbical
[eason, and the etbical reason, under tbe guidance of God, for
ever and for ever, Amen'. Tbe Guru himself ever prayed to God

(xiii)
Almighty to 'Grant me the stregtb to persue etllical cooduct. .....
aod, if the need arises, to lay dowo my very life in defeoce of
such a course ~ In his famous Persian compositions-Fatehnama
and Zafarnama-the then reigning monarch, Auraogzeb, has
beeo strongly denouoced for destroyiog the social aod state bealth
through his immoral and unethical means to secure material
advantages. Throughout his life, the Great Prophet of the people,
had been struggling, at immense personal sufferings and
sacrifices, to save humanity from the jaws of such immoral and
invidious forces.

For ob"iou5 reasons the need to reiterate dedication to

the Ideals eoshrined in these sacred texIS cannot be over
emphasised. Unfortunately, under the impact of the for<es of
neonationalism

in

India, the Persian

language

has

been

deliberately edged out of its borders and as such the new

generations are unahle to profit by the rich treasures belonging
to the domains of the language whicb, for centuries, bad been
the principle vehicle of tbougbt and expression in tbis Land.
Fatebnama and Zafaroama have been translated into Engli.h
verse to opon up tbe treasures oftbeir philosophy to those who
do not hold tbe key to the language of the original texts and
also to reiterale ils continuing validity 10 the current problem.
of mankind . Every attempt has been made in these translations,
to capture the tenor aod temper of tbe original texts. However,
tbe author is fully aware that his Persian Carpet cannot be
80 magic as to waft him anywhere near the plane of the Holy
Author of these compositions. Neverlheless, it is sincerely
hoped tbal his bumle effort would be well received and prove
rewarding. In part I of the book a modestly detailed account
of the life and work of Guru Gobind Singh has been provid<d
to help the readers for a fuller appreciation of his Persian
compositions aod the eteroal message ensbrined tberein. It may
also enable them to rediscover the invincible spirit of the
Propbet and Ihe abiding truth tbat tbe cause of social aod tbe
spiritual honour is intrinsically linked witb willingness on our
part to upbold Good and to combat Evil.

(xiv)
The author is highly obliged to Bhai :>abib Sirdar Kapur Singb,
National Professer of Sikbism, who, at bis request, very
kindly agreed 10
write
lbe Introduction
and thus
condescended to lend tbe luster of his name to tbis humble
effort. Tbe intro<luction, in itself, i. a detailed and
penetratiug thesis on tbe Pi, i Ucce episode connected
with the life of Guru Gobind Singh. In his cbaracteristically
bold and brilliant manner the renowned scholar has endeavoured
to remove the ageold cobwebs of incorrect history covering lhe
march of the Xth Master from Machhiwara to the waste land of
Bbatinda. The traditional accounts of Sikh history are full of
such inaccuracies and it is high time that tbe Sikh scholars with
suitable mental stature and access to source material, sbould
realize tbe need of taking up the challange to restore the Sikh
history to 'its true pedestal and stadium'.
lullundur.
194, Udham Singh Nagar.

Devinder Singh Duggal

M.A.

 ..

. .. ..

..

.-

PART I

LIF E
OF

GURU GOBINO SINGH

CHAPTER t

FROM PATNA TO PAONTA

On December nnd, in the year of grace 1666,1 Syed
Bhikban Shab, a Muslim divine of Kuhram, wbile offering his
prayers, bowed reverently towards tbe east instead of westwards
as is customary witb tbe Muslims. Wben questioned about tbis
apparent act of apostacy on bis part, by his bewildered disciples,
he is reported to have told them that he had bad a vision
about tbe birth of a new Prophet in the east, at Patna, to whom
be was offering his obeisance . Having vowed to deny himself
food or rcst till he bad found out tbe new Prophet, tbe Syed sct
-out for Patna where be intuitively walked straigbt to tbe house
he was seeking. When conducted into tbe presence of the new
born child, tbe Muslim Saint placed before bim two pots, one
-of milk and tbe other of water. The Cbild, Gobind Rai, as be
waS tben named, playfully placed each of his tiny bands on the
two vessels. Syed Bbikhan Sbab felt elated and explained that
lhe cbild Prophet, by bis gesture, has assured him that he would
bear an equal amount of love for the Hindus and the Muslims
both, as indeed for all mankind. Thereafter till his death, the
Syed remained an ardent follower of the Xth Nanak-Guru
<3obind Singh, as this Propbet was later known.'
At tbe time of the birth of his son, Gobind Rai, Guru Tegh
Babadur, during tbe course of bis Eastern tour, was camping at
Dacca' wbere he rcceived tbe happy news througb special
"missaries, Bhai Mehar Chand and Bbai Kalyan Chand. He
-offered prayers of thanks giving to God and blessed the Child

4
and the 'Sang at' of Patna, where he had stationed his family
while himself proceeding further east from Punjab on Oct., :rd
1665. He did not, however, cut short his tour as he was engaged
in reviving the rdigious centres established earlier by Guru
Nanak in those areas, and, thus, ministering to the spiritual
needs of the people. His efforts were further directed towards
restoring peace and tranquility in that region, tben tom by strife
and mutual warfare.
The ascendancy of Aurangzeb to the Imperial throne in
1659 A. D., marked the complete reversal ' of the policy of
conciliation and comparative toleration, initiated and persued by
Akbar, towards his non-muslim subjects. Although during the
reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan the Muslim rehctionaries and
revivalists, spearheaded by Sheikh Faizi Sirhindi, 'Mujaddad-iAlf Sani', according to whom even a slight concession to the
non-Muslims was an act of hostility to Islam,' had succeeded in
bringing about a sbift 'in the altitude of tbe State towards the
non-Muslim subjects, but it was only under Aurangzeb that tbe
wheel could take a complete turn. In Aurangzeb they had found
a monarch matching their mission and the non-Muslim SUbjects
were now feeling their weight ;n full measure . In I (170 A.D. the
Emperor issued an edict prohibiting the construction of any new
temple and ordering the demolition of the old ' Also, through
measures highly prejudicial to their interests, the non-Muslim
subjects were being coerced to abjure their Faith and accept the
folds of Islam. According to Khafi Khan, the King also ordered
the Sikh Gurudwaras to be destroyed and the Guru's agents
prevented from collecting the voluntary offerings of the
devotees. Such Imperial orders, in the hands of the over-zealous
and unscrupulous provincial governors, ' assumed awesome
dimensions and the non-Muslim populace had to labour under
a sense of growing insecurity and fear.
Under such circumstances Guru Tegh Bahadur could not
afford to be away from Punjab wbich was tbe cradle of the
Faith of which he was the Head_ He, tberefore, decided to reacn
.Punjab post baste. En route, he had a brief halt at Patna where,

for the first time, he saw his child, Gobind Rai, who had grown
to be about three years of age. Blessing his son, he left for
Punjab lenving instructions with his faroily to follow him tbere
at tbe earliest. Accordingly very soon, thereafter, the whole
family was united at Anandpur where suitable arrangemenls fN
the education and upbringing of Gobind Rai were promptly
made' with remarkable response from the promising Child.
The marked shift in the slance of Ihe State towards its nonMuslim subjects led to wide-spread panic among them. They
were feeling helpless and lost with no body around to take up
their cause and lend them courage. Back in Punjab, Guru
Tegh Bahadur felt their agony and was deeply touched by it.
He decided to stand by them in their hour of need and for tbis
purpose, undertook extensive lour, especially of the Malwa tracl,
to lend Ihem heart and hope. He assured Ihem of his unflinching
support and asked Ibem to escbew fear . 'Fear not and Frighlen'
not', he exhorted them . In him Ihe people saw a saviour and
began to galher around him wilh faith and hope. The mission of
the Guru and his growing influence among the peo?le caught
the eye of the officials and Ihey promptly brought ir to the notice
of the King who summoned him to Delhi where he and his close
associ ales were confronled with a choice between death and
Islam . When the Guru refused to submit to the brutal will of
the ill-advised King, he was pubJically executed in Chandani
Cb.owk, on 11th Novemher, 1675. Bhai Dayal Das, Bhai Sati
Das and Bnai Mati Das, his closest disciples, were boiled, burnt
and sawn alive to death respectively.'
Referring to the supreme sacrifice of Guru Tegh Bahadur,
Guru Gobind Singb his son and successor says in his
autobiography, Yachittar Natak:1O
"To prolecltheir right to wear their frontal mark and tire
sacred thread,
Did he, in the Dark age, perform the supreme sacrifice ;
To protect tire linod he spared no pains
Gave his head but never cried in pain
For the protection of the righteousness Ire did the lIoble
deed,
He gave his head but not his Ideal."

6
Before bis deatb, Guru Tegb Babadur bad appointed bis son,
Gobind Rai, then aged just about nine years, as .bis successor.
Tbe martyrdom of bis boly father and bis closest associates in a
brutal manner was indicative of the temper of the State towards
the Sikbs. The internal dissensions among tbem, as a result of
mis-placed ambitions and family rivalries,u were equally disconcening. The bostility of the Hindu bill chieftains towards the
House of Guru Nanak for its insistence to cut across all
distinctions of caste and creed added fUlther to the difficulties of
the young Guru. Such a formidable array of inimical forces
would bave overwhelmed any lesser soul, but Guru Gobind
Singh was cast in a different mould. He was born witb a divine
mission,
"To spread religion
And to uproot eVIl seekers.""

The young Guru firmly made it known that he must

accomplisb his Divine Mission and that the threats of fear or
force cannot deter him from 'speaking the Trutb.' '' 1'Ie took up
the cballenge in right earnest and began to prepare himself and
bis people for the great task abead. Purging all corrupt
elements from among his ranks, he took up firm stand
against all imposters who staked claims to tbe Spiritual throne
of Guru Nanak. In h is 'Hukamnamas' to tbe Sikbs, he asked
tbem to come to his presence fully armed and made known his
preference for arms as against other things as offerings from
his disciples. Eversince the times of Guru Hargobind, a small
body of armed persons always stood by the Guru. The ranks of
this small army nOw began to swell and its effectiveness was
sought to be perfected through hard discipline and train 'ng.
Him self, tbe Guru acquired outstand ing skill in the use of arms
and the various arts of war. Side by side, he excelled in literary
persuits and Spiritual domains. The Guru's court at Anandpur
became the centre c,f people, deeply religious, but now
becoming increa singly determined to take up the challenge of
the evil and aggressive forces, if and when called upon to
do so.

7
The seat of the Guru, Anandpur, was situated in the state of
Kahlur, tben enjoying very limited internal autonomy, alongwith
other similar hiJI principalities, wbich, otherwise, were part of
tbe Mugbal empire. These bill .tates were obliged to pay
tributes to the Mughal overlords. The state of Kahlur was then
being administered by Raja Bbim Chand from whose fatber, Dip
Chand, Guru Tegb Bahadur bad bougbt the site of Anandpur,
tben known as Makbowal, wbere be establisbed anotber Sikh
centre, besides tbe ooe already at Kiratpur, situated ID the State
of Hindur, with which Kahlur was not on good terms. Guru
Tegh Babadur had stayed at Makhowal for sometime before he
left for the eastern tour. U
Bhim Chand did not look with equanimity the growing
influence of tbe Sikhs under Guru Gobind Singh because of tbeir
continued good relations witb tbe State of Hindur and abo
because of their emphasis on tbe establisbment of a casteless
and classless society, wbicb was at complete variance with the
basic beliefs of the H indu orthodoxy, owing inalienable
allegiance to the precepts of 'Varanasbarro Dbarma'. Bhim
Chand was, tberefore, preparing to oust tbe Guru from his
domains, on some pretext," witb or without the help of the otber
orthodox Hindu hill chieftains. Guru Gobind Singb saw through
these designs and made known, in no uncertain terms, his firm
resolve to resist and frustrate auy such attempt wbicb be
regarded as an outrage on the integrity of bis Faitb .
In tbe middle of 1685 A. D., Raja Medani Parkash of Nahan,
whose relations with Raja Fateh Shab of Srinagar (Garbwal)
were strained, invited Guru Gobind Singb to his State with the
view that the presence of tbe Sikhs in his domains may deter
his adversary, Fateh Sbah, to embark upon any aggressive
aUempts against the integrity of bis State." Guru Gobind Singh
thought it expedient to accept the invitation in the hope that his
absence might help restore normalcy in bis relations with the
State of K ablur. Therefore, deputing suitable guards for tbe
defence of Anandpur, he set out for Naban accompanied by
his minister, Nand Chand, his relatives and five hundred Udasi

Sikhs. Deeply irr.pressed by its landscape and its enchanting

surroundings, the Guru set up his camp on the banks of river
Yammuna. near Paonta. Raja Medni Parkash urged Gnru
Gobind Singh to stay there for a longer period and extended
him all help, with men and material, for tbe construction of a
fort for housing him and his men, which, now, included five
hundred Pat hans, employed at the request of Pir Budhu Shah
of Sadbaura, who was an ardent devotee of the Guru.
Deeply impressed by the Guru's repute, Raja Fateh Shah
paid him a visit at Paonta. Guru Gobind Singh availed of the
opportunity to bring about reapproacbment between him and the
Raja of Nahan, both of whom promised to live in peace and
mutual goodwill.
The presence of Guru Gobind Singh at Paonta also enabled
Ram Rai, then staying at Dehra Dun in the State of Pateh Shah,
to patch up his differences with the Guru by recognising him the
undisputed and rightful head of the House of Guru Nanak.17
During his protracted stay at Paonta, lasting for abont three
years," a large number of poets and literati gathered in his court
which became the centre of highly creative literary activities.
The Guru himself also wrote extensively at this place. Many of
his well known compositions lIke Chandi di Var, Shastar Nam
Mala, Chaupais and dohas and Krishan Avlar are the products
of this place. In the last verse of Ihe Krishan Avtar, Guru
Gobind Singh says that 'Ihe translation of Bhagvat has been
undertaken with no other purpose than Ibat of war for the sake
of Dharma.'"
The mood of the Guru is quite apparent. He "auld not
countenance any threat to the treasures of his Fai.h.

BAPTISM IN WARFARE
Raja Fateh Shah of Srinagar, for reasons not quite clear,
decided to repudiate his agreemont with the State of Nahan and
recover all the dispute;! areas from it. He could not do so without coming into conflict wiLh the Guru's men who were camping
at Paonta situated almost on the frontier of the two states.
Meanwhile the marriage of Bhim Chand', son was solemni?:ed
with the daughter of Raja Fateh Shab who, notwithstanding bis
cordial relations with Guru Gobind Singh, refused to accept
the rich presents of the Guru sent on the occasion, possibly on
the insistence of Bh'm Chand. Tbe Guru also received intelligence that all the bill Chiefs gathered on the occasion of the
marriage had resolved, at the bebest of Bhim Chand, to launch a
eombined attack on him.
To meet this wanton and unprovoked threat of aggression.
the Guru decided to deploy his men, si~ miles to the north-east,
at a place known as Bhangani. On the eve of the crucial armed
conflict, the body of the Pathans Laken into service at tbe behest
of Pir Budhll Shah, deserted enblock, including their leaders,
Hayat Khan and Najabat Khan, and joined the enemy ranks.
The Udasi group, too, lost heart and left the Gucu's camp,
ex;ept tbeir leader, Kirpal. Undeterred, Guru Gobind Singh took
up the challenge with the help of the hardcore of his followers
who had come with him from Anandpur and inflicted a convincing defeat on the enemy who fled from the field , leaving behind
9

10
dead, a number of its more prom inent and boastful leaders like
Raja Hari Cband, Hayat Kban and Najabat Khan.' During tbe
tbicK of war a sizeable contingent of men, including his sons,
were sent by Pir Budhu Sbah to reinforce the ranks of Guru
Gobind Sin gh. They played a Hry use ful role in tbe war which
earned for tbe Saint suitable honours at the hands of tbe Guru.
Tn his a utobiograpby-Vachittar Natak-Guru Gobind Singll
gives a very vivid and graphic acco unt of tb is battle . Tbe
resounding victory over the combined forces of the hill Chiefs
belped the Sikhs to rediscover themselves and be enthused with
a renewed sense of courage and confidence to face the future
challenges.
Guru Gobind Singh now decided to leave the State of Nahan
for, alT,ong other reasons, he was disillusioned with the attitude
of its chief-Medni Parkash. He not only kept himse lf away
from the armed conflict at Bhangani , cut also seemed to be
reluclant to see Ihe Guru even after the event-perhaps for rear
or antagon izing Raj a Fateh Shah.
Guru Gobind Singb was loack at Anandpur' late in 1 6~8 A.D.
Meanwhile, Bh im Cband was advised by bis co un sailors to seek
rapp roachment with the Guru . He saw througb the advi .. bitity
of sucb a course and after broaching the matler through his
envoy, personally came to An.ndpur to pay homage to tbe Guru
and seek settlement witb bim. He was received cordially by the
Guru wbo bestowed on bim a robe of honour. An understand ing
seems to bave been reached between the two.' The amicability
reacbed wilh Bbim Chand enabled tbe Guru to fortify tbe
a rrangemenls for tbe defence of Anandpur. A chain of forts
were built arou nd it and they were stocked with arms and
amm unitions.'
For many a year last , Aur.ngzeb had been busy in the wars
of D eccan and his continued ah sence in the South, away from
his Capital, encouraged tbe hill Chiefs to withhold payments of
tributes which they were obliged to pay to the Mugha\ Emperor'
As tbe arrears mounted, the I'mperor directed the Governor
of Jammu, M ian Khan, to take appropriate measures to reCover
them. The Governor despatched a strong force under Alif Khan

It

for the purpose. Alif Khan started with an expedition against.

the Kangra Chief who capitulated and joined his ranks along
with Dyal , the chief of BIJHAWAR.
To meet the impending attack on them, the other hill Rajas.
rallied behind Shim Chand who sol icited the help of Guru
Gobind Singh, also, which was granted'. Tbe two sides clasbed
near NADAUN, twenty miles to the south east of Kangra. Shim
Cband apoeared to be in great difficulty against tbe relentless
pressure of tbe enemy. When he wa' losing ground in the thick
of war, Guru Gobind Singh turned the tables by killing Dyalthe Raja of Bijhawar. Alif Khan now had no choice but to
make a hasty retreat under cover of darkness .
Guru Gobind Singb returned to Anandpur where he learnt
to his great dismay that Bhim Chand had concluded peace witll
Alif Khan' by agreeing to pay the arrears o! tribute and.
recognizing the Mugbal Over:ordship. Jf anything, it very
clearly showed that the hill chieftains could nol be relied upon.
The Guru decided to tru st only bis own arms.
The growing influence of Guru Gobind Singh was brought
to tbe notice of Aurangzeb by the elements inimically disposed
to the House of Guru N anak, in a manner wbich prompted him,
to issue instructions to his Faujdars, in 1693 A.D., to prevent
Gobind from assembling his Sikhs.' Dilawar Khan, tile Faujdar
of Kangra, sent an 11 ,000 strong expedition against the Guru
under the command of his son. The advance of the Mughal.
force un-nerved many a r, erson and they preferred to leave
Anandpur. However, the bulk of the Sikhs Challenged the
Mugbals on the banks of river Sutlej and according to the Guru
'the bloody Khan fled with his weapons unused. Through the
Grace of God tbe wretched fool did not even touch me'.'
The infuriated Dilawar Khan sent another expedition now
under the command of Hussain Khan, the ablest commander '
with Kan gra Faujdar. To meet the demands of this expedition ,
Dilawar Khan seems to have asked Hussain Khan to collect
soroe sort of war levy, on his way to Anandpur, from tbe Rajas
of the hill states. That probably explains why Hussain Khan.

12

got involved in wars with the hill chiefs while proceeding on an

expedition against the Guru.1O Hussain Khan plundered village
after village and after subduing the state ofKangra, he advanced
towards Kehlur. Bbim Chand lost heart and agreed to meet all
the demands of the Mughal general. Most of the otber Rajput
princes also thought it prudent to follow suit. However, tbe
Rajas of GuIer and Jaswan, because of tbe excessive burden of
demands on them, were forced into a fight with the Mughal
forces." The Guru, at their request, lent his support to the rebel
princes. In the ensuing battle, Hussain Khan and the Kangra
cbief fell in the field, while Bhim Chand had to ftee for his life.
Bbai Sangtia and his associates were also killed in the blottle, but
'The clouds of battle did not burst over Anandpur.'''
Exasperated at the repeated reverses, Dilawar Kban tried
to retrieve bis position by sending yet another expedition against
the state of Jaswan, wh ich, however, ended as ignominiously as
tbe previous attempts. Its commanders were killed while
retreating.
The repeated set backs suffered by the Mugbal forces in the
hills seems to have disturbed Aurangzeb, who, in order to
rehabilitate the itnperial sway over these territories, commisioned
his son, prince Muazz.In, for the purpose." The prince reached
L.hore in August 1696 A.D. and therefrom launched the
compaign against recllcitrant states of the hills." According to
'GUR BILAS' he gave specific orders to his general, Mirza Beg,
to avoid conftict with Guru Gobind Singh, perhaps due to the
intercession of Bhai Nand Lal , a devoted disl:iple of the Guru,
who had been once in the employment of the ... rince.'"
Afler the departure of the Prince from Lahore in 1697
A.D., comparatlve peace prevailed in the Shiva1ik hills for a
little over t.",o years. During this period, free from the shadows
of waf, Guru Gobind Singh engaged himself :n literary act:vity,
besides his missionary duties as the leader of a socioreligious
fraternity . No body, however, could have guessed that while
writing Bachitlar Natak and Rom Avlar, in this period, the
mind of the Gnru was actually sel on giving the final sbape to

13

the Order of which the foundation was laid by Guru Nanak. On

30th March 1699 A.D ., when, on the Baisakhi eve, the Xth
Nanak, <luru Gobind Singh, instituted the Order ofKbalsa, after
testing the mettle of tbe 'Followers of tbe Faith' through au
awe-insriring call for a walk through the valley of death, the
Faitb of Guru Nanak bad come of age.

CHAPTER III

THE CROWNING ACHIEVEMENT

Guru Nanak and his succeSs ors had made sufficiently clear
the type of Man and the nature of the social order they were
aiming at and working for. Arter about two hundred years
of ground work, the time had now come when the followers of
the Faith had to assume the responsibility for which they were
being groomed1 and also to accept tbe norms and discipline
within which they would have to work. The fear of God,
purity of thought and deeds and an irrevocable and an all-time
commitment to uphold social Justice and combat evil and
aggression had to be the destiny of tllese sovereign people.
They had to pledge their life and their soul to these Ideals at
the time of their initiation iDlO tbe fraternilY of the Khalsathe Saint Soldiers, a new and a unique conception of truly
religious and socially awakened pers?ns.
The Hindu orthoJoxy, as represented by the petty princes
of the hills, notwithstanding its humiliating pli. ht, for centuries,
at the hands of an alien socio-political order, continued to
be adamant in its refusal to break the shell of its so-called
divinely ordained superiority and adroit within its ranks the
forces of progress and enlightenment, resulting in an hopelessly
static and inert social order, spiritually starved and morally
sick. The Muslim reactionaries and the revivalists, on the other
hand, under Aurangzeb, had succeeded in changing the
complexion of the State which had been turned into a ruthless
14

 15

engine of aggressi.on for obliterating .verything that did not fitinto its design of a Uni central socio-religious cum political
order.'
These forces of orthodoxy and reaction were bound to
come into conflict with tlle Sikh Ideals of Spiritual sovereignty
and Social Justice. Such a conllict was at the root of the
circumstances tbat Jed to the mar:tyrdon;ls of Guru Arjan Dey
(J606 A D.) and Guru Tegh Babadur (1615 A.D.). The same
forces were once again bent upon precipitating t\le same sort
of confronlation whicb, now was going to be total and decisive.
During the lasl few years Ihe Sikhs had unambiguously
demonstrated their firm resolve to resisl all those elements
whicb sought to impinge upon tbe integrity of their Faitb.
By Ibe end of tbe seventeenth century, Guru Gobind Singb
bad come to tbe conclusion tbat tbe stage for a final call for
'DHARAMYUD', the struggle for rigbteousness, bas been
reached. After purging his ranks of all the corrupt elements,
he summoned his followers for a grand gathering at Anandpur
on 30lb Marcb 1699 A.D., the Baisakhi eve. On that historic
day , Guru Gobind Singh, dressed in full armour and with a
naked sword in his band, stepped Onto the rostrum and
addressing an eigbty tbousand slrong congregation said in a
voice charged with rare ,motions, " All of you profess de<p love
for your Faith and hi~hcst regards for )our Guru . Breatbes
tbere a soul, amongst you, wbo is willing to offerlbis head for
tbe sake of bis Dbarama 7 My sword is tbirsting for il."
The whole assembly was stunned and stupified al Ibis strange
and unheard-of call. There was a rather protracted pause
and the Guru repeated the call. Dya Ram of Lahore, a
KbRtri by caste, now advanced towards the rostrum and WIth
folded hands bowing before the Guru said, " My bead, my
Master, is at thy feet; I shall be blessed if it is accepted as a
humble offering to my Guru." The Guru led him into a tent
pitcbed at a distance, and a sbortwhile thereafter, came bacle
to the assembly with the sword now dripping blood, at the
sight of wbich, may amongst the gathering preferred to slip
away. The Guru repeated the call for another head. Now

,, 16

Dharam Das;' a ]at froni Delhi, answered the call arid he ioo
'was led to the sarlie tent. When the Guru came out, his mood
and his sword were all the more awe inspiring. Thrice more
he repeated the same ' call which, in turn,' was answered by
Mukhan Chand' a 'washetman' from Dwarka, Sahib Chand, a
barbar of Bidai- and Himat Cband, a watercarrier of
Jagan Nath: Tliey also 'were, in tum, led into the aforesaid
enclosure. The people leri in the congregation were almost
holding tbeir breath in anticipation of what may follow next.
' When tbey saw tbe Guru waiking out of the tent followed by
the five individuals wbo bad offered their lives at bis call, they
were wonderstruck. Guru Gobind Singh, pointing out to
tbose brave souls described them as bis 'BELOVED FIVE''PANJ PJARAS', wbo would form tbe nucleus of a new Order,
the Order of the Khalsa. Standing close behind, five Beloved
Ones immaculately attired in blue and saffron, with angelic
transparence on their faces, left no doubt in the mind of the
people tbat they had atlained the higbest spiritual elevance. The
Guru was proud of them and baptised them with tbe double edge
sword,' When , after the ceremony, Guru Gobind Singh requested
them to baptise him likewise,' they, nay the wbole assembly,
was taken aback. The Guru set tbeir doubts at rest by declaring
that he had merged his very soul in them, the Khalsa, and tbat,
benceforth, there would be no difference between bim and tbe
"Khalsa Mero Roop Hai Kbas"-'tbe Khalsa
Khalsa.
represents my very special form, he said.
The Guru was
baptised and initiated into lhe order of lhe Khalsa at the hands
of his disciples.
Tbis is a unique example in the entire
history of mankind, more especially in its spiritual annals,
Bbai Nand Lal, a devotee, was so deeply touched by the
Guru's seemingly strange and novel innovation that Ite could
not contain his sentiments which he embodied in tbe song
Hail! Hail!! Guru Gobind Singh
Who is a Guru and a diSciple al the same time.
It would be pertinent to make, here, a special menUon of
the fact tbat three, out of the 'Beloved Five' belonged to the

17
so-called lower castes wtlOse shadows even were shunned by the
higher caste Hindus. Before them, the Prophet of a Sociaspiritual order staaJ, with folded band, to be baptised by them,
By owning them and elevating them, the Guru invested them
with dignity which they could never even think of, as members
of the Hindu social order. Those who now talk of ameleorating
the lot of these people, euphemistically called Harijans, have
much to learn from the precepts and preachings of Guru Gobind
Singh.
After the baptismal ceremonies, Guru Gobind ' Singh, as
recorded by an official news writer present there, addressed the
congregation in these words;
"I wish you all to embrace one creed and follow one
path, rising above all differences of the religion as now
practi.ed. Let the four Hindu castes. who have different
dharmas laid down for them in the Sastras, containing
institntes of 'Varnashramdnarrna' abandon them altogether and adopting the way of mutual help and
co-operation, mix freely with one another. Do not
follow old Scriptures. Let none pay homage to the
Ganges and, otber places of pilgrimage which are considered holy in the Hindu religion. or worship tbe Hindu
deities such as Rama, Krishna, Brahma and Durga etc;
but aU should cherish faith in tne teachings of Guru
Nanak and his successors. Let men of tne four castes
receive my Baptism of the Double-edged sword, eat out
of the same vessel, and feel no aloofness from, or
contempt for one another."6
The news writer further says that about twen,ty thousand
persons affirmed their faith in the Guru and were baptised on
the first day, and in the next about two weeks the number rose
to eighty thousands.'
The first ordinance which the Guru issued to the Sikh
'Sangats' throughout India, after the establishment of Khalsa,
said inter alia:
"In future the Sikhs should come into my presence

18

wearing long hair. Once a Sikb is baptised, he sbould

oever shave. He should not use tobacco and other
intoxicants and the Sikhs should beneefort" receive the
baptism of the Double-edged Sword.'"
tn order to ensure tbat the Kbalsa Brotherhood did not
degenerate into a sect of savage warriors, Guru Gobind Singh
enjoined a very strict code of moral conduct upon its members_
In the 'Teti Swayyas', he elucidates tbe concepticn of the
eharacter of tbe Khalsa in tbese words :
Inspired by devotion
And awake to the light,
Singing perpetually
The Name of the Lord,
Having no faith in any.
Except the One Lord,
Absorbed in His splendour,
Absorbed in his Love,
Even amid error
Never believing
In fasts and tombs,
Temples and idols,
0, in anything but
Devotion to the One;
Caring not even for
Compassion or charity
If God' s life
Be not in them;

Not for penances,

Not Jor bathings
In the holy places.
Not for the yogi's
Self- MaceratiollS ;
Such a child of Light,
Such a paragon,
Such a complete man,
Fufly enlightened
In heart and soul
To be of the Khalsa
Is worthy deemed !'

19
Tbe Order of tbe Khalsa is, therefore, a global fraternity
()f equal and God-fearing members who are morally awakened,
socially committed and wedded to the Ideals of Freedom and
Justice, which, at times, may have to be attained and defended
by the use of force. According to Dr. E.A. Battoncourt " The
Khalsa is a Superman saturated with the glories and powers of
the infinite, yet exuberant with sweetness, innocence and brotherliness."
It needs to be emphasised here that tbe establisbment of
tbe Order of Khalsa was not an abrupt development, under
Guru Gobind Singh. I t was rather a logical culmination of
the basic tenets of the Faith, as enunciated by its founder Guru
Nanak and as endorsed and enlarged by his successors. 'By
instituting the Khalsa, Guru Gobind Singh reaffirmed the Faith
promulgated by Guru Nanak, consolidated the Sikh Panth to
withstand the external interference, inspired his Sikhs to defend
the claims of conscience at the risk of their lives and enabled
them to stand On their own feet as a corporate body. In this
process he sharpened the distinct socio-religious character of the
Sikh-Panth 10
The institution of the Order of Khalsa is a landmark in the
history of India with implications stret,bing far beyond its
borders. It brougbt about a complete metamorphism iu tbe
attitude of its disciples towards the forces of Establisbment.
No longer were they inclined to attribute their socio-spiritual
bandicaps and their plight, as a result thereof, to the \agaries
<>f 'Fate' or the inexorable laws of 'Karma'. They had been
<:nabled to formulate for the human beings an order of basic
Tights which, under no circumstances, they would allow anyone
to erode. The price involved in the efforts to defend these inviolable rights could not deter them, because, at the time of
their initiation into the Order of the Khalsa, they had been
Tequired to pledge their very lives for such a cause. Delineating
the wider significance of the institution of Khalsa, Dr. Gupta is
<>f the opinion ;
l. It created an inalienable spirit of brotherhood and
comradship among the Sikhs.

20
Each .one of the Sikhs was ~qual in status and had
the same rights and privileges. Thus 100 years before
the. French Revolution, principles of Liberty, Fraternity and Equality were enunciated and became the
bedrock of the Khalsa life.
3. By his selection, on merit , of the five representative
leaders, the Guru destroyed the theory of divine rights
of kings and established the supermacy of tbe
common mall.
4. The doctrine of collective responsibility was proclaimed. The five beloved ones-in the presence of the
Holy Granth-were to be obeyed by the entire
community."

2.

CHAPTER IV

ESCALATION OF CONFLICT
"
The added emphasis on the obliteration of all distinctions
CIf!\lUlCs_and creeds, through the institution of Khalsa by Guru
90bind Singh, w~s looked upon, by the orthodox hill chiefs, as
a challenge to their social and political status and a potential
danger to their hegemony'. The increasing numher of Sikh immigrants to Anandpur added further to their apprehensions.
They now planned to wrought destruction on the Guru and all
that he stood for, by all means at their disposal' .
One day, when the Guru was out hunting in the Ooon
valley, two wily hill chiefs, Balia Chand and Alam Chand, tried
'" ambush him. with the help of a large ~ etatchment of troops
with them. The small band of the Sikhs with the Guru met tbe
challenge in a brave and befitting manner and compelled the
treacherous hill men to flee for their lives in complete disarray.
Finding themselves helple.. to face tbe Sikhs on their
own, the Hindu Rajas sought the belp of the Mughals3 which was
granted by Aurangzeb' who, too, was equally anxious to break
the power of the Guru. However, he made it clear that the
entire costs of the military expeditions would be borne by the
bilHords, to which they readily agreed. Acoordingly two
Mughal generals, Painde Kban and Dina Beg, were commissioned for the purpose with a ten thousand stroog force at their
disposal. They were joined at Ropar by the Hindu rulers with
their contingents. When tbe Guru received intelligence of the
21

22
huge army advancing towards Anandpur, be decided to take tbe
field personally alongwith his followers. In the thick of the
battle, the Guru accepted tbe cballenge of Painde Khan to figbt .
in a single combat and settle the issue. In the hand to hand
fight, Painde Khan was killed and afterwards D ina Beg was also
injured. The enemy forces took to flight persued by the Sikhs
as far as R>par whence they were recalled by the Guru.
Totally blinded by their injured pride as a result of repeated Te,'erses in the field and also by narrow caste prejudices, the
haugbty hill cbieftains were unable to see the writin,s on tbe
wall. They could not countenance the idea of accepting, 011 equal
terms, tbe followers of Guru Gobind Singh, most of whom bad
hitberto belonged to lower strata of society. They had hardly
been able to lick tbeir wounds suffered in tbe last war, wben,
once again, they were on tbe war patb. All Ihe twenty two bill
states decided to wage anotber a!tack on Anandpur. They also
mustered the support of the Gujjars and Ran gars under their
leader, Jagat Ullah. The wbole effort resulted, once again, in
the total defeat of tbe allies. J agat Ullah, Kesari Chand
of Jaswal and Raja Ghumand Chand were among those who lay
dead OD the field. Ajit Siogb, tbe Guru's sixteen year old soo,
Bachittar Singb and Udai Singh earned laurels in the battle for
their prodigious feats of valour.
Having got despaired of capturing Anandpur by force,
the Hindu Rajas bit upon a treacberous strategy to bave the
town of Anandpur evacuated. According to Saina Pat, tbey
appealed to the Guru's sense of chivalry by requesting bim to
leave Anandpur to them as the 'GaoBbat' i.e. tbe food for tbe
sacred cow.' They solemnly prom;sed to let him live in peace,
on bis return to the place, after sometimes. Even fully aware
of tbe motives behind this move, tbe Guru, nonetheless, in
order to expose tbem, decided to accept the request, anj came
out of Anandpur to encamp at NIRMOH. In collaboration
with Wazir Khan, the Faujdar of Sirhind, the hill chiefs, in utter
disregard of their solemn words, attacked lbe Sikb camps. Notwithstanding tbe comparative strength of tbe enemy being,

23
according to Saina Pat, 'Like stars surrounding the Moon', the
Sikhs, under their Guru , successfully fought througb the enemy
ranks to enter the friendly state ofllasoli. The Kehlur troops
sent in persui! met with such resistance at the bands of the
Sikbs tbat they had to fiee from the field 'as the arrow from a
stretcbed bow'.
Sometimes afterwards, wben the Ranghars of Kamlot
assaulted the Sikh travellers, the Guru chastised them by
capturing the fortress of Kamlot and all attempts on tbe part
of tbe Ranghars to retrieve it ended in complete failure.
The fall of Kamlot and tbe return of the Guru to Anandpur, tbereafter, impressed upon the cbief of Keblur tbe necessity
of coming to an amicable settlement witb him. By tbe middle
of 1702 A.D., some suoh understanding seems to bave bten
relichee! between the two.
The Guru was now left in peace for sometimes which
according to SaiDa Pat, lasted for about two years. During
this period, Guru Gobind Singh strengthened the arrangements
for tbe defence of Anandpur, bad increasing number of Sikhs
trained in the use of arms and, above all, concentrated on
disseminating the spiritual message of tbe House of Guru
Nanak . The comparative peace also prompted increasing
number of Sikhs to repair to Anandpur. tbe seat of their 'Sacha
Padshah-tbe 'True King', in matters spiritual as well as
temporal. Many of tbem opted to settle at Anandpur, nearer
tbeir beloved Guru .
Tbe increasing influence of the Guru among the people,
alarmed the hill chie,fs to form a coalition against him , Once
again. Tbey sent him an ultimatum to leave tbe hills. On
refusal of the Sikbs to entertain such a demand, the allied
forces of tbe bill states decided to lay seige to tbe town of
Anandpur.
Tbe Khalsa borsemen coming out in sorties,
inHicted sucb bloody loses upon tbe enemies tbat tbey were
obliged to retreat. Yet another attelT'pt by tbe Raja of Keblur
ended in greater fiasco.
Fully convinced that they were uDable to deal with the

24
Guru on their own, tbe Hindu Principalities, tbrough Bhim
Chand, pleaded with Aurangzeb' to help them eliminate, according to them, a potenti~l danger to his empire. Aurangzeb who,
for some times last, had been receiving exaggerated reports of
the mounting power of the Guru, from a distance, was tinally
prevailed upon to issue orders to the governors of Lahore and
Sirhind to assist Ihe Hindu princes, with men and material, io
their conflict with Guru Gobind Singb.' The crafty Hindu
Princes thus succeeded io transforming a basically local conflict
into a major war between tbe youog Kbalsa, wilb its very
limited resources on the one side, and tbe Mugbal empire with
its vast and uolimited resources, on the olber.
The raoks of this formidable combination of the allied
troops were further augumented by the add ition of Gujjars,
Ranghars and other sucb mercenaries.
Tbe contemporary
records place the total strength of tbe invading army at about
a million, including contingents from Lahore, Sirhind , Qasur,
Maler Kotla, Multan, Bijwara, and other dislricts. The Hill
Chiefs, Zabardast Kban of Lahore and Wazir Khan of Sirhind,
who led the allied troops, were in a very confident mood and
boped that tbey would be able to vanquisb tbe Kbalsa rather
easily on the strength of Ibeir rar superior numbers and better
equipment, by storming Anandpur.
However, tbey were
completely dismayed, wben their tirst attempt proved abortive
and very costly. At tbe end of tbe day, as many as nine
hundreds of the enemy troops lay dead on the field and tbe
Sikh snipers forced tbem to take refuge at a safe distance.
Wazir Kban was in rage. Next morning he ordered anolher
assault, but, by tbe nigbt fall, the Mugbols and tbe Rajputs
were forced back to tbeir entrenchments, art~r conceding a
heavier toll of tbeir ranks. Wazir Kban and his co-generals
were forced to realize tbat the body of the devoted Khalsa,
figbting for a just and honourable cause, was more tban a match
to tbe hordes of mercenaries and casual troops come together
for no other purpose than to feed themselves on the loot and
plunder, in the event of a victory in tbe war.
He now
counselled a tight blocade of Anandpur, stopping all ingress

25
and egress, with a view to starve the Sikhs to submission. The
Khalsa outwitted the enemy manoeuvers by plundering the
enemy stores, under cover of darkness and returning to Anandpur laden with booty. Wazir Khan moved the stores to safer
places and placed them under a round-the-clock vigil.
Tbe seige dragged on for more tban six months and yet
tbere waS no sign of captulation from Anandpur. However,
with tbe passage of more time, and the tightening of blockade,
the stock of food with the Sikhs got completely exbausted and
they were forced to subsist On wild bushes and the leaves and
the bark of the trees. Tbeir horses and live stock also starved
~o ,death. Obviously tbe 'Sikbs were being driven to desperate
straits. When, later on, the course of the stream wbicb
supplied tbem water, was also diverted by tbe enemy, tbere
were visible dents in their spirits. Extreme pri vat ions gave
birtb to discontentment. Many of them DOW began to tbink in
terms of tbe desirability of evacuating tbe place.
Discontentment, however, was also mounting in the enemy
ranks as well. The onset of winter and the DOD-availability of
supplies from the barren and inhospitable surrounding areas,
led to eve~ increasing desertions, especially when there were
little signs of an end to the bostilities in any near future. The
leaders of the enemy troops now bit upon an underband
stratagem to save their faces from an utter defeat. According to
the unimpeacbable contemporary eVidence, tbe enemy held
out solemn assurances to tbe Guru and bis {Khalsa tbat they
,,",ould be provided absolutely safe conduct if tbey, for the sake
of peace, agreed to evacuate tbe town of Anandpur for some
time.
R~ferences in tbe Fatehnama and Zafarnama very
clearly indicate that this move was approved and blessed by
Aurangzeb bimself. Bhai Santokh Singh also supports this
view in 'Gurpartap Suraj Grantb' .
' A letter from the Rajas of Kehlur and the otber
states was received. Tbe Guru took that letter in
band. Then be sent for Aurangzeb's letter. Having
PUt botb of tbem carefully in bis pocket, be ordered

26
everyone to get ready and move out on the road'.
Sarup Singh Kausbik also vouchsafes, in 'Guru K 'an Sakhian'
tbe receipt of solemn words on Quran from Aurangzeb, by the
Guru, before be decided to evacuate Anandpur. 9
Tbe possibility of the safe conduct furtber encouraged
tbose who were inclined to desert tbe town. Tbe Guru bad no
doubt tbat tbe offer of the enemy was a deatb trap, and be
had also the tidings ahout tbe ever increasing discontentment
in the enemy ranks. Under these circumstances, be advised
bis followers to hold out for sometime more. But be told
tbose who were still inclined to desert that they could do so
at their own risk, after signing a renunciation deed .
The
extreme privations of labouring under conditions of hunger and
starvation drove some of them to cboose this course. Wben
sometimes later, still more clamoured to evacute tbe Town,
Guru Gobind Singb, much against his own superior judgement,
finally made up h 's mind to accept tbeir demand. On tbe
fateful nigbt of December 21 st, 1704, tbe Guru ordered tbe
evacuation of Anandpur, after paying homage to his father's
shrine.
Besides tbe members of his family, about 1500 persons
were accompanying tbe Guru wben be left Anandpur. The
night boing cold , dark and rainy, belped the departing Sikhs
to get safely out of tbe enemy cordon . However, as anticipated
by tbe Guru, tbe moment tbe enemy learnt about the departure
of tbe Sikbs, in total disregard of ils own solemn words and
bence of any ethical standards , it set out in hot persuit immediately. Tbe treacberous conduct of tbe enemy is referred to, by
the Guru, In Zafarnama, wherein he says,
"Trampling over their own solemn words,

Armed with Arrows, Spears and Swords,

Thy men in blatant betrayal of trust,
Made, on us, a sudden thrust."
Wazir Khan's men soon fell upon the Guru's rear guard.
Udai Singh," togetber with a ,mall band of tbe Sikbs, decided
to halt the progress of the fast closing in army, sO as to enable

27
tbe Guru's entourage to cross SIRSA, a rivulet, most unfortunately, tben in bigb spate, due to winter rains. Tbougb tbe
Guru, tbe members of bis family and a small band of tbe Sikbs.
were able to cross the tlooded river, yet tbey got scattered in
tbe attempt, losing some of tbeir comrades in tbe midstream.
Wbile tbe boly wives of the Guru were escorted to Delhi by
some of the devoted Sikhs, the holy mother, Gujri, alongwitll
her two younger grandsons, "as led to viIlage Saheri by one of
her own bousehold employee-Gangoo Brahmin-who,
bowever, soon after hetrayed them to tbe Nawab of Sirhind,
the sworn enemy of the Sikhs. Amid protestations from some
saner elements, like the Nawab of Malerkotla , Wazir Khan
had the tender sons of the Guru, then aged only seven and
nine years, bricked up alive, having been stung by the holdness.
of tbeir manners and the courage of their convictions. Their
aged grandmotber could not withstand tbe news of tbe bear~
rending tragedy and left for ber beavenly abode immediately
tbereafter.
Guru Gobind Singh himself, alongwitb two 'of bis elder
sons, Ajit Singb and Jujbar Singb, aged eigbteen and fourteen
years respectively, and just forty of his brave devotees, being
relentlessly persued by tbe enemy contingents, reinforced at
Ropar, decided to take shelter in a mud-walled house at
Cbamkaur, whicb was almost immediately thereafter besieged
by tbe enemy numbering about a million. These facts have
been borne out by tbe Guru himself in his Fatehnama, when
addressing Aurangzeb, be says,
"When a million strong horde,
All armed and blood thirsty,
Falleth suddenly upon,
A batch of mere forty,
Hungry all and tired,
Though brave and inspired,
The odds are all too grave,
For gods even to brave.
The enemy had boped to liquidate the all too small band'
of the star'Jed: fatigued and the battle-worn Sikhs, Dot so welt

28
~ntrenched, rather easily and with that end in view, it launched
a fierce attack on the improvised fortress at Chamkaur. However, the rain of bullets and the arrows from within the
r amparts was so furious and so effective that tbe invading
bordes bad to fall reeling back and did not dare to venture near
them . The determined f atch of tbe Sikhs, endowed with super
human courage, remained firmly entrenched in their positions, to
the great wonder even of the enemy. When the ammunition got
exhausted, in order to keep the enemy at a bay, three to five
Sikhs, armed with only a sword, a shield or a spear would
emerge from within the fortress and with the war cry of 'Sat
Sri Akal' on their lips would fall upon the enemy ranks.
Death for them was all too certain, but their object was to keep
the enemy engaged for as long as it was possible and in this aim
they succeeded admirably. Two of the Guru's elder sons, Ajit
Singh and Jujbar Singh, also fell in tbe field similarly but only
after excelling their comrades-in-arms in every way. In the
face of such feats of rare courage and unrivalled valour, tbe
bravest among the enemy were feeling stunned and helpless and
could not dare to venture near the mud fortress garrisoned by
less tban two scores of ill-equipped and ill-fed persons. That
such a small batch of the Sikhs, almost half starved, with only
courage, born out of the presence of tbeir Guru amongst tbem,
to sustain tbem, sbould have been able to withstand successfully
the onslaugbts of a million strong bost of enemy, for the wbole
length of the day, stands out, in Ibe entire history of mankind,
as a unique and proud monument to the invincible spirit or
Man devoted to the cause of Truth and Justice: "For sheer
valour and endurance, the battle has scarcely any parallel" .
says Dr. l. B. Banerjee."

When at the end of the day, besides himself, only five

Sikhs were left with him, G JfU Gobind Singb ma~e known to
them, his resolve to personally take tbe field next morning. The
Sikhs earnestly pleaded with him to leave the place under cover
of darkness, because, according to them, he alone would be abl e
to give a new lease of life to the scattered ranks of the Kbalsa.

29

The Guru, bowever, was adamant and refused fo leave tbem

~Ione. Tbe Sikhs were determined to make a bid to save tbe
life of the Guru, their 'Beau Ideal.' Recalling tbat the Guru
bad vested a unanimous decision of the five members of the
Khalsa with the solemnity of an injunction binding on the GUTll
as wEll, they formally resolved to as" the Guru to leave the
piace. Guru Gobind Singb, now, was left witb no cboice and
bowing before tbeir decision, left tbe place, witb tbree of bis.
disciples, 'witbout even a bair of bis body being injured'. In tbis.
be saw the hand of God.
"Chastiser of foes of evil designs,
Who, in fully,/orget the Sublime;
He led me safely off their cordon .
Without a scratch on my person ."

-Zafarnama
Next morning, tbe enemy on taking control of tbe all but
abandoned fortress, was sorely disappointeJ to find tbat Guru
Gobind Singb was not there." By tbat time, be and bis
companions-Dya S41gh, Dharam Singh and Man Singh-bad
been able to cover good distance, under cover of darkness.
Armed units of the enemy troops were sent in search of him and
with an eagle's eye they were trying to locate him.
Mean'while reaching Machhiwara, the Guru's party
chanced to meet Nabi Khan and Ghani Khan," tbe Patban
brothers who, as horse traders, bad met tbe Guru earlier at
Anandpur and had developed a deep devotion for him, for his
piety and lofty teacbings. They were determined to belp bim
get out of the enemy trap to a place of comparative safety.
They devised to disguise bim as a contemp'orary muslim saint of
~8.t venetation and seating bim on a palanquin lifted it on
th~ sboulders . . The device belped tbe Guru and bis companions,to pass tbrougb Chulal, Lall Kalan, Kubba, Katana.
RatDjmr, Kanecb, Sahnewal, Nandpur Tibba etc., rather
unobtrusively, and reach Alamgir, wbere one of bis old devotees.
met tbe Guru and presented him a borse . Accepting tbe borse,
Guru Gobi~d Singh ~ow relieved the ?atban brotbers, tbanked

30

them hearlily and invested them with tokens of everlasting

bonds between them and the Khalsa."
From Alamgir onwa rd tbe journey lay through the villages
of JOOh-Rattan, Mohi, Heran, Rajoana, Kamalpur, Seeloani,
and Rai Kot, Ibe headquarters of Rai Kalla," an old devotee of
Guru Gobind Singb. A special messenger, Nura Mahi, sent to
"Sirhid from this place, brougbt the heart rending news of tbe
Martyrdom of tbe two younger princes and tbeir aged grandmotber. The Guru received the tragic news with amazing
-courage and perfect equanimity. Pullinll out a wild sb rub with
tbe tip of one of his arrows, the Guru is reported to have
predicted, at this place, that such a tyrannous rule of the
Mughals is bound to come to an end in the very near fulure."
After a brief stay at Rai Kot, Guru Gobind Singb
-decided to proceed furtber, towards the waste lands of Bhatirda.
Passing through Ihe villages of Manuke, Mehdiana, Chakkar,
Takhtoopura, and Madeh, the Guru reached Dina wbere he was
received by Cbaudharies Lakbmir and Shamir. the grandsons of
Chaudhari Jodh , a spirited follower of Guru Har Gobind, tbe
<lrandfather of Guru Gobind Singh.
The poop Ie of the surrounding areas, tbe Brars, were
mostly committed to the cause of the Faitb and the Guru
-decided to stay at Dina, in tbeir midst, for the time being. He
moved about quite freely to preach his divine mission and as the
information about his whereabouts reached the Sikhs, tbey
started coming to Dina to pay bim their homage.
The comparative respite at Dina enabled Guru Gobind
"Singh to compose 'Zafarnama', in reply to a communication
from AUfangzeb, possibly received there through a special
messenger from the King." In this composition, couched in
ehaste and vigorous Persian verse, Aurangzeb has been severely
indicted for his treacherous character, cowardly conduct,
tyrannous rule and misconceived rel igious fanatc ism. He is
warned that unless be made suitable amends a very sad eod
awaited him in the worlds, here and hereafter. This 'Epistle of
Victory' is a testimony to tbe invincible spirit of Guru Oobind

 3)

Singb, who squarely reminds tbe King that notwitbstanding tbe

loses inflicted upon him , through cunning and immoral means,
bt and bis Khalsa remained unsubdued and were in a position to
inflict suitable punishment upon him for his continued misdeeds.
He is advised to abjure violence and tyranny or, if he had the
beart, take the field personally and face his nemesis.
When Wazir Khan learnt about tbe presence of Guru
Gobind Singh at Dina he asked Chaudharies Lakhmir and
Shamir to hand over tbe Sikb Pontiff to him . The Brar brotbers
firmly refused to oblige him and reiterRted their resolve to stand
by the Guru tbrough thick and thin. There could now be no
doubt tbat the Faujdar of Sirbind was looking forward to an
other e~peditioR against the Guru wbo, true to bis mission, was
ltetermiried to resist any renewed aggression that threatened tbe
'integrity of hi. Faith. He, therefore, asked bis followers to
'gatber in strength, fully armed, and in full faitb. After a
hurried survey of the area to find out the most suitable place
where the enemy could be engaged, the Guru finally fixed his
mind on Kot Kapura. The master of the place Chaudhari
Kapura, who professed great admiration for the Guru, however,
got alarmed at the prospects of possible reprisals at tbe hands
of the Muguls and, therefore, politely declined to hand over his
place to the Sikhs. Instead , be suggested Khidrana, a relatively
iaac:cessibte place wbich housed a small water reservoir, tbe only
onc ~ in the entire arid area around. The Guru proceeded
thitber.
During tbe course of tbe journey from Dina, a sizable
body of the Sikhs got gathered around tbe Guru whose
immense personal sufferings and sacrifices had earned for him
deeper devotion and dedication from his ranks. The Sikhs were
now all the more determined to uphold the sanctity of their
Faith and to sacrifice themselves for their GUru and all he
uood for.
Some of the Sikhs of the Majba tract in Punjab, during
the protracted seige of Anand pur, had deserted their Guru
and their brother-in-arms, onder the acute pain of prolonged

32
sufferings and starvation. On reaching home, they were put
to such a shame by their womenfolk for their cowardly
and un-Sikh conduct that they were obliged to realize their
mistake. They now resolved to wash off the stigma of apostasy
from their faces, even with their lives, if need be.
Having learnt about the renewed danger to the security
of their Guru and the integrity of the Khalsa, they decided to
rejoin their brothers-inFaith. By tbe time the Mughal army
caught up with the rear guards of the Sikh contingents, near
Khidrana, these brave and re pent ant Sikhs, under the command
of a Lady of unusual courage and conviction, Mai Bhago, had
also reached there. In the course of the bitter fight that
enused, they feU to the last mar, but not before they had SD
completely routed the enemy tbat, thereafter, it did not dare to
molest the Guru." The Guru was so much moved by their
renewed devution and supreme ,acrifice that, forgiving their
earlier desertion, he not only owned them all, completely and
wholeheartedly, but als" blessed them as having been divinely
redeemed. The holy shrine of 'Muktsar' commemorates the
sacred memory of these brave souls.
The battle over, Guru Gobind Singh visited many places
for missionary work. Passing through several villages, he
finally reacbed the vicinity of Talwandi Sabo on 20th January,
1706, and, at the request of tbe village landlord, Chaudhari
Dalla-one of his old followers, he decided to put up there
for the time being.
Talwandi Sabo, thereafter known as
Damdama Sahib, very soon began to pulsate with the renewed
socio-spiritual activities of the Khalsa under Guru Gobind
Singb and became reminiscent of the glory of Anandpur.
More and more devotees would now repair to tbis place to seek
solace at the feet of the Guru who. for them, had courted
tremendous personal suffefings and sacrifices.
The Guru's
wives also joined him there from Delhi. When tbe holy
mothers burst into tears recalling Ihe cruel and unbearable
deaths of the four young Princes, the Guru tried to console
them. Pointing towards the Bikhs congregated around, he

33
said, "What does it matter if the four bave died? They died
so tbat tbese thousands migbt live."
The period of Guru Gobind Singh's stay at Talwandi
Saba, lasting for about nine months and nine days, is remarkable for two things in particular. The first is the marvellous
impact of the Guru's charismatic personality and teacbings on
the people. The Guru conducted occasional tours throughout
length and breadth of the area to spread the Gospel of Sikhism . .
As a result, a large number of people accepted the sacrament
of the steel, the Amrit, and entered the folds of the Faith."
Tal . andi Sabo attracted large orowds of devotees aod presented
tbe spectacle of a new Aoandpur. More than ten times the
number of people at Anandpur came to assemble here.
According to Koer Singh :
"Every day the Guru distributed gold and silver coins,
Countless soldiers were thus attracted to the place."
(Gurbilas Pat shahi-lO)
The preparation of the final recension of Ihe holy Adi
Granth is the second great achievement of Darnda rna Sahib.
The final copy of the Holy Granth was prepared by . Bhai Maoi
Singh under the guidance of the Guru himself. The same
recension was later invested with Guruship at Naded (Deccan).
on October 6, 1708 A.D.
Meanwhile, an Imperial envoy delivered another message
from Aurangzeb to the Guru, expressing desire for a persona'
meeting between the two. To facilitate such a meeting, the
Emperor issued orders to Munim Khan of Lahore ' to conciliate
Guru Gobind Singh and make satisfactory arrangements for
his travel towards the south'."
According to the Sikh chronicles, the change of heart
on the part of Aurangzeb was the result of the deep impact
that the letters of the Guru-Fatehoama and Zafarnarna-bad
on the mind of the aging King. His bloody and sinful
acts, brought out to him in bold relief in these letters, appear
to have driven the Emperor to a state of acute inner torment
and a mood of repentance. It is apparently in such a mood

34
that he wrote a letter to one of his sons, saying,
"1 know not who I am, where shall I go and what
will happen to this sinner. My years have gone by
profitleisly .
God bas been in my heart but my
darkened eyes have not recognized His light. There
is no hope for me in the futur~ ..... .1 have greatly
sinned and know not what torm nts await me.""
Against earnest entreaties from most of his followers, the
Guru left Talwandi Saba, on 30tb October, 1706, for the
Soutb, ostensibly to meet Aurangzeb to impress upon him the
folly and futility of bis wrong and unethical approach towards
his subjects, especially the non-muslims.
He also looked
forward to the opportunity to settle all the outstanding issues
with him. peacefully, if possible. The question of eXposiDg the
~xcesses and misdeeds of his porteges like Wazir Khan must
not also have been far from his mind."
Guru Gobind Singh, bowever, did not follow the arrangements and the route suggested by the King. Accompanied
by a sizable conti gent of the devoted Khalsa, he entered
Rajasthan via Sirsa. Near Eagbaur in Rajasthan, he learnt
about the death of Aurangzeb on Feb. 20tb, [707 and, alongwith the Sikhs accompanying him, he decided to proceed
towards Delh i.
War of SucCCSSiOb

In the house of tbe Mughals, the law of prigmogeniture

was never followed and, bence, every aspirant to the throne
had to assert his claim through sword. The deatb of Aurangzeh
was, therefore , a signal for the war of succession between his
sons, Mohd. Muazzam and Azaro Shah, in which Mohd.
M uazzam-later crowned as Bahadur Shah-came out success.
ful. At the request of Bahadur Shah, on the eve of the crucial
battle, Guru Gol>ind Singh had extended him moral and
material support, although the historians differ with regard to
the quantum and the impact of such an help. However, the
cordiality with which Guru Gobind Singh was later received
in the Imperial court at Agra by Babadur Shah, after wearing

3S
the Crown, and the honours tben conferred upon him-as
vouchsafed by tbe Guru bimself in his 'Hukamnama'" is'ued
after tbe event-do unmistakably indicate that the Mughal
King must have been very much impressed liy the belp rendered
to him by the Guru. An entry in tbe Akbbarat-i-DarbariMaulla (Jaipur), dated 24th July, 1707, also speaks of the
Guru h.ving been allowed to g~ fully armed in tbe Emperor's
presence and the costly presents then bestowed upon him ."
Tbe circumstances that brougbt Guru Gobind Singh and
Babadur Shah closer together enabled the Guru to discuss
with him all tbe issues wbich were the legacy of the reign of
bis father, Aurangzcb. The object of Guru Gobind Singb's
parleys witb Bah.dur Shah is indicated in a letter that he \\rote
after their meeting at Agra. In this letter, tbe Guru asks the
Khalsa to come to his presence fully armed, on his return to
Kehlur. Obviously the Guru must bave been insisting upon
the restoration of the Status que ante and the retributive
actions against those who were guilty of prepetrating inhuman
excesses on the innocent people, particularly the Sikhs."
It appears th.t Bahadur Sbah was finding it difficult to
take any punitive action against persons like Wazir Khan or
even the hill chiefs, at the initial stage of his career as a
King, especially when, i" his court, tbere waS a slrong lohby
of the orthodox Muslim revivalists, with their base at Sirbind,
who looked upon tbe rise of Sikhism as a cballenge to tbe
integrity of Islam" He, tberefore, asked Guru Gobind Singb
to wait for sometime, till he consolidated his position . His
gosture of goowill towards the Guru may have been, tberefore,
a diplomatic move to ensure bis presence near the court to keep
it informed of his mind and moves."
In November 1707, Bahadur Shah marched against the
Kachwahya Rajputs in Rajasthan to quell their revolt. Guru
Gobind Singh travelled with the imperial camp but without
partiCipating in any of the compaigns. On several occasions
the Guru would le~ve the Mughal camp and go to various
places to preach his Gospel in bill OWll way. II

36
The operations against the Rajputs had to be dropped
abruptly when the Emperor's brother, Kam Bakasb, rose in
revolt in Deccan. Babadur Sbah had to marcb down South .
to subdue him . The Guru also moved with him in tbe hope
that the King would Soon be free attend to his demands. as
promised.

CHAPTER V

ENO OF THE JOURNEY

Marching througb RajputBna tbe Imperial army crossed
river Tapti at Burhanpur. Captivated by tbe faemating landscape,
'the Guru decided to encamp on the banks of tbe river for a few
days. He rejoined the imperial camp, towards the end
of September 1708, at Nanded, a small town on the banks of
river Godawari. Even during these travels, the Guru did not
chan~e his daily routine. He was up well before sunrise, to say
his morning prayers and to meditate. Prayer meetings were
held later in the day, when he recited 'Gurbani' from the holy
Grantb and expounded its text to the assemblage, after whicb
')Cirtan' was sung and 'Karab Parsad' ,listributed. Tbese meetings roused tbe interest of tbe local inbabitants wbo were
welcome to attend tbem. Tbe author of the 'Tarikb-i Babadur
Shabi' writes,
"Guru Gobind, one of tbe grandsons of Nanalc. bas
come into tbese districts to travel and accompany
tbe royal camp. He is in the habit of constantly addressing tbe assemblies of worldly people, religious
fanatics and all sorts of people."
On reaching Nanded, Guru Gobind Singh met one Madho
Dass, a Rajput ascetic, who lived on the bank of the river.'
Born at Rajauci (Poonchh), in Kashmir, in 1670 A.D., he joined
the order of 'Bairagis' and after spending many years in Hindu
Monastries in south India, he set up bis own hermitage at Nanded

37

38
After meeting the Guru, Madho Dass attended Sikh prayer
meetings and had long discussions with him. Finally he became
the Guru's disciple and described himself as his 'Banda'-a
slave . The Guru baptised him by administering him' Amrit' and
accepting him in tbe order of the Khalsa, blessed bim as 'Banda
Singb Bahadur. Tbere are some wbo say tbat be was renamed
Gurbakasb Singb after tbe initiation. However, according to
Khafi Khan, even before he met the Guru, Banda was a Sikb by
persuation i.e. 'One of tbose attacbed to tbe tenets of Guru
Gobind, and wbo from tbeir birth or from tbe moment of tbeir
admission, never cut or shave either beard or whiskers or any
bair wbatever of tbe body: Tbat Banda Bahadur should bave
been cbosen as tbe leader of tbe expedition to Punjab, in preference to tbe otber battle worn Sikhs of proven abilities, lends
some credibility to the tbeory of Khafi Kban.'
By now Guru Gobind Singh seems to have realized that
Bahadur Shah was either not inclined to render justice or was
not in a position to take any punitive action against tbe
fanatical satraps like Wazir Khan, wbo were guilly of
beinous crimes against tbe people. No redress would come by
request, he was convinced. He, tberefore, parted company
",ilb Bahadur Sbab and stayed on at Nanded. Banda Bahadur
was cbarged witb tbe task of proceeding to Punjab with the
definitive purpose of cbastising Wazir Khan, hill cbiefs and all
tbose who were tyrannizing over the innocent people. Binod
Singh, Kahan Singb and Baaz Singh were among those who
were deputed witb Banda Babadur. Dr. G.C. Narang puts tbis
figure at twenty five.' Adequate reinforcements from Punjab were
assured. Punisbments matching tbeir crimes were soon inflicted
upon Wazir Kban, bill cbiefs and indeed all those wbo had the
blood of tbe innocent people on tbeir hands, by the Sikbs under
Banda Bahadur. Althougb Guru Gobind Singb had by now
foreRaken his ~ortal frame, yet witbin tbree years of his deatb
the wbole of the central and soutb-eastern Punjab lay prostrate
at tbe feet of the Sikbs wbo were now threatening Delhi as well.
One can therefore very well imagine how far tbe Guru bad

39

'roused the dormant energies of a vanquished people and filled

them with a lofty. though fitful ' longing for social freedom
and national ascendency, the true adjuncts, of that purity of worship whicb had been preached by Nanak."
After tbe departure of Banda Bahadur, the Guru stayed
back at Nanded and continued preaching the message of the
House of Guru Nanak. Increasing number of people ' would
come daily to partake of tbis message. One evening two
Pathans entered his camp and stayed on even after tbe conclusion of the prayer meeting. They had attended these meetings
earlier as well and, as such, did not arouse any misgivings
in tbe mind of any of the camp followers. As tbe Guru was
retiring to his bed , one of these Patbans suddenly attacked the
Guru with dagger causing grievous injury in his stomach.
Before tbe assailant could escape the Guru struck him down.
His acc"mplice, lurking around, was a Iso seized by the Sikhs
and slain. Botb tbe Pathans having been killed on the spur
of tbe moment tbeir identities and their motives have been
sbrouded in mystery . However, in a vivid account of tbe tragic
episode, Saina Pat says-and with very cogent reasons-that tbe
Pathans were the hirelings of Wazir Khan who, because of his
own dastardly deeds, was ever lying in fear of reprisals from
the Guru whose apparently growing conciliation with the Emperor was making the Sirhind Faujdar all the more apprehensive.5
The wound caused on the body of the Guru was immediately tended' and in a couple of days he resumed the task of
addressing the religious assemblies. He appeared to be well
on the way to compl<te recovery and there were great rejoicings
among his followers .
However, after some days, when the Guru announced to
his followers that be had been summoned to the divine
pr~sence, they were sbocked and dismayed. There were many
who cried and could not be consoled. Addressing them the
Guru said, "The Khalsa must never lie in fear of death , It is
inevitable and must be faced squarely and with grace, as the

40
will of God. We have accomplished our mission by awakening in you the love of God and the will to resist evil." To
those who were still finding it difficult to accept the inevitable
he said , "Do not grieve for us. We shall ever be witb our
Khalsa. Whenever and wherever five of its members, dedicated
and pious, shall assemble, they sball feel our presence and whoever will be inclined to seek our guidance, he sball find it in tbe
'Word' as enshrined in the holy 'Granth'."
The Guru now asked for the sacred volume of the Adi
Granth and as per Bhat Vabi Bbadson Parganah Thanesar :
"Guru Gobind Singh, the Tenth Master, son of Guru
Tegh Bahadur, grandson of Guru Hargobind, greatgrandson of Guru Arjan, of tbe family of Guru Ram
Das, of Surajbansi gosal clan, Sodhi Khatri, resident
of Anandpur, in the area of Keblur, now at Nander,
on the bank of Gudavari in Deccan, asked Bbai Dya
Singh, on wednesday, Katik Cbaulb, Sbukla Pakkb ,
Samvat 1765 (Oct., 1708), to felch Sri Grantb Sahib.
In compliance with orders, D ya Singb brougbt Sri
Grantb Sahib. The Guru placed before it five pice and
a coconut and Iben bowed his bead before it . He
told Ibe Sangat, ,'1 command that Sri Grantbji should
be acknowledged by all in my place. He wbo so
acknowledges it will receive Ihe divine grace. The
Guru will come 10 his rescue , Accept Ibis as tbe
Truth."
Tile institution of tbe personal Guru was tbus ended and
DOW tbe divine 'Word', ensbrined in tbe holy Adi Granth by Ibe
Gurus themselves, was installed as the Guru in perpetuity.' The
abolition of tbe personal Guruship was a very significant
<levelopment in tbe history of th. Sikhs Through such a step,
Guru Gobind Singb bad reposed an abiding confidence in lbe
collective leadership of the Community, committed, in perpetuity, under tbe guidance of tbe holy Word. That the Sikhs
proved tbemselves worthy of sucb a confidence is fully borne out
by the manner in which they conducted themselves as and when
tbere was a danger to the integrity of their Faith.

41
It was now past midnight. Guru Gobind Singh attired
bimself in the usual royal fashion, with the jewelled aigrette and
bis arms donning bis person and the white bawk percbed on bis
left band. He caUed for hi' dark blue steed, bid a spirited
fare well to bis disciples with tbe salutation, ' Wabeguru ji Ka
Khalsa, Waheguru ji ki Fateb'
'Tbe Kbalsa belongs to God
Victory be to God!
and rode into tbe elTClosure conta 'ning his cremation pyre. A
watch before sunrise on October , tb, 1708 he gave up his spirit
at th~ yOUDg age of just forty two years. An age had come
to an end.
"That man who is from God seot fortb
Doth yet again to God return .!"
- Wordswortb.

CHAPTER

vi

EPILOGUE
A fuller appreciation of the life and the work of Guru
Gobind Singh is possible only in the context of the wider Sikh
Ideals, as enunciated in the holy Granths and the other texts by
the Sikh Pontiffs and the Sikh Saints, as also by taking into
account tbe times in wbicb tbese Ideals were concieved and
brougbt borne to tbe people. Tbe scope of tbe present volume
is too limited to be able to dilate upon the subject at any length
and in any depth. And yet it is imperative for our purpose to
make more than a passing reference to tbese issues.
The age in wbich Guru Nanak (and His successors)
bappened to live has been described by Guru Nanak himself as
'An age like a knife ...... held at tbe throat of tbe people ... ... by
tbe King and tbe Clergy, the butchers ofbumanity." The people
owed their very lives and tbe pettiest of their liberties to the
absolute mercy and the idiosyncracies of those wbo bappened to
rule over tbem. Even in their wildest dreams, tbe poor people
did not bave any idea of any right being funaamental to their
existence-including the right to life, and hence inviolable. For
centuries on end, tbey were living in abject terror of tbe rulers
and tbose who were supposed to lend them courage and
hope by ministering to tbeir Spiritual needs had allowed tbemselves to become tools in the hands of tbe State sans any heart
or any soul. Religion had been turned into an engine for social
fraud and exploitation by bending the individual's volition to

42

43
the moral. and political ccxcombriesof the perfi~ious priest.'
It was in an age of such ignorance and such injustice tbat
Guru NaDak, the Founder of Sikh Failb, under the Divine'commandment' and with a Divine mission, appeared on the
,cene 'to extricate the suffering humanity form the fires' (of
ignorance and oppression) in wbich it was heing consumed. "Hepeeled veil after veil of tbe masks tbat the 'butchers of
bumanity', the king and clergy, bad put on their faces and exposed them, to the public gaze, in their true colours. He tolcl,
the people that tbese butcher~ off humanity, oy shedding their
human qualilies and by behaving like 'tigers' and 'dogs' have
forfeited all claims to tbeir allegiance and as sucb the people
bave tbe right to repudiate these authorities wbich, according to
Guru Nana.k, had no divine sanction whatsoever.' Tbe claims of
both the secular as well as spiritual authorities to their
allegiance, tbe Guru told the people, rests proportionately on.
their committment to tbe ideals of Justice and Eqllality. Tbe ultimate sovereignty vests witb th' people, who must exercise tbeir'
judgement with care and " .ith a sense of discrimination ' He
alone is entitled to sit on the tbrone who is fit to rule" and
'deeds and not creed would determine tbe social and spiritual
status of an individual',' declared the Guru . Tbe poor and tbe
innoeentpeople wbo, for centuries, bad been nurtured in the
belief that their social and political plight bad been predestined,.
were amazed to hear such sermons from the moutb of a Messiah
wbo was so different, so unortbodox, so unassuming and so full
of bope and aspirations for them. Tbrough the mist of miseries
tbey could now see a brigbt light' tbat illumined their souls.
Slowly, tbougb surely, tbey began to be attracted towards it.
Guru Nanak was aware of the fact tbat tbose wbo had been
enjoying the fruits of their iII-gotlen privileges would figbt to tbe
bitter end to retain tbeir bold on tbem. As such, be warned
tbose wbo were inclined ' to follow hiS Patb to come witb their
heads on their palms.' Only the courageous could step onto his
Path .
To instill courage and Faith in tbe minds of tbe people

44
they ha'i to he spiritually elevated and morally awaleened, by
communicating with them in the language they understood and
by holding aloft before them the virtues of courage and sacrifice
for the cause of Faith, through unimpeachable and unrivalled
personal precepts. The undaunted courage of the Sikh Pontiffs,
as embodied in the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev (1606 A.D,) ,
Guru Tegb Bahadur (1075 A,D.) and the assumption of armed
postures against the tyrants by Guru Hargobind and later by
Gnru Gobind Singb, involving unparalled personal sufferings
and sacrifices, gave the people the direction they could long be
looking for,
Increasing number of people were attracted to the Faith,
assiduously nurtured by tbe Sikh Propbets. A new generation of
courage and conviction had begun to rise, embracing both
Hindus and the Muslims alike. Tbe expanding borizons of the
Ideals of 'freedom of Faith' and Fraternity could not have failed
to incur the wratb of a State committed to tbe obliteration of
aU autonomous sections of society. In his memo, the Mugbal
Emperor, Jahangir (1605-1627 A.D.) makes an explicit
reference to this effect:
"At Goindwal wbich is situated on the bank of tbe
River Biab (Bias), there lived a Hindu named Arjan.
He was in the guise of a Pir or a Sheikh. Accordingly
baving captured by his manners and etiquette many of
the simple minded Hindus and even of the ignorant
and lowly Muslims, had bealen aloud the drum of his
divinity and spiritual leadersbip, People called bim
Guru. From all sides fools and worshippers of fools
in Jarge number came to him. This shop had been
active for three or fouc generations. For a verp long
time I bad been pondering tbat eitber this false shop
should be exterminated or be (Guru Arjan) should
be brought into the folds of Islam ...
The things lbal stand Ollt in bold relief in tbe aforesaid
reference are:
I. By tbe time of Guru Arjan Dev, a fairly large numher

4S

people, including tbe Muslims, bad eutered the House

of Guru Nanak.
2. The increasing popularity of the Faith was looked
upon with complete disfavour by the Muslim monarch .
who was bent upon forcing the Guru to renounce hi~
Faith in favour of Islam or exterminating him physi,
cally in the event of refusal on his part.
This is then the genesis of the causes leading to the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev in 1606 A.D. and the similar fate of
Guru Tegh Bahadur later in l675A .D. is also attributable to an
identical stance of the State, towards Sikhism. Thus by the
time of the assumption of ecclesiastical as well as temporal responsibilities of the House of Guru Nanak by Guru Gobind
Singh, notwithstanding the fact that, by then, the Faith of the
Sikhs had taken quite deep [oots, the complexion of the State
had undergone a very perceptible cbange for the worse. The
bigtory of the Muslim revivalists and the Hindu orthodoxy were
at loggerheads for a long time and yet the two had connived
with one another to keep the poor people in a state of perpetual
bondage and ignorauce, through vehement resistence to all forces
of progress and change. In Sikhism they saw a common danger
to tbeir hegemony and, as sucb, not unoften , tbcy would forge a
combined front against the progressive Faith of the Sikhs in
order to crush it. The powerful State, now completely under
the itUiuence, of the Muslim revivalists . was openly working for
the establisbment of a uni-central social order with no quarters _
for tbe non-confirmists. Besides, political sujugalion, religious
persecuitons, economic exploitation and corruption at all levels
still besmeared tbe face of the society.
In 1675 A.D., tberefore, wben at tbe age of just about
nine years, Guru Gobind Singh was invested with tbe responsibilities of leading the socio-religious order against wbich the
wrath of the Powerful State bad only recently manifested itself
by killing its head, Guru Tegb Babadur, tbe age, obviously, was
still like a drawn knife. Its edge was rather sharper than ever before and it bnng more menacingly over tbe beads of those
who dared to differ with the persons who wielded it. Rival :

46
-claims to tbe Spiritual Sea! staked by the splinter groups, rep'reseoted by Minas, Dhirmalias and the Ramrayas added further
to the difficulties of tbe Young Guru by accontuating internal
-dissensions on the one hand and by encouraging the none-toofriendly State to interfere in the domestic affairs of tbe Com,munity on tbe otber. Tbe integrity of tbe Faitb was furtber
,tbreatened by the corrupt practices tbat, over the years, bad
.,rept into tbe ranks of some of its institutions like that of
Masands. Undaunted by tbe formidable nature of tbese diffi.,ulties, bis own tender age , the paucity of resources at his
command and against tbe advice of tbe sceptics and tbe weakJeneed among his own ranks, tbe Guru wbo, in bis own words,
had been divinely ordained
'To uphold Righteousness
And to uproot EviP
-decided to face the chaUenge posed by these inimical forces.
It was a question of life and death struggle for tbe Young Community and tne Guru had no doubt that it could be ignored
-only at its own peril. His grasp of the situation was remark.able and tbe manner in wbich be was able to reorganize and
,rejuvenate bis people so as to enable them to face tbe grim
.,balleoge tben facing them and to endow tbem witb a definite
mission for tbe future is amazing. Seen in tbe socio-political
context of tbe seventeentb century sucb a transformation
.brougbt about by one single individual was nothing short of
miracle. Only a genius witb a propbetic vision could bave
brought about so complete a transformation in the psyche of
tbe people. 'Tbe Guru's teachings bad the magical effect of
.changing a pariah or outcast through an interminable line of
heredity into a brave and staunch sOldier .. .... This metamor,phosis had been accomplished in defiance of Ihe bide-bound
,prejUdices and conservatism of the old Hindu religious systems
.Prior to the times of tbe Sikb Gurus DO general ever conceived
the idea of raising an army from men who were believed to be
unclean from tbeir birth; but the stimulating precepts of tbe
ttenth Guru altered who had hitherto been deemed to be the .

47
dregs of humanity into warriors whose prowess and loyalty
never failed their leaders." What is important to remember
here is that these brave soldiers were essentially a God-fearing
and God-loving community dedicated to the establisbment of
'a plural, free, open and progressive human society, God-oriented, non-aggressive, but firm and ever ready to combat tbe rise
and growth of evil, through organised resistance and forward
looking yet non-ambitious',ll as against the closed, tyrannical,
inequitable and an aggressive social order then prevailing. Thus
the object that Guru Gobind Singh aimed at was 'great and
laudable. It was the emancipation of the people from oppression
and persecution; and the means which he adopted were such as
a comprehensive mind could alone have suggested' . 'To an
atmosphere of gloom and degredation he brought a message of
hope and deliverance and a will to do or to die .... .. He bore no
enmity to anyone but was the eternal enemy of tyranny and
oppression whatever might be their brand or form. He had
declared on them a never-ending war and created the Khalsa
to carry it on.'12
The creation of tbe Khalsa is tbe crowning achievemfnt of
Guru Gobind Singh's life. After about two hundred years of
teachings, during which period the Vth and the IXth Sikh
PO!1ti/fs had to lay down their lives to bring home to the people
the rt al import of their divine message, the time had now come
to ask them whether they were willing to pass through the
ordeal of fire and follow the path of Guru Nanak with 'their
heads on their palms.' And when they affirmed their allegiance
to the Ideals of Sikhism even &t the cost of their heads, Guru
Gobind Singh had no doubt that they had come of age. He
felt so elated that in his immortal songs he expressed his
complete identification with them.
'The Khalsa is flesh of my flesh,
and bone of my bone,
In a drop of water,
Behold thou the sea itself.'
No Prophet in the world has ever awoed so complete an

48

identification witb tbe people. NotWitbstanding their professions of love and concern for tbe people, they bave always
stood at a higher-and unattainable-pedestal from tbem. It is
the unique distinction of Sikbism alone that while proclaiming
equality between man and man, it also endows the people witb
a status not only equal to their Guru but even a little higher at
times." Having created the Khalsa in bis own image, 'under the
direct command of Akal (God)', Guru Gobind Singb invested it
with abiding authority of the Guru. "As Guru Nanak seated
Guru Angad on tbe throne, so have we made Khalsa the
Guru.", said Guru Gobind Singh.
The historians who are ignorant of the basic doctrines of
Sikhism are beguiled by some extefDal developments under
Guru Gobind Singh, like the institution of Khalsa, to infer from
them, that, under the tenth Master 'Sikbism underwent a
complete transformation or transvaluation.''' Nothing, however, can be farther from the truth. Those "'ho may be
inclined to follow closely the de,elopment of Sikhism from the
times of Guru Nanak onward cannot fail to notice the basic
unity of purpose running through tbe lives and the works of all
the succeedi,'g Gurus, including Guru Gobind Singh. The firm
social committments of the Faith, with categorical emphaSiS by
its Founder and his successors, on combating the forces of evil
and aggression with manly courage rather than runoing away
from them could only culminate in tb e inst itution of tbeKhalsa.
Tbe emphasis on action as against passivity in circumsta~ees
involving flagrant violation of the basic human values has been
recognized in Sikhism as the consummation of the religious life
and as such the taking up of arms, uoder Guru Gobind Singh,
is absolutely in harmony with the basic Sikh tenets . Guru
N anak himself prophesied oe;nesis on tyrants and visioned God
as the Defender of Right and Chastiser of Evi\. In a telliog
phrase, he refers to God as ASUR SAN GHAR-Destroyer of
Demon." There is a refereoce in 'Gurbilas' of Bhai Sukha Singh
about Kalesi, the warrior, being addressed by Guru Arjan Dev
on the excellence of tbe v:rtue of fighting for righteousness'"

49
SUCh a person, he ' says, attains salvatidn . after his death: The
establishment of the Order of the Khalsa, therefore, was, 'a
logiclri development and 'entelachy of the teachings of .Guru
Nanak, revealedin :ce~tain SUTRAS or JAPU itself and fighting
the Mughal ascerioe-ncy was an acCident and not a cause.'''
Bbai Jodh Singh goes further and says tbat from the very
beginning the Gurus had witb tbem a complete idea all about
the details of the form which Sikhism was to be given in terms
of Khalsa.l '
Therefore tbe recourse . to arms, under Guru Gobind
Singh, by the Sikhs, in the circumstances then obtaining, was
absolutely in keeping witb tbe basic postulates of the Faith and
the creation of the Khalsa marks the culmination of the Sikh
traditions. The Kbalsa, tbougb armed, is essentially an order
of the persons deeply religious, socially enligbtened, morally
awakened and wedded to tbe Ideals of peace. 11 is, unfortunately, not quite often remembered tbat, under Sikhism, the use
of arms has been sanctioned, for an unimpeachable good cause,
only as tbe last resort, after all peaceful efforts have proved
of no avail.
"When Ihe affairs are pasl redemption,
By all 01 her means of good inlention,
it is just to assert thy righl
Through thy s>vord and a righleous fight."
-ZaJarnama

And tbe Kbalsa is irrevocably committed to upbold Justice

which, for tbem, is not tbe privilege or the advantage of the
stronger, as Thresymacbus, the sophist lawyer in Plato's
Republic bappens to believe," but is excellence of the sou!.,.
Notwithstanding the tempeslations of war, bowever, Guru
Gobind Singh did not allow the Mission of Guru Nanak to run
adrift. Even when engaged in war for the sake of 'Dharma',
righteousness, tbe Sikbs were strictly enjoined to adhere to a
strict code of moral conduct. Whatever tbe persecutions and
provocations, tbe Guru did not allow his followers to stoop to
tbe level of tbei, adversaries. Q.zi Nur Mohd. who accompanied

50

Ahmad Sbah AbdaH dnring tbe later's seventh invasion of India

{1764-65) bad the opportunity to watcb the Sikh cbaracter from
a very close quarter. Writing about them in his book, lANG
NAMA, the Qazi, a Sworn enemy of tbe Sikhs says,
"Truely they (the Sikbs) are like lions in battle and
they surpass.'Hatim (in gererosity} in times of peace.
Leaving aside their mode of fighting, hear ye another
point in whicb tbey excel all otber figbting people ......
In no case would they slay a coward Dar would tbey
put obstacles in tbe way of a fugitive. Tbey do not
plunder tbe wealtb or ornaments of a woman, be sbe
a well-todo lady or an bumble servant ......
Tbere is no adultery among tbese 'dogs' (out of
hatred he refers to the Sikhs as dogs) nor are tbese
'mischieveous' people given 10 thieving.. .... There is
DO tbief at a\l among tbese 'dogs', nor is there any
bouse breaker born amongst these miscreants.'. They
do not make friends with adulterers or housebreakers ... , .. ";;1
Similar and more eloquent tributes have also been paid to
lhe Sikhs by other Done-too-friendly persons who were so much
impressed by their conspicuou,ly bigh mOlal character that they
could DOt restrain their ndmiration for them.
"When in 1807 A.D .. during the couroe of a battle
with the Sikhs, near Sialkol, Ihe Afghan general,
Jahan Khan, fled, leaving behiod a number of muslim
women, they fell ioto the hands of Ihe Sikhs. Ali-uddin, the Muslim historian extols the moral excellence
of the Sikb soldiers wbo, according to him, escorted
them safely to Jammu."
And Lapel Griffin writing about them says,
"There were few stories in Sikb bistory of outrage to
women and tortures to men."
Few people in the annals of history can boast of such selfspeaking and telling tributes, from their sworn enemies. They
sbould leave no doubt in the mind. of even their worst detractors

51

that even when called upon to resort to the use of sword, the
Sikhs always bandied it with conspicuous restraint and compassion. During the worst of conflicts, when .they were struggling
for their very survival, the Majesty of Iheir soul remained
unbruised and whole, thanks 10 the genius of Guru Gobind
Singh, who did not allow nny trans-valuation in the Mission of
Guru Nanak.
.
Lastly it is reitvant to ask those who are scared of the use
of force that but for the Order of the Khalsa who would have
resisled the evil and aggressive designs of the Durranies against
India? The Marhattas, the Rajputs and even the Mughals had
tasted their sword and were lying in terror and submission. It
were the Sikhs alone who were able to frustrate their designs.
Prof. Ranerji has no hesitation in recognizing that 'Tbe Khalsas'
greatest contribution to tbe cause of India was the wresting of
the Punjab and the adjoining lands upto tbe frontier from tbe
clutches of tbe Afgbans. If they had not done so, some of these
tracts might bave been lost even geographically to India.""
The elemental and the profound personality of Guru
Gobind Singh bas few parallels in the entire history of Mankind.
Gifted witb a handsome bearing, phenominal courage, and an
iavincible spirit. he had an unbounded love for the poor, the
down trodden and the dispossessed, for whose sake he sacrificed
his holy parents, his four sons, his closest associates and finally
himself as well. And yet, deSCribing himself as Iheir humble
servant, he tbanks the people for all that he could achieve.
Paying rare tributes to them, he says:
.. All the battles I have won, against tyranny
I have fought with the devoted backing of these people;
Through them only have I been able to bestow gifts,
Through their help I have escuped from harm;
The love and the generosity of these Sikhs
Have enriched my heart and my home.
Through their grace 1 have attained all learning ;
Through their help, in battles, J have slain all enemies
I was born to serve them, through them J reached em/lienee.

52 :
What would I ha.e been without their kind and ready 'help?
.. There are millions of insignificant people like me.
True service is the service of these people:
I am not inclined to set'e (Jihers of higher caste;
Charity wiil bear fruit ; in this and the next world;
If given to such worthy people"as Ihese,
All other sacrifices and charities are profilless
From top to toe, whatever I call my own,
AU J posses or carry, I dedicate to these people." "
How could such a love fail to find an ecbo in tbe hearts of
the people 7 In .the Guru they saw their Saviour, their SAJJAN
(Friend), their benefactor and their beau ideal, whom, out of
their unbounded love for him, they affectionately addressed as
their 'Rider of t!le blue steed', 'Lord of the wbite bawk', and
'Wearer of the plumes' . Even when tbe hostile State, with its
tremendous resources decreed death on all those who professed
faith in Guru Nanak, Guru Gobind Singh, they preferred to be
dismembered alive, skinned alive, scalped alive, sawed alive,
boiled alive and broken on the wheels ratber than countenance
the demand of the State to renounce their love for the Guru
and their faith in bis teachings. Echoes of tbese abiding bonds
of love and faith are still being beard in the very popular song,
especially in the country side :
"Let the entire world b ' estranged from me,
But not my 'Lord of the plumes'.""

In order to accomplish the divine mission of combating

the forces of evil and aggression and upholding righteousness ,
Guru Gobind Singb acquired rares kills in tbe nse of arms. A
superb swordsman, an ace archer, a lion bearted lancer, be
was a general par excellence. During tbe armed conflicts,
forced upon bim and bis followers by an enemy enjoying
tremendous superiority in men and material, the laurels were
The contemporary evidence,
always WOn by bis camp.
including his own autobiography, provide graphic accounts
of many incidents when, during many a battle, he was pitted
against some of the most renowned generals, both Hindus and

5}

Muslims; however, there is not .a single occasion when he

allowed any of them to score over him. On the contrary,
;limoS! invariably, even the best among them were worsted
.by him in a manner which' reduced them to nonentities. Many
a, time in tlie' midst of raining" death, be entered tbe field
personally to retrieve seemingly hapless positions an~ led his
men to ultimate victories. "Tbe defence that he extemporised
at Chamkaur, where the Guru with only forty choosen
companions kept at bay for several hours, a whole bost of the
oppo~~ troops, has hardly a parallel.. .and leaves us in no
doubt about his tactical gellius,"'
If one is 'amazed ~t 'the dexterity and the cosummate
skill with which the Guru could use bis arms, one simply
marvels at ~he felicity witb which he wielded his pen. His
preference f()r the poetic compositions must have been due to
its peuetrating appeal. He seemed to blive a natural genius
for this mode of writing. One is wader-struck at tbe wealth
of the literature pioduced by him in the midst of all tbose
dangers and difliculiies that almost ever continued to clist
their tbreatening shadows over bim , lbroughout his life. And
when tbe richness of the contents and tbe range of his poetic
expressions are taken into accounts, the impact of his achievements in this field" is immeasurably enhanced, ' Rarely has
poetry, in any language, recaptured the transcendent vision in
such personal and realistic terms or inspired such a spirit of
courage and heroism' , In whichever language he wrote, be it
Brij, Hindi, Sanskrit, Persian or Punjabi, his command over it
is complete. Scores of new words were coined by him and
many new meters in the annals of poetry were introduced.
"In Hindi, he developed a style, which for martial cadence,
variety of form, and richness of imagination has remained
ur,surpassed since his times. In lines ranging from mODOsyllabic verse to long and multiplied Swayyas and Kabits, we
seem to hear the torrential flow of hill streams or the galloping
sweep of cavalry on the march. The intellect quivers in
emotion and breaks out against superstition and hypocracy

54

into humour, irony and lianter. His emotion is raised to th~

highest pitch of ecstasy when he communes with God. "I. 10
all his compositions the imagery is grand, the diction cbaste.
lyricism compelling and expression graphic.
Now whatever else Guru Gobind Singh might have been.
he was first and foremost a great religious Propbet. 'None
but a person of saintly dispositions, bighly spiritual and with
a complete resignation to the will of God could bave bebaved
as be did during the most acute crisis of his life. Leaving hisbome and everytbing in the hands of the enemy, he bids
farewell to Anand pur and with his ranks depleted and hi!>
family dispersed, bis wives going in one direction and his
mother and two younger sons he knew not where, he arrived
at Chamkaur and is at once surrounded by tbe Mugbals and
the hill Chiefs. After a superhuman fight against the beaviest
of odds in whicb be sees his two dearest sons and his cbosen
companions fall one after another before his very eyes, he hal>
to leave the place and for sometime is hunted like a wild
animal, now escapin!! in one direction and now in auother.
when newS arrives of tbe barberous and brutal murder of his
two younger sons aqd tbe no less tragic death of his mother.
He faces all tbis witb the most supreme composure ana.
serenely goes on witb his work as if notbing has happened.
He ~ompiles a new recension of the Granth Sabib, adds to it bis
own compositions and busies bimself in laying strong the
foundation of Sikhism in the Malwa tracl. Certainly no merepolitician or a soldier could bave done il.'" Immediately after
losing his two elder sons and his closest diSCiples when be was
unaware of tbe whereabouts and tbe fate of tbe younger son,.
and otber members of his family, even as he lay, all by himself,
being botly persued by a rutbless enemy, in the jungles of
Macbhiwara, under a cruel winter sky , he, tbe son of God.
reiterates bis faitb in the will of Ged, in a gloriour song of
bope and affirmation.
"Go, tell the beloved Lord
The condition of His yearlng disciple;

55
Without Thee, rich coverings are an agony to us,
And to live in the comforts of our households
Is like living with snakes! Our water pots
Hal'e become like pikes on which men are impaled.
The cup we drink from has an edge like a dagger,
Beloved, Thy turning away from us
Is like what a beast endures from the slaughterer !
With the Beloved a matress of straw would please us,
Wit hout Him, in rich houses we are burnt alive."
In the midst of such trials ,and tribulations, only a saint, at
perfect peace with himself, could have sung such a song.

And those who, in ignorance of his d;vine mission, accuse

him of bias against a particular community, tbe Muslims, must
refer to his immortal song stressing the fundamental concepts
of his gospel namely, the Fatherhood of God and the Brotberhood of Men.
"He is in the temple, He is in the mosque
He is in the Hindu worship as He is in the Muslim
prayer:
Men are one though they appear different
Gods and demons who guard the treasures
Of the God oj riches, the musicians celestial
The Hindus and the Muslims are 0/1 one,
Have each the habits of different environments.
But all men have the same eyes, the same body,
The same form compounded of the same four elements.
Earth, air,fire and water.
Thus the Abhekh of Hiudus and the Allah of
Muslims are one.,.
The Koran and the Puran praise the same Lord.
They are 01/ of one form,
The one Lord made them all.....
It is unthinkable that such a man of God could ever
harbour feelings of animosity towards any person, much less
a community or a class. Some of his most devoted disciples.
were drawn from the Muslims who fought as resolutely on his

56 :

side as the, Sikhs. His .",as a fight against the forces of

injustice and oppression .. and not against any particular
community or class. He ppposed the Hindu orthodoxy as
vehemently as he did the Muslil)l tyranny. and embraced the
Musl im piety as warmly as of any other class or individual.
Guru Gobind Singh was, therefore, a versatile genius
the like of whom the world has not seen. 'A law giver in the
pulpit, a champion in the field, a king on his masnad and a
_ Faqir in. lhe society of the Khalsa','o he was also a poet par
excellence, a profound philosopher, an organizer of unusual
will and vision and, above all, the Prophet of the people who,
through his baptism, poured life into his Sikhs and invested
them with the dignity and piety of bis own personality. 'There
was about him a stern Olympian air which he imparted to
his followers. His impress not only elevated and altered the
constitution of their mind but, contrary to the experience of
etbnological experls, it also .cperated materially and gave
am plitude to Lheir physical frames.'''
At Ihe time of the assumption of the divine authority,
at the tender age of just . nine years, when his own people,
terror stricken by the martyrdom of tbeir Prophet and tbe
lack of cohesion among their ranks, seemed to be utterly
despaired and counselled concilliation rather than confrontation
with the powers of the day, the Guru refused to be overwbelmed. Instead, he proclaimed his firm resolve to accomplisb
bis divine Mission undaUlited by tbe hazard. of such a course.
'He would not remain silent out of rear or the threat of force',
be told the people., 'Rigbts and Justice are scarcely obtained
through prayers and pleadings, but have to be won througb
force and defended alike' . he further observed." Leading the
people througb the valley of iiie aod death, be invested Ihem
with a new courage, a new hope and a new . resolve to wrest,
for tbemselves as well as their fellow human beings, a status
in confirmity with tbelr sacred mission and their sovereign '
rigbts. Entllused by the lofty Ideals of tbeir Guru and
inspired by bis unrivalled sufferings and sacrifices for tbeir

51
cause, the Sikhs now threw overbplUd all elements of despair:
an" despondency and were determined to , carry forward \h(\
Message of the Guru, and hOllOur their pledge with destiny ,
Once the way for 't hem was illumined , by the' 'Prophet of the,
High Spirit', and they had a glimpse of their ultimate destiny,
the Sikhs never, thereafter, looked back and even the meanest
among them stood upto the migb.tiest for the cause of freedom
and justice. Death henceforth was coveted like a crown.
'The Sikhs vied with eacb other for precedence in deatb',
reads an early record of British India by J, T. Wheeler
(London, 1878).
Tbanks to tbe Mission of Guru Gobind Singh a new race
had now been born wbicb was the barbinger of the new Age,
where juslice was not the privilege of the strong and liberty was
not the preserve of tI' e feudal lords, Man bad now come of
age, Guru Gobiod Singb had freed bis body and his soul and
had established his supermacy both in tbe temporal as well as
tbe eccelestial spheres. When Brahmin, the traditional Clergy
was byepassed and 'he 'wept and bis heart began to burn like dry
grass' , 33 the Guru advised him to see the writings on the wall
and accept the inevitable, with grace, and wben Bbai Dya Singh
walked into the court of Aurangzeb witb sovereign dignity
without botherin~ about the outmoded and overloaded court
etiquettes and without caring for the elaborate ,obsequiousness
and delivered him 'Zafarnama' , the Letter of Victory', laying
bare his crimes and misdeeds and asking him to come for his
chastisement, tbe traditional seat of the temporal power was
divested of its selfstyled divine attributes and in its place the
sovereignty of tbe people was proclaimed. Long before the
world had ever beard of Hobbes, Lock or Rousseau or the
concepts of Liberty, Equality and Fralernity, tbe sociospiritual
order of Guru Gobind Singh bad fully imbibcd them and put
them into practice. Eversince then no sacrifice bas been too great
for the Sikhs to safeguard tbem. Such is tbe wonderful legacy
of tbe Xtb Nanak, tbe great Gu ru Gobind Singh,
Wben one tries to take into account aU that Guru Gobind

58
Singh was able to accomplish in a life span of hardly two scores
and two years, in that dark age, in the face of those unrelenting
hostilities and with those inSignificant resources at his command,
one sometimes begins to wonder whether such a soul, in flesh
and blood, ever walked on the face of this earth.

....................a

PART II

FATEHNAMA AND ZAFARNAMA

CHAPTER VI

FATEHNAMA AND ZAFARNAMA

Fatehnama and Zafarnama are two composiiions of Guru

Gobind Singh, in Persian verse, that he addressed to Aurangzeb;
the then reigning monarch, after the fateful events that followed
in the wake of the evacuation of Anandpur on the night of
21 st December 1704.' After repeated reverses at the hands of
the Sikhs the un-redeemably reactionary Hindu hill chiefs and
their fiercely fanatical Mughal Overlords decided to forge a joint
front against the Sikh fraternity and with the malicious intent of
destroying its Guru and its precious heritage mustered together
a formidable allied force that descended ou the town of Anandpur, the seat of the Sikh Pontiff, in the hope of wiping it out
with a single powerful thrust. However when the initial boastful
attempts of the enemies were completely frustrated an i the
proudest among their ranks were humbled by the Sikhs nnder
Guru Gobind Singh, they lost all courage and did not dare toventure near the Sikh entrenchments. The only course left with
them, to save their face and their reputation, was to lay a seige
to the town and with the help of far superior numbers and
equipment, starve the Sikhs to submission by cutting off all
possible sources of supplies and reinforcements. The seig~
continued for more than eight months and yet there was not the
slightest sign of capitulation from the Sikhs. On the contrary,
among their own ranks the discontentll!ent was ever mounting;
in the face of the onslaught of winter and the ever receding
61

67.
'Sources of supplies. To avert the possibility of a complete and
bumiliating defeat, tbe allied generais, with the explicit
approval of Aurangzeb, decided to resort to a stratagem that,
'IlIlder similar circumstances, always formed a part of tbe under
!hand armoury of Aurangzeb and his proteges.- To draw out tbe
Sikbs from tbeir impregnable entrenchments, the leaders of tbe
..nemy camp requested them to evacuate the town for sometime,
.in tbe larger interests of pe~ce ' and gOodWill and, throngh most
solemn words pledged on tbeir Holy texts, the Quran and tbe
-Gita, promised tbem, in tbe name of God, a safe conduct to any
place to whicb tbe Sikhs may choose to retire. The Guru had
.no doubt that it was a deatb trap: bowever, the brave but tbe
Ibelieving Sikhs were completely duped and the Guru, much
.against his will, bad to acquiesce. Tbe town, under such
-conditions, was finally abandoned on tbe fateful night of
December 21st, 1704 and tbe horrible events tbat followed in its
wake, therearter, form tbe proudest part of the Story or the
Sikhs. Drawn to the death trap of the treacherous enemy, in
the name of God and peace, the small body of the Sikhs,
famished and fatigued, with nothing else lO sustain them except
.8 firm faith in the justness of their cause, found tbemselves
pittied against the heaviest of odds that posed a very potent
threat not only to tbeir own existence but also to the esteemed
petson of their Holy Guru, tbe embodiment of their sacred
heritage. The gallant and the glorious manner in which tbese
Sikhs, wbo could be counted on finger tip" under the inspiriilg
leadership of their Guru, braved those seemingly impossible
,circumstances and ultimately succeeded in completely frustrating
.all the evil designs of the enemy, stands out as the tallest
monument ever to the invincible Spirit of Man committed to tbe
cause of safeguarding the sanctity of the birth rig!:ts of all men,
.in all climes and in all ages,
These 'Letters of admonition' or 'Epistles of Victory' as
"tbey are better known, embody the indomitable spirit of Guru'Gobind Singh and hi. Khalsa, and their refusal to bow to the
'brutal will of a tyrant. Notwithstanding the tremendous loses

in men and material. including his children. and the temporary

set backs, as a consequence ~ of the amoral and treacherons
tactics of the enemy. the Guru tells Aurangzeb that they should
not lead him to ~ believe that he had won.' ';His Khalsa remains
invinsible and is in a position to deliver death blows to all his
evil and aggressive designs", the Guru reminds the King. The
mood of the Guru is very m uch evident in verse no, 75 of Zafarnama where, addressing the King, he says,
"Four tender lives that fhou didst claim
Would n"ver, 0 King. our spirits maim;
The coiled 'Cobra' of deadly Slings
Is very much alive in the/arm of Sing/IS."
Of these two compositions, Fatehnama is comparatively
lesser known, having come to light at a mucll later date. There
are some who are inclined to believe that the twenty four
stanzas are only a small portion of the wllole, the rest of which
is still shrouded in mystry . There are others who tend to cast
dou bt on its autllenticity and regard it as a later interpolation.
Howevcr the internal evidence of the Composition, the language
in whicb it is couched and ihe choice of the meter, when carefully assessed leave no doubt about its authership. The stamp
of the consumate skill of Guru Gobind Singb is unmistakably
there. The cllronology and the contents of the historic events
connected witb the life of the Great Master as contained in
Fatehnama and later in Zafarnama, when taken together, read
like a connected whole and provide conclusive evidence about
the genuine character of Fatehnama.
Fatehnama appears to have been written almost immediately after the battle of Chamk aur and at a time when Guru
Gobind Singh was not, as yet, aware of the fate of his two
younger sons. This is borne out by its verse No. 14 wherein
the Guru refers to tbe martyrdom of his two elder SODS only.
Says be,
"Like a cunning and crafty jackal,
To treacherous tactics thou d1dst fall
And, thus, killed two of my sons,
But don't be deceived Ihou ha,e won"

64
. ' ,' "

"

_, ' ,

' , ' ,_

I'

The obvious reference is. to the '1l!d~.rbl\nd meal's employed by

the enemy to draw out the ,~,halsa.,fr<!!D Ibe .f9rt of ADaodpur
and the subsequent battl.~ . at, ChamkaQr ;where the two elder
800S of the Guru b.ad to lay down their Ii,!es in dofence of tbe
improvised fortress .
Very evidently tlie date of this earlier Composition pertain's
to a period prior to the arrival 'of Guru Gobind Singh at Lamma
Jatpura where. through a special messenger, he had come to
know the grim tragedy enacted by Wazir Khan at Sirhind
where, under orders of the Mugbal Faujdar, bis two younger
sons had been bricked up ali ve and their grandmotber had faUen
under the weight of the grief. In all probability, therefore,
Fatehnama was c:omposed at Machhiwara wbere the Guru, after
leaviog Chamkaur, had the opportunity to stay for two da) s with
Nabi Khan and Ghani Khan-the Palhan brothers, According to
Sirdar Kapur Singh Bhai Dya Singh was entrusted with the
task of delivering the Leiter personally to Aurangzeb.
During his stay at Dina, Guru Gobind Singh appears to
have received, from Aurangzeb, a r~ply to his earlier letter,
Fatehnsma, This is abundantly clear from the repeated
references in Zafarnama in which the receipt of such a
communication from Aurangzeb, througb a special imperial
messenger, is vouchsafed. For example in stanza No. 56 of
Zafamama, addressed to Aurangzeb, the Guru says,
"If thou art hone5t in intention
And are true to what thou melltion,
We do welcome what thou sa)"
Through thy Qazi who's come to convey."
Zafarnama, tbo: better known Persian composition of
Guru Gobind Singh, was written at Dina, sometimes in early
1705 A.D., evidently in reply to the aforesaid communication
from the Mughal Monarch. The available histcrical evidence
suggest tbat it was a muoh longer composition but, unfortunately, only about a bundred ' and eleven' of its verses have S(}
far been traced .

6S

Za:farnama, tile Fat_hoama, is in chaste Pcrsi'an verse and

bOtb tbe compositions are unique examples of epistolary poetry;
In them tbe masnavi meter of F.rdausi and Nizami h~s been
employed and tbe choice of words is impeccable. Appropriate
similie, and metapbers have been used with tolling effects.
For example:
"Witll limbs and skulls of warriors killed
The field wos eminently jil/,d.
Like so many bats anJ balls to pia)"
Tn the field, in heap, they /oy."
-Zqfarnamo
Besides being a tritlute to the Iite~ry excellence 9f Gwr~
Gobind Singh, these compositions are of immense histolieal
value. As ao 'lutbentic contemporary evidence, they provide an.
insight into the causes that bedevilled tbe relation,s between the,
Sikhs on one side and the Hindu bill chiefs and their Mughal
suzerains on the other. They also help to trace the course of
events connecte'd witb the most important pbases of the bistoric'
conflict arising out of the d~termlDed stand talen by the Kbalsa.
against the evil and aggressive designs of tbe Hindu orthodoxy
and the Muslim bigotry, to safeguard the solemnity of human
dignity to which their Faith is firmly committed. They also give,
us a glimpse of the heavy odds against whicb the Sikhs were
then struggling. In verse No. 19 of Zafarnama, the Guru
refers [0 the unequal figbt at Chamkaur where just forty ofbis.
famished Sikhs were attacked by an enemy e~timated to be
about a million strong;
"When a million strong horde,
All armed and blood thirsty.
Falletll suddenly upon,
A balch of mere forty,
Hungry all and tired,
Though brave and inspired
The odds are all too grave
For gods even to brave."

While chiding the enemy for precipitating such an unequali

fight and mocking at any claim of victory on it. part, herein are'

enshrined the riche.st

. tributes
to tbe in"incible spirit of tbe
"""
.
Khalsa for wbom the cost is of little consequ~nce if tbe cause
is valid.
"To make an uprigbt and true declaration before a tyrant
:<lnd perverted Sultan is an act of great religious merit",
.according to Hadees. Guru Gobind Singh peets skin after
skin off the personality of Aurangzeb and lays bare, before bim,
'his real self. He is severely indicted for bis beinous acts of
'Patricide, fratricide and homicide. 'Your hands are soiled with
'tbe blood of your father, brotbers and thousands of innocent
'persons', the Guru reminds tbe King and warns him 'to be
'prepared for retributive justice on the' Day of Judgement for all
the atrocious acts committed by you. Your professions of
adherence to the 'tenets of your Faith is a mere fraud, because.
without the least qualms you haye broken the most solemn
words pledged by you on Quran. and 'on the one band you
"laim to be an Idol-breaker while on the other you aid and abet
the idolaters.' :
"Thy rosary 0 King is but a snare,
To entrap the people unawar~ ;
'When thou make pretend to pray,
Wistfully thou watch thy prey."
'This is your real self, 0 Aurangzeb', tbe Guru tells him.
There is, thus, an emphatic repudiation of tbe wide spread
and commonly aCCj:pted view tbat 'in war, as in love, every
thing is fair." As against Ka'ltaliyas code of tbe Hindus, tbe
Macbiavellian code of tbe West and tbe Muslim polity tben in
;practice in India, Sikhism enjoins strict adherence to a certain
basic code of etbical conduct even when engaged in a life and
,death struggle witb an adversary. Denouncing the immoral ,
-conduct of tbe King and his men for wanton repudiation of
tbeir own solemn words pledged by tbem yoluntarily, on their
holy texts, tbe Guru says tbat if he bad ever held out such
'solemn promises he would bave upbeld their sanctity even at tbe
.::ost of his life.

67

"Nothing could ever hal'e led us astray,

From our self chosen path away
Had we sworn by the Words we believe
Falter? Never, our life be relieve (d) ."
-ZaJarnama
Particular emphasis is, therefore, laid in tbese compositions
on the need for aD uprigbt and ethical conduct, on tbe part of
an individual, embracing the entire gamut of bis life. Tbe
deceit sbould not form tbe basi' of tbe statecraft, acconiing to
Guru Gobind Singh. According to him , ' He who sa). one
thing and intends another is not a wortby human I;eing: Any
cred ibility gap between the tbought.. words and deed s of
human beings tends to vitiate tbe entire so~ial structure, giving
rise to mutual mistrusl whicb, sooner or later, is bound to
culminate in bitter conJlicts. "It was a passionate conviction of
Guru Gobind Singb tbat unless this principle of optn diplomacy
is accepted and implemented in both the spheres. Ihat is, in the
sphere of relations between the rulers and the ruled and in tbe
spbere of the,relations between tbe states on the international
level, tbe emergence of. Universal Culture as the basis for a
global fraternity, is not possible. Tbat tbe buman mind bas
recently awakened to tbe urgency of tbis trutb, is no mean
tribute to tbe prescience and genius of Guru Gobind Singb ,"
In order to imbibe tbe real import of tbe main tbeme of
tbese compositions, it is imp..ative to remember Ibat moral
action occupies a pre eminent position in Ibe pbilosophy of'
Guru Gobind Singb. In 'Cbandi Chariltar', the Guru invokes
tbe blessings of God for 'granting him the strengtb to persue
etbical conduct, come "'hat way.' This is tbe keynote of his
teacbings and exhortations. According to tbe Hindu scbools of
tbought 'Karma' is envisaged as ritualistic aCI' or an act
performed in tbe context of the caste dnties, which may not be
necessarily moral." Budbhis rn and lainism also deny tbe virtue
of any altruistic activity and tbe observations of Rousseau about
medieval Christanity similarly bigblight its complete apathy to
the social and political miseries of tbe people. " Tbe Christian's
country', be says, 'is not ort bis world. Provided be bas

68
bothing to reproach himself with, it matters little to him
wbetber all goes well or ill bere below." Sikbism, in complete
contra!t, is very much concerned with the complexion of the
socio-spiritual cum political order and Its overall impacf on
the individual; bence the repeated stress in its tenets for
enlightened and determined action aimed at promoting social
justice and spiritual awakening, which are essentially inter
!telated." "The moral life, in its social aspect, is the spiritual
'life; it is spiritualiry in action," says Charles Moore, just as
Guru Nanak had said, "Truth is higber but bigher still is
trutbfulliving." Tbe modern world is fortunately becoming
unenchanted with the barren ethics of all those religious
institutions that do not coocero themselves ,,:th lhe socio,polltical fate of its adherents. The Fourtb Assembly of the
world Council which met at Uppsala (1968) put on record
that "the Church must act, lake a stand and march with tbose
"in society who cannot alone win their battle for justice,
freedom and equality,"
About three hundreds years before, precisely for tbese
very reasons, the last Apostle of the Sikbs, Guru Gobind Singh,
invoked tbe ble,sings of God to engage himself, heart and
soul, to extricate the groaning bumanity from under tbe
crusbing weight of tyranny and oppression, religious, ,ocia!
and political. He impressed upon his foUowers, as part oi
"tbeir religiOUS duties, never to hesitate to safeguard not only
th~ir own hasic rights but those of their reUow' human beings
as well, and never ever"to forget God, whili: thus engaged.
.
"Glory to the noble souls
.
Who on their earthly way
Carry upon their lips
The name 0/ t he Lord,
And eoer contemplate
Deep withill their hearts
The goodjight's spirit.""
Sikhs are, therefore, enjoined to cultivate and to ever
strive to estahlish a quality of life wbich is in harmony with

69
the cannons of Truth and socio-political justice. The enormity
'of difficulties should not deter tbe devotees to take up a just
caus. and wbatever the risks the struggle must not be allowed
to run adrift into unetbic~1 and immoral conduct, ,b otb in peace
and in war. In Fatehnama and Zafarnama, the honesty of
means is a3 mucb emphasized as the loftiness and the justness of
the cause. Aurangzeb is strongly denounced not only, for his
,dastardly designs but also for the dishonest, unethical and
immoral means that he invariably employed to wrest some
advantage over his advarseries . "Th"t sho"s," the Guru tells
him," you are not sincere in your affirmations to the tenets of
your Faith. A man wbo is not true to his words stands con{\emned and is rejected as a counterfeit coin by man and God
"oth.', Guru Gobind Singh, th,e fore, 'raises ethical .conduct to
a sovereign slatus lnd makes it 8S the lIue expression of the
harmony of numan personality w.ith the will of God.
.
Lastly, the sanction for the use of arms. in the oft quoted
stanza of Zafaroama namely,
"When the nffairs are pasl redemption,
By all other means of peaceful inlention,
[t ;$ just to assert thy right,
Through thy sword and a righteous fight."
is, unfortunately, not invariably, understo04 io its proper perwec!ive. The message of tbe stanza is tvoo-pronged ; bloodshed
'Should be avoided as for as possible bllt at the same time the
~ause should not be abandoned merely because, as a last
resort, it warrants the use of force. The use of arms is aUowed,
for a luminously good cause, of universal validity, after all
,other peacefnl means for resolving the crisis bave been completely exhausted A very clear implication that, in such circum'Stances, the use of force, as an unavoidable ultimate necessity,
'must be limited to the bare minimum prominently pops out of
tbese popular lines for all sensitive minds to take note or.
Peace with honour is, therefore. the primary passion with
Guru Gobind Sing. who invites the Mughal king to settle all
the outstanding issues peacefully, tbrough mutual talks, so that

70
there is no unnecessary bloodshed." Notwithstanding the treacherous conduct of the enemy and its dastardly deeds, the Gurn ,
without any feelings of animosity, expressed his preference for
an amicable settlement through mutual negotiations. As an
alternative, the Guru suggests to Aurangzeb the course of a
personal duel so that large scale bloodshed of innocent people
could be avoided." Such were the committments of the last
Prophet of the Sikhs to the cause of peace that guarantied the.
honour and the dignity of the common man.
Bhai Daya Singh and Bhai Dharam Singh who were
entrusted with the task of delivering -.t he 'Letter' personally to
Aurangzeb at Ahmednagar, ultimately succeeded in their
mission, albeit after some initial difficulties" Guru Gobind
Singh's Letter to Aurangzeb appears to have produced thedesired effect. The manner in which he was overwhelmed by thecontents of 'Zafaroama' is indicatcd by the highly repentant and
remorsefnl mood of the King in his last letters 10 his sons l "
This is further endorsed hy the fact tbat after tbe receipt of theLetter from Guru Gobind Singh, the King sent imperial
messangers to Talwandi Sabo inviting the Guru for a persona~
meeting in tbe South. To fa;;iIitate sucb a meetiug, MunimKhan at Labore was instructed ' to conciliate' Guru Gobind:
Singh and also to makc satisfactory arrangements for his travel
towards the Soutb." It was apparently in response to such.
invitation tbat the Guru travelled towards Deccan from
Talwandi Saho hy the end of 1706 A.D., although at Bagbaur inRajasthan, he got tbe news of Aurangzeb's death and then hee
decided to proceed towards Delhi,

.FATEHNAMA

( ' .J

Bows lind Arrows; Swords and Sp~ars .

.Thallhe. brav~ in baltles wear .
. In Ih~ir holy name we sweal.
To lell the Trulh sans any fear ..

(2)

In Ihe holy name of the brave,

Who take up alms in dangels grave.
And also bY.lhe sleeds they dde,
Of fleelit:lg feel and gal/oping sllide.
,

73

(3)

)I~ Ut~'i

/) f u~

) I~ "" ~ u.'!/ ":JJ)

Sy whose grace art thou a king.
And thy writ sweepeth everything
His very grace didst us endow.
To shield the faithful and the fow

When loot and plundel is thy aim.

To cheat and fraud is in thy vein.
We art there to savlI and shield.
7Iuth and Faith art arms we wield.

74

v.

(5)

Resorting ever to hoax ..nd frsud.

Thou betr.. y the trust of God;
Yet thou claimeth to be a king.
Do thou rsally deserve such a thing J

(6 )

Thy rosary. O' king.

IS

but a snare.

To entrap the people, unaware .

When thou makelh pretend /0 pray.
Wistful/y. thou watch thy prey.

75

(7)

The mal-treatment of thy father,

And the blood of tfry blathers,
Besmear, 0 ' king,-all thy face,
A slur, thou art. on tfry race .

( 8 )

l;,..: ""'/((; ~L; (JU,

I.) V;}-..::.,JJ)

jJ

LI/.

On the blood and bones of thy own .

The sortof Kingdom thou have grown,
Grand though it may be in looks,
A './se structure, il really is.

76

(9 )

Through His grace, of such 8 grlJin,

~e hlJVe showered now 8 rain,
With the water of the Steel,
And His help who is 'All Steer.

( 10 )

These holy showers, from the face.

Of any accursed lJnd evil place.
Wash away the filth of oppression.
Injustice, ty;anny and coersion.

77

( 11 I

Thy southern compaigns and their devlls/ation.

Thy Mewar efforts and their frustration.
Art but only straws in the wind,
A warning to thee. ' 0' king, to mend.

( 12 )

)J)
)1.)

Tho.u. now, dareth to cast thy gazt1'

Towsrds' Punisb and its fair 'ace.
With covetous and avaricious eyes,
Thy thirst for blood seems to rise .

78

113 )

Punjab, for thH, 'Id btl msdtl so hot.

And all thy efforts brought to nlWght,
A drop of ~lIttlr. II moment of rest,
In vain, for them, 'Id thou mIIke a quest.

( 14 )

Like a cunning and crsfty jackal,

To treacherous tactics' thou didst fall,
And thus killed two of my. sons,
But, don't be deceived thou have waif.

19

( 15 )

Like a lion, bold and breve,

We yet live and ever crave,
To it to see that thou must pay,
For what thou did in a heinous way"

( 16 I

On thy '/iRs. and the name of God!

For much "top long thou played this fraud.
Well do we know designs it conceal.
The 'god' thou ' serve '. thy IIctions reveal

80

( 17 )

No more, in us, thy words inspire,

The sort of faith thou doth desire,
We '/I hence in arms correspond,
The like of the"e. to them, respond.

..I,.A..

Thou, like a wily woll, may be ,

In couray'e lacking. irr cunning aglee.

My men arl more than a match lor thee ,

Like lions art {/ley bold and free .

81

( 19)

If thou, in reason, thy faith repose ,

We '/I suggest the way to compose, .

Our disputes through mutual trust and talk,

A worthy way, for thee, to walk.

(20&21)

But, if thou choose the path of fray ,

Let facing a-distance our forces array.
Standing each two furlong a-spaced.
In such an order, the fiefd be pfaced.

82

(22)

Amidst such an arrangement of the field.

Both of us. our armS shall wield.
We '11 then challenge thee in thy den.
Riding to rhee with two of my men.

(23 )

Thou have so lar enjoyed the fruits.

Of labours rendered by rhy recruits .
Dare thee come unto our sight.
We '/1 reach rhfte how to fight .

83

(24 )

Armed with sword and the shield.

Thou must pefSonlllly talre the field.
II is cowllrdly 10 fite humllnily,
For Ihy eililllims and vanity.

84

ZAFARNAMA

( 1 )

(.-/f l;:...1 ~~ ifJif

P J"~ JJ (.; Y. L;.;

J

The Lord of wonders is Etem.l.

Full of mercy .nd e.re P.tem.l.
Whose bounty doth us sustain.
Whose benignity doth us m.int.in.

(2)

?; ~ '''~J Jt'U~t
..c~ J? J "-! ";J.I J J$:t;,;
Dispenser of Justice. Pce lind Generosity.
He is the only refuge in .dVffsity:
Through His bounty He sust.ins us.
Through His mercy He forgives us.

87

(3 )

Like a true King He doth guide us.

A bliss eternal He endows us;
He is sans any form or shade.
The like of Him cannot be made .

(4 )

Power nor realm. pomp nor pelf.

Maketh one happy and II contented self.
Through His grace doth He bestow.
Joys of heaven and the earth below.

Jl8

(5)

)PAIJ;J-:"'{I/..1~~

~;:P?" ~~.J~lbY

Hallowed is the eerth by Spirit Divine.

Which.like Eternal Light doth shine.
Blessed ere !"ose who through His. grsc
Behold His image in every face .

(6 )

';(;)JJ.,

Jl",,1 y;~ "

~L.!A,'Hf)J)' ~Ip

The Holy Lord doth us mllintain.

In His mercy He us sustain.
Ha is the eternsl source of bliss.
For every
, soul in the universe.

89

(7)

Hit is th~ Lord of all dom.ins.

And of all they doth cont.in.
Full of mercy lind benign.
He is R.diant lind Sublime.

( 8)

)W.7.~~J;P~I.-P)'

;tJ1 ~~ '."f~"~j

He is the Lord of counsels wise.

The humble through His grace doth rise.
He is the refuge of lost and low.
And is

v8nquish~r

90

of the foe.

(9

The ScriptuTes end the Truth in thll,,!,

Art the gifts of God to men,
HII is the sourclI of all"the l.wI,
Yet HII .bidllth by the laws.

( 10

He is the Father of .11 the Wit,

And the shinning source of Iruth:
On WhO"T doth He showeT His gfBCtI,
Beholdeth His image in ellery '.ce.

91

( 11 )

He alone doth know th~ mystry,

O( thti Nature lind its sophistry, .~
He IIlone cen solve th~ riddle,
O( the wordly woes and troubles.

( 12 )

He doth shllpe the Laws 'S/tpreme,

Of Nllture and tha ellrlhly scene:
HII elone doth hold the seeret,
O( Lllws Eternal lind their merits.

92

(13 )

~. ~u..t~ ~-A~Jy

~~I){.J~I ttl/~-{.I /

In the holy name of God,

Who, of all us. is the Lord,
"In His holy name we say,
We believe not what thou say.

( 14 )

L,

~.~J/. ~)~J I/~;

~!~;(~Ult~J?J'
T.lw words can never, in us, inspire.
The sort of trust thou may desi,e.
Thy men-Dewans, 8akshis and all.
Lis,s are they, alike they all.

93

( 16 )

)~J ~J!j
)/}J) IJ

J,j L

/) /1';J.J u~
-'

.'

Thy words on Qu!an srt but s snsre.

To entrap the people un/lW/lre.
Who'er in them doth put his belief.
Re~nt he must and come to grief.
/

( 18 j

-<.J :' ~rd~ LI.JL4

;dJ~1J ,; ))IJ ~J J/.

Sh/ldows of Phoenix on whom doth fsll.

81/1ss/ld ;s he snd luckiest of sl/.
Beyond the resch of Crow is he.
Matters not how brsve it be.

94

( 17 I

Anyone under the protective hold,

Of a lion, b"ve and bold,
M.y rest in peace lind need none feBr,
A goat or sheep or Bny deer.

(18 )

Nothing 'Id ever have led us astray,

From our self sought pith aw"y,
Holt! we sworn by wh.t we believe,
. F"lt.r 1 Never, our life be relieve (d) .

95

(19 )

When a million strong horde,

All armed and blood thirsty,
Fal/8th suddenly upon,
A batch of mere forty,
Hungry all and tired,
Though brave, and inspired,
The odds Bre all too grave,
For gods even to brave.

,9 6

(20 )

Trampling upon their own solemn words,

Armed with Brrows, spears and swords,
Thy men in utter betrayal of trust,
Mounted, on us, a sudden thrust.

( 21 )

When the treachery of the foes,

Made a mockery of their vows,
Armed with Brrows and the bows,
We took the field to send them blows.
'.

97

(22 )

b"'~';~ ~ ;1)(",,;;

~~'=.J.J.~jJ~

When the IIflairs are past redllmption.

By elf other me~ns iJI peBceful intention.
It is iust to assert thy right.
Through thy sword and a righteous fight.

(23 )

Who on eluth 'Id ever believe.

Words on Quran, When thus deceived?
But for the treachery of thy force.
How e'/d we ever choose this eourse 1

- - 98

Cunning, thy men are like a fox,

Treacherous. on us, they played a hoax,
Had we eirlier known their way,
Scarce could we choose this way.

(25 )

Who on words of Quren doth sweer,

He, in mind, must eve' be.r,
To ,espect the senctity of thll vow,
Not to asseult who trust the vow.

, 99

(28 )

In the menner of e swarm of bee,

Surging forth liM a stormy sea,
Thy men IBunched a furious attBck"
Shreiking, shouting, attired in black.

(27 )

The moment afwone left his defence,

In an attempt to make Bn offence.
A single arrow from our bow.
In a pool of blood, laid him low

100

(28 )

But whosoever dared not leave.

The safety wall that him conceal.
He could manage to escape,
Our deadly arrows, and was safe.

(29 )

The moment didst we Nahar behold.

Taking the field in a manner bold,
A single arrow from our bow.
And was he there lying low.

101

(30 )

Losing he.rt .t the horrible sight.

Many, Afghan didst take to flight.
FiII.d with terror and the fellr.
None didst ever there boast hea,.

( 31 -)

Advancing like a furious flood,

Bursting with anger, thirsting fa, blocH/.
Another Afghan didst take to field.
Guns Imd ."ows he didst Wield.

102

(32 )

Mllfl'( II timtl didst he cr .,.,

To .ttllC/r our lines in manner br.ve,
Often"!" w i th fits of linger,
But SOmtft1mes in a perfect mIInnf/f

. (33)

Many a attack didst he mak~.

Suffered many wounds mtheir wake .
Two men, of course. ijidst he claim.
But in the attempt htl W. S slain .
.(

103

(34 )

)1')

IyJ~)Jy~Iy~(j

)!J;!v--:, ,""I~~ ""(,;

Hiding cowardly behind his men ,
And taking shelter in his den,
The accursed Khawaia betrayed his profession,
By fighting not in a manly fashion

(35 )

If only, in field, we could see him,

And hence could take an aim at him,

A single arrow from our bow,

Must have squarely laid him low,

104

(36 )

'Havoc ~rought by arrows6nd giln.

TO()/r..6 he'8VY., tol/.of men.'
.Mi/ny. go/ woun<!ed ,on t!6ch side,
rh~re were many'that h6d ,died,

{37)

;....
' I
, .J
~ J ~J~)~ I.t~~
~
/'.',. .. / . V.~

v:J

J;)JJ
.6 6 .. "~
"
. /-!

Bows and arrows, guns arid spears.

Drenehed the ellfth in blood arrd tears. ,
Such was (he amount oi blood that bled.
The field was like a tulip red,

105

( 38 )

With limbs and skulls of warriors killed

The field was eminently filled.
Like so many bats and balls to play.
In the field. in heap. they lay

( 39 )

The angry arrows on facat flight .

From bows with strings deadly tight .
Raised. in action, such angUished 'cries .

That engulfed the ear/hand skies

106

(40 )

The ang'y archers shreiking drives.

The wounded warriors ' anguished cries.
Raised up such a hue and cry.
Bravesl 01 brave. in lerror. didsllie .

( 41 )

To hurle a horde 01 countless members.

Ag"inst a batch of forty in numbers.
Is " mockery of thy bravery.
And" slu! on thy chivalry ..
107

( 42 )

Wlltm. on the face al sun.

/I

veil.

O~ dllrkness didst. at 'list .. prevllil.

-The lovely moon 01 golden face.
Rose in sky with all its grace.

143 )

Ta God'swillwho. doth (esign.

And put their fllith: in wOlds divine. _
The clucial hours !Jf dangels grllve.
They Ille led by tlie LOld tobrllve .

108

( 44 )

Chastiser of foes of evil designs,

Who, in (ol/oj, forget the Sublime,
He led me stlfely of their ,cordon,
Without 8 sc'rtltch on my person,

( 45)

We knew not that thou break, O'king.

Thy own solemn w()rd~ fOf anything.
Thou. Oking. art just a pretender.
Pelf not Truth art thou

, 109

Contenf/er.

( 48 I

Thy (lctions. Oking. scarce vindicat(l.

Thy claims af love for thy creed's dietat
InfirmlY in Faith. on thy part. indicate.
Lack of trust in the Lord's mandate.

Those. in Faith. arllrue and firm,

To God's vilill they must confirm.
A pl(ld(i(l they do not lightly make.

Om:. committed. t~y n#l.wfr brelJk.

(48&49)

~.-:!f ;~PJ I.; y. (./.1 cr*

~~UI)::'~I( ~!).~

:J

)l ..
Jff~ VJ}1i
)l 41'1 J)I ~l" ~ Y
Such 8 soul we'ld never believe,
His own solemn word who doth deceive,
Words on Quran though hundreds of time,
If thou pledge, we'll still decline .

( 50 )

II
~~ I

, ,
.J~~ /

_~1 )~.:~
I ~fo'.._

{.

./'t'

.,/

If thou art faithful to thy creed,

Thou art honour bound to proceed,
To redeem the sanctity of Ihy vow,
And make it not a piece of show

111

f,

1./ ~.I1
.,

By virtue of Ihy words 10 me.

Thou arl morally bound 10 see:
ThaI thy solemn words art honoured.
Or. thou. for ever. stand dishonoured.

( 62 )

If thou could only find a way.

To personally kno,w the cause of fray.
Sincerely we old tell aright.
The reasons of this furious fight.
112

( 63 & 54)

Thy orlll words ,and written note,

We have received with the hope,
That thou '/I stand by what thou say,
By acting in a peacefui way ,

( 65 )

FOI

a man to be a Man,

He must sltive as best he can,

T~ plove his walth in such a way, .
He Ihiilketh IIlike what he doth sol.Y..
"

113

( 56

If Ihou 8rl honesl in inlention.

And arl Irue 10 whal Ihou mention.
We do weltjome whal Ihou say.
Through /ily Oazi Who's Come 10 convey

( 57 )

Thy words on Ouran pledged 10 us .

We have slil/ iniaci wilh us.

They all hereby senllO thee .
Un holy fraud. on us . 10 see
T14

(58 )

To 'KBngar thou may please repair,

A worthy welcome awaits thee there.
Mutually, there, on all affairs,
We'll talle in a manner fair,

( 59)

In "vent of thy visit here.

Slightlls" danger is not there,
To us. SrBr 's devoted10yalty.
'Is sure gUBrBnt" of thy safety.

115

( SO)

Ifthou ever choose to come,

We 'If be ple~sed to thee welcome,
Amidst us, liS lin honoured guest,And for peace, we 'll make II qUest.

'( 8})

)j;1 ~;J~

-=r' 4-

)1, '-I.J/ ~ ~ ()j:. t.. ~

As a, mark of love lind goodwill,
A wortfiy horse of a thousand skill,

Thou 'II receive 'rom our hand,

On thy visit to this Land

(82 \

" thy faith in God Is f irm,

0 righteous path thou must confirm,

Thou must promptly.do thy best,

To act in If manner, we suggest.

(63 )

Thou. O 'king, must bear in mind,

The will of God, .Generous and kind,
To harm a person on iusl hearsay.
Isn '; iusrice nor a 'air play

117

(64 )

Thou, O'king, uJ ridiculed,

For the manner thou hav, .ruled,
Thy Bcts, O'king, Brt not religious,
Being false and non-;udicious.

(86 )

To,sP.e.BIt.;"ot truth and truth II/one,

Is sin against God not men alonB,
We art amazed at thy indictment.
Which is nothing but thy figment.

118

(88 )

~jJ~ ufdF/. ~:cJ~

~. ~

J,{..J

"4 J?

;:./j

. Bewllre, O'king, of the wrllth Divine,

Which comes into play for justice Sublime.
Soil not thy hands with other's blood,
Lest thou pay with thy own blood.

(87 )

The God's grelltness and His fear,

Thou, in mind. must ever bear.
He is llbovellnypr.ise or hllil,
Thy empty words would not IIvail.

;19

(68 )

~H~ ~V .L...JI /
"l,:':J.~ Ll? ULJ J
e (;

Thou

In

ee;

mind must ever bear.

The King of kings is sans any fear .

The Lord of earth and al/ the spheres.
Emperor true. He prevails everywhere.

(69 )

His existence to none He owes ,

And to none He ever bows.
Lord of earth and spheres al/.
His domains extendeth over al/

120

( 70)

The mean ant and the mighty elephant.

Both art created by His consent.
Through His grace and will divine .
Mighty are humbled and mean

~ubl!me(d).

( 71 )

)I};;:lf ~/'(}~~Jlj
JV.4-)I~/IJ'~A)1 ,(

Cherisher of humble and the M eek .

He showers His grace on tho,se who seek .
He is beyond any praise or 'hail.
The empry words would r, ot avail.

121

(72) .

1'he LOld supltJme is incompalllble.

Mightest 01 all. He is invincible.
A Tellchel true and II ptufect Guide.
In Him .'one our faith doth dbide.

( 73)

To redeem the sanctity of thy vow

Thou lilt honour bound to show
Abiding legard for what thou said
And actinq stdctfy as it l ead

122

(74 )

It re.'1y behoves thee to act

With wisdom ripe end honest tact,
To deel cruelly with thy subject.
Is hlltefulllnd II shllmeful object.

( 75)

Four tender lives that thou didst claim. '

Would never. O'king, our spirits maim,
The coiled Cobra of deadly stings ,
Is very much alive in the form of 'Singhs ' I
123

( 76 & 77 )

To fan the fire and still the embers,

Isn't bravery, thou must remember,
Firdausi hath very aptly said,
They cometh to grief who evil spread.

(78 )

Thy court. if ever, we do repair.

To make thee. of the facts. aware,
You '/I have to vouch for them,
On judgement day, for the truth in them.

'24

( 79 )

If, in thy pride, thou fail to heed,

Our counsel wise and thus proceed.
Then be it certain, Lord the t;ue.
On judgement day, '11 forget thee too.

( 80)

If thou take to counsels wise,

Follow the path that we advise,

And proceed on it with hqnest face.
The God, on thee, '11 shower His grace.
125

(an

This noble C"USII, if Ihou do serve,

The grace of God Ihou shll/l deserve,
Of Will'S of God, if Ihou IIrl "WII'II,
For goodness silk.., Ihou must dB' .

(8Z )

Wilh alllhe dreadful deeds (rom Ihee,

. Thou cl"imelh B mlln of God 10 btl ?
Those who do cause harm 10 men
. God dOlh lurn His back on Ihem.

126

(83 )

f! U'-'/.. 1 ! u;r#t;;

~ -:::)J~ i U:::~/J';;

Thy dllst'lfdly deeds lind sinful IIcts,

God is IIWllre of 1111 the fllcts,
He won't. for' certain, let thee retain,
The treesures rich and vast domains . .

( 84 I

Words on Quran, though hundreds of time,

If thou pledge, we'll still decline,
To repose our slightest f.ith in them.
ASwell We know the worth of them.

( 85 to 90 )

t:. /.1):' 1

~I~ ~;~
~::f~~ ~ ~ ~.~/J;
,

Jlf.I~ )~~J))/'
JL J J;"A~ ."y...()1.1;
"

128

Thou, O'king, may be taking pride,

On thy skills to rule and ride,
On fair form, a mind awake wide,
On men and domains, far and wide,
On sword sharp and wisdom ripe,
On supplies stores of endless size.
On thrwill to make men abide,
On bouteous nature, glory flung wide.
On Himalyan courage, in war, on thy side
.But. withal. Aurangzeb, O'king of kings.
Thou art despised for many things,
To man nor God art thou true.
Faith and justice art far from you.

129

(91 )

The crllfty chieftains of the hill.

Many of them we had to kill.
For. at our being iconoclllst.
These idolaters raised a holocaust.

130

( 92 I

Bew.,. of the t,..chery of the ege.

Of endlv, huell end f.ithleo phise.
Where ene"';';' doth .,iae (It the beck.
To IIt.b. like cow.,da. in the b.ck.

(93 )

Behold the wondel of The Divine will.

Such heart it. in OUI men. instil~
One could fece legion of fame.
Though million strong. he put to sherne.

131

(94 )

What harm can ever an enemy do.

When God the great be kind to you.
His grace is ever so sublime.
To be full of bounty and benign.

( 95 )

A Saviour true and a pe,rfect guide.

r0

us. in grace. He doth provide.

A gifted tongue and a soul liberated.

To sing His praises and all He created.
132

( 96 )

In moments grave , when He is kind,

The enemy is so rendered blind,
That humble ones art then rescued,

Through His grace. unhurt. unviewed.

( 97 )

To whom the cause of Truth is dear ,

And leadelll their life in God's fear,
On them the grace of Lord is there,

Through thick and {/:lin art they secure .

133

( 98 )

Him who se,ve with hu,t lind soul.

And thlli, faith in thtJ Lord is who!tJ.
Blessed art they with a Illsting pellce
The gface of God doth thtJm fe/eBstJ

( 99 )

Wh"n they art victim of .ggftJssion.

By an "nemy of tJvil intttntion.
The LOfd tJx(tJnd.th thtJm pfottlCtion.
Through His gface and hofy action.

134

( 100 )

If ever one of them didst face ,

A legion of hundred thousands face,

Th~ ' Lord '/I save him in some way,

",And keep the enemy at a bay. '

(101 Et 102)

If thy pride is power and pell.

And, on them, thou leanth thyself.
We , on Him, do pin Our hope,
Our only refuge and the only hope.

135

( 103 )

Thou, 0' king, must bealJll mind,

The wotld is just of a mortal kind.
Everyone be he high or low.
Depart he must and then lie low.

136

(104 to 107)

On the earth and its fair face ,

Of Humayun and Akbar Where's the trace?
Kai Khusro. Fridoon and Yar islander,
Sher Sh3h, Dara and Alexendar,
Timur and Oabur consigned are all,
To eternal obvilion, forgotten all,

137

( 108 j

Behold the faithlessness of the age,

Of lIeeting nature and passing phase,
Men and mansions art sure to fall,
As and when they geth the Call.

( 109 )

If people poor do thou torment,

Through arrogance and thy false ferment,
Thy 'oaths to ridicule thou hold,
And chop them off fold by fold.

1J8

, ("0)

All the schemes o( the evil enemy,

Let they be o( facets many,
They, (or sure, would never avail,
When God is there, to thee, not (ail.

",

If thousands evil do conspire,

, And they, an enemy, do inspire,

When God's grace be with (hee ,
Not a single hair be harmed o( thee .
139

NOTES _ND REFERENCES

PART I

Life .1 G. . . . . . . . . S....
CHAPTlII I

FROM PAllIA TO PAOITA

n... .........eat
ftWt o-a CJolIiM

Ii'"

abo\lt the elate .... eYell the,.., ill

born. Wbile -.dia. 10
........ .. 0.. _ bora ill 1660 A.D.. CIInni......
it
, __ !k, t r 1"1 A.D..... Bille S...b pi.... it iLl tbe yea.

1..

a-e_.

1&,.

'-A.D.
we ....... accepted 7Pob Sudi Sambat
In),
in an old IMllyina in the Ourudwa.. Patna
Saltib... Ibe date of birtb or the Ouru. Oar bil.. and SUlllj
Parkash alsO endorse thil date.
2. Syad Bbikhu Shah w.. borLl in .,... family iLl villaio
Sl'.LI&, T.-;I It'-illlal. Dill. KIU'Ll&I. He wal a dilciple of AIHd
......Ii Shab of ...... bebta. Disl. Sabaranpur. He spent .011
of hil life in Thub. Disl. Karnal. (Kaha. Siagh, MahaD
Kosll. p. Ul) He had very cordial relationl witll Ouru Te,b
BaluI4!ur wl!om ha held in very hi8h e.teem. Accordin, to
Macauli.e, the Syad hailed from Tb.uka, Dill. Kamal.
3. Eversioce tlac visit of Guru N.nak. a larae number or. Sikb
centres: flourished in these areas. Dacca was tb. Ha.~uri
SaRB.t' or the most important Sikh cenlre In these parll
and controUed many centres~ ' of smaller size. The (juru
seems to have apent about two years in Assam. For delaUs
Till. Sinsh Ganda Singh : short hi,tory of lhe Sikhs P. 55.
... Dr. Fauja Singh: Development 0/ Sikhism under Ihe Gurus,

"Ii."

P.12.
Sarkar, l.N., History ,of Auranp.eb III, p. 265:
Banerjee, LB., . EV.olulion of the Khalsa, II, p. 53 . .
6. Khafi Khan: II. 65l.
7. Guru Gobind Singh, Bachiltar Nnlak. vii, 3.
S.

141

142
Ouru T.... Bahadar. Skalot. 16.
Oardwar.. Si. Ouj. Cbaodal .Cbow~ Delbi co~memorat..
tbe martyrdom of 0_ Telh Babadlll;)a4 _raised in 1790
A.D. by S. Balbel Sinlh Karoninshili.
'
10. Oaru OobiDd SinBh : iIadIillar Natlt,. 19S4. p. 51.
II. The splinter aroup. Mina., D birmal;a -aDd . Ramrayu IIad lOt
up _,arudo.., of their OMI ~ad eo hbe patro..... of Ib~
State.
12. Ouru Gobind Siaab : Bachittar Na.. t. vi. 29. 42, 43.
13. Ibid. viii. 31.
14. , 1.S. Gre ....1 .t. 8.S. Bal : Ou.. Oobind SiDlh. Appe..aia B.
IS. As put of th. Selle..e Bhim CbIII4 dcmandool tribllt...
'Ponadi Elepb.nl .ad lome other ,illl that wore ,..-cd
to Guru Oobind Si",11 by the Raj. of
Ita.... . ltai.
who. &CO!>rdinS '0 Sikb tndition.. came to Mat.....1 ill
9.

A......

1680 A.D.
16. 1.S. Orewal I: S.s, "I. OIlt'Il 'Gob" ......p. 65.
17. Dllrin...ia llay.t hat. 'ov. OoIIIMSiIo,. . . b m Itai
. met twice. 0DCe .t , _ ... tItce at 00_ Deoa. .
Yacaulilre M.A. V. l?~ 20 to 13.
. ;-.
II. SirmDr Gazetteer. p. 51 1I,.lhat the aura llayed at PaOlI"
for S yean.
JIa~je I.B. EYOItItioll of Ibe KII..... II. 69.
"
19. . For ~illlilar editori.1 COIIIIIlCQta ... Cllaubi. AYlOr. '.21 aAYlar. 863-164. Krilhm A...... 2491.

CHAPTlflII

BAPTISM IN WARFAftf.
I.

2.

3.

.
5.

8acbittat Nala" ,ives a very Ifaphie acco~nl o(lhis ,baltlc,

' Sukha SinBh's Outbila, gi"e. 1689 aS1be year of Ibo battle,
which, bow."et, .0.Il0l be correct. P,ioce AJit Sinp" d8to
0( bittb is ftrmly established as Nov. 9, 1686; bonce tbe
..attle could bavo bo.. foupt ill Fob., 1686.
lief..... bis. mum to AD&DcIput, the Ouru went 10 Slclbaun,
Laharper, Toka, Tabra, .-.1 tbo State of Raipur.
M_alill'o, M.A. V. p. 7.
Kart.r SiDlb, Lire or Ouru Oobi.d Siolb, p. 89.
'A"""rdiol toBbai Vir SiOlh Ihe a,roemelll wa. reached at
PaOlll1 wbich, bow..or, iI hiably improbable.
Four rort. ...moly AUDCI,arll, Keoprb, Fale"llrb a-.l
Lobprb were built.
Baacrjec, 1.B. : Evolulioa 0( lbe Kbaloa, D, p. 78, 19
.......liIr. M,A. : Tbe Sikb Rolilioe, V, p. 51.
Oar bilas VII, 3131.

6. In '..daittar Natak,lX, I, Oaru Gobi-.l Sla,b "y., 'Tbe ~

7.
.

9.
10.
II.
11.

13:

~_cd me 10 _ill "im io tbe lltUu1e and J jolnecl ..II

aide.'
laeIIilW Nltak, IX, 23.
Tela Si;'", Gancla Sinab
A ,bort hiltory or Ibe Sik ....
p. 65. Alao f. n. 2.
"c"illl, Natat. X, 6.
Ibid, XI, ,
Gurbilas makes I definite 1II0DliOll thaI the object w
AnlDdput.
Banerjee I. B. : Evolutioll or Ibe KbilI.., 1/ p. 81.
Sachiltar NI.a" : XI, 69.
Ibid XIII, I.

10

144

14. AccorcIiDJ to O . C. NarMc. ",",,"fotlllllaoa of Sikh;... . .

156. 'TIle raj were IaIJ&bt
1 - . by Nina ......
Imperial leacraJ. Ho ...... llpoll tb. defeat.""" del....
live up the _try titplackr, let .. .. to .i1\ae11. toot
buD4redl or priIotiers . . . . OllIer to ~b. 1 _ to dIcII.
Md tIMaI
~.ir fee .. bI",l*oed....ted. I!Ica 011
doebJl .... ..... .. ulllbitioo fit $am tbroulhoat the

"IOft'"

_Cd'"

......

IS. OurbU.. XVI. 111. 172.

;~

CI4AI'TM HI

. . CROWJlIlG ACHlMMnT
1. Nuanl G. C .: Traa,r"..atioa or Sikllism. p. 25.
Toja Sia,h a.da Siap : A ,hort bittory of the Siklla, p. ".
Sllda. K.pur ilia", : Bailakbl or Ouru 00bIsNI Sio,lI. p. U.
aai JoA Sinp : o.m.t NirHi.
~Natak:V;"
'
2. ' ...., Ita,. S'-po : 'IaI Satbi. 1972. p. 22. 2).
3. . ...... . i . WibIIIoa Of 'Wao"" ao oae oft_ _
I P... _
Of 0 _ O!'biad SiqJl II 111_ I
... _1ccIer .. Aklt......iDbuj.Muall. V.ipur)'.
lit 0 ........ II to 21. 24, 27. 21.
Ilef..- 10 the comopl practi_ o( tIte 'Maaaw' It aIIO
(....1Id ill Thirty TIuee SaWWli1M or OUrI Gob_ SiDp'"
.. _ Of Itit Ihka_L'

Iso,

hr . . . " " .....lII8IcerelllODY Ke a.iakbi oro_

CWlIad . . . . by SInIe, Kapur Sia,b, AJIIICIIdIK I,
......;. How. Iltb i. b1.1ded Siqb. p. 53 10 13
.u. 'lit..... '" Prof. Toja staab. p. U 3111.
,. ~ ..... Quda S..... ; A obort bill";' or Ibe Sikhs p. 69
4.

......... 407.481
.... . . . . . . : 'nIwarltlt.i.PIIIIjab. 1141.405.406.
M_Me. M.A The Sikb RcIi,iOII. p. 93. 94.
T . Sialalt Galicia SiiIP : A 1b0ll biltorJ or , tIte SikbJ,
'p. " . " .

'

'I. T" S.... OMM..... : p. 69.

~ Plirt... iil-21.
Sri 0un0bI0a, V
,
Toj. Siap CJaIlda Si.... : A ~ Itil&clrty of Ibe Sikbl.
p. '9 f ... , .
,. Tr.......... IIcmI w~p of tIte SiUI, UNESCO p. 273.
10. I. S. OnwaJ ., S.
Otn 00lIiDd SiDp. p. 126.
11. Df. Oupta. H. R. A ""'" of Ibe Sikh Gams. p. 193".

s.....

145

CM/l.PTIII IV

ESCAlATION Or.CONFLICT .:
I. Banerjee I; a ., B.ol~lioA of Ihe KIIIl II, p, 116, 126,
SoIIln Lal. Umdatul TWlrikh, 1&8S, 1,62,
.2, To ... ert his O.erlord,hip, , ... chi,f of K.ahlur I,ked the
. Guru to vacate An&ildpur or Blree to tne payment of tribute
whicb Ibe Guru NI.sed OR the plea that the ,ile had been
bought.by bls father, GU.N Tegh aahadur,
J. """ordin,. to Gurbil .. tbe petilion said,
'Bcina tbe successor of the holy Guru Nanak , we allowo4
bim (Guru Gobinll Singh) 10 .ide among u,. On bis .
UaiDina power, when we tried to' rcs~T.in him. he forllled ..
alliuc. witb' the Rlja of Sirmur ,nd ",en! 10) Naha.. There
b. quarrelled with the Raja fatcb Shah of Sri.l.ar whicb 104
10 tb. bailie of Bhang.ni ,esuhin, in greal de,trtlc:tilill of
lif., The Guru, then, relurned 10 Anandpur and establi'lied
A.W &.:t. dilferent from HinduI.and Mob.Rlmad_, known
as lbe Khal.... Many followers from all the four cute. bl.e
gathered Iround. him and bis pow", is ever illCfC8.iag. U.
declares himself., the enemy of the Emperor and says that
be will avenge the death of hi. ratber and that if we join 'bim
we will gai n. empire in tbis world and ,."",atwa ill the DelL
He is dlopl....d with us because we do act wlsb to oppose
th. just Govt. H. i, preparing to allack us lad Ilia followers
'plunder and loot our villa.CI, . We pray for the prolcctiOD ofthe Empir. and beg for ...itt.n to expel tltt Ouru rrolD
Anandpur, S.IIould the govt. delay to punloh hilll, he will
nui attack the Capital of your empire,'
4. It i. not quite cl.ar to whom uactly the .ppeal ..... made; to
Aurlnpeb in SCIIIth, the Faujdar of Sar""'d, tile MupII
governor of DoIlII or 10 Prince Mua .. am in Kabul. Sain.
Pat _Itbe term ' Tork' and the 'Sultan',

146

'47
The exact ......ology of ... battleS II a110 DOt 1'8rtaUa.
According lei:. Saina Pat',
SObb;'" tbio Rajputl lint
att..ked AII;~r 0. their 0 .... aDd aner the defe.tof their
first .ttack tbe, .ought the belp of the MuJbalI.
,. Our Sobha. 4 S. '
Banerjee. I.B. Evolution of the Khal... . II. p. 128.
6. Acoording 10 Twuikh Guru Khaloa (I. 171) by OiaD Singh the
Raj. of Kahlur wu a110 accompanied by lOme either hill
cbi.fsto the South and met the' Emperor personally. The view
Ii llIpport.4 by Ahmad Sh.h (T.rikh-i-Hindl. Khushwaqt
. R.I (T.wan1tb-i-Sjkh.n). Mirza Mobd. Harisi (Ihratnama.)
, Y. ' Mirza 'M0h4. Hlri,i (Thratnaml. ,66-67). Khusbwaqt Rai
'( t.....ikb-i-Sikhan. 31). Ganesh Das (Tawarikh-i-Chahar
Oulshan-i-'l'anjab. 54). Ahmad Sha~ (Tarikh-i-Hind. 383).
. All tho Sikh "hronicles. inclnding Gur Sobha coDtaiD flirly
loftl accouats of thClc incidents, which have been drawn upoa.
by tile lIter -writers of Sikh history like Macalllllfe and
Banerjee.
9. Macaidilfe. M.A " The Sikb Religion. V, p . 185, 202, 204.
Our SObha. XIII, 33_
Blnerjee, I.B., Evolution of the Kbalsa. II, p. 133_
Ac<:er4ing to Ko~r Singb. leUer bearing tbe seal of
aiperor' Aur.Dgub coataiDed Issur.nces for the fe pusage
o(th. Sikh., It .. id,
' $JroJlliw lhifllc 11 of you
Cd God Almlrhly puni.h us
41' I~' Quran k wll,,'" 10 Ihl
$h",,/d 10u 1_ thl. place,jor one.,
A 8r~(Jf pktuurt would it be unto us.'
(Koer Sinrh)
"-nli.l to Gi". Kiaa Slkhi.n by Sarap Siagb Kaashik.
'Guruji , bad beea 'Iw.iting I rePly to hi. letter to
EmPcror Allrangzeb in the Dccc:an. Oa 5 Poh Samvat
1762, iIIe reply of tile I!mperor Auran!zeb writt.. on Ihe
Ouler cover of Ibe Quaraa, w brou!bt by a Qazi from
Decca. '1 0 Allaadpar-Guraji tben,
cOD"ullalions with
promlnenl Sin.ha like Udai SiDgh, decided to quil
Anand,arh.'

oar

in

,.
'0.

Writiaa ...,. I1Ie plla..., fill Bhi

...,It
alarJC

"rs ift Gilt .... PaIOlllW I '

J.3.
14.
15;
16.

t:
:~

w. . . . . . eword for . . " _ alii klW

_bcrlllTwb .. doe
. neD die reiDf_
_ mfted ..... _
'"*10
'.
Buer;.e. 11., !!vollllin
JCIIa..... n, ... 13S.
~iIIa \0 Ger au... 0JlC of ~ -sum.... SilLIII, SIft
$inaIobo ranajlJed doe G_ ia .pp ....., _ .......
hoille 0 .... clotll.. ud ~ ....dtl ... lert .1 ctrth..
10 be,liU. the CDY....... I_ 0..... decided 10 lea~e IbM
pIKe.
TIley -nre IIIe cousins or Niha., K.han. lb. 'a,han chief .,
)(ot" Hilhaa, Khan. ""riet Ropar. who WAS 4uply 1InoUit
loibc 0.....
.
Aa:onIho. \0 lOme l<Mili..... ,11_ , ...... brochm depaJlt<l:
from H.~., a " laoc rurtber .......
Ilai Kalla wu .110 a ct- "'Iati~e .r Nil-. x .... ud _ .
aa 014 dnotee or ,he 0 ....
While l ... inl Rai !tot, G.r~ Gobi"" Sin.lt,.-eII. h f t
10 Ilai Kalla (Rai Shahbtj KhaD) wilh ,b, il\itlacr" "'" It
1II000Id Dol be WClt!l or carried ~pc .. ....le ... itl _
,rea' emCflUCY.
. " Parwardpr Tum ko .......d ... kra_ bUte ....
riy...1 par makim farmave. Aou II lilla..... 11.0mlllbarat _ j tar haja 'or par _
... ntllu."
IPb. 0cwL It....... 22-9 1154) .
.
Tbe lwon! was I........d willa nIiIJioaa - . wt~ .... liae of
Itai II,.. K ..... 0 family oS ... . t N ..... IOeIt It wi,II _ _
"",,&Ii.... of 0 aporti.. .lICIIn;' -"UJ Ie ..,..
.. -.sIlCCS or Itis (ollowen. HIlIMn. lutppaill. 'e ltD
..i.. oilll. lie drew IIIe Sword \0 cal \be ....., . Ieathcr ..,
whid, be "u eelaaaled. . The ICnaJJleI or IIIe .......
bowner. _rc .io.... aDd Ilia lUlu received ..... 'he drawa
Sword a wound oa bi.
Ih. ....morJllt.. ~o. .w.a
..liickly ......d hiI .....
.
......y Sikh clticf..
~ a.jit Si..... tried 10
pioclIrc Illia SwaNbal doe Kai )(ot fulily refused to put
wilb the _red P' "";011. Oa I_ d..'~ III" Jtaaee ....
~. lb. wiadow or Jtai I.,.. KlutD ia A,.il Jl54. ...
'Ud.i

11.
12.

udf...... KG. 1iIIP

111""

"'i,b.

iooc,..

. . . ... ~~ IderW ........0, PI , 1J -...... . . .

1110 hctd
. Mr.
I , till . . . ~
C__
iau,
I ;'1. .. till G a _

aea-J.

(IIaod apoa

"-7.,
r."

',

IIii bdUop 015. . . . . Si&Il,IIt,A.)

17.' lie [511ia'lo~I'cIIhi, early 1& 170SA.D~ QInlGollIM

. SiIoP
.~Icr f,.,. AIIrIUIpIb . . . .iaI ... wid!
UCIOR all8Ct wile filled to viliS lliaian.-. 'lit. . . .

.....

reccoi*

'-non II oary _ . - . . .... )'OD

FIr. . . . _~

.JfCC witll .. ill

So come ber. 10 ... .. .. 1f)'Oll

....... _ . 11rIIJ ..eel ,.,..

willllU1l), aad , _

-.os_ wflloull'.r.

You ...y Ii.. ill

and devotee. do.U
....I Jll'ftabilil)' Ibis oommuIIK:alion was i. topl)'
10 I1Ic e ..ller lotter. Fale"aaSDI. _I b)' Ille Gara to
lIIe Itinl ftom Maoblliwua.
'Q IOU ..... a

., 'iI, , ocher ..

j ....

II. Lalli, SJ" ......"'...d. Hillory of !lie ".i-II p. 266.

19. -rr..,. en. ; KTM Ollnl addc4 aboul 1,10,000 d~"
'hh!udl S...... p. scil.
20. I. tlIe AIIo..I-A....lri !lie receipt of letter ftom 0IIt1I
0eIIia0II Slap il .a-ledatd by lIIe Emperor ud Ilia
....... Ie M_hn JtIIan of L.hore '10 cODcillale' 0 ....
'Go1>i!MI Sin,II, .Dd .110 10 ke
for his Inm
I_adltlte IOWlh ..., .bo be _n 1a11I. doc" ....' .
O.Dda Si..... M.tlliz, 74.
21. SBIlIII. Vi",,,I. Hmory 01 ...... Oxford. 1910. p. 441.
22. l..s. 0 ....1 A S.S. 101. Gara GobiDcl Sia,b. p. 1....
2), Tbe Jhh... ISDI. dated W Odo"'; 1707 A.D doIatid,d
to tile ......1 of 0110.1. rea4s.

.ttI....."

''lha OIIru will proIeclllle K.IMIIM. Wilh.1I 1Io~

.e met tile Eatporor. A tolle of 1I0Dour .nd a jew.W
ocatf _II sixly tMetand rupea were pr.scaled 10 . ..
Willi God', .,..e oIber lIIi t. pro...... ....
ractorily. la. rew day .e lb." relum 10 Aaaadpoir:
My. i.~iou to lb. eatire ItIIalsa SaDIII it 10 reiIW&

ISO ,

come

uitell. WbcG we .rrive ..i. Kulur":,.,u lbo..ld

to 0IIr pr _ _ full, . ....... He..fP comeo ..... 1 be
RWaldocl."

24. Gaada Sinah : ..... ~, p. 82.

M_~lJfe. M.A., TIle .S lth Reli,ioa, V,i,. 232.
Baaer:Jce. lll., l!Yolalicirl 01 the ~"';1(, p. 146.
25. ~ee. I.B., B...lutioo of; the n ....: D, \>, 144.145.
26. Mattubat-l-Jm.m Rabbaai. Vol. I, Letten NOI. 47. ~. 16),

193.
27. 1.5. 0reyaJ I; S.S. Bal. Gura Oobind Sinsh. p. IS2.
28. Acconlla, to Tarithj.Bahadur Shah!,
"Ollru Gobiud SiDgb. ODe of tbe .dese.Ddent of
Nanat. had come into th~o districts to travel and :accompuied tbe royal call1p. He Wat in the habit of CODltauUy
addre..ing a...mblic. of worldy perioDI, ",!i,iou . flUllllcs
",lid all $O,ts of people." Without any SOlid source to IUpporl
tbeir conclusion, Forste" Cunningham and Elphi..tollc aver
that tbe Guru bad ."",pted a military command under' the
MllChal King. Tbis is evidently incorrect as illdicated in
Tar,kh i: B~b.d.r Shlbi.. Also r.ret to Tej. Siugb Gauda
'Singh ; A shorl hi,lo'r of Ihe Sikhs, p.77. r.n. 2.

CHAI'TIR

END.' OF THE JDURMEY

I.

2,
.3.

4.
S;

Ahmad Shih of Barala, in hi' 'Zikr-iGuruan va Ib.t ida.;'

Singba VI Muhabi-Esban' gives a v.ry ;nt.rcstilll accoQlll
of tb. first mting b.t..... n Guru Gobind SiIl.h IDd Buda
8aIwIor. Accordin, ttl Ahmad Sllah, wb.n Baoda Slit ...
the Guru, he pr",lrated . befoto him aod tbo' followiDa
cU.lop. took pllce:
)IIadho Des ; WhO ate you ?
Gu", Gobind Sin,b : He whom you know.
)IIadho 011: What cio I know?
Guru Gobind Singh : Tbink it over in your mind.
Madho DIS : So you ar. Guru GobiDd SiIl,b.
Gun. Gobind Singh: Y.
Madbo 0&. What bave you come fo.?
Guru Gobiod Sinlh : To conv.rt you ioto a dilCiplc of mlDO.
Madbo Da,: I submit, my Lord. I am your BaOdL
Khosb",aot Singh: Homage to Guru Gobind Sinp, p. 82,
Narang, G.C., Tr.nsCormation of Sikhi,,,,.
Tej. Sin,b Gaadl Singb : A .hort bistory of tho Slkba,
.p . 80.
CUDni,blm, J.D., A Hi.lory of tho Slkht, p. 7S.
Saina pat ; Gu. Sobba, .viii, 8,37.
. Teja SiD,h, 'Gancla SiDlb: A sbort Hiltory of ~. Sikba,
p. 71. According.to lhe aulboll, Babador Sbab bad a\road,
j,anted a 'Irman' in favour oflbe Gu"" Dpon Wazlt KlwI.
fo. payment of Ill. 300 per day. Th. rlDjdar .AInow Iyiol
ill r..r of hi' very lif. at tb. ,'6wiDl nipproachmcol
betw.on tho Sikh PontiII' aDd Mu,ha! .EmporOl' aDd bcoce
.,incercd tho plot 10 kill lb. Guna.
Accordina to Bathai Mal. KbaI ..oaml (19-22), ...
Irlier Ittemp( (O,n Ih. lif. of tbe Guru, IbroDlh hicellna or
Wir Kball, 'had Proved . bortive.

. 151

152

aai Vir SiqII ill 'KaI."ldbar

o...atla,'

" of tile

opiaioG tb.It Babadar S..." wu penoeaUy ".olved ill tile

lOIIIid drama or 1M death of Guru Gobiad Siap with " ' - ,
ill hiIhcarta of beart, lb. Kin, wu unhappy for bis ....iq
Itat BaDIIa Babadar a..lasl Wazir Kbaa ele. H."u lIa4iDt
it dllIicah to accept or reject Ihe demand. of Ibe Gam aDd
" . lII1io.. 10 ,.1 rid of hom. The fllCl .bal Ibe lOG of
tho aaaa.llaal. J........d KhaD, w pres.DI.d, lIDder order or
the Kia" a dress of lDOuflliDg leads credibllily 10 lb
eraion. Dr. H.Il. Gapta iD hi' 'History of Ibe Sikh GttnII'
(P. 240) is of the aame opiDiOD:
6. BaUdur Sbab, OD bea.iD, Ibe "'''', _ an Ea.liall Sura......
Cole by aame, 10 tre.1 lb. Guru.
7. Teja Si ..,,, O...d. Silll": A.bort U;,,~ry of theSi".... p. 79.

C H""Ttll VI

EPILOGUE
I. Var Majb, xvi!, P . 145.
2. ..... di Var, xviI, 23-. Bhai GUld .. Va, I, 23.
4. Ibid, Vat J, 24.
5. Or. Mallsukhalli, Gobiad S"UI,b: Gura N&II&k, AJlCllIICI or
1-ove, pp. 32, 49.
6. MaN, 1m, 992 (A kia, deserve. to _iD. 011 the tbrOGe bJ
virtlle of noble q... lities, includinB reverence for aDd rear or
tbe collective will or the people.)
7; Bbai Gurdu, Vat J33.
I. Tuzaki.JabanJiri, p. 35.
9. Bachittar Nata\<, p. 7!.
10. Macaulif{e,.M.A., The Sikh Religion, pp.99, 100.
Irvine, William, Later Mu,hals. I, pp. 9B, 99.
II . Sirdat Xapur Singh: Sikb. and Sikbism' (A .pe..b delivered
by the !earned scho!ar in tbe Tbompson School Auditorium at
Vancouver, B.C. On 7tb Oct; '74, under the auspice. of All
Canada Slkb Federation.)
12. Banerjee, I.B., Evolution or Ibe Khalsa, II, p. 156.
13. The Guru's sovereignty is full of Iwenty measures" bUI that
of ,Sang at' is of twenty one measures.

ilH! 11111

ftIFI~.

RilI3 ff!iilR f.Ri I

14. Sarkar, J.N., History of Aurangzeb; 111, pp. 301302.

Jobn, B. Noss. Man's Religion (1956), p. 282.
\
TOYllDbee, Arnold; A Rudy of History, V, p. 537.
IS. Adi Granth : pp. 59,224.
16. Bhai Sukha Singh: Gurbila., 603.
Bhai Kahan Singh: Gu,matsudhakar, p. 554.
17. Sirdar Kapur Singb: Bai.a'hi of Guru Gobind Sin,h,
(preface, p. 12).
18. Jodh Singh : Gurmal Nirn,i, p. 281 .
153

 154

19. Robert S. Brumblnsh : Pllto for the modern age, p. 86.

la. Avlar Singh: Etbi<:o of the Sikh" p. 101.
21. Nllr Mobd. Qui : Jangnar"., (di, pp. 15659), as quoted' io
'Brief ACCOIlot of tbe Sikh ~eople' by S. Gand. Siogh, p. 48.
22. Banerjee, LB., Evolution of th. Khalsa, II, p. 161 .
23. Guru Gobind Sin"' : Sabad Hazare.
24. jill' ils! 1'i' .,siII1",t ~'8' ;jar ;r '~ ~ ~I! wi! I
25. Banerjee, I.B., Evolution of tbe Khalsa, II, p.
26. Teja Singh Gand. Singb : A ,bort History of Ihe Sikha, p. 48.
21. Banerjee, I.B., Evolution of tbe Kbalsa.II, p. 157 158.
21. Guru Gobind Singh: Sabad H.zare.
29. GUIU Gobind Sinpb : Ahl USlat.
30. Latif, Syad Mohd. History of the Punjah, p. 270.
31. Teja Singh Ganda Singh : A sbort Hi"ory of the Sikb"
p.71.
Cunningham, J.D., History of Ibe Sikhs, p. 84.
Elpbinslone, History of India, II, 564.
32. ~ Iinit i 6 111 11' ~ 3 Iii" ~ fMlII8 R B ~ I
33. Guru Gobind Sin,b : Sabod HIWI ...

"9.

PARTU

Fatebnama and Zafarnama

1. Sird.t KapUt Siogb: Baisakbi of Ouru Gobind Singh. p. 38.
2. Bernier: H. (Aurangzeb) keep. his secrets closely guarded
and i past master in the art of deceit and treachery.
"(Travels in tbe Mugul Empire. Urdu Translation. p. 17).
Oolam H_in :. Syer.ul-Mulakhrin, p. 338.
(On the eve of the war of succession. Aurln&zeb won
over Mnrad 8akb.b, bis brolber, to bit side through solemn
.lSurnccs to biOI Ib.t, aner tb. defe.t of Ibeir common'
eIlelDY, D ..... he iaccads to retire to Mecca aDd Madial,
loavinl Ibe kiapom and tb. Crown to biOI. Murad, against
earaeot eotreati.. of his friend.!, feU into tbe trap. After
Ille dereat or Dar., Aurangzeb bId bim .rrested.Dd
imprisoned ia the fort at Ow.lior, where he wu liter
ezecuted.)
Manucci, Niceoloa, Storia do Mogor tTranslation
William IrviDe: Vol. III, Part II, p. S, 316, 320).
tAur..,zeb bad tokl bi. men Ibat in else of all
emerSeney tbey may bold out solemn ".uranco. on QuataD
to aD ..emy . to sain an advantage. After going back OD
Ibese oltb.. all they bave to do i. to feed ten 'Flki,,' to
rebabilltue themselves in Ibe eye. of Ood).
Latif, Sysd Mobd. : History of Punjab. p. 172.
Khushal KbaD Khatal<, poet.warrior,of nortb.west. says.
about AuraDgzeh,
til know well Aurangzeb's justice and equity,

Hi. orthodoxy i. Ihe Failb, bis flsls aDd penances ;

His own brothers, time after time, cruelly sJain by sword
His fatber overcome in battle. and thrown in prison.
Though a mao slrik. bi. head aD Ih. ground Ihousaud limes,
Or by fasling briog bi v.1 and .pi.e logetber,
1S5

156
UDIcu be desira ill lnlilo 10 a<I wilh .oodneu,
Hil adorllion. Ire In raise aid a lie;
'Ill. way or billon,ue i, OD. aDd Ibal of bis heart A1Iotbor,
Lei hi. very vitals b. 10m, CUI, aDd lacerated.
Oulwrdly Ibe .erpenl i. baudlOmo, a.d woll informcc!,
In Ibe iDwarcl parIS il il uocle .. , aoJllled wilb 'ODom ;
Sioc. Kbulhal's arm. cannol ....... Ille l,roDI in Ih. world,
May God ba0 mercy OD hi. CIa 1M day of doom."
(Quoled ia Tirlocbao Sin,h'. 0 - T.p "badur; Propbet aod
Martyr, p 26H9)
3. Sirdar Kapur SiDIb : '8auh Vistar', p. 69.
4. Accordia. 10 'Baaaanwli N ..... 563, Gunobho. S60 aod Bula
Sh.b lTarikh.iPuajab). Zoeatllama w.a. compusad aner ,ho
baUle of Muk! ..r. Howe.cr, -Ibls does Dol .eem. to b. correct.
5. According to lOme Iradition,. Ihe Compolitioo .onsitted of
1400 .Ianza'. B",1i Nama (563), 5yod Mobel. Latif
(Hislory of Pu.jab, p. 267), Raadhir Singb (Sabael Mural)
Some of them. howe.er. include the 'Elo.e. Hak.yal.' in 'hil
composition.
6. Sirdar Kapur Si.gh : 8ailakhi of Guru GObind Sinlh, p. 40.
7. According .to Bbatta 'the ,"crI8cill aclS Ibemsel... constilute
Dharma'.
Dr, A,'I., Singh : Guru Gobind Singh'. tbeory of
'Karma (Journal or Religious studie,. Puojabi University.
Vol. II, No. I, Aulumn 1970, p. 133).
8. Ibid , p. \3 .
Gila, IS, 45.
Donald K. Swearer : The TransformatioDal Ethicll PatterD
of the Bba!\I.i Gita (Journal of R~ligiou. studies, Pua.j_b
University, Vol. IV, No. I, SpriDg 1972. p. 138).
9. Adi Granth : Sri Rag.
10. Ghose Sisirkumar : The heart of so greal mystery, (Ibe
journal or Religious Studies, Punjabi University, Vol. IV,
No. I, 1972, p. 30).
II. Epilogue to Kri.ha. Avtor.
12. F3.tehnama, 19 Zafaroama, 58.
13. Fatehnama, 20-24.
P : Bhai Dya Singh and Dharam Singh traveUed through Delhi,
Agro, Ujjain, Sher Garb. Buraha.pur, Aurangabad and
reached Ahmadnagar, where they stayed with Bhai Jelha
S1ngh who helped Ihem to fmd access to the Imperial court.
15. Smith , Vine, nt, Hi,tory of India, Oxford, 1920, p. 440.
16. Ganda Singh's 'Makhiz', 74.

INDEX
A

Abdali Ahmad Shah 50,.]47

Abul Muali Shah
141
Adi Graorb :0,33,40,153,154
156
Agra
34,35,156
Abmad Sbah Batalvi
151
Abkam-i-Alamgiri
149
Abmad Nagar
70 156
Ajit Singh (Prince) 22,27,28.
143
Akbar
4,137
Akbbarat-i-Darbar-MuaUa
(Jaipur)
32.35,145
Alam Chand
21
Alamgir
29,30
AIi-uddin
50
Alif Kban
10,11
Anandpur 4 to 7, 9 to 11,21
to 23, 24 ,26,27,29,
31,32,33,40,54.61.t4
75,143,147,149, 155
Angad Dev (Guru)
48
Arjao Dev (Guru) 15,40,44,
.
45,48
Aurangzeb 10,11,12,14,21.24
25,26,30,34.35,57 .61
62,63,64, 66,69, 70,
129,146,147,149,1 5
Aurangabad
156
Avtar Singh
154,1~6

B
Baaz Singh
38
Babar
137
Bachittar Natak 5,10,12,141,
142,143,145.153
22
Bacbittar Singh
Bagbel Singb KarorSinghia
142
Bagbaur
70
Bahadur Shah
34,35.36,38
Baisakbi
13,15
Bakhat Mal
151

151

Bal. S.S.
142,145,149
Balia Chand
21
Bansanwalioama
156
Banerjee, LB. 28,51,141,142.
143,145,147,148,150,
153, 154
Batton Court, Dr,
19
Beroier
155
156
Bhatta
Bbago, Mai
31
Bhangani
9,10,146
Bbalinda
30
Bhikban Shab
1,141
Bhim Chand 7, 9 to 11,12, 24
BiDod Singh
38
Budhu Shab , Pir
. 8,9,10
Burhanpur
37,156
Bute Sbah
141,145,156
C
Chamkaur 27,28.53,54,63.64,
65,148
Chandi-di-var
8
Chandi Charittar
67
Christianity
67
Cbarles Moore
58
Cole
152
Cunningham 141,1!O,151,154
D
Dacca
3,141'
DaUa
32
Da~al Dass, Bhai
5
Delbi 5.16.27.32.39,142. 156
Dbaram Singh (Beloved one)
16.29.70
Dbaramyud
15
Dbaul
149
Dilawar Khan
II
Dina
30,31.64
Dina Beg
21.22
Donald K. Swearer
156
Dya Singh, Bhai (Beloved one)
15,29,40,57,64,70,156
Dwarka
16

158

E
EI ph ins tone
Ernest Trump

150, 154
149

F
7,9,10,146
Fateh Shah
137
Fauja Singh
65,125
Firdausi
20
French Revolulio n
[50
Foroler
137
Fridon
G

Ganda SinghI41 ,143,145, 149

I 50,152, [54,156
27
Gangoo
29,64
Ghani Khan
22
Ghumand Chand
155
Ghulam Hussain
150
Ghosh, Sisarkumar
62, [56
Gila
Gobind Singh (Guru)
3,5,6,7,8,9, 10,11 , 12,
15, 16,17, I 8, 19,20,2[
22, 23 , 24, 26-42,
44 to 49, 51-54,
56,57, 61-64, 6770, 141,143, 145, 146,
149, 151,152,154
Grewal, J .S. 142,145,149, 150
Gujri (Mata)
27
Gupta, H. R ,
19 , 145, 152
Guru kian Sakhian
26,147
Gurmel Nirnai
145
Gur Sohha 145, 147, 151,156
Gurdas, Bhai
152
Gurbilas
12,48,141 , 144,
146,148
H
Hamayun
137
Hari Chand
10
Hargobind (Guru) 6,30,40,44
Hayat Khan
9, I 0
Henry Bffreton
149
Heran
148
Himmat Chand(Belovcd one)
16
Hobbes
57
Hussain Khan
11 , 12

Ibrat Nama
147
Iiias Khan, Rai
148
Irvine William
153
Isfand Yar
137
Islam
4,44
J
Jahatigir
4,44
Jahan Khan
50
Jamshed Khan
152
JalTg Nama
49,50,154
Jetha Singh, Rhai 49, 145, 153
Jobn B . Nos<
153
Jujh.r ,',ingh (Prince) 27,28
K
Kahan singh
38, 141 ,153
Kahlur 7.10,22,23,25,35,40,
146, ISO
Kai Khusro
137
Kalgidhar Chamatkar
152
Kalyan Chand, Bhai
3
Kambaksh
36
Kangar
115
Kapur Singh , Bhai Sahib
145,153,155, 156
Kartar Singh
143
Kautaliya
66
Kesri Chlnd
22
Khafi Khan
4,38,141
Khalsa 13,14, 16-21 , 23,
24,25,28,29,30,39,40
41 ,47,48,49,51,56,62
64,65,66,146,149
Khal"nama
151
Khidrana
31 ,32
Khushwaqat R-ai
147
Khushwant Singh
[51
Kiratpur
7
Kirpal
9
Koer Singh
33,147, 148
Khushal Khan Khltak
155
L
Lapel Griffiin
50
Latif Mohd, 149.154, 155,156
Locke
57
M
Macauliff. 141 , 142,1 3,145,
150,153

159
Machiavelli
66
Macllhiwara
29, 5<f,64, 149
Madin.
156
Makhowal
7,142
Maktubal-i-Imam Raban il50
MalerkotJa
24,27
Man Singh
29
33
Mani Singh (Bhai)
Manucci, Nicoloa
155
Masand
145
J 56
Mecca
Mati Dass. (Bhai)
5
Medni Parkash
7,8, I 0
Mehar Chand, Bbai
3
Mian Khan
10
Mirza Mohd,
'147
Mirza Beg
12. 144
Muazzam
12,34,1 46
Mubkam Chand
(Beloved one)
16
Munim Khan
33,70, 149
N
Nabi Khan
29,64
Nadaun
11
Nanded
33,37,38 .40
Naban
7,8,9,10,146
Nahar
101
Nahar Singh
149
Najabat Kban
9,10
Nanak, Guru 4,11 ,13,14,17,
19,23,39,41,42,43,45,
47,48 ,42,51 ,52,68,
141,146,150
N.nd Chand
7
Nand Lal, Bhai
12
Na raog , G,c'
144,145,151
Nibang Khan
148
Nirmob
22
Nizami
65
Nura Mahi
30
Nur Mohd . Qazi
49, 154
P
Painde Khan
21,22
Pa Onia Sahib
8,9,141 , 142
Patno
3,4,141
PDoenix
94
Plato
49

Q
Quran

6,62,66,94,98,110
111,115,128, 147,155
R

Rai Kalla
30,148
Ram Avtar
12,142
Ram Dass. Guru
40
Ram Rai
142
Ralldhir Singh
154
Ranjil Singh Maharaja 148
Robert S. Brumbangb
154
Rousseau
57,67
S
Saba~ Murat
156
Sadhaura
143
S"beri
27
Sahib Singb (Beloved one) 16
Sainapat
22,23,39,147,151
Sakbi Pothi
149
Sangti . Rhai
]2
Sant Singh
148
Santokh Singb, Bhai
25
Sarkar, J,N.
141,153
Sarup Singh Kaushik 26,147
Sali Dass, Bbai
5
Shahjahan
4
Shastar Nama Mala
8
Sher Sbab
13 7
Sirhind
24,27,30,35,64,146
Sukha Singb, Bhai48,143, 153
Suraj Parkash
25, 141,145
Syec-ul-Mutakhrin
155

Tabca
143
Talwandi Saba, (Dam
Damma Sahib)31,33,34,70,149
Tacikb-i-Bahadur Shah-i
37,150
Tarikh-i-Hind
147
Tar ikh-i-Punjab
156
Tegb Bahaduc, Guru
3,4,5,6, 15,40,44,45.141
142,146
Tcja Singh
141 ,143,145,
152,154
Tetti Swayya
18,145

160
Thresymacbus
49
Timur
137
Taka
J43.
Toyanbee,Arnbld
153
Twarikb-i-Guru Khalsa 147
Twarikh-i-Sikhan
147
.Twarikb-iCbabar GulshaniPunjab
147
U

Udai Singh
Umadut-Twarikb

22,26,147

146

Varan Asbaram Dbaram 7 117

Vincet Smith
149 1'56
149: 156
Vir Singb, Bbai

Wazir Khan22,24,25,26,27,31,
34,38,39,64,152
57
Wheeler,I.T.
Wordsworth
88
Z

Zabardast Khan
24
Zafarnama 25,26,29.33, 33, 49.
57,61 ,63,64,65,67,
69,156
Zikf-i-Guruan va
Ibiida~i-Singban

mazhab-i-Jsban

.- - - -

va

15!

Born in 3 devout 'Our ikh'

family, the aUlhor received hi. early
schooling at Chak\,nl now in
Paki. tan.
After graduating from
l\. ha b
Co l1egt, Anlnbar,
he
obtained Ma'ter of Art degree in
Economic:.!o. and Hi'ilory from (>unjab

UniversllY. For

ometime he ha,

been u lecturer 10 HI,tory at Guru

Kashi
oilege, DamJama Sahib
and laler al Ramgharia College,
Pbagwara, "here he has beeo
teachlflg Po,l-gTaduute classes.
Although bl\ literary InlereslS
cover a wide range, yet he is chiefly
devoted to Ihe Slud) of history,
phIlosophy & religlon,wilb purllcular
reference to ikhisl11.
orne of his
contributions

are

olher

lilerary

'word

and

piritunlil} "
'The Gramm"r of
Martyrdom' and 'Social & Political
Concepts of Guru Nanak'.